A LETTER OF A FRENCH PROTESTANT TO A SCOTISHMAN OF THE COVENANT. Wherein one of their chief pretences is removed, which is their conformity with the French Churches in points of Discipline and Obedience.  
LONDON, Printed by R. Young, and R. Badger. 1640.   

A LETTER OF A FRENCH PROTESTANT TO A SCOTISHMAN OF THE COVENANT.  
SIR,  
AS there hath been for many ages a great relation between France and Scotland for matters of State, the like hath been in matters of Religion between the Protestant Churches of both the Kingdoms ever since the reformation: But I wish that our example be not mistaken, and abused to our disparagement, and your mine, and the perpetual disgrace of Christian Religion.  
For whereas in one of your Petitions to his Majesty you are confident, 
Alleged in the large Declaration of his Majesty, pag. 417.  that your neighbour-Churches will approve all your proceed; your neighbour-Churches of France have solemnly disapproved all your proceed, and herein given good satisfaction to his Majesty: For it was ever fare from our wishes, that your conformity with the reformed Churches of France should be mis-applied as a pretence of your expulsing of your Bishops, much less a precedent for you to take arms against your gracious Sovereign.  
Wherefore I will endeavour to remove that false colour set upon the violent counsels of the Covenant, and show to the world, that for your differences with Episcopal authority, which are now broken into a quarrel, you had neither precedent nor encouragement from us.  
And since it pleaseth his Majesty in the beginning of his Royal Declaration, to make this one of his two ends, to manifest his justice and piety to the reformed Churches abroad; these reformed Churches are bound in duty of thankfulness to show how they rest satisfied of his Majesty's justice and piety.  
For my part, although I am happily engrafted into the body of the Church of England, I may be admitted in this case to speak as a Frenchman borne, that knoweth the tenets of that Church better than strangers, that would abuse the example of the French to their own ends: And I am assured in my conscience, that when I was adopted by the Church of England, I was not removed into another Gospel.  
This also I may affirm of mine own knowledge, that the French Divines and other godly men that travel into England, return home with great satisfaction, seeing the soundness of doctrine and decency of order so well matched together; and join their hearty praises with the Te Deum and Magnificat of our Quires; praising God chief, because they see the purity of the Gospel, and the Royal Authority linked together with a most near interest in their mutual conservation.  
The conformity which you claim with the French is triple; with their doctrine, with their discipline, and (in the present quarrel) with their actions: And the French will hearty embrace a Christian conformity with you, so fare as you shall not draw their necessity into counsel, nor their faults into example.  
As for the conformity in doctrine, blessed be God that among all the reformed Churches of Europe there is neither deformity nor difformity in that point: All the reformed Churches profess the same holy faith with you; and of that faith the King's Majesty is Defender, of which he hath lately published many solemn protestations, to the great satisfaction of all good Christians, both within and without the Kingdom. Here let all that love God's glory and the union of his Church upon earth, 
Ezra 7.17.  say, Blessed be the Lord God of our fathers, who hath put such a thing as this in the King's heart: 
Psal. 61.7.  The Lord prolong the King's life, O prepare mercy and truth that may preserve him.  
It were superfluous to prove the consent of all reformed Churches with the Church of England in points of doctrine: None of them but will say as much to the English Prelates, as Beza to Bishop Grindall, 
* Beza epist. 8. ad Grindal. Episcopum Londmensem. Gallicas' & vestras Ecclesias in omnibus fidei capitibus consentire arbitramur.  We hold that the French Churches agree with yours in all points of faith.  
He that set forth all the Confessions of the Reformed Churches in one volume, hath not lost his praise for concealing his name. Never was a more precious harmony; none more like a heaven upon earth: such an evident consent needeth rather praises to God than proofs.  
As for points of Discipline, the difference of some Churches from that of England (if charity were on both sides) ought to set forth the consent in points of faith with more reverence and admiration: As Irenaeus writing to Victor, about the different Fasting of the Eastern and Western Churches, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The difference of Fasting (saith he) confirmeth the union in faith: For that in such a difference of climates, nations, manners, and policies, there should be such an union in faith, It is the Lords doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes.  
A main point of difference pretended by the Covenanters, is the superiority of Bishops, (for I will not search into your other aims) which you affirm to be Antichristian, and contrary to the Word of God; wherein I see not how you can claim conformity with the French Churches. The French indeed have no Bishops, but they never put down Bishops, nor induced others to put down Bishops: And you know, that our Saviour puts a difference between breaking of commandments, 
Matth. 5.19.  and teaching men so: Now to have Bishops is a commandment, and none of the least; for it is an Apostolical order: Suppose then that the French break it, yet they do not teach men so; And I will endeavour to show you that they teach men otherwise; and that it is necessity, not choice, that keepeth them from Episcopal order. But the Scots break that commandment, and teach men so; and represent the Antichrist in no other habit than a Rochet and a Mitre.  
That the French Divines do not teach men so, and allow not the abolishing of Bishops, it may easily be justified: For in the matter of Geneva, there was more Political than Theological reasons for refusing their Bishop: The Bishop of Geneva was also their Prince, who had such power there, as the Duke in Venice, and was rather Governor then Sovereign: For the people had that right to elect four Syndics, 
These you have in a book, called Le Citadin Genevois.  and give them full power; It is the 22. Article of their authentical Charter: And without the counsel, consent, and express will of those Syndics, and of the Citizens, none was to be absolved or condemned in the City. It is the 14. Article of their Charter: Before any Bishop was admitted, he swore to observe and maintain these liberties, and so did the last Bishop, Ann. 1523. Who afterwards being found to treat with the Duke of Savoy, to deliver the City into his hands, a great uproar arose in the City, which the Bishop fearing, fled by night; and when, after many invitations, he would not return, the people shut the door after him; not for any difference of Religion, but of State: Yet the people being thus alienated from their Bishop, was more susceptible of that change of Religion which happened presently after, by the coming of Farell and Viret. In the mean while the Duke of Savoy, being now strengthened with the Bishop's right, began to annoy them. While they were thus tottering, both in Religion and State, Calvin came, who having got great authority in the City, took in hand the settling of that fluctuation; A matter of great difficulty: For to receive their Bishop, they durst not, fearing to endanger their Religion & their Liberties, and fall into the hands of their perpetual enemy the Duke of Savoy: To make another Bishop they would not, and could not, their old Bishop being alive: Wherefore they chose to be without a Bishop, and rule the City by the Syndics, being persuaded that their Charter gave them no less power: But whether they had any Charter to rule the Church with a mingled Consistory of Clergy and Laity, without any Bishop, ipsi viderint, let them defend their own right: My end is only to show, that in that change of Discipline, Necessity bore more sway than Counsel, and Policy than Divinity.  
Howsoever, their actions must not be imputed to the French Churches, Geneva being a body apart, and having interests of their own peculiar to themselves. But the French Churches never unbishopped any Prelate: and of them also it may be said, that it was Necessity, not any Theological decision, that made them frame a Church without Bishops.  
For Calvin, who had the greatest hand in their Discipline, was more inclined to the Episcopacy. In his Confession made in the name of the Churches of France, and presented to the Emperor, Anno 1562. he professeth it: We would not abolish (saith he) the authority of the Church, 
Calvin. opuscul. in confess. Eccles Gallic. Ecclesiae authoritatem vel Pastorum, aut Super intendentium, quibus Ecclesiae regendae provincia mandata est, sublatam nolumus: Fatemur ergo Episcopos, sive Pastores reverenter audiendos, quatenus pro suae functionis ratione verbum Dei docent.  that is of Pastors and Superintendents, that have the government of the Church committed unto them: We confess then, that Bishops or Pastors must be reverently heard, as fare as they teach the Word of God according to their function. Here is for you a public Declaration of the French Churches, that they disallow not the authority of Bishops; and if they had power, would not take them away.  
In that Confession of faith presented to Francis the first of France, I see nothing contrary to the English Discipline, if it be candidly interpreted: For the 30th. Article, that all true Pastors have equal power under their Universal Bishop Jesus Christ, is confessed also by the Church of England: for the power which Bishops and Priests have under their Universal Bishop Jesus Christ, is equal, as they are Priests. A pre-eminence and authority indeed they have, as Bishops, and that by Apostolical, and therefore Divine institution. But the power which Christ in the Evangelists immediately giveth to Pastors, concerneth only the preaching of the Word, and administering of the Sacraments, and the power of binding and losing in foro interiori; Herein they are all equal, and all Vicars of Christ: No Bishop in England, but, in this sense, will subscribe willingly to this Canon of the Council of Carthage, 
* Conc. Carthag. Can. 8. Ut sublimior quidem sedeat, sed tamen se collegam Presbyterorum agnoscat.  That the Bishop sits in a higher degree, but yet acknowledges himself colleague to the Priests.  
But although the Bishop in his consecration receive no new binding and losing power in foro interiori, besides that which he received when he was made a Priest; yet it is of Apostolical right, that great part of that power diffused in the collective body of the Clergy, should be confined to the Bishop; lest the keys of the Church, being in too many hands, should clash one against another, and there should be playing at fast and lose. And Calvin agreeth to it, I never thought it useful (saith he) to commit the power of excommunication to every Pastor; 
Calvin. Epist. ad Gasparum Lizetum. Nunquam utile putavi jus excommunicandi permitti singulis Pastoribus: Nam & res odiosa est, nee exemplum probabile, & facilis in tyrannidem lapsus, & alium usum Apostoli tradiderunt.  For it is an odious thing, and an example not to be approved, and which would soon slip into tyranny; and the Apostles have delivered another custom. It is true, that Calvin in that Epistle will not have Lizetus to meddle alone with Ecclesiastical censures; and he is in the right, since Lizetus was no Bishop: But he declareth plainly, that the office of censures must be limited to certain men, not promiscuously used by every Clergyman of his own head: Else there would be soon as many petty spiritual Tyrants, as there are peevish Ministers in the several Parishes. Had it been in the power of every Priest to receive accusations, and pronounce excommunications, Saint Paul would not have limited to Timothy's knowledge the receiving of accusations, nor made him alone Judge of the Priests.  
Calvin indeed aimed at no such matter, as the general pulling down of Bishops: He acknowledgeth, that in the Primitive Church the 
a Calvin. lib. 2. Instit. cap. 4. Art. 2. Presbyteri ex suo numero in singulis civitatibus unum eligebant, cuispecialiter dabant titulum Episcopi; ne ex aequalitate, ut fieri solet, dissidia nascerentur.  Priests out of their number would choose one in every City, to whom they gave the title of Bishop; lest that equality, as it is ordinary, should breed contentions.  
And in his Epistle to the King of 
* Calvin. Epist. ad regem Pol. pag. 140. & 141. Editionis Genevensis, an. 1576.  Poland, about the reformation of that Kingdom; he sets down to the King the order of the Primitive Church for a pattern, where there were Patriarches, and Primats, and subordinate Bishops, to tie the whole body together with the bond of concord: And adviseth the King to establish Bishops in every Province, and over them an Archbishop and Primate of that great Kingdom. And if the 
b Calvin. instit. lib 4 cap. 12. Art. 6. Sanè si veri essent Episcopi, aliquid eis hac in parte authoritatis tribuerem; non quantum sibi postulant, sed quantum ad Politiam Ecclesiae ritè ordinandam requiritur.  Popish Bishops were true Bishops, he would allow them some authority; not as much as they challenge, but as much as [he thinks] would serve for the right ordering of Church government. That he would not allow them as much power as they claim, no man can wonder at it, that knoweth the exemptions which they claim from Royal authority, and their encroachments upon the civil power, and their pretended independency from any but the Pope, whereby they make regnum in regno, another kingdom in every kingdom.  
But although I would not clip their wings so short as Calvin would have; yet I wish for your own good, that the Churches of Scotland would yield to Bishops as much power as Calvin doth, even the power of censures, and of presenting and ordaining Priests: 
c Calvin. tractat. de necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae. Potestatem nominandi & ordinandi retincant, justum illud & serium doctrinae & vitae examen restituant, quod sanè multis saeculis obsolevit.  Let Bishops retain the power of naming and ordaining [Priests;] Let them restore that just and serious examination of doctrine and life which is grown out of use many ages ago. It is not then the use, but the abuse of Bishops, that Calvin and the Reformed Churches of France reject. And were it in their power, they would not put down Bishops: They only crave the reformation of Religion, and are ready to submit themselves to Episcopal power.  
Zanchius above all the Outlandish Writers is express upon that point; who indeed is no Frenchman, but of the like Discipline: This is his Protestation, That before God, and in his conscience, 
Hier. Zanch. Thesib. de vera reformandarum Ecclesiarum ratione. Testor me coram Deo in mea conscientia non alio habere loco quàm Schismaticorum illos omnes qui in parte reformationis Ecclesiarum ponunt nullos habere Episcopos, qui authoritatis gradu supra fuos compresbyteros emineant, ubi liquidò possunt haberi. Praeterea cum D. Calvino, nullo non anathemate dignos censeo, quotquot illi Hierarchiae quae se Domino Jesu submittit, subjici nolunt.  he holds them all for no better than schismatics, that set this down as a part of reformation of the Churches, to have no Bishops, that have any eminence of degree and authority above their true fellow-Priests, where they may well be had. And besides, that he holds with 
* That place cited out of Calvin, is in his Treatise de necessitate reformandae Ecclesiae.  Calvin, that they are all worthy of any execration, that will not submit themselves unto that Hierarchy that submitteth itself unto the Lord Jesus Christ. Here is a cord with two strings, the authority of two worthy men together.  
The same Zanchius saith a little before, He that will receive and follow the use and the opinion of the universal Church, 
Ibid. Qui universalis ominium locorum & temporum, usque ad hanc aetatem, usum & sensum Ecclesiae certum habet, sequiturque interpretem; facilè intelligit diversos gradus Presbyterorum & Episcoporum in gubernation Ecclesiastica esse secundum Dei verbum, & semper fuisse. Proinde, ubi vigent, non esse abolendos; & ubicunque iniquitas temporum eos abolevit, aut non tulit, esse restituendos.  in all times and places unto this age for a certain interpreter of God's word; will easily understand, that the several degrees of Priests and Bishops in the Ecclesiastical government, are, and ever were according to God's word; and therefore where they stand still, they must not be abolished: And where the contrariety of times hath abolished, or not suffered them, they must be set up again.  
This was also the tenet of Martin Bucer, who assisted the reverend Bishops of England in the reformation. And although he lived in a Church where Ministers were equal, he delivereth himself plainly: 
a Bucer. tract. de reformanda Ecclesia, qui invenitur tom. 11. constitut. Imperial. Annitendum itaque ut ea omnino procurationis Ecclesiasticae ratio & ordinatio, quam Canones Episcopis & Metropolitanis praescribunt, restituatur & servetur.  We must endeavour, that all the manner and distribution of Ecclesiastical government, which the Canons prescribe unto Bishops and Metropolitans, be restored and maintained.  
Beza himself, who preferred equality before superiority in the Church, yet hath declared his dislike of those that resisted Episcopal power where it was established: For in an Epistle of his to some brethren of England, that would be ruled by him rather than their Bishops at home, he 
b Beza Epist. 12. ad quosdam Anglicarum Ecclesiarum fratres. Hortamur, ut omni animorum exacerbatione depositâ, saluâ manente doctrinae ipsius veritate, & sanâ conscientiâ, alii alios patienter ferant, Regiae Majestati clementissimae, & omnibus Praesulibus suis ex animo obsequantur.  exhorteth them, that leaving all bitterness, as long as the truth of the doctrine, and purity of conscience was safe, they would bear one another with patience, and obey the Queen's most gracious Majesty, and all their Prelates with a free heart.  
And writing to Bishop Grindall, he commends his 
c Idem Epist. 23. ad Episcop. Grindal. Quòd tu igitur quorundam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pertulisti, Reverendissime vir, in eo sanè insigne patientiae & lenitatis Christianae specimen edidisti, quo majore posthac poenâ digni erunt, qui porro authoritatem tuam aspernabuntur.  Christian lenity and patience, for bearing with the self-conceited pride of some, and saith, that they shall deserve a greater punishment that will reject again his authority.  
I confess this was much from Beza, who was none of the best friends to the Episcopal degree; but yet his desire of concord in the Church, and obedience to public order, was greater than his aversion from Bishops: And I wish that many among you were no worse disposed.  
The latter Divines among the French are very express upon this point: My Reverend Father Doctor Du Moulin in his 
* Peter Du Moulin in his Buckler of the faith, upon the 30. Article of the French Confession, Sect. 124.  Buckler of the Faith, is altogether for Episcopacy, and proveth the Antiquity of it, and that it begun a year after our Saviour's death: And showeth how the Apostles were the founders of that order, sending the Reader to the 32 Chapt. of the book of Prescriptions by Tertullian, where he reckoneth the Apostolical Churches, whose Bishops were established by the Apostles.  
And whereas it is alleged against the Episcopal degree, that there was in the Primitive Church two Bishops in one Town; he tells you, that in all the Antiquity it is hard to find three or four examples of two Bishops in one Town: 
Ibid.  for the general custom was against it, as Theodoret, chrysostom, and Hierome upon the first to the Philippians witness, and Saint Austin in his 110th. Epistle.  
There also he complaineth, as fare as he may, of the disorders that follow equality, relating and allowing the just objections of the English Clergy in these words: They say, AND THAT WITH GOOD REASON, that no society, no family, no commonwealth, can prosper without some degrees of superiority; and that it is so among the Angels, and in the government of the universal World; That God established degrees of superiority in his Church under the Old Testament: They say, that to place a man of little capacity, and newly received into the Ministry in like degree with an ancient Minister of the Church, whom God hath endowed with more gifts, and which hath served a long time in the Ministry with commendation, is the way to nourish pride in the younger, and to dishonour those whom God hath honoured, and to induce confusion: As also, that thereby the holy Ministry is become contemptible; and that the superiority of the Bishops of England hath been approved by the most worthy Pastors of our Churches.  
How can one say more, living under a different Discipline? Any man may perceive, that he speaketh feelingly, as one that had an especial knowledge and experience of the inconveniences of his Discipline: And that he thinks more yet than he saith.  
In the conclusion, he craveth a favourable construction of all that the Reformed Divines of those Churches writ against Bishops: If sometimes (saith he) we speak against the authority of Bishops, we condemn not Episcopal order in itself, but speak only of the corruption which the Church of Rome hath brought into the Episcopacy, making it a temporal principality depending upon the Papal throne.  
As he teacheth that true doctrine in his books, he traineth his Scholars in the same: This Thesis was lately defended by him in the Academy of Sedan, where he is Doctor of the Chair: 
* Petrus Molinaeus, Thesib. de notis Ecclesiae, part. 2. Thes. 33. Episcopos Angliae post conversionem ad fidem, & ejuratum Papismum, asserimus fuisse fideles Dei servos, nec debuisse dese●ere munus vel titulum Episcopi.  We affirm that the Bishops of England, after their conversion and abjuration of Popery, were Gods faithful servants, and that they ought not to forsake the office or title of Bishop.  
In his Bible full of marginal notes written with his own hand, he expoundeth this Text, Titus 1.5. Therefore I left thee in Greece, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain Elders in every City as I have appointed thee: This is his comment upon it, 
a Oportuit Tito datam aliquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in caeteros symmystas, & jus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ut & quod Timotheo dicitur, Ne recipe accusationem contra Presbyterum, dare videtur Timotheo tribunal supra Ministros. Add & illud de Angelo Ephesi: Nec si superioritas esset res mala, Apostolis data esset potestas in caeteros.  This imports that some prebeminence was given to Titus above his other colleagues, and the right of conferring orders: As also that which is said to Timothy, Receive no accusation against a Presbyter, seemeth to give unto Timothy a tribunal over other Ministers. The like is employed in that Text of the Angel of the Church of Ephesus [Revel. 2.1. where there is but one Angel mentioned, though there were many Priests in the City:] And if superiority were an evil thing, God would not have given power to the Apostles over the rest of the Clergy. These are his private and serious thoughts upon that point, wherein he sought no man's satisfaction but his own.  
This is also the drift of learned Chamier in his Book of the Papal Monarchy: For he runneth not to extremes, as you do; As though, because there must be no Universal Bishop, there must be no Diocesan: All his discourse comes to this, 
c Chamier de Papali Monarchia, lib. 3. cap. 14. Art. 11. In Ecclesiis etiamsi singulos assignari Episcopos consultiùs existimetur, tamen omnibus unum imponendum nulla ratio evincit.  That although it is thought more convenient to assign Bishops unto the several Churches, yet it can be proved with no reason, that there must be one set over all; leaving that ground for granted, that it is more convenient to assign Bishops unto the several Churches.  
It is true, he saith, 
Lib. 10. cap. 5.  that the government of the Church is not Monarchical, but Aristocratical; 
Lib. 10. cap. 7. Art. 8. Aristocratia Episcoporum regimen, quae ne tum quidem sublata est cum inducti sunt Metropolitani qui sibi subjectos Episcopos pro collegis habebant.  for he calls Aristocracy the government of Bishops, which Aristocracy was not taken away, when metropolitans were brought in that used the Bishop's subject unto them as Colleagues.  
He cannot more evidently condemn the Democracie of his Church, than by saying that the government of the Church is Aristocratical; and the Bishops of England take not so much upon themselves, as he ascribeth unto the first Bishops. 
* Ibid. C. 5. Art. 6 Constat igitur ne tum quidem cum hie Episcoporum à Presbyteris distinctorum ordo sive gradus est constitutus, Episcopos fuisse tanquam Monarchas qui potestatem haberent in Clerun, sed Principes Electos qui rebus deliberandis praeessent sicut necesse est in omni Aristocratia.  It is certain (saith he) that even when the order or degree of Bishops distinct from that of Priests was established, the Bishops were not like Monarches, having power over the Clergy, but ELECTED PRINCES, set over the deliberation and administration of businesses, as it is necessary in all Aristocracies.  
If you object, since your countrymen are so good friends unto Episcopacy, What is the reason that their practice is quite contrary? Why have they no Bishops? Why is parity of Ministers commanded in their Discipline?  
Si licet, et placidirationem admittitis, edam. I hope to show to them that have some charity and equity, that the French have such reasons for it, which the Church of Scotland cannot borrow from them.  
I. The Protestants of France were forced, after a sort, to dislike Bishops, by the cruel usage which they received from them; they will say with the Author of the Apology of the Confession of Auspurg, 
Apolog. Confess. August. Art. 14. Nos summâ voluntate cupimus conservare politiam Ecclesiasticam, & gradus in Ecclesia factos: Sed Episcopi Sacerdotes nostros aut cogunt hoc doctrinae genus quod confessi sumus abjicere ac damnare, aut nouâ & inaud itâ crudelitate miser os & innocentes occidunt: Hae causae impediunt quò minùs agnoscant hos Episcopos nostri Sacerdotes.  We desire with all our heart to preserve the Ecclesiastical Policy, and the degrees established in the Church: But the Bishops either constrain our Priests to renounce and condemn the Doctrine of our Confession, or kill the poor innocent men with new and unheard of cruelty: These are the causes why our Priests will not acknowledge those Bishops. And the reformed Churches may say of some of the Popish Bishops, what S. Bernard was saying of those of his time, 
* Bern. in Regist. Epist. ad Maur. lib. 4. Epist. 32. Heu, heu Domine Deus, Ipsi sunt in persecutione tua primi, qui videntur in Ecclesm primatum diligere.  Alas, alas Lord God, they are the foremost in persecuting of thee, that seem to love primacy in thy Church. It is the less wonder then, if after the fearful executions at Cabrieres and Merindol by the instigation of some Popish Bishops, they were afraid of their very name.  
II. It is most considerable, that the reformation began in France among the people, but in England it began in the Court. The French reformers were Priests, but the English reformers, under the King, were Bishops; and the French Priests could not prevail with their Bishops, as the King and Bishops of England over their Clergy; For the higher spheres are not carried by the inferior, but the inferior by the superior: It was much that the French Priests could get some retrogradation by their own course, against the rapidity of the higher sphere. The reformation began among the people and inferior Clergy, and there it stayed; Therefore the Discipline is popular, and it was not easy for them that were opposed by Bishops to make Bishops. In England the sacred ointment of the Gospel was poured upon the head, and thence it fell about upon all the limbs, and to the hems of the garment; In France, it was poured upon some limbs only; whence because it could not mount to the Head, the Discipline also wants a Head: Neither could that holy dew spread so well, because it descended not from the hills. Certainly the Discipline of France deserveth rather compassion, than invectives. And, to speak properly, they refuse not Bishops, but they want Bishops. If you say, that the reformation in Scotland began also among the people; You know that the work was never perfected, till your late great King put the last hand to it, by reforming and restoring Bishops: Which if you will not acknowledge for a perfecting, I am sure the French (with whom you claim conformity) would in the like case.  
III. Besides, the reformed Churches of France, want means to maintain Bishops, and with much ado maintain poor Lectures. For although the Episcopal power be spiritual; yet without temporal means, it cannot keep either power or respect, and not so much as subsistence: Whence they gather, that it is better to want Bishops, than to expose Episcopacy to the scorn of adversaries.  
iv Also it would provoke envy and jealousy, if there were two Bishops in one Dioecesse, and would but draw oppression upon the weaker side.  
V And if a general conversion happened, (which God in his mercy bring to pass) two Bishops should meet in one See, and neither would yield to his fellow: A consideration which would ever keep the erroneous Bishop from his conversion.  
VI The reformed Church of France living under the cross, and expecting the general conversion, is better without Bishops; for it is a body prepared for obedience, whensoever the Popish Bishops shall reform the Church, and themselves. And once they were brought to that trial, as you may read in an Epistle of Peter Martyr to Beza. The Bishop of Troy's (who was borne Prince of Melfe) having abjured Popery, began to preach the pure Word of God in his Cathedral Church; and sent for the Elders of the reformed Church, to know whether they would confirm and acknowledge him for their Bishop: Which they all with one consent did, and submitted themselves unto his authority. There is none, I dare say, of all the Churches of France, but would do as much in the like case. None but would obey Bishops, if Bishops would reform and obey God. Till God extend so much mercy upon that Kingdom, the poor Churches will stay for the leisure of the Bishops, and keep themselves in an estate fit for obedience.  
VII. Neither would their King suffer them to choose Bishops of their own, if they would attempt it. For since their Synods provoke jealousy, a Bishop's Court would provoke more jealousy; and authority continued in one man would be more obnoxious to envy and obloquy, than consultations of amultitude, intermitted from Synod to Synod, and under several Precedents, et ad tempus. Had our gracious King Charles and his Counsel the same necessity to tolerate the Papists, as Henry the iv of France had to reward the Protestants, that were a strong body, and by whom he had been promoted to the Crown; yet I think not that his Majesty would suffer them to have Bishops, or admit of any jurisdiction, but immediately depending upon him. The reformed Churches of France have no jurisdiction, and look for none; and if your Presbyteries of Scotland would contain themselves in the same modesty, the Covenant would go down, and the King should be obeyed.  
Of all these reasons there is none that can serve your turn; wherefore our want of Bishops cannot be a precedent for your putting down of Bishops.  
Since you live under no cross, and have such a gracious Defender of the faith for your Sovereign, and both the Kingdoms of this Island profess the same holy Doctrine; to frame another Ecclesiastical Discipline besides that which his Majesty alloweth, and the Church hath kept for many ages, it is framing two livers in a body that hath but one head and one heart; For of this Island, the King is the head, and Religion is the heart; both the which would have but one Discipline, as it were one liver to disperse blood and spirit into the several parts of the whole body, with one and the same Oeconomie eyere where. Certainly if France had but one heart for Religion, I am persuaded they would never stick for a different Oeconomie of Discipline.  
And the truth is, neither you nor they have a settled Discipline, and therefore both need less to stand upon it. This is the last Article of the French Discipline; These things which are here contained concerning the Discipline, are not so decreed, but that if the benefit of the Church do require it, they may be altered. Neither do the French busy their heads about points of Discipline; else it would be seen in their writings. But wheresoever they like the Doctrine, they embrace the Discipline.  
In the year 1615. my reverend Father was sent for by King james of glorious and blessed memory; some discontented brethren in London seeing him highly favoured by his Majesty, came to him with a bill of grievances to be represented to the King; which my Father having perused, returned it unto them again, saying, That their exceptions were frivolous.  
For Ceremonies, and other points of Discipline, I do not find you conformable with the French: Whether you celebrate the holy Communion with such reverence as they do in France, let your own consciences answer. You know there are two gestures of praying practised from the beginning in the Church, kneeling, and standing: The English pray kneeling at the Communion, the French standing. For they sit not at the Table, like the Dutch (wherein the French Church of London, consisting most of Walloons, followeth the Dutch) but walk to the holy Table, and there with a reverend congey receive the Sacrament, which the people taketh not in the dish, as it is with the Dutch, but the Minister delivereth it to every Communicant. When I received in my country, the Minister used these words: It is the body of the Lord jesus Christ which suffered for your sins. It is the blood of the Lord jesus Christ which was shed for your sins; And it is an express Article of their Discipline, That the due reverence belonging to the holy Communion, 
Cap. 12. Art. 12  be carefully maintained.  
The distribution of the Cup by a Lay-Deacon is worn out of use among them: and whereas it was brought in, in the beginning, and in time of persecution, it was afterwards removed, 
Cap. 12. Art. 9  by a Canon of their Discipline, and by way of fact, in all the Churches.  
And whereas at the first (as in all beginnings of reformation) every one taught his neighbour; 
Jbid.  and, for want of Ministers, Lay Deacons would catechise; It was declared by an Article of their Discipline, That the office of those Deacons is not to preach the Word of God, nor to administer the Sacraments.  
As for the power of their Lay-Elders, it is little more than the office of Churchwardens in England: Their office is to look to the disorders of the flock, and give account of it to the Consistory, as Churchwardens put in their Presentments in the Spiritual Court; A voice they have in the Censures, but the determination and pronouncing of the Censure belongs to the Minister. They, and the people together, may admit or refuse a Minister chosen by the Synod, (if the King give way to it;) And so it must needs be, where there is neither Bishop, nor Living, nor right of Patronage. 
Chamier Tom. 2. Lib. 5. c. 2. Nos certe praeter electorum Ministrorum approbationem vel reprobationem, nullas esse partes plebis censomus in Ecclesiastico regimine.  We hold indeed (saith Chamier) that besides approving or refusing the Ministers chosen, the Laity hath nothing to do in the government of the Church. This is all the power of the Laity. No mention there of ruling Elders, that have always the casting voice, 
Page 424. of his Majesty's large Declaration.  of which his Majesty saith very truly, That it is a course unheard of in any Church, and in any age.  
The notable difference between the French Elders and the Scottish, 
In the Year 1631.  was justified, not long since, by one M. Adam Stewart, a Scottishman, heretofore Reader of Philosophy in Sedan, who, finding there the Consistory ruled (as it ought to be) by the Clergy of the place, kept a great coil to raise the power of the Lay-Eldership, which had no such ambition, and grew so violent in his course, that after a long forbearance, and moderation of the Ministers, they were forced to excommunicate him, and crave the Prince's help, who banished him out of his dominions. Being put out of Sedan, he went to Paris, where he offered to stir the same matter, but he had no better success there.  
Neither shall ye find among the Protestants of France, that aversion from the Spiritual Courts which is among you. For although they have more reason to hate the Spiritual Courts of Popery, by whom they have suffered much; yet the Canons of their Discipline allow them to resort to the Spiritual Courts, to sue for their right, 
Cap. 14. Art. 8.9. & 10.  and Protestant Advocates are allowed to plead there.  
And which is more, Protestants are allowed to exercise jurisdictions and procurations under the Clergy of Rome, 
Ibid. Art. 10.  if so be they do not concern that which they call spirituality. Also to be farmers of Tithes, 
Art. 2.  Priories and Church-demeanes; Which showeth that when they forbidden Pastors to possess any land, under the title of Pastors, 
Cap. 1 art. 40  it is not because they disallow that the Church should possess demeanes; But because in the present poverty and parity, if some few had Live, and the rest none, they conceive it would breed envy and factions in the Church.  
As for Holidays, they observe reverently the days of Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. And where they have Sermons upon Week days (as at Charenton by Paris upon Thursdays) they will change the day, when there is a Holiday of some note in the week. This is calvin's counsel upon that point; I would have you constant in refusing Holidays; yet so, 
Calvini Epistola ad Montbelgardenses. In festis non recipiendis cuperem vos esse constantiores, sic tamen ut non litigetis de quibuslibet, sed de iis tantum, quae nec in aedificanonem quicquam factura sunt, & superstitionem prima ipsa facie prae se ferunt.— Nam in papatu magna celebritate Conceptionem & Ascensionem Virginis coluerunt.  that you pick not a quarrel with every Holiday, but with those only that are not at all for edification, and bear a stamp of superstition in the front; And he giveth them for example, the feasts of the Conception and Ascension of the blessed Virgin, which are also refused by the English Church. But generally of all Holidays; the French Discipline commandeth, 
Cap. 14. Art. 21.  that No scandal shall be committed, by working on days appointed to rest, according to the King's Edict; And it were to be wished, that the Scots were no more refractory to their good King, the pious Defender of their Faith, than the French Protestants are to their Sovereign, though of contrary religion, even in those points of Ecclesiastical Discipline.  
How they stand affected in all points of Ceremonies and outward Order, you may see by their Confession presented to the Emperor, and the Princes of Germany. We acknowledge, that both all Churches, 
Confess. Eccles. Gallicar. inter Opuscula Calvini. Fatemur tum omnes tum singulas Ecclesias hoc jus habere, ut leges et statuts sibi condant ad politiam communem inter suos const ituendam, cum omnia in domo Dei ritè & ordine fieri oporteat. Ejusmodi porto statutis obedientiam deferendam esse, modò ne conscientias astringant, neque superstitio illis adhibeatur: Qui hoc detrectent cerebrosi & pervicaces apud nos habentur.  and every Church, have that right to make Laws and Statutes for themselves; to establish a public Order among their own people, since all things must be done in the House of God decently and with order; and that obedience must be yielded to such statutes, so they do not bind the consciences, and no superstition be mingled with them: Those that will do against this, we hold them peevish and stubborn people.  
You have heard Beza before persuading the English brethren to obedience unto their Prelates. In the same Epistle he tells them, That the Surplice is of no such importance, that the Ministers should leave their function, 

Blza ad quesdam Anglicar. Ecclesiarum fratres. Non videntur ista tanti momenti, ut propterea vel Pastoribus deserendum potius sit Ministerium, quam ut vestes illas assumant; vel gregibus omittendum publicurn pabulum, potius quam ita vestitos Pastores audiant.  
Jbid. De geniculatione in Coena, De cantu Ecclesiae, Crucis consignatione, Puerorum baptizandotum interrogatione, non est magnopere laborandum.   rather than wear that garment; and the people should leave the public food [of God's Word] rather than hear the Pastors that wear it; Likewise for kneeling at the Communion, Church-musicke, the Cross in Baptism, and ask questions to children in Baptism, He thus delivereth his opinion, De his non est magnopere laborandum; One should not trouble himself much about such things. And Calvin praiseth Hooper for opposing himself manfully against the Extreme Unction; but blameth him for being too obstinate against the Cope and Surplice.  
The French Protestants keep their zeal of religion for higher matters, 
Calvinus Bullingero pag. 98. Edit onis Genevensis, an 1576  than a Surplice or a Cross in Baptism; and wonder much, that for such small things, you would parallel them with Antichrist, that maintain the same holy Faith with you.  
But if those ceremonies be a yoke upon your consciences, the yoke is removed; and his Majesty is graciously pleased not to urge them upon you; which would never have been granted, if the King and his Council had thought them to be in their nature necessary, and binding the conscience. And though Episcopal order (which the King will have you to receive) were a yoke upon your consciences; Think on the other side, that rebelling against your Sovereign, is a stain upon your consciences; And you are no good Divines, if you choose rather a foul stain then a light yoke. Neither do you consider, that you may suffer a wrong in your Christian liberty, without wronging your conscience; as Beza saith very worthily, 
Beza Epistola eadem. Possunt ae etiam debent multa tolerari, quae tamen non recte praecipiuntur.  Many things may, yea, and must be borne with, which are not rightly enjoined; For spiritual liberty lieth not in the outward act, but in the intention and belief. If a thing wicked in itself be enjoined unto us, it must neither be obeyed in the act, nor assented unto in the understanding and the will; But if the thing be indifferent in itself, and yet seem in the judgement inconvenient, we may and must do it, and neither wrong our liberty, nor our conscience; for in such cases our actions are limited, though our consciences be free, and the superior power may bind us in foro exteriori, and leave us free in foro interiori, wherein Christian liberty lieth. Spiritual liberty, 
Calvin Instit. l. 4 c. 20. Art. 1. Spiritualis libertas cum politica servitute optime stare potest.  and political bondage, will stand very well together, saith Calvin.  
And let not the consequence trouble you; As long as the thing commanded is lawful in itself, we are not answerable of the consequence that may follow, but they that command it; and we that move in the inferior orb of obedience, must quietly follow the motions of the higher sphere of authority: To pull against it inconsiderately, under pretence of God's service, is dashing the second Table against the first, and breaking both; That man abuseth Christian liberty, 
Beza Epist. 24. ad peregrinarum Ecclesiarum in Anglia fratres. Consequitur eum abuti Christianae libert 'tis beneficro, qui vel suis Magistratibus, vel praepositis suis sponte non paret in Domino, nec conscientiam fratrum aedificare studet.  or rather is yet sold under sin, that will not with a free will obey in the Lord his Magistrates or Superiors, and seeketh not to edify the consciences of his brethren, saith Beza.  
But though it were a thing granted, that the orders imposed upon you by his Majesty, are not indifferent, but ungodly and Antichristian: Are you therefore allowed to defend Religion with rebellion? Will ye call the Devil to the help of God? Sure it is a prodigious kind of Christian liberty, for a subject to draw his sword against his Sovereign. You that stand so much upon the point of conscience, Ought ye not to be subject for consciences sake? 
Rom. 13.5.  Were your Sovereign unjust and froward, and his commands injurious unto God, Had ye instead of our pious Defender of the faith, a fierce Dioclesian. Illud solis precibus et patientia sanari potest, Nothing will mend it but prayers and patience. 
Beza ibib.  It is Beza's counsel to the discontented brethren of England, conformable to that of S. Peter, For it is better if the will of God be so that ye suffer for well doing, 
1 Pet. 3.17.  then for evil doing. If the Sovereign come to kill the subject for his religion, The subject must yield him his throat, not charge his Pike against him.  
Calvin lived in the time of the hottest persecutions, and had credit enough to have made the people to take arms to defend the liberty of their consciences; But this is his doctrine; If we be persecuted for godliness by an impious and sacrilegious Prince, Let us first of all remember our sins which no doubt are corrected by God with such scourges; 
Calvin. Instit. l. 4. c. 20. art. 29. Si ab impio & sacrilego Principe vexamur ob pietatem, subeat primum delictorum nostrorum recordatio, quae talibus haud dub●e Domini flagellis castigantur; Ind humilitas impatientiam nostram fraenabit; Succurrat deinde haec cogitatio, non nostrum esse hu jusmodi malis mederi; hoc tantum esse reliquum, ut Domini opem imploremus, cujus in manu sunt regum corda & regnorum inclinationes.  This will bridle our impatience with humility; Then let this thought come into our minds, That it is not our part to mend such evils; And this only remaineth unto us, even to call upon God's help, in whose hand are the hearts of Kings, and the inclinations of Kingdoms.  
And whereas in the same Chapter, he teacheth, that in case the King command any thing contrary to God's command, we must obey God rather than men; he will not have Christians to fight for righteousness, but to suffer for righteousness: 
Ibid. art. vlt. Hac nos cogitatione consolemur, illam tum nos praestare quam Deus exigit obedientiam, dum quidvis perpetimur potius quam a pietate deflectamus.  Let this thought comfort us, saith he, that we yield (unto the King) that obedience which God requireth, when we suffer any thing, rather than turn aside from Godliness.  
And how the good man was averse from taking arms against a Sovereign, under pretence of religion; he showeth it in his Epistle to Francis the first of France, If any (saith he) under colour of the Gospel trouble your state, 
Calvin. Epist. ad Franciscum 1. Regem, quae este ante Institutiones. Quod si qui sub praetextu Evangelii tumultuantur (quales hactenus in regno tuo fuisse non compertum est) sunt leges & legum poenae, quibus pro meritis graviter exerceantur; Modò ne interim Evangelium Dei ob scelestorum hominum nequitiam male audiat.  (and hitherto there hath been none such in your Kingdom) there are laws and penal statutes, to repress them severally, according to their deserts; so that in the mean while the Gospel of God be not defamed for the malice of wicked men.  
And after many just complaints to the King for the fearful executions used against his party, 
Ibid. Sin vero ita aures tuas occupant malevolorum susurri, ut nullus sit reis pro se dicendi locus, importunae vero illae Furiae, te connivente, semper vinclis, flagris, equuleis, sectionibus, incendiis saeviunt: Nos quidem ut oves mactationi destinatas ad extrema quaeque redigemur; sic tamen ut in patientia nostra possideamus animas nostras, & manum Domini fortem expectemus, quae indubie in tempore aderit.  he endeth thus, We indeed like sheep kept for theslaughter, may be brought to any extremity; yet still we will possess our souls in patience, and look for the mighty hand of God, which certainly will assist us in due time.  
These are the arms, the forces, and the munitions, which the Church of that time opposed to their Sovereign, in time of persecution. And not to load this Epistle with testimonies of the late French Writers; The Churches of France have lately declared to his Majesty's Ambassador there, their utter dislike of the insurrection of Scotland, under pretence of a Covenant with Christ.  
But I see an objection coming, which (as fare as I can guess) hath prevailed with many, to draw them to the present insurrection: That let the French Churches give never so good counsel of obedience, yet their actions give to the Scots a precedent to take arms for the defence of their religion. And this is likely that which made the Covenanters say in one of their Petitions to his Majesty, 
Pag. 417. of his Majesty's large Declaration.  that the neighbour Churches would approve all their proceed.  
I might answer, that the case is not alike; the two Courts of Great Britain and France being so different in Religion, and the Scots not being pressed to alter their Religion, as the French were for a long time: But because there can be no just cause to take arms against a lawful Sovereign, two things may be said to that objection.  
First, that to take counsel of a friend, you must take him when he is in cold blood, not when he is drawing his sword. Look to the opinions and behaviour of their Divines, not to the actions of some rash heads.  
Next, if you look how they have done, you must look also how they have sped, and you shall have little encouragement to follow their example.  
But not to wrong my Countrymen; If you read their History from the year 1560. when the civil wars begun, you shall find, that most part of the time their wars had such and so important occasisions, as your party cannot bring for the present disorders.  
Henry the II. of France died about the year 1560. leaving four sons under age, the eldest whereof, Francis the II. reigned little above one year, and his brother Charles the IX. was some ten years old when he began to reign. During the minority of these Kings, the Queen mother, by the assistance of the house of Guise, excluded the Princes of the blood from the protection of the King's person and kingdom, which was their right. The Princes being Protestants, and finding a discontented party, who, for the space of wellnigh forty years, had suffered a most fierce persecution, easily drew to their side all the Protestants of France; and so twisted their interests with the interest of Religion, that they never made a peace for themselves alone, but for the whole party: By which several peaces they got Edicts in their favour, and places of defence, and grew a considerable party.  
King Charles the IX. being come to age, and finding a troubled State, sought to quench with blood the fire kindled in his kingdom; and by a treacherous match of his sister with the young King of Navarre, got the Heads of the Protestants to Paris, and there slew them. This was the famous feast of S. Bartholomew 1572. upon which, and some months after, there was above fourscore thousand of the Protestant party killed in cold blood throughout all the kingdom.  
This usage, though it cannot justify the Protestants for taking arms afterwards for their defence, yet it taketh away great part of the reproach; it being no wonder, if those that have suffered more than nature can bear, will do more than duty can justify.  
Charles the IX. being dead two years after the Massacre, Henry the III. succeeded, who being of a milder temper than his brother, the Protestants enjoyed some quiet for a while; which his Popish subjects disliking, (or rather, his mother, whose ordinary course was, to keep her authority by public divisions) the League began presently for the extirpation of the Protestant party, without the King's consent; yet the King, being a timorous man, was drawn to it perforce, in the end; In the mean while, the King of Navarre and the rest of the Protestants stood upon their defence; I will not determine whether they ought to have yielded their throats to the slaughter, the persecution being not raised against them by their Sovereign, but by a Covenant of his subjects with the Pope and the King of Spain, before the King had given way to it; But the King himself soon justified their arms; for perceiving that the League was a yoke upon his own neck, which devested him of his right, and brought into the kingdom another authority than his own; he renounced the League, and called the King of Navarre, and the Protestants to his aid, who did him faithful service with great alacrity and valour; till the King being dead in the year 1589. the right of the Crown fell to the Head of their party, the King of Navarre, whom by God's blessing, and their valour, they raised to the Throne, and helped him not only with their sword, but maintained him with their purses, and did him such services as could not be repaid.  
King Henry the iv having removed from the League all pretences of bearing arms against him as an Huguenot, by forsaking the reformed Religion, to our infinite grief and loss; And seeing his Protestant party justly discontented, granted them liberty of Religion, and a lease for years of certain places of safety, which (as the French Protestants expound it) would have been to no purpose, had it not been to defend themselves by way of arms when they should be vexed. So they did afterwards, when King Lewis now reigning redemanded those places, and would continue the lease no longer.  
Till the reign of King Lewis the arms of the Protestants were either justifiable, or excusable, But their wars in his time were neither; and they prospered accordingly.  
Their first and greatest fault was in the years 1615. and 1616. when they joined with the Prince of Conde to cross the King's match with Spain; yet by the persuasions of my reverend Father, living then in Paris, all the Churches on this side Loire, that is, one half of France, kept themselves in the King's obedience; for which the Queen Regent gave him thanks.  
But the injuriestuck so deep in the King's stomach, that five years after he would have all his places from the Protestants: who when they stood stiffly for the keeping of those places in the 
* The assembly of Rochel was a political assembly, such as the Protestants were allowed then to keep.  Assembly of Rochel, my Father being at the same time Precedent of the Nationall Synod at Alaix, stood for obedience with much eagerness, and after the dissolution of the Synod, 
The Copy of that Letter is by me.  writ to the Assembly a large letter, to persuade them by reasons both of conscience and prudence, rather to suffer for the Gospel, than stand in Arms against their Sovereign. But the Assembly being ruled by violent men, chose the counsels of war, and drew the King's arms upon many that were most desirous of obedience. What miseries we have suffered by the rashness of few men, and the weak estate we were brought to by these violent courses, we think on it with bitter grief: Our wounds are fresh, and are like to bleed till the poor Church bleed out her life, if God be no more merciful to us, than we have been to ourselves.  
In one point I am afraid that you shall be like us, if you go on in your course. For whereas most of the King's subjects in Scotland are misled, and would gladly obey his Majesty, if their Landlords and leaders would give them leave: It is to be feared, that the King's artillery shall make little distinction between good hearts and false hearts.  
I beseech you, since you claim conformity with the French, compare your case with theirs. The French Protestants had to do with a King of contrary religion; They were incensed by many wrongs and oppressions; They were in danger (in all likelihood) to lose with their towns and forts, their liberty, their religion, and their life; The privileges which they enjoyed, were rewards of their long services. By the Charter of Rochel, when they yielded to Lewis the XI. it was granted to them, that they should be no longer the King's subjects, than the King should maintain their immunittes; And yet these true reasons and just fears, could not justify their defensive arms against their Sovereign, but they were condemned by the best of their own, and of their neighbours; and God shown his dislike, by the ill success he gave them.  
What approbation then of all good men, what blessing of God may the Covenanters hope for, by standing in arms against their good King, a Prince in piety and clemency without parallel, who never provoked them by any ill usage, but rather favoured them above their fellow subjects?  
It may do you good to observe, that the violent Counsellors of war in the assembly of Rochel, soon after betrayed their party, and sold their places: Others turned Papists and were rewarded for it; which showeth, that they were won before to thrust their party into a precipice, whence there was no way to get out. But the great Counsellor of peace, my Reverend Father, at that very time was forced to fly for his life out of the Kingdom, and leave his means behind him, being maligned because by the respect of his presence, and his powerful persuasions, he kept the people in the King's obedience, which was the greatest crossing of the designs of our adversaries, who being fully bend upon our undoing, wanted but a pretence. I fear also that when God revealeth the secrets of the hearts, Some fierce Covenanters shall be found jefuites, whose purpose was to make the King lose one way or other, that supremacy which the Pope challengeth, and howsoever, to get profit by our harms.  
I would desire you also to learn by our faults and misfortunes, that in a Covenant against a lawful and undoubted Sovereign, there must needs be in the end a great deal of disunion. Our Deputies in the Assembly of Rochel, sent their orders over all the kingdom, but they were not followed: And when the King appeared with an army, many turned to his side, and weakened their own party. Likewise when his Majesty shall come to you to make himself obeyed, either with the terror or the smart of his Royal sword, be sure that you shall see the same disunion among you; Neither shall your Covenant beable to keep all together; But the presence of their natural Prince, and his anger armed with strength, will strike a greater awe in the hearts of his subjects, than any order of your tables.  
It is with Politic bodies as with quicksilver, which is easily stirred and divided; But divide it never so much, all the several parts will of themselves meet in their centre again; for it must be a very great violence that will quench nature, and when you have done all, the King will be King.  
God give you all grace to learn wisdom by the faults of your neighbours; And to the Churches of France so much blessedness, that for a full agreement in all points with their King and his Clergy, there be nothing wanting on their parts but to receive Bishops.  
If you descent from me in these points of Discipline and Obedience, you must bear with me, for this tincture, I have kept from the education which I received at home. But I hope you will receive this advice of mine, with the same mind as it is given, that is with charity and a sincere desire to see God glorified, and the Church at peace, and the King obeyed.  
Which is the subject of the daily prayers of  
Your friend and servant in Christ, Peter Du-Moulin the son. Chester. March 1. 1639. 11. 1640.