A TREATISE OF THE COURT or Instructions for Courtiers. Digested into two Books. Written in French by the Noble, and Learned jurisiconsull Monsieur Denys de Refuges, Councillor of Estate, and many times Ambassador in foreign Parts for the two last French Kings his Masters. Done into English by JOHN REYNOLDS. Imprinted by ay M: for Will Lee and are to be sold at his shop in Fleets street, at the siane of the Golden Buck near Sergeant's Inn. 1622 TO THE PRINCE SIR, Sigh Heaven, and Earth, your Blood and your Virtue have made you a most Illustrious and Exquisite Prince; and sith your Highnasse Court is a true and conspicuous Academy of Generosity and Honour; I therefore conceived, that this French Courtier was obliged to tender you his homage in English, and to proffer up his best service to the Dignity of your resplendent and Princely Virtues. And as Precedents are still the best and powerfulst Precepts, aswell to instruct the accutest wits, as to polish and refine the finest Natures and judgements: so those of my Sacred Sovereign, your living Father, and of that most excellent Prince, your dead (yet everliving) Brothers have made your Highness an inimmitable Pattern and Paragon of all Court perfections. Yet notwithstanding, when your more serious studies and generous exercises will permit you to descend so low, as to peruse this Courtier (which sailing from France, is now arrived in England)▪ I hope he will deserve, and consequently obtain this testimony from your Highness, that his Ambition hath no other end, nor he any other Ambition then to show what Courtiers are, what they should be, and not how Great, but how Good they are b●und to make themselves in their conduction, both to their Prince and Country, to the end that they may prove as happy, and as Illustrious Ornaments to their Dignities, as their Dignities are to them. And although I cannot rightly define, whether Ambition were more predominant, or Zeal prevalent with me, in daring permit this poor and unworthy Translation of mine to soar so high, as to your Highness' protection and Patronage; yet sith my Author was both Noble, Learned and Honest, whose fidelity and fame hath crowned both himself and his Works, I (out of the rich treasure of your Goodness, which sweetly shines to the world, aswell in your looks as actions) flatter myself with this hope, that your Highness will vouchsafe to shelter him from the scandal of the Envious, and to protect him from the Envy of the scandalous. Go on Illustrious and Generous SIR, in your Heroical progression of Virtue and Honour (wherewith both Arts and Arms ambitiously contend to Embellish and adorn you) that as we are now truly happy in Royal JAMES your Father; so we futurely may be as truly blessed in Princely CHARLES his Son, that your Sword and Lance seconding his Pen, and your Laurels growing up with his Palms and Olives, may still make the Church and Estate of these famous Kingdoms of great Britain and Ireland, always Triumphant, always victorious, against the malice of Rome, or the power of Hell, which shall dare seek, either to eclipse the triumphs of their glory, or to assault (much less remove) the Trophies of their glorious and flourishing prosperity. Your Highness in all zeal and humility eternally devoted john Reynolds. TO THE HONOURABLE, JUDICIOUS, AND GENEROUS; Sr. EDWARD SACKVILE, Knight of the Bath; My Honourable, and singular good MASTER. Honourable, IF your curious judgement had not sought this excellent Treatise of the Court, my Ignorance had not found him; for I ingeniously confess, that before you first wrote me for him to Paris, I never heard of him, when led by the excellency of your choice, and the solidity of your approbation, upon the perusal thereof, I was soon induced, both to affect him for his Fidelity, and to admire him for his Wisdom; when considering (because knowing) that you (resembling yourself) not only cherish Wit, Courtship, judgement and Loyalty in yourself, but also honour it generally in all men, and particularly in the Noble and Learned Author hereof, Monsieur de Refuges (so famous to France for his wholesome council at home, and happy Legations abroad), I upon these foundations eraised the structure of this resolution to divest this his Work out of his French habiliments, and to sure him in our in English attire, that England aswell as France might participate in the acquaintance, and enjoy the company of this his accomplished Courtier, which having done, although in a phrase and stile, altogether unworthy the lustre and sublimaty of his Original (which is still subject to lose a part of her prestine Grace and Beauty in her Metamorphosis) albeit your Honourable Travels have shown you so great variety of Courts, that you are far more capable to teach, then be taught in matters of this nature; yet I had all the reasons of the World (as well of Equity as Merit) to proffer up the first Book hereof, to the Honour of your Patronage, and to the protection of your Honour, sith it is not a Donation, but a Retribution in lastly restoring you back that in English, which (as before) you formerly gave me in French, in the perfection of which exquisite Tongue (without either flattering you, or infringing the truth) I may boldly affirm, few English can parallel, none excel you. Again, I did it in your service, it is therefore yours by propriety, I did it out of mine own private obligation to your immerited favours, it is therefore yours in the right of debt and requital: which considered, before I shall be so happy to deface my arreareges in some more real and serious manner, I hope you will pardon my Zeal, though condemn my Ambition herein, especially sith it is addressed and devoted you by him, who will eternally remain both zealous and Ambitious, as well to enjoy the honour to live, as the felicity to dye Your Honour's humblest Servant, JOHN REYNOLDS. To my Reader. IT was my desire, and withal my resolution not to have afforded thee the bare Compliment of an Epistle, although the affectation & iniquity of our times (in this Wane and Crisis of the world) rather make it Customary, then Commendable, if thou wilt know the reason why my thoughts were thus wedded to my will. I answer: because I as much disdain to insinuate for the Sugar of thy applause, as to fear the Gall of thy detraction: for how well or ill thy curious English palate relish this my French Translation, I neither pass to know, nor care to understand. That I have done it well, I am not so vain to conceive, much less to arrogate. That I have done it ill, my Ignorance retains this hope, that albeit I am condemned by my petty censuring jurors, yet I shall be at least reprieved by my understanding and competent judges, to whom, and to no others I appeal; those for their smattering in the French Tongue, having only their eyes in their heads to see and censure; these for their perfection thereof, their heads in their eyes to observe and distinguish, so, though those report, that I level not at the letter, but at the sense; yet these will truly find out, that I have chiefly aimed to strike the sense, without extravagantly straying or impertinently roving from the letter. Neither had I either Defended or Apologisd this my Translation, if the Press (which runs swifter than our thoughts) had not made me guilty of many faults, whereof my Pen was innocent, which I hope the Courteous and judicious will wink at, though the Captious and Ignorant carp at, and those pass it over with a judicious modesty, though these perchance) stumble at it with a malicious depravation. Howsoever, my comfort is, that if I have not righted myself, yet that I have no way wronged mine Author, the preservation of whose intent, candeur, and integrity, hath been my greatest▪ Ambition, and not my least care; not that I delight either to praise him in his Book, or his Book in him, sith that were a take as needles to attempt, as vain to perform, especially sith the greatest Courtiers aswell of England as France, know, that as he gave life to this his Treatise of the Court, so it is so far from Ingratitude, as with a happy exchange and interest it hath returned him Immortality; for such a weaving and contexture of matter, so great variety of Heads so curiously anotomisd and so concisely and accutely both commented and cymented, few Treatises have (and I assure myself) none of this nature can justly Vaunt of. The Ink wherewith he wrote it, was rather Milk than Vinegar, as teaching Courtiers how to prevent their fall, in fortifying their subsistence, seeming equally balanced, as well in commiserating the deaths of misfortunate Courtiers, as providing for the prosperity of the living. Grace, Wit, and Fidelity, are the Ornaments wherewith he strives to adorn his Courtier, reputing nothing so incivil in him as Ignorance, nor so execrable as Treason; and then (resembling himself) he with a praiseworthy Devotion & Zeal (though not in express terms, yet in a dependant and necessary consequence) wisheth that the Court were (by Antithesis) opposite to the Athenian Ostracism, that Virtue might not be robbed of her Deserts and Honour by Vice, but that Merit & Reward might still march hand in hand as jumeals, or else as two destinct Sisters, whereof that the Aisne, and this the Puisnè, which propagates not only the joy, but the glory of a Kingdom. In a word, he hath delineated him in so lively a shape, and depainted him in such rich Colours, that when we find a Commonwealth so governed and reformed, as that of Plato an Orator; so fluent and capable, as that of Cicero; or a Captain so valiant and Ingenious as that of Zenephon; than it is possible for us to meet with the Courtier of Monsieur de Refuges, difficultly before. And now (for mine own discharge) I am to advertise thee that in the first Book, & 31. Chapter, I found the fifth Section wholly left out of the Original: but whether mine Author did it unwittingly, or the French Printer ignorantly, sith I know not, I will not define; and therefore I have purposely left a blank for it, as holding it very unfit for me to fill it up with any thing of mine own. And here to shake hands at parting, and to part as friendly Enemies, if not as lou●ng Friends: if thou wilt not consider this my ensuing conclusion for my sake, yet (at least) remember it for thine own. Some Readers are courteous, some ingrateful, others injurious; and as it is in thy choice to be either, so it is, and shall be likewise in mine either to care, or not to care which thou be. john Reynolds. THE FRENCH STATIONER TO the Reader. Friendly Reader, I Hold it a part of my duty to render thee an account of this present Treatise of the Court augmented as thou seest with Summaries, Chapters and Sections, the better to recreate and fortify thy Memory, and indeed far otherwise, and withal far richer than it was at the first Printing thereof in Holland, or the second in this City of Paris; having had it liberally presented and given me purposely by the Friends and familiar acquaintance of the Author after his decease, who all, now thought it both expedient and convenient, not to pester it either with Marginal quotations, or diversities of Authorities and Authors wherewith it was curiously embellished and adorned more for the sakes of Scholars than Courtiers. Pulchra satis vell fine veste placent. And now armed with their approbation, it again assumes the light, enriched and graced by the last hand of his Author, found with many other like pieces of Estate▪ in whose Theory and Practi●e this brave and noble Personage was versed and expert, thereby to serve, as indeed he did as long as he lived, his King his Friends, and his Country, with wise and wholesome Politic counsel of Estate, wherein he still most perfectly excelled. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aswell in respect of his deep Learning and Studi● as through the great and long experience he had in the Courts and affairs of Kings, Princes, Free-Estates, and Commonweals, wherein our last Kings very profitably employed him, who demeaned himself so wisely and happily, that they could no way find any just cause to tax his grave and prudent carriage: and to speak the truth, his manners were so composed, that he hath left to Posterity a perfect Paragon of his incomparable Virtue's; to his Kinsfolks, Friends, and the whole Kingdom a perpetual sorrow for his Death, and the loss of his sweet and pleasing conversation. Accept therefore in good part (Friendly Reader this my labour and care, in making thee see the fruits of so rare and accomplished a Wit, assuring thee, that the rest of his works will not be detained thee by his Illustrious Parents and Kinsfolks, who have the care and keeping thereof, and of whom I hope to obtain them through the favour and promise of their friends, thereby futurely to impart them to the Public, when they shall understand, that my Care and Diligence in this Impression (which indeed is most exact and exquisite) hath proficienced and profited our French wits and understandings, and that thou receive this rich Treatise, according as it deserves with all entire content and applause. Farewell. To my Noble and Learned Author, Monsieur de Refuges, upon my Translation of his Treatise of the Court. A Sixain. ALthough my Care hath traced thy curious Style, In echoing forth the Spirit of thy Book; Yet not my Readers hopes here to begui●e, When from thy French he on my English ●ooke, May Judge this comes as short of that, as ● of thee: Thus Arts great'st opposite is Ignorance wehee. john Reynolds. Again to him: An Acrostic Sonnet upon his Name. Deep Mysteries of ●state and Courtship too, Enriched and graced with so rich Grac● and Art, No Head nor Hand but only thine could do, In Modelling, in all and every part, So sweet and so complete a Courtier (clad so fine) Depainted in so saire and rare a Frame, Eternally makes thou in him to shine Right like thy self, and him in thy fair Name E●ch b●●st in other, and both so glorious made far, sure beyond the Sphere of common Praise, Virtues save Monument which can not dye nor fade, Grace, Art Wit, judgement, decking ●● with Bays, England as France the● sing Re●uges Glory, Swetly enshrined in this his Court er story. john Reynolds. A TREATISE OF THE COURT: OR Instructions for Courtiers. The first Book. Wherein is very amply set forth, the principal parts requisite and necessary in a Courtier. CHAP. 1. 1 Of the incertainty, variableness, and alteration of the Court. 2 That in Court there is more Fortune, than conduction. 3 That in Court Preferments, Fortune is intermixed with good conduction. 4 The Author his excuse, upon the method, order, and division of his Treatise. 1 OOf all sorts of conversations, the most intermixed, dificult and ticklish is that of the Court▪ Where (usually) no others betake themselves, but those who are either driven thereunto by Ambition, or fraughted with a desire to eraise their own fortunes. Now as these passions are violent, and for the most part, more abounding in those who resolve to undertake so painful a profession and faculty: so their motions are likewise violent, their occurrences harsh and distasteful, and commonly the more usual and frequent, in that diverse aim at one and the same end: for have Countiers occasion to conceal any thing, their dissimulation is more apparent and their subtlety more malicious, as being necessarily constrained to sympathise, and bear up with the Pride and Vanity of those, who are in favour & credit with the Prince; and many times being not able to content them in their (seldom reasonable) desires: they run a hazard, rather to ruin then advance their own fortunes. In which Comportment, such is the variableness and incertainety, that it is absolutely impossible to prescribe infallible and certain rules: Wherefore the best advice and counsel in this cause is, that which we suddenly conceive, when our vigilancy and circumspection (as it were) denounceth war to our eyes: which makes that in this variety and incertainty, many have believed that in Court preferments there is more hazard and fortune, than carriage & conduction. 2 And the Emperor Sigismond to teach a Courtier of his (who after many years' service, complained to have received no profit nor preferment of him) that such faults proceed not from Princes, rather from the ill fortune of Courttiers: proffered him two close boxes, the one full of gold, the other of lead; giving him the choice of either of them, for his reward and recompense: who thinking to take that of gold, took that of lead; whereby perceiving and acknowledging his own bad Fortune, he condemned himselfo and acquitted the Emperor, in that he had not formerly tasted the fruits, and enjoyed the effects of his liberality. 3 Nevertheless we must not believe that Court affairs, are always governed by Fortune: for it falls out there, as at Primero, or other plays, wherein Fortune is directed and conducted by Art, and the best and subtilst Gamester may lose if it cross him; but if it smile on him, and favour him, he than best knows how to manage and govern it: and we may well say that not only the Court, but the whole course of our life is the same, and hereunto may be fitly and pertinently Compared. Nevertheless, sith the Court is an emmi nent and conspicuous Theatre, exposed to the sight and eyes of the world: we may therefore therein the better observe and remark the hazard of Fortune, in respect we must not omit the universal and common rules that may best avail and profit us in this our comportment and carriage, although they correspond, or concur not always with our desires: many skilful Pilots have suffered shipwreck, although they have been well acquainted with the Art and experience of Navigation; and others less seen therein, without Astrolabe or Card, have happily vanquished and overpassed many long and dangerous voyages, and yet we know it folly to infer or conclude, that therefore without Art, experience, Card, or Astrolabe, we should expose ourselves to the mercy of the winds and seas. 4. But certainly I could desire and wish, ye had chosen a more expert Pilot than myself, to wa●t ye through the Ocean of these Court affairs, it being impossible, that (in the solitariness wherein I live) I should present ye any other than a strange and uncertain map, and so depaint ye the directions and examples, that forepast time (the ordinary recreations of my solitariness) hath taught and instructed me: for to produce examples of these modern times, although it could be performed with more profit: yet sith we cannot speak of the living without envy, I hold it more safe, less dangerous therein to be silent. Also, I believe your intent is not that I engage myself in such Treatises of the truth, wherein ye are more expert than myself; to the end therefore that I may observe and follow some order, and Decorum in so confused a subject, I will first speak of the requisites most necessary in a Courtier, then of the practice and use thereof in his behaviour and carriage: whither it be to advance himself into reputation and favour; or to maintain himself therein, being already advanced; or to prevent his fall and disgrace, to the end he make himself more pleasing and less ridiculous. CHAP. II. 1 Of the qualities most requisite and necessary in a Courtier, being the first head and subject of this first Book. 2 Of his Civility. 3 Of his graceful speech. 4 Of the countenance and gesture. 5 Of his apparel, and the nearing thereof. 1 THe necessariest qualities requisite in a Courtier for his first entrance, are civility and readiness to do Good unto all men: for his conduction and behaviour, Gracefulness, and Dexterity, and for his subsistence and continuance, Patience, Humility, Boldness, and Capacity. 2 Civility chiefly consists in two points, whereby it makes us complete and accomplished: the one a decency or gracefulness, whereunto with our best endeavours we must pertinently strive to conform ourselves: The other a pleasing Affability, which makes us not only have access and welcome to all those whom we would frequent, but also inwardly incite; and animates them both to crave our company, and desire our familiarity and conversation. 3 This Dcc●●cy, or gracefulness, looks three ways: to wit, to our Speech, Countenance and Apparel. In our speech, our voice must be clear, not harsh, and yet neither too shrill, nor too low; not slammering, but smooth and distinct; out terms and phrases must be modest, significant, intelligible, and plain, and yet neither base nor affected: but still pertinent and proper to the matters we confer of. 4 In our Countenance the air of our Visage must be pleasing, gracious and modest, not affected, or constrained, but without the least shadow of ridiculous postures or smiles: the carriage and comportment of our body must be free from all Mimic, or peevish gestures, and in all our usual actions, as in eating, drinking, exercise, pastime, or the like: We must be Modest and still follow that which is generally applauded of those, with whom we converse. 5 In our Apparel we must be decent, not prodigal or superfluous, and the fashion thereof must correspond with the time, without too much affecting the new, or being wedded to the old; but herein to be the better ordered and instructed, we must consider the apparel and fashion, worn by those who in Court are reputed both wise and graceful: to the end we may thereby sympathise with them in the fashion of our Apparel, and so (as near as we may) both reform and conform ourselves to their imitation. CHAP. III. 1 Of Affability in general, and wherein it consists. 2 Of the allurements thereof. 3 To hearken and to be attentive. 4 To reprove pleasantly, yet modestly. 5 What is chiefly necessary in great Personages. 6 Wherewith Affability must be seconded and attended. 1 AFsabilitie consists of many points, but chiefly in knowing how to salute and receive men respectively, and to entertain them courteously, how to meet, honour, and entitle them: in a word, by exterior demonstration of affection, and by assuring them of our Courtesy and good will, and with many alluring gestures and compliments, giving them all approbation and confidence to speak freely unto us. 2 Neither is it sufficient to satisfy men's conceits, and only to make them believe we love them, that we bear them much affection, and eagerly and earnestly desire to serve and assist them: but we must endeavour with a pleasing countenance; yea, with an agreeable reception, not only to entice but to allure them to haunt and frequent our company. 3 And having thus prevailed with them, and drawn them to our desires, we must give ear and hearken to them, with all demonstration both of Content and Patience; for he that will not be attentive, is never Affable: neither likewise is he, who interrupts, or contradicts another man in his discourse; or which is worse, who fore-stals, or foretells that he would say: it falling out often, that they make themselves both ridiculous and confounded, together with their loss of breath & time, finding themselues many times in their own erroneous opinions, farthest off from that which another inten●s to say: besides, to interrupt or distract the conceptions of him that speaks, or not to listen to him, is both an offence and injury, as also a true testimony of contempt and disdain. 4 But we shall principally testify our attention, in answering pertinently, and with judgement, and pleasantness, in avoiding as much as possible we may all harsh jests and sharp replies, which in those who speak to us, will speedily engender a hope that they may easily have access to us, and converse with us as often as they please. 5 Yet although this facility and disposition to understand and answer, be necessary to all sorts of people, as also to all replies, yet it is more befitting and beseeming great Personages, who communicate of weighty affairs: for their inferiors, believing that those who use these pleasing respects and compliments, do as it were make themselves their equals; are thereby induced and assured, that they need not fear, fully to open and discover them their thoughts and designs, as if it were to their friends and fellows. Yea we may well affirm that in a manner, such do hereby as it were keep and retain the keys of men's hearts. But as the respect and honour a great man showeth us, is not only agreeable and pleasing to us in respect of his person: but also because his countenance and favour purchaseth us more credit in those who are present: right so his disrespect and disdain, doth not only anger us because of himself, but it is insupportable in respect of the base esteem that others make of us, to see us so slighted and neglected of him. 6 Nevertheless, although this Affability must be accompanied with a pleasing behaviour and carriage: yet it is not therefore to infer, that it must not be waited & attended on by that Decency & Gravity, which is answerable to our rank and condition. But as true harmony is engendered of the sweet and judicious Diapason of these two discordant ●ones, pleasant, and grave: so affability must be intermixed with sweetness, and severity, (or statlinesse:) or to say truer, to be a Medium 'twixt these two extremes: so as the one affright not those with whom we converse, nor the other make us seem displeasing, or vicious in their eyes: but that it be conducted and governed with an agreeable sweetness and gravity, according to the estate and quality, of the affairs, persons, & other dependant circumstances answerable in all respects to the advice and counsel that the Emperor Emanuel gave his Son Paliogus. CHAP. IU. 1 That pleasant jests and replies bear a part in Affability. 2 How we must use them. 3 Whereof they must be framed. 4 What jests and replies we must eschew and avoid. 5 6 7 8 Of their difference and diversity. 9 1 PLeasant jests and Replies make also a part of Affability, and serve to temper our speech: Nature having infused laughter into man, purposely to case and recreate his sad and melancholy humours incident and subject to follow his affairs: nevertheless, herein we must bear a clear judgement and a solid discretion; for those who upon all occasions, licentiously use the contrary: in stead of being Affable and Courteous, are commonly held for scoffers and fools. 2 We must therefore use them soberly and modestly, and intermix and disperse them as lightning in the darkness of a Grave discourse: so that they neither debase the dignity person, or matter that is to be treated of. For as a little water poured on a great sire, the more enlightens and inflames it, and if we throw too much thereon, doth wholly dead and extinguish it: so the frequency and excess of these jests, lose their dignity and grace, in him who makes it a continual profession to use them: whereas, if they be scattered and dispersed judiciously, they reinflame, and give them the more lustre, vigour, and life; for to say truly, we should use them as sauce or provocation to appetite, and not as meat, for fear lest in thinking to give some relish to affairs, and negotiations, they chance procure distaste, if not a surfeit. 3 But the quantity and quality of these jests and replies, must be such, as they comprehend in them, no odious conception or matter: to wit, that they savour not of scurrility, turn not into a scandal or laughter, or into a reproach of any shameful truth to him with whom we speak or confer: for such broad taunts, quips, and lests, instead of counselling or reconciling men's humours, sometimes provoke them to contempt, disdain, or hatred, and especially great men are subject a long time to remember those of this nature. And howsoever, although it be lawful to reply when we are touched or assaulted with the like ●ests: Nevertheless, the most modest and wisest council we can take herein, is to rebate the edge of such jests, either with a grave silence, or with no distasteful smiles, or laughter; rather then through a bitter jest or sharp reply to lose our friend. 4 We must also eschew and sly those jests that are usually frequent in the mouths of common people, which commonly savour something of baseness and scurrility, as also those that are derived from equivocations, or those that import a double sense or meaning: because for the most part, they are foolish, constrained, and subject to be taken in ill part: but above all let us be careful not to accompany our jests with wry mouths, deformed gestures, or unseemly countenances, as Knaves and Fools use to do. 5 Neither must such jests be affected or premeditated, but conceived, and uttered without pondering or ruminating thereon. 6 We must also sly those that are too unkindly fetched, or that favour of Pride or Presumption: and we must nor bite so sharply, that we engage ourselves, either in other men's malice, or hatred, or in our own shameful acknowledgement or satisfaction. 7 Neither must we reproach others of that whereof we ourselves may be justly reproached: nor jest at those who are misfortunate or miserable, sith 'tis two great a cruelty: nor at the wicked, sith they are more worthy of hatred then of laughter: neither at our friends, or patents, as being a matter full of envy; and a true sign of a perverse and unnatural Nature. Briefly, whosoever will delight in jesting, he must be very considerate and respective of persons, time, and place; as also of other necessary and dependant circumstances. 8 As for the diversity of jests and replies, they are many: some consisting of a short word; some in the conceit and understanding of him who speaks, others in the manner thereof: Or that we answer to that they lest expect from us; or that we answer faintly and coldly, to a question demanded of us with much vehemency and impatiency. 9 Of which jests and answers although I could here produce many examples of the Ancients: nevertheless, sith they are sooner and better learned by practice and conversation, I will omit them, in respect they for the most part are cold and impertinent to recite: if the words be not inflamed, and enriched with that Grace wherewith they were formerly pronounced and uttered. CHAP. V. 1 That Compliments bear a great part in Affability, with their definition. 2 Of their Medium and Extremes. 3 That we should practise them according to occasions, as also how to practise them. 4 Of the answers we ought return unto them. 1 Compliments likewise claim a great part and share in Affability; we define them to be a brief expression of love, a declaration or demonstration of Honour, and an obligation to those whom we desire should believe they are exceedingly respected and beloved of us with a reciprocal affection. 2 The manner of this Office and Compliment (as of all other matters) hath both its Medium and Extremes, in so much as to observe the Mediocrity, it is necessary we enter into the consideration of the circumstances, person, place, time, matter, and cause: why and wherein this phrase of speech is more sit for great, small, or equal personages; or when there is no farther need, then to testify a simple and small good will; or chose when we ought express and dilate a deeper respect and obligation. But above all we must be careful, not so much to affect lofty words, as that we engage ourselves in any impertinent or improper terms, or in any unfit or far fetched replies, but to our familiars; we must use common phrases, and not those that are affected or strained: in a word, here our tongue and our judgement must march hand in hand, as equals; and we must still accompany our discourse with gestures, countenances, and other exterior behaviour which may express the like affection and desire; briefly making known the causes and reasons that induce us to love or honour any one, or that we feel ourselves obliged to them. Among which, we must make choice of those Compliments, that are more fit and proper for the purpose, and that are more apparent and known of him to whom we will perform them. And if we have formerly received any testimony of his affection: either in that he hath performed us some friendly office, or that he hath testified, or expressed so much in his speeches: we must often remember it to him, and attribute it to his kind Nature, full of affection and courtesy, the which he will the sooner believe; because every one being deceived with the love of himself, very easily persuades himself thereof, and rejoiceth that another believes, he possesseth those perfections and qualities, that may make him pleasing, esteemed, and beloved of all men. And this means being practised with Art and Discretion, hath a certain secret, and hidden power, to move and dispose our Understandings to believe those who make use thereof. I say discretion, because we meet with some Natures (although they are rare in Court) who are so far from this common Vanity, as they only esteem and repute it, but the trick of a Mount-banke or juggler; yoa, and for the most part, they suspect and are jealous of this form of proceeding. 3 Wherefore with these we must avoid all degrees of affectation, and not enter into such like compliments: but in those jest & replies whose custom makes them necessary; or when we are enforced thereunto by the consequence or dependence, of a discourse, or business, that may testify in us, rather a habit, and firm resolution of our Will, than the impetuosity of any violent or vehement affection, that may be suspected to be performed, either out of inconstancy, imitation, or of set purpose and design. 4 In the answers we return to these compliments: we must behave ourselves in the same manner and temper; but more particularly to meet and answer the good offices, reported and acknowledged to be received of us: and albeit we ought to extenuate them, yet not to diminish them more than is requisite and fit, as some usually do. Sith in diminishing them too much, or by affirming it a matter we would perform for any other, we thereby accuse him who receive and applaud those our good offices done him: and who thinks to enjoy therein an extraordinary testimony of our affection and good will; the which we ourselves diminish in diminishing it, so as we thereby disesteem and undervalue his worth, who thought he had been obliged to us as a friend in comparison of those who are not. In which regard although our duty hath sometimes led us to perform a good office; yet we must make show that it is a particular affection that induced us thereunto; and this nevertheless must be performed without any sign or demonstration of vanity. So much in general may be said of these degrees of friendly offices, which practised discreetly, may much avail to purchase us reputation and credit; where chose, if they are not accompanied with Wisdom, they will in the end prove ridiculous, and so it being omitted and neglected, may justly offend those who expect to receive them from us. CHAP. VI 1 Of our readiness to perform a pleasure or good office. 2 Considerations thereon. 3 4 5 We must do it voluntarily, speedily, liberally. 6 7 8 Having performed it, we must not instantly expect or ●raxe the like. 9 We must not displease one to please another. 10 Examples hereon. 1 Readiness to perform a pleasure (or good office) is one of the chiefest requisites that should be in a Courtier, at least, in him who desires to be scene, and bid welcome in good Companies, it contains the principal effects of good will and friendship: that is to say, to pleasure others, and to acknowledge it, having received the like of others. Good offices we perform, are the cement of humane society, and the fetters and manacles (says an Ancient) wherewith we may enchain and captivate others, especially at Court, where the interest and performance thereof is the twist, or cord, that conjoins and combines so many people one to another: yea, although for the most part, they are drawn thereunto with different and contrary affections. 2 But the chiefest consideration we must have and retain in performing a good office, or pleasure, is to perform it in that manner that it may be agreeable and pleasing to him that receives it of us: there being many occasions wherein thinking to please, we displease; and this falls out through our own default, in not knowing the desire and inclination of him to whom we would do good. 3 Another consideration, is the manner how to perform a good office: for there are diverse sorts and degrees of them; some are Honourable to those who receive them, and indeed, these should be done, before the public eye of the world, to the end their honour be the greater and more apparent. 4 Others are profitable; such are those when we assist and relieve the poverty, weakness, shame, or necessity of him who receives them; and these indeed must be performed secretly, and apart. 5 But both the one and the other should be done willingly, and cheerfully, not repiningly, by constraint, or importunate solicitation, or request: for, that which we depart from, or distribute in this manner, we give not, but rather sell it at a dear rate; sith requests and prayers are always accompanied with submission and bashfulness. 6 They must also be done speedily, and willingly, for the linger & delaying hereof, is a sign either of doubt or of no great good will or affection for soon to refuse, or late to give, is almost one and the same thing. 7 According to Philosophy, good offices performed, should neither be mercenary, or performed in hope to receive the like: but in Court there are none performed or given otherwise; and yet we must do them so, as none may discover this hope in us: but with all our industry strive to make them believe, that what we do is freely; otherwise they are no more beholding to us, then to a Usurer, who lends forth his money to receive it again with interest. 8 Wherefore he that hath performed a good office or pleasure to his friend▪ must be advisd, and take heed that he not suddenly demand him a recompense, for fear that being discovered, to desire and crave the like, he make it apparent he did it purposely for the same end. 9 We must also be careful, that in pleasuring one we displease and offend not another in Court, for fear lest: we lose by the buy, that which we thought to have gotten by the main: if a good office that we propose ourselves take no desired effect, it shall be nevertheless wisdom in us to continue our best endeavours and solicitations therein, there by to enforce the Ingrateful person to take notice and knowledge thereof; at least if we be any way bound or obliged to him for so by our new affections and good offices, we still refresh and confirm our old. But one thing whereof we must principally take heed, (although it be common in Court) is, not to trouble or disturb him in enjoying that good he hath received by our means, as do those, who having procured an office for a man, will make him execute it according to their own fantasy, and pleasure, and refusing it will convert their affection into hatred, and so seek and plod to ruin him, whom they have formerly preferred and advanced. 10 Thus did Ruffinus (under the Emperor Arcadius) to Lucian, whom he had made Earl and judge of the East; who afterwards, not satisfying him in his injust request of Eucherius (Uncle unto Arcadius) he caused him miserably to be slain. This Example might be accompanied with diverse others of the like nature had I not (as before) proposed brevity in this my Treatise. CHAP. VII. 1 Of acknowledging and requitting good offices received, and wherein is consists. 2 Of the consideration thereof. 3 How they are, to be measured. 4 How to be considered according to the Persons. 5 The means we must observe in acknowledging a good office done us. 6 When to acknowledge it. 1 LEt us proceed to the understanding of a Courtesy or favour done us, which consists in the orderly receiving & remembering thereof, as also in knowing worthily both how, and when to requite it. This favour, or good office done us, must be graciously received, with amiable speeches, and a smiling countenance. As for the remembrance thereof, we must express and testify it, in revealing the content we have received, not only in praising and cherishing it, but also in applauding and extolling our benefactor. And for the regard of the recompense and requital, it must bear proportion, and relation, to the benefit we have received, and to the persons and means we have to acknowledge it. 2 A good office or courtesy done us, must be measured and considered in its true nature, as whether it be great or small, easy or difficult, singular or common, true or false, by accident or occasion, or whether it were done us in our great need and necessity: for such favours and gratuities, are of great force, and make us forget all former injuries and offences, if there have been any betwixt us: as chose the refusal thereof in such a time is very injurious, and makes us forget all former favours. 3 Good offices and Courtesies are likewise to be measured by the intent of him who hath done them: as if he have performed them to pleasure us, or for his own private benefit, and ends; or through vanity, constraint, necessity or hazard, either in not thinking thereof, or in imagining to have done the contrary. 4 The consideration of the persons may also more or less oblige us to acknowledge received favours; for those are always best welcome, that are imparted us from a friendly hand; and from those who for other respects we are disposed and addicted to love. chose, it displeaseth and distastes us, to be obliged to those who displease us, and to whom we would be no way engaged or indebted; and that also which proceeds from him, that is in some respect bound to us: for his courtesy being then justly due to us, we in that regard are the less obliged to him. 5 As for the means we must use in requiting a received Courtesy, we must if possible we can exceed, at least equal them, withal demonstration, that we are bound to more: and that this is not to satisfy the debt, but rather only to acknowledge the obligation. Likewise, when we cannot do otherwise, we must at least pay with a pleasing demonstration of good will, wherein those exceedingly fa●le, who having received some especial favour, which in effect, they cannot sufficiently acknowledge, instead of requiting their benefactors with affection and friendship, they reward them with contempt and hatred, flying and eschewing all means to meet them: for fear their presence reproach them either with ingratitude or poverty. 6 Now having obtained the means to requite a former received court●sie, we must then seek all occasions to come out of their debt, yet with these precautions, that we do it not either too soon or too curiously; to the end that we seem not impatient to be obliged to our friend; or that thereby we imagine, he did us a favour purposely to receive another from us. But we must requite a favour or benefit a little after we have received it; and yet not protract or delay it too long neither: to the end it grow not old, but we must do it when some fit occasion presenteth itself to us, or shall be sought for by us; yet still, with this Proviso that we do it without flattery, or ostentation. CHAP. VIII. 1 Of an active and nimble wit, the second head of this first Book. 2 A digression upon the difference of the Person●, and wits of men, and of their natural Capacities. 3 Of natural Capacity. 4 Of men's temper in general. 5 From whence Capacity and Understanding proceed, and of Intellectual wisdom and her faculues. 6 A rule how to treat and converse with those who are wise and judicious, and of their behaviour. 7 8 Of Wisdom that proceeds from Imagination, and of the manners of those who are fortunate therein. 9 10 Why Fortune is most commonly propitious, and favourable to the wicked. 1 A Sharp and sound judgement, (or an active & nimble Wit) consists in knowing how to distinguish of Persons, affairs, and other circumstances, and accordingly how to order the manner of his proceedings, both in his speech and silence. 2 Now the difference of men's affairs and other circumstances are infinite: wherefore we will here select and produce no others but those we observe to be most frequent and common in men's conversations: and that may awaken and stir up our wisdom, to the consideration of others, whom we not so usually frequent and meet. The difference of persons, is drawn either from their interior faculties, from whence proceed their actions; or from their exterior conditions, whereby (as through a cloud) we may discern something of their inclinations. There are two Interiour Influences, and powers in us, which serve to propagate & produce all our actions: to wit, our Understanding, and our Will. But men's spirits, or Understandings, are very different, so as we may make as many degrees of them, as there are of men in the whole world; but for the better order and method in our Treatise, we will distinguish them by Capacity and incapacity. Capacity is either natural, or purchased. 3 Natural Capacity proceeds of the perfection of the Organs or instruments which Nature gives us: for the operation of the functions of Understanding; and these we may reduce to three heads, Understanding, Imagination, and Memory: and the Capacity of Wit, is either in one, two, or all three of these: this diversity, as some report, coming from the temper of the heart; but according to others (whom indeed I follow) from that of the brain. 4 This temper is nothing else but a commixture of the four first qualities which not being in one, and the same subject, all in the like quantity, weight, and measure. We term the temper from the name of that, which in virtue and strength predominates and o're-swaieth all the others. Some attribute the Capacity of Understanding to a dry temper that consists in distinguishing, choosing, and inferring. Hence it comes to pass, that old men, whose brains are dry, have commonly most Understanding, and are wiser than young men; and so likewise are poor men, who because necessity afflicts them, consequently dries up their brain: and these very often are both fortunate in Wisdom, and rich in Understanding. 5 I say of Wisdom that springs from Understanding, there being another sort that proceeds from the vigour of Imagination, whereof we will anon speak: but this whereof we now entreat, is heavy, and slow, because of a long discourse and ratiocination we must make before, we resolve: yea, to proceed diliberatly, and upon sound foundations, intermixed with dissidence and coldness, an excellent temper to negotiate with all sorts of people. 6 For those Wits and Understandings not staying, or stopping, to the authority of others, in their conceptions and perquisitions: but resolute in themselves to examine the first and fundamental Maxims by their own particular discourse and ratiocination; we must content them with reason, and not neglect or lose time, to persuade them through other men's reputation and credit. 7 But for the rest of their comportment and proceedings, they must commonly relish of Simplicity, Innocency, Humility, Mercy, and Affability, and the greatest part of their actions, are very temperate and moderate. 8 From the hot temper comes Imagination, and as heat is the activest quality of all four; so Imagination is more nimble and active than the other faculties: but as there are many degrees of heat, so the virtue and efficacy of Imagination is likewise different. 9 He that is truly Immaginative, is generally talkative and a great speaker, as also Incontinent, Arrogant, Presumptuous and Vain: heat representing him diverse humours in his Imaginations; whereof to content himself, he now chooseth one, and anon another: and this very heat doth as it were boil his moistness, and thereby stirs up many vapours in his brain, that engender Presumption and Vanity: which debar and hinder that Understanding can neither see, nor choose, the truth, which to define rightly is indeed her chief and principal effect: so that in such Wits we very rarely meet with that Wisdom we now spa●e off, but only a spark of heat that throws them into some pretty invention, with a foresight of that which ensues, which only Imagination presents them, and this Wisdom consists chiefly in ending and breaking off of matters, which never falls out fortunatly, unless we negotiate with men of the same humour, except it be in affairs that depend of a speedy execution: for surely in these, Imagination prevaileth. And it many times falls out, that such Wits give themselves sooner to evil then good: because heat thrusts them on violently to vice, and forgeth them many subtle inventions to compass their desires and designs. 10 Hence it is that Fortune generally proves propitious to the wicked, sith they be more Imaginative than the Veruous: sharper in their inventions, and more inconsiderate, and less stayed in their executions: allthings through the swiftness and vivacity of their endeavours: (for the most part) happily succeed and answer their desires. Now as we have said, that (commonly) poor men are wiser in the operations of Understanding then of Imagination: so we may well affirm, that the rich are more apt and proper in those of Imagination then of Understanding: because (as Naturalists affirm) these through their dainty fare become Sanguine, and consequently of a hot, and moist temper, which is opposite to that of a dry. CHAP. IX. 1 From whence comes the Capacity of Memory, with their conditions who excel therein. 2 That Imagination and Memory never meet together. 3 The humours of the Imaginative in the first degree. 4 5 In the second degree. 6 In the first and last degree. 7 The conclusion of the natural Capacity of Understanding. 1 MEmory hath for her share and portion, the moisture of the brain; from whence it comes, that Children and young folks have better and readier memories then old people: and after their morning's sleep, have it far fresher than at night, the reason consists in this; sleep moisteneth the brain, and watching dries it up. Among these sorts of Wits, we shall not find much less Vanity and Ostentation then in the Imaginative: nevertheless, wanting more pondering and deliberation, they are easier carried away, by authority, reputation, and precedent, than the others. But as temper consists not in one particular quality, but in the combination and commixture of all four: so although in the operations of Wit, we know one of the three faculties domineer in some persons; yet to make it capable and complete, we must have the other two: and if not in the like degree and measure, yet with some power and sufficiency to direct it. 2 Understanding & Memory, can in no sort conjoin and sympathise in the same degree; because dry and moist can in nothing conceive, or imagine with the like power and efficacy: from whence we may conclude, that he who hath a good Understanding, hath but a bad Memory: and chose, he that hath a good Memory, hath but a bad Understanding. Likewise, where moisture abounds, there can be no great heat; because, in the end heat consumes moisture: and consequently, they cannot excel in Memory, who in the third degree have hot brains, as they do that are truly Imaginative. For if they remember matters well and perfectly, it is not in them as much an effect of Memory, which is only a passive faculty to receive, and not an active, as an effect of Imagination that depends, and hath a share in remembrance. These sort of people likewise, have no great Understanding: for although this heat produce and engender dryness in the brain; nevertheless, because it is an enforced and constrained dryness, which dries up the most delicate parts of the brain, and leaves nothing but the gross and earthly; it cannot produce the effects of the Understanding, as Natural dryness doth. 3 And from thence it comes that Poets and great babblers, who enjoy this degree of Imagination (for the most part) are seldom wise. 4 For this promptitude and vivacity, that heat engenders in these sorts of Wits, and which for a time makes them admired; is not only contrary to the operations of Understanding, that requires time and leisure, but also is a great propension and disposition to folly. Of whom we may understand that which Aristotle saith, that there is no great Wit without some mixture or spice of folly: and to speak truth it is a miracle to find one of them wisely moderate, and moderately wise. We therefore conclude, that Imagination and Understanding in this degree of heat, cannot meet together in the same subject; from whence it comes, that those who excel in Understanding, never prove good Poets, or great Orators; and those of this temper, who are their Art-masters in this profession, have had need to refresh and warm their Imagination, some by Wine, some by Love, and others have obtained to be Poets through Choler and Indignation. 5 In other degrees of heat, Imagination may meet with Understanding and Memory: but those who are in the second degree, shall have less Memory, more Understanding, and a perfecter Imagination; and shall find out and know that which is most profitable, as by inventing of subtleties, wiles, and expedients, to treat and manage affairs: yea, to foresee and prevent the future, and to lead, and as it were to counsel and govern others. Such people are commonly choleric, and swart, and therefore variable and inconstant in their humours and resolutions; now heat, than dryth, and anon cold, working their several effects in them. 6 In the first, and last degree of heat, Imagination concurres & sympathizeth with Memory, the heat being not so excessively fervent to consume the moistness; and those who easily learn to paint and write well, hold of this temper: and so likewise do those, who we see are very curious to be proper, neat, and decent in their apparel, as also in other small curiosities that recreate and delight the eye. 7 Notwithstanding, although for the most part these sort of men are arrogant, and proud; nevertheless, being endued with no great Understanding, they conduct, and bear themselves more by the authority and reputation of others, then by their own reason or judgements: Let this suffice to know the Natural Capacity of the Understanding. CHAP. X. 1 Of Capacity obtained by Wit. 2 As also by Arts. 3 Which Arts have need of Understanding. 4 Which of Memory. 5 Which of Imagination. 6 How gotten by Experience, and wherein experience consists. 1 LEt us come to the purchase: this Capacity is obtained, either by Art, or by Experience; and that it may be such as may answer our desires, it must of necessity be conjoined with the natural: (to wit) that the faculty of Understanding most predominant in us, be proper for the Art, whereunto we will address and betake ourselves. 2 Of Arts and Sciences, some have more need of Understanding than others; some of a nimble Imagination, and others principally want Memory. 3 School Divinity, the Theory of Physic; Dialect of Natural, and Moral Philosophy, and the practice of Law, which is to Consuit and judge, all these have need of an excellent Understanding. 4 To learn Languages, the Theory of Law, positive Divinity, Cosmograph●e and Arithmetic, we must strive to excel in a ripe and happy Memory. 5 As for Imagination, all that consists in form, neatness, propriety, correspondence proportion, harmony, and order, depend thereon; and consequently Poesy, Eloquence, Music, the Mathematics, Astrology, physic, Policy, the Art Military, Painting, Meca●●ke Trades, with Architecture and Commerce: and all these in several manners and degrees, which are best known, according as every profession hath more or less need, either of Understanding or Memory. 6 Experience chiefly consists in remembering of Examples, or of that which we have formerly seen, done, or understood: it hath need of Imagination, but chiefly of Memory; Nevertheless, the Examples that we might here present, agreeing not in all points and circumstances; if we will hence draw any consequence, and so please ourselves with choice, & judgement, we have always more need of Understanding, then of any other faculty. CHAP. XI. 1 Of the incapacity of Wits, and the causes of this incapacity. 2 From whence proceeds the natural weakness of Wit, and the effects thereof. 3 Of Inconstancy in opinions. 4 Of Presumption. 5 Of Vanity. 6 Of the manner how to negotiate with the Vain glorious. 7 That Presumption and judgement cannot agree. 8 The properties of those who have moist brains. 9 Of those who have moist and hot brains. 10 Of those who have moist and cold brains: and of the incapacity of some sorts of Wits. 11 Of the weakness of Wit, which proceeds from Ignorance: two sorts of Ignorance; The one Presumptuous, and of her effects. 12 The other simple and Innocent, and of her effects. 1 BY the difference of the Capacity of Wits we may easily know those that turn into incapacity: Nevertheless, because our defects are far more than our perfections, which we can obtain, either through Nature, or Industry: we will discourse of them severally, that by the differences of incapacity, we may the better discern and know those of Capacity. 2 The incapacity of Wit proceeds of many causes, whereof the chiefest is the weakness of Wit, & preoccupation The weakness of Wit, proceeds either from Nature or Ignorance: From Nature, if the temper of the brain be contrary, or unfit to the operation of the faculties of Wit, or that it engender some disorder in their functions. 3 The brain that is either too hot or too cold, begets Inconstancy in opinions: but in the last, the motion thereof is slow, and the Wit dull in her Understanding, and conceits; and always accompanied by fear, and Inconstancy, in these sorts of Wits; without execution, very often dissolves into Irresolution, still relishing and finding that council best, when the time of its execution is past, and consequently too late to be remedied. Inconstancy that comes from the excess of heat, is occasioned by diverse expedients that Imagination representeth to our Understanding, and through defect in not being able to choose that which is best, in respect of the promptitude incident to this active quality. 4 I have heretofore said, that Presumption and Vanity, usually concur in those tempers that are fit for Imagination and Memory: but Presumption is more frequent in that of Imagination; and Vanity in that of Memory; and yet both are opposite to the operations of Understanding and judgement. 5 For the nature of Vanity, is to esteem and value matters, by the show, the lustre, the beauty, and not by the truth thereof; reputing actions, as they are performed, with much greatness and ostentation: dispraising those that are done softly, coldly, quietly, and peaceably; as preferring Art before Nature, an enforced Wit before a natural one, and extraordinary before ordinary. 6 These Wits, are also most commonly paid home with smoke, wind, exterior decking, and false coin, which they prefer before that which is perfect and good, prising more the currantness, than the interior value thereof: wherefore, they must be fed according to their palate: and Curiosity being commonly engendered of Vanity, we must entertain, and feast them with curious things, although never so unprofitable. 7 As for Presumption, she likewise cannot sympathise with judgement: for she makes Understanding prefer her own sufficiency and inventions, before other men's; believing nothing but that which she understands, and holds that impossible she understands not; framing all things according to her belief and opinion, without farther examination thereof: and these are the defects found in these sorts of Wits. 8 Those whose brains are too excessively subject to a watery and slimy moistness (there being another sort, that is oily and subtle) do both quickly learn and forget as having their senses stupefied, and their motions dull and slow. 9 If the brain be excessibly moist and hot, their conceits are gross and shallow; if cold and dry in youth, they mount higher than the course or strength of age permits: but the more we advance and ascend herein, the more our Understanding becomes old and rusty. For that which makes our Wits active and sprightful in our youth, is natural heat; being then in its prime and force, which as we increase in years by degrees, waxeth old and diminisheth. 10 And if the brain be cold and moist, than their Understanding will be dull and slow. 11 The nature of these Wits, is to examine a matter more by the colour then the cause: whereat their Capacity cannot reach unto, to judge of Counsels by the event, rather than by reason, and not to lay hold of any part of a business, but the skin or bark, without examining the dependence or importance thereof, although it be far distant. The Imbecility that Ignorance engenders in our Wits, are of two sorts. The one is commonly attended on by Presumption which makes us contemn and disdain all that is prepos d us: and this indeed is true Ignorance, (the mother of Obstinas●●, Contention, and Contradiction) and incapable to be either left or changed: Wherefore, by one and the same means, we may revenge ourselves, and be entertained of this sort of people, in still leaving them to their errors: and commonly such presumptuous persons give fair play, and leave a breach open to those who will enterprise upon them: whereof Sejanus took his advantage to be freed of Drusus. 12 As for the other sort of Ignorance which is more simple and innocent, it is still accompanied with astonishment and admiration: yet being flexible and tractable, it may be instructed and changed, using reason with authority, which oftentimes is very prevalent with such Vnderctandings. CHAP. XII. 1 Preoccupations, are the cause of incapacity in our Understanding: from whence they proceed. 2 Two sorts of opinions, proceeding from the persuasion of one particular man. 3 What they occasion, and the remedy thereof. 4 From whence come those opinions grounded on custom. 5 Every profession have their particular opinions. 6 Whereof a Courtier must be chiefly informed, and his precautions. 7 The effects, and considerations of opinions, built upon common estimation. 8 according to the Rarity. 9 Abundance. 10 Absence, or Presence. 11 Facility, or difficulty. 12 Novelty, or strangeness. 13 Custom. 1 LEt us proceed to preocupations, that may engender and breed in us some incapacity. False opinions wherewith the Understanding may be preocupated, come either from some particular man's persuasion, or from custom, or passions wherewith our Will may be surprised. 2 A particular man may imprint in us an opinion contrary to truth, either through the credit, or authority he hath over us; or as being the first which gives us this impression. 3 The first, is a witness of facility, and the second, of too much promptitude, which being not accompanied with judgement, for want of Capacity to judge and distinguish the truth, remains and is linked to the first impressions: wherefore the safest course and counsel herein, is to prevent those Wits, and to take order that others prevent not them. 4 The opinions that Custom imprint in us, proceed either of breeding and particular conversation, or else of a general custom: it is true, that he who hath been bred at home, is of other opinions than those that are professed Travellers, and for not understanding to make this difference: Musonius the Philosopher was laughed at, for preaching peace to the Soldiers of Ualens. 5 Every Profession and Vocation have their particular opinions; not only, because they concern the said Profession, but sometimes for those very things that are common one to another. 6 Wherefore a Courtier must be informed not only of the Court, but also of those of particular men, with whom he is to confer, to the end, that accordingly he govern and conduct himself: the which he shall learn not only by their actions and discourse, but also by the breeding and conversation wherein they have been brought up, and live; it being certain, that it commonly falls out, that we resemble those with whom we have lived and conversed. 7 As for those opinions built upon the estimation, which the vulgar sort of people make of things: they to overthrow the truth, fight with more authority and power in our Understandings: not only in this universal approbation, whereunto none dare oppose, but also by the scarcity or aboundacce, absence or presence, difficulty or facility, novelty or Custom of certain things whereof the price riseth or falls, according as we please to use or esteem them. 8 So through scarcity and rarity, many things not greatly profitable, are much prisd and esteemed, as Dimonds and Pearls, by reason whereof those who have in them some rare qualities and perfections, although unprofitable, are always reputed and esteemed above others. 9 chose, abundance makes us disesteem and undervalue our plenty, although it be not only profitable, but necessary. 10 Likewise, the want and absence of any thing makes us in our Imagination more esteem it then the enjoying thereof; whether it be before we have it, or after we have left it, and the retaining thereof makes us disesteem it, because of the satiety which the enjoying thereof commonly engendereth in us. 11 The difficulty also in getting it, makes us value things beyond their worth: provided that the purchasing and obtaining thereof, be not altogether impossible, and the facility makes us prize them as Common; without respecting their worth or natural value. 12 Novelty and strangeness make us likewise condemn certain things, as being unprofitable; and in others (as we have formerly said) the admiration of the rarity and strangeness thereof, induceth us to overprise and value them. 13 chose, Customs makes us undervalue some things, as being too common; and sometimes again, it causeth us esteem and prize them far beyond their value and worth. CHAP. XIII. 1 Of Preocupation according to our Passions, and his effect according to love and hatred. 2 joy. 3 Sorrow. 4 Fear and Choler. 1 AS for the preocupation of Passions, it is but too often that they inveigle, and sometimes absolutely blind our Understandings; as love that adds beauty to the object we affect; which is neither seen nor known to those that are not blinded with this passion; so hatred and Envy suggest deformity, and extraordinary horror in the object, it hateth. 2 joy so much affects the object of that which inflames it, as she cannot be silent, and sometimes becomes so vain and talkative, that it apparently discovers our Understanding is out of her proper throne or seat, and so make itself ridiculous. 3 chose, sorrow is dumb and silent, and as it were forsaken and dejected; yea, it so enfeebleth our Wit and judgement, as from thence comes the Proverb, That from slaves, and miserable people, God hath taken away the one half of their Understanding. 4 As for the alterations, that Fear, Choler and other passions engender in our Understanding, every man not only discerns, but feels them in himself. Whereof purposing hereafter to entreat, I will at present content myself with that which I have already written to show the obstacles and hindrances they give to the functions of Understanding, although very capaple in other matters, as also the differences and alterations they produce not only in our Wills, (as we will hereafter show) but also in our Wits and Understandings. CHAP. XIV. 1 Of our Will, being the third head of this first Book. 2 From whence comes the diversity of Wills. 3 The difference of the Will of our Understanding. 4 Considerations of goodness, and her object. 5 6 7 8 Considerations of the motions of our Will. 9 Of the diversity of their object, and of that it produceth. 10 Considerations of evil simply: of her objects, and of that it produceth. 11 12 13 14 15 1 COme we now to speak of our Will, which gives an assault to our Understanding, which of itself is indifferent to all sorts of objects. 2 The differences of our Will proceeds either of the Diversity of objects, which present themselves to her, or of the Diversity of her own motions. 3 The objects are infinite: but all are conceived and taken by the Will, either as Good or Evil: as Good, the Will follows them; as Bad, it flies from them: from whence are derived the two principal motions, the one first, the other last. 4 Good and Evil, in this cause must not be esteemed according to the opinions of Philosophers, or common people, but according to the particular opinion of the person whose Will we would understand and know, to the end, that according thereunto we may rule and order ourselves in that we have to do, it being the chiefest effect of an active and solid judgement. 5 For in some men, the consideration of Honour will effect more than that of Wealth; and in others the hope of enjoying a pleasure, is more powerful than either hope, profit, or pleasure. 6 A man's discourse and actions, sufficiently teach us the chief inclinations that he affects one object more than another: at least, if we will carefully discern and espy it. 7 But if we have to treat of any particular affair: we must especially observe what the party with whom we treat chiefly desires or fears in that business, although it may fall out, that according to his desire, there is no thing to be feared of: For herein we must govern ourselves according to other men's opinions, and not to our own: Let this suffice for the effects. 8 In the motions of our Will, we must consider not only their Diversities and Differences, but also, the use of this Knowledge; thereby neatly to prevail in all occasions that befall us. 9 The Diversity of the motions of our Will comes from the diverse forms which the object conceived of us, representeth us: for Good considered of us, simply as it is, engenders a pleasing affection of the object, which we term Love, or Friendship: and if it be present, then in obtaining thereof, is borne joy; in the use, Rejoicing, Pleasure, and Content; if to come, that motion is called Desire: and if we seek the means to obtain it; judging it possible, we thereby enter into Hope: if impossible, into Despair. 10 Evil, considered simply as it is, breeds in us only Hatred, which in avoiding and flying thereof, is termed Horror; if it proceed from the absence of any good thing we want, Sorrow takes place in us; if of the presence of any evil, than grief and anger; if it touch our Honour and Reputation, before the act, it breeds bashfulness, than shame. 11 If the evil be to come, it breeds Timidity; if it extend to the execution either of our Nature or being, fear; if for evil past, repentance; or if for that of others, than pity and compassion. 12 If we think to overcome this evil, as inferior to our strength, confidence will assure us, and courage and boldness, animate and provoke us on to undertake it. 13 if the evil we have received, bear in it any contempt or disdain, either of ourselves or our friends, than the feeling and remembrance thereof will excite us to Choler; which if it last not long, we may term Anger. 14 Sometimes other men's good and prosperity, is an evil to us, and their evil and misery a good to us, according to the affection or hatred we bear the party to whom it happeneth: as that which befalls our Rivals, Competitors, or Enemies; from whence comes Envy: And the good or prosperity which we desire only for ourselves, without any intent to confer, or impart it to others: if another participate thereof, we esteem it a wrong, and evil to ourselves; from whence ariseth jealousy. 15 If we be angry at the good or prosperity of other men, esteeming them unworthy thereof; from thence grows Indignation; or if we desire it for ourselves, than Emulation. CHAP. XV. 1 The use of the knowledge of the motions of our Will. 2 Three things to be considered therein. 3 The dependency of these motions in engendering one the other. 4 The motions of the Concupiscible part. 5 Of the Choleric part. 6 The Order and dependences of the Will, destinguished according to the intention and execution. 7 8 9 10 The Order of the motions of the Concupiscible part among themselves. 11 12 THese are the chiefest motions of our Will: from whence we may recollect and know in how many sorts and degrees, good and evil presents themselves unto us. 1 Nevertheless, for the use, and to draw some profit hence, we must pass on to the Knowledge of these motions: the use whereof chiefly consists in seeking out the means, either to incite and stir them up in others, or to moderate them not only in others, but also in ourselves: or else by pleasing and humouring them, to dispose and accommodate ourselves to others, if it be requisite and necessary to follow them. 2 To stir up these motions in others, the knowledge of three things is very necessary, to wit, the dependence of these motions in engendering one the other: of the most universal causes which stirs up every motion, or at least the chiefest, whereon the rest depend, or men's dispositions in more bending or inclining to one of these affections, then to the other. 3 To come to the dependence, we must know, that every object is considered, simply; either as good or evil: or else with an intent and desire to obtain the one as good, and to secure himself from the other as evil. 4 The motions produced of the first consideration (as Naturalists hold) are engendered of the Liver (being the seat of the faculty which they term Concupiscible); and this is occasioned by the spirits that are in our blood: from whence proceed the motions of all the faculties. 5 And those that are produced by the second consideration, are bo●ne in our heart, the seat of the faculty, which they term Choleric: and according to this distinction we separate and divide in two, all the motions of our will. Those of our Concupiscible Will, spread farther than those of our Choleric: for those move without any respect or observance to the object: so doth desire, and the other stays thereat; so doth joy, but none of the motions of our Choleric Will staics at the object. 6 But the stay or rest, being the end of the motion, is the first in intention, and the last in execution: wherefore if we confer or join our Choleric motions, with those of our Concupiscible which stop and stay at good; it is certain that those of the Choleric in the order of execution will devance and take the hand of our Concupiscible motions, which only stop and stay at good: so hope takes place and is the Herald and Forerunner of joy. 7 But our Concupiscibile motion which stays at evil, will be in the midst of our two Choleric motions: so Anger follows Fear; and yet goes before Choler. 8 As for our Concupiscible motions, which stay not, either at good or evil, being conjoined with those of our choleric: our Choleric adding the consideration of the difficulty, either in obtaining good, or avoiding evil, marcheth first, & goes beyond our Concupiscible: so hope adds some power beyond desire, and fear adds debility or baseness to our courage, in the apprehension either of horror, or evil. 9 From whence we may conclude, that Choleric motions are between those of the Concupiscible, that stop or stay not; to the object, and for those that do stay, they are devanc'd by the first, and followed by the last. 10 As for the order of Concupiscible motions among themselves, it must also be diversely considered, either according to the intent or execution in the object of good: and that which is first conceived and engendered in us, is a certain delectation and agreeableness of the object, after our desire is once framed & formed, which is a motion to Good, and the last point is the purchase and obtaining thereof, and this engendereth I●y and Pleasure. 11 According to the intent, Pleasure marcheth first: for the which we desire good; and from this desire comes love, than delight. 12 But the appetite and desire of Good, being an occasion that we fly Evil: the object of Good, in this goes before the object of Evil; and so the motions and passions which look to the object of Good do in intention take the hand, and go before those which look to the object of Evil: and this hath power aswell in Choleric as Concupiscible motions. CHAP. XVI. 1 Of the order of Passions as they engender one another. 2 The causes of Passions. 3 Of those Passions which have Goodness for their object. 4 Of the love of conformity, and all that is considerable therein. 5 Of friendship for our own particular interest. 6 Of the effect of friendship. 7 The causes of Desire, and from whence it is engendered. 8 The causes of Hope. 9 How Experience fortifies Hope. 10 The force and Power of Hope. 11 1 THe order of Passions as they produce, and engender one the other, is thus: Love, Desire, Hope, Boldness, joy; and chose, Hatred, flight to Horror, Fear, Choler, Despair, and Sorrow. So joy and Sorrow, are the Passions wherein the others end and terminate. Hope, Fear, Choler, and Despair, are those wherein reside the most violent motions of the Will, assaulted and shaken, either by love and desire of Good; or by hatred and horror of Evil. I will purposely omit to speak of other Passions, because they observe no order among themselves; but as the one or other of these entermixe and conjoin among themselves, so accordingly they either march before, or follow after. 2 Let us come to the most usual causes whereby these Passions may be stirred up, and we will begin with those who have Goodness for their object. 3 Love, Desire, and joy, have this Good for their common object; but hec that loves considereth it particularly, as an object that may be united to himself. But a Union being not able to proceed, except in the like things, or though, not in all points, at least in some one which is very considerable: as, the similitude or resemblance is of two sorts, so this affection proposeth itself now to the one, anon to the other: according to the accidents and events of matters. For that wherein two persons conjoin and meet, is either actually or effectually in these two p●rsons; as, the like humours & conformity of Wills, from whence comes true friendship: or else it is in effect, either in the one or other, through Desire, or Inclination; and from thence, likewise is engendered Love, or Amity, for our own interest, whose principal foundation, is the love of himself: whereon almost all the friendships of the World (yea, those likewise of the Court) are grounded and built. 4 This sort of amity or Friendship hath relation to Kinsfolks, Alliances, Familiarities, Conversation, Conformities of Manners, Wills, and Professions: if it fall not out that this last be thwarted by Envy, or Emulation, which is usually found in men of the same profession and faculty. The like we may allcadge of the Friendship of those to whom both Good and Evil is common; or of those who are of the same age or Country, to those who are not: (in a word) of all those who resemble in any considerable point, which separates and distinguisheth them from many others, by reason of this conformity, resemblance, agreeableness, obedience, and all that may tend and serve to erect and build up this frame of friendship. 5 The other sort of Friendship, having for foundation, the love of ourselves; we cannot stir up this Affection in the Understanding of any one, unless it be in consideration of his own private and particular interest. 6 With this affection the poor man loves the rich, thereby to enrich himself: and the rich the poor, thereby to draw either service or honour from him: so in the same sort, we likewise love those, who either have or may do us a good office: or those also who we cherish or esteem. Sith then our own interest is the chiefest cause of this friendship; we must seek that which hath most power and interest towards the person in whom we would stir up this affection: as, to a Covetous man, Profit; to one that is Ambitious, Honour; to a young man, Uoluptuousnesse and Pleasure; every one measuring his interest according to his necessity, and his necessity according to his desire. 7 Which being found out, it will be easy for us to stir up Desire and joy: for Desire is derived from two principal causes; the first, from the knowledge of Good, in the object that is proposed us, which (by way of Retribution) Love gives us according as it hath received it: and the other from the absence or want of this Good. Nevertheless, this will not suffice to stir up a great motion in some, if they judge not the obtaining of their desires possible; so that we must anexe and add the means whereby hope may be enkindled; which means, are of diverse sorts. 8 For all that can make a man powerful, as Riches Strength, Authority, Reputation, Friends, Kinsfolks, and the like: or that can steed us in our designs, may put us in hope to obtain our desire, at least, if we know these advantages to be in us. 9 Likewise, Experience in that we undertake, may fortify our Hope: first, because having done, or seen a thing done, we are still more apt and fitter to do it, then if we had never seen it done: secondly, because it makes us believe and assure ourselves, it is possible to be performed. From whence it follows, that the Example of the like thing which another hath performed and finished, will serve to revive and encourage our own hope, that we may obtain what we desire. 10 This Motion is that which helps us in all our affairs; and saith Lucian, Hope and Fear, are the two T●●a●ts, that is to say, the strongest and most violent motions that rouse and stir us up: for conceiving a matter to be difficult, stirs up our intention, and the opinion we have, that it is easy; makes us not greatly care to see an end thereof. 11 Moreover, Hope makes the future time seem as it were present in our Imagination: it engendereth joy in our Understanding, which in this cause is more free and clcere sighted, to devose and invent many means how to obtain our desires, then if we were afflicted either with Sorrow or Anger. For Hope having already judged the means possible for us to obtain our desire; it breeds in us a confidence to pass on and a resolution to march towards boldness. CHAP. XVII. 1 The causes of Confidence, and how considered. 2 3 Her Motion. 4 5 From whence it proceeds. 6 7 The causes of Boldness brought forth by two means. 8 The causes of joy and how it is conceived and formed in us. 9 10 Of presupposed enjoyance, or imaginary presence. 11 Which is the greatest joy. 12 How Evil, is still present with us. 1. 2. FOr if Confidence should stop, and make a stand at the bare terms of assurance, it were rather rest then motion: but we must consider it as a passage from Hope to Boldness: and this is it that makes us judge the means easy to surmount all hindrances and oppositions, to the end we may obtain our desires. 3 This Motion is chiefly engendered in us, when we imagine that those things that may warrant and secure us, are near, or in our power, and that those which may endommage or offend us, are far remote from us, either in respect of place, time, occasion, or will. 4 And according to the nature of the matter: for this last we must ground ourselves on the consideration either of our power, or of the innocence and equity of our behaviour, or of the sufficiency and inclination of those, whose power we have reason to fear: if they are honest, respectful, modest, or friends: if they hope for some benefit from us; or else, if they fear us. 5 Confidence comes also, when those things we would do, are profitable, either to many, or to personages of greater rank and quality, then are those whom they may offend. 6 To have no proof of misfortune, and not to know it, may likewise make us secure and confident. The small repute and esteem that our Inferiors make of this evil: the hope they have of assistance from Heaven, and other men's persuasions and requests, may likewise assist and serve to this effect. 7 Confidence being thus formed and fashioned; we must proceed to give the last shaking and assault to our Will, that is very boldly to attempt & enterprise what we desire, & this is produced by two means; that is, by those things which may stir up Hope in us, as our strength, experience, power, assistance of friends, and other advantages, (whereof we have heretofore spoken) and by those things which may banish and exclude fear; which consist, either in the remoteness of that which may offend us, or in the hindrance or remedy that may be given or applied hereunto. 8 And being by these motions led & conducted to the obtaining of desired Good: joy is instantly engendered in us, which is not so much a motion, as the end of a motion, having regard to the execution, or beginning of a motion, if we respect the intention thereof. 9 Which to frame and fashion, two things are necessary; the knowledge how to obtain and purchase a Good, and the enjoying thereof: the first, because many possess those things that are good, whereof being ignorant, they rejoice not in enjoying the same. 10 As for the enjoying thereof, it presupposeth either real, or imaginary presence, such as Desire, Hope and Remembrance, presenteth unto us: for albeit Desire, or Hope, have reference to the future, and Memory to the past: Nevertheless, Imagination makes those things seem present that are absent; from whence it follows, that joy, and Sorrow, always accompany Desire, and Hope. 11 And although of all degrees of joy, that which a Good really present, produceth in us, seems to be the greatest, as being best grounded; Nevertheless, through the disesteem or carelessness, which the often taste of a Good gives us: and chose, representing those things we enjoy not, greater in Imagination, then in effect: it comes to pass, that that joy which produceth Desire, and Hope, is always the greatest, especially in Hope, which not only compriseth and anticipateth a Good▪ through apprehension, but also through the possibility to obtain it. 12 As much, we may likewise say of Evil, that is present with us, not only when it befalls us, but also when we anticipate it through fear, or being past, that we recall to our remembrance, from whence proceeds Sorrow and Anger. So then, instead of Good or Evil really present we may stir up and engender these Passions by their Imaginary presence, not only with as much power, but sometimes with more effect. CHAP. XVIII. 1 Of those who are subject to the Passions occasioned through the ob●●ct of Good. 2 The Motions and Passions of the Will, that have evil for their object. 3 Why we are more sensible of Evil then of Good. 4 5 6 7 8 The causes of Hatred, and what it engendereth. 9 As Fear. 10 The things that affright and fear us. 11 Of those we have offended, and which of them we must most fear. 12 Of that which we must most fear. 1 NOw to know those who are most disposed, and aptest to receive these impressions, although the knowledge of those objects, that are most pleasing and agreeable to them, may sufficiently teach and inform us: we must nevertheless know that those Natures who are modest, affable, courteous, humble, no ill speakers, or quarellers, are most commonly capable of these Passions; as also, those who love pleasures, plays, or pastimes; or to be honoured, respected, or courteously entreated; those also, who are pitiful, charitable, or officious; or who love not solitary companies, or that of headstrong, or perverse people; of desemblers, cozeners, irreconcilable, undictive, or presumptuous persons: and yet those who are vain, in any of these Natures, so they are not tainted with Presumption, by honouring & respecting them, they will be soon drawn to love. But particularly, for Hope, Confidence, and Boldness, those will be more easily won, who are most courageous, sierce, and active: as also those who conceive and flatter themselves with a good opinion of their own sufficiency, credit, authority, strength, means, and experience; and likewise, who have been still fortunate in their enterprises, will be easily persuaded to it, either because of their faculty, or in respect of their ignorance, and want of experience. And so likewise will young people, fools, and those who we term haire-braind, in respect of the inconsideration and precipitation that attend and accompany these humours; as also, those who overheat themselves with Wine; the violence of which heat, and the fumes of their spirits and brains, make them as the rest, inconsiderate, and rash: let this suffice for the passions of those whose object is Good 2 If by the knowledge of one contrary, it be easy to descry and discern another: it will then be easy for us, who know the causes of Love, Desire, Hope, Confidence, Boldness, and joy, to find out likewise those of Hatred, Horror, Fear, Distrust, Despair, and Sorrow; it being certain, that as conformity, and sympathy of humours, or the consideration of profit, combine and link men together in friendship; so contrariety of humours; and the consideration of damage, breeds likewise hatred and enmity betwixt them. 3 Nevertheless, there is herein this difference, that those passions whose object is Evil, are more powerful than those whose object is Good, not that the motion is stronger, but because Evil being contrary to our Nature, it makes itself to be more sensibly felt then the object of Goodness, which is near like, and conformable thereunto: the reason of Antip●uhie being desirous that two contraries strive and contend, whereby they may the more sensibly feel each others oppositions. 4 That which resembleth, is more difficult to discern in our Understanding then that which is contrary: white upon white is more difficult to discern, then black upon white; right so, Good is more difficult to distinguish from Good, then from Evil. 5 In the confusion of many things, those which most resemble, are least known the one from the other, but in the commixture of diverse things, either contrary in quality or substance, they are instantly distinguished and found out. 6 Wherefore Goodness uniting itself to our Nature, we esteem not of it, thinking we have no more than we ought have, but if Evil be fall us, because our Nature is contrary to it, there remains still a reluctation, and repining, which is nothing else, than a sensible feeling of Evil. 7 From whence it comes to pass, that we easily forget any good office done us, but difficultly an ill one. 8 But as from the knowledge of Evil is engendered the hatred we bear it; so from Hatred comes horror, which cannot be imagined to be without the company of Fear no more than can Desire without Hope, although they apprehend the object diversely; wherefore the causes of fear, teacheth us the causes of flight, or horror of evil, whereof these are the most usual and ordinary. 9 All things that can hurt or annoy us, make us fear them; yea, the very signs and resemblances thereof afflict and distaste us, as that of Death, of a tempest, and other things likewise affright and terrify us, because the sign thereof demonstrates that the thing itself is not far from us. 10 But of all things that terrify us, the chiefest and greatest, is the hatred and malice of those who have any power over us, as those who are powerful in Valour, audacity, wealth, friends, attendants, and to say truth, in authority, and reputation; because Will joined with Power to do Evil, makes us believe, the Evil itself is very near us: so Iniuslice seconded and fortified by authority is likewise to be feared for the same reason; as also valour being outraged and offended, conjoined with power, makes it fearful and formidable: for an injury received draws on the Will to revenge, and force and power gives him means to effect it: likewise, the fear and distrust of great men, is to be redoubted and feared: for they by all means, and ways, desire to warrant and secure themselves. 11 But of those we have offended, or who distrust us, or are either jealous or envious of our Good, those are most to be doubted and feared, who spin the web of their malice secretly and silently; saying nothing, but only dissembling their injuries and designs: because we shall not discover when they are on the point to revenge or prejudice us. 12 We must also fear, to have our Lives, Goods, Honours, yea, or our Persons in the power, and discretion of another; from whence it comes, that those who know any Evil by us, are much to be feared; because of the apprehension we still must have in being discovered of them, either through Envy, hatred, jalousie, imbecility, future hope, or present profit. CHAP. XIX. 1 The disposition in the motions and Passions whose object is Evil. 2 What they are who fear no hurt can befall them. 3 4 A remedy not to fear it. 5 Of those who are much given to Fear. 6 The use of Fear Considered in two sorts. 7 8 Of Fear accompanied with distrust. 9 Of the Passions of Sorrow, and Anger, and what other Passions they engender. 1 AS for the disposition requisite to receive those Passions, we may easily judge those who are disposed and addicted to hatred, because we have already spoken of those who are disposed to love. 2 But in respect of Fear, it is certain that those who believe no hurt or damage can befall them, are not easily shaken or daunted at this Passion: for Fear● cannot be without the Imagination and Expectation of Evil: wherefore, those who have always been happy in their actions, and who are powerful in wealth, friends, reputation, strength, and authority; thinking that all should answer their expectations; yea, and stoop to their greatness, do seldom or never fear what may befall them. 3 Those likewise who have lost all hope of Good, and who have been still oppressed with afflictions, and crosses, and as it were enured and accustomed to Evil, they no longer fear it. 4 Sen●ca saith, that Not to hope, is a remedy not to fear: for it must needs be, that in those who fear, there is still remaining some spark or hope of Good: for which they suffer this affliction and anxiety. From whence it comes, that those who fear, are always ready and willing to hear and receive counsel: but we use not to consult, if we have once lost all hope of what we desire. 5 Of all which formerly spoken, we may conclude, that those who are subject to Fear, and think they may receive some Evil; and knowing likewise their own weakness to resist it: as the greatest part of old men, and the poorer sort of people, who are destitute of all help, friends, and means; or of those of inse●iour condition, and of sm●ll reputation, and authority; who are despis d, hated, envied, or suspected, of Vice; or for being heretofore too valiant, or to have had too much Credit with the vulgar people: and this only suspicion and distrust ha●h procured the utter ruin and downfall of many great personages. 6 The use of this motion is frequent and common, and may serve us to draw two profitable uses thereof: the one to make us lose all Hope of that we desire; and herein we must aggravate and augment the Evil, and the hindrances that may arise in the success of that we desire, without discovering the remedy and expedients, that may facilitate and make easy the purchase and enjoying thereof. 7 The other is to incite and stir up our providence and foresight; and herein it is necessary we observe a Medium in our fear, and that against the difficulties that may arrive or arise, we come armed with some means and devices, to surmount and overcome them; wherein Fear in this kind performs more than Hope: because Hope preupposeth that this Good may be obtained, and Fear believes that this Evil will be very hardly avoided: wherefore her in as regarding that which is most difficult, our Wit and Understanding is more bend then in the other. 8 Dissidence follows Fear, and knowing herself Incapable to anoide the Evil or enjoy the good we desire (the deprivation of Good being taken by our W●ll for an Evil) it converts itself into Despair, and this Despair into Sorrow, and Anger; which is more or less in us: according to the judgement our Understanding makes of the importance of the object, and this Passion breeds diverse effects in us. 9 For sometimes she is the end of motion, staying at the consideration of Evil, as joy is the rest and repose of Good: and sometimes it revives and stirs up in us many other motions, whereof the chief and most usual, are Choter, Shame, Compassion. En●●●, ●e●●ousie Indignation, and Emulation, which are derived, partly from Anger, and partly from the affluence of diverse considerations that are observed in one and the same object. CHAP. XX. 1 Of Choler, and the Passions that concur therein. 2 Of contrary objects in Choler. 3 The causes of Choler. 4 That Disdain and Injury are the chiefest. 5 6 Of those who are soon subject to Choler. 7 The Passions that dispose us to Choler. 8 Shame follows Choler, and how it is stirred up in us. 9 The causes of shame. 10 11 Disposition to Shame. 1 CHoler is framed, & formed, in us by the concurrence and affluence of many Passions: for beginning with Anger, and Sorrow, of a received injury, it is accompanied with Hatred, against him that hath offended us, as also a desire to be revenged of him: the which is conjoined with a certain hope to effect it, because Desire, and Hope are things possible and feasable, although they bear in them a show of difficulty: for if we esteem revenge impossible, this motion would then reside and dwell, in the terms of hatred and sorrow. But Hope presenting Revenge to our Imagination, we are instantly possessed with Pleasure, and Content, which Choler finds out to free ourselves of Sorrow, as being the only remedy to make us joyful. Every one still delighting to think on that he desireth. Or had we perpetrated our Revenge, our pleasure and content were then both perfected, & accomplished, because it banisheth all Sorrow, & appeaseth the motion of Choler. 2 So this Passion hath two contrary objects (to wit) revenge, and him of whom we would be revenged. Revenge is considered, as being Good and desired, and held for such: from whence it follows, that it being performed, we rejoice, and him of whom we would be revenged, is considered as an Evil, very odious and distasteful to us. 3 As for the causes of Choler, they are usually two: the one, the small esteem made of us, whether it be through Injury, Disgrace, or any other degree of Disdain: the other the hindrance and opposition given us, to do or obtain that which we desire: which others comprehend under the name of Contempt, as also, to rejoice at our misfortune, to forget us, or the like. 4 Injury is measured according to the opinion we conceive and retain of the Injustice of contempt and disdain, so if we esteem the Injustice great; Injury then will the more provoke and exasperate us: So Disdain, or damage, offered a great man, to whom is due more respect; being more injust the more stirs him up to Choler, and Indignation; and also to an honest man, the wrong and Evil that is done him. 5 By this reason we are more choleric to be dispraised for that wherein we think to excel, then in that it excel not, as still esteeming this degree of disdain more injust. 6 From whence it comes, that those who are vainglorious, proud, and presumptuous; and briefly, all those who conceive good opinions of themselves for any imaginary advantage or perfection in them, do more easily and quickly grow Choleric; the injury being so much the greater in their Imagination, in that they conceive and hold a better opinion of themselves than they deserve. 7 True it is, we omit not sometimes to be angry to see ourselves despised for defects in us: but it is because the defects themselves engender in us weakness of Capacity and So row, whereof the last conducts, and prevokes us to Choler: from whence it follows, we easily wax choleric, against those who bring us bad news, and that makes us more apt and vehement to commit injuries; and hence it comes to pass that a very small matter makes children, women, old, and sick folks, Choleric, as also those that are possessed with Love, Suspicion, or Fear, as not having the courage to resist this motion; and this Passion continues longer in those Understandings, that are rude and barbarous, then in those that are more polished and ciuilised. 8 Shame is a degree of Fear that depends of Honour: but sometimes Anger, and then Choler steps within it; it hath its birth in us by actual presence, or by supposition of shameful, dishonest, or undecent actions, as well past, present, as to come, whether they proceed from ourselves, or from those who touch us in affinity, or those that for some other respect and reason we affect and love. 9 But flattery and praises of us, spoken in our own presence, before whom, then, and where they ought not have been reported, may also make us blush, and stir up in us this affection: likewise, the reproach of a good turn, or office done us: to be reproved of a fault, to confess it and crave pardon, not to participate of those things that are common to our inferiors and equals: to serve in any base or servile manner, and to be fallen from a greater fortune, makes us likewise ashamed in presence of those who have seen us enjoy the same. Shame for the most proceeding from the presence of those before whom we present ourselves, as also, before those whom we respect and admire, or those with whom we are conjoined in Office, or Dignity; who observe our actions, and are accustomed to slander, and backbite us: but to those who Cannot reprove our actions, as children; or toward those who will not as friends, or dare not, as our Seruan●s, we are not usually mon or stirred up in this manner. 10. We are also shame faced before those to whom we are obliged and beholding, without having had the means to requite it: for then their presence doth as it were reprove, and check, our Ingratitude. 11 Of all which above spoken: we conclude that those who are jealous of their Honours, and desire to live in a good reputation, as also those who have received any injury or disgrace, o● that are in any contemptible estate, are very subject to entertain, and incident to retain this motion: the which nevertheless, as all others changeth and assumes other forms, according to time, place, persons, and other conditions and circumstances, that concuire and meet in humane actions. CHAP. XXI. 1. Of Compassion, and from whence it pr●ceeds. 2. Of those who are usually uncharitable and not compassionate. 3 Disposition to Compassion, and those who are aptest thereunto. 4 Of that which may engender Compassion in us, and more stir us up to Pity. 5 6 1 COmpassion ariseth in us through Displeasure, and Anger, we conceive for the evil or damage of others, but to stir up this A●ger, it must needs be that our affection towards him afflicted, or the conceit, that he suffereth it injustly, doth chiefly occasion it: for if we love him not, or if we esteem his wickedness equal to the Evil he suffereth: we would never pity nor commiserate it. Nevertheless, there be events wherein the condition of our nature, as also the power and inconstancy of Fortune, may without any other consideration, stir up and provoke in us this motion; making us afraid to see in ourselves the miseries and afflictions which we see befalls others. Which comes to pass when we esteem this Evil not to be far from us, neither also to be so near as to touch us: for in this last point, instead of thinking on other men's crosses, we think on our own, and instead of consideration, Fear surpriseth us: and formeth itself in our hearts and thoughts. Which is the reason why we will not enter into this motion for unknown persons; because they are too far distant from our consideration, nor for persons who are so near as their afflictions and ours seem to sympathize and make but one, but only for those whom we know to be betwixt these two extremes and of our ordinary and familiar acquaintance. 2 Of that we have spo●en of the consideration of our Nature and the inconstancy of Fortune: we may conclude that two sorts of men are very merciless and uncharitable; those who are driven to so extreme an indigence and necessity that they are so far from pitying others, as they only comfort and relieve their own miseries by those of others: it being (as I have formerly said) the common consolation of poor and miserable people, to have compartners and fellows in their afflictions: and those who believe they are lifted up so high as they esteem themselves secured against all sorts of adverse accidents, and who instead of being compassionate to the afflicted, deride and laugh at them, and many times use them with much pride and insolency. 3 chose then; those will be soon disposed and inclined to Mercy, who fear afflictions and calamities, because they have heretofore felt them, and who with much difficulty and danger have escaped them; and consequently, old men who have had more experience of the weakness and mutability of humane matters, and those who acknowledge themselves weak in strength, wealth, reputation, friends, & kinsfolks: and in a word, those who have a greater fear and knowledge of adversity, will the sooner permit themselves to embrace this motion of P●●●e, and Commiseration. 4 But of miseries and afflictions, those that can soon move us to Compassion and Pity, are these which either accompany the affliction of the body, or the distemperature of the mind, and which befall us not through our own default, but as we believe either through the Malice of Fortune, or of our enemies. 5 And as these afflictions increase by their circumstances, so doth our Compassion as if in affliction we are forsaken of our own, deprived of our means and wealth, oppressed without cause, by strong or cruel enemies, or if we depend of our enemies and other like particularities, which commonly follow those that are afflicted & unfortunate. 6 But not only present but future Afflictions, if they be any thing near hand may move us to pity, as also, those that are past: if it be not too far beyond the present, or that the remembrance thereof be yet recent and fresh in our memories: from whence it proceeds that the representation of the gesture, voice, apparel, and countenance of the afflicted, doth the more powerfully move us; because by these exterior signs, the crosses that afflict them, are as it were present in our own imaginations, and contemplations: In the four ensuing Passions, Hatred, and Anger, are intermixed, and in some one of these, as in Jealousy; Love hath also her part and share. CHAP. XXII. 1 Of Envy. 2 From whence it proceeds. 3 4 Of the causes that dispose us to Envy. 5 6 Of Indignation, and with what it is intermixed. 7 That Wealth breeds in us this Passion of Envy. 8 From whence ariseth Indignation. 9 That great men are more subject to it than others. 10 The causes that provoke us to this Passion. 11 The nature of Indignation. 12 That Emulation is a degree of Envy, and the causes thereof. 13 14 Of those who are subject to Emulation. 15 16 How Emulation is engendered, and of those that are not subject to this motion. 17 18 Of jealousy, and the causes thereof. 1 Envy engendereth when we repine and are angry at another's prosperity, without any other consideration then that we wished he enjoyed not his prosperity. 2 And although there be no other cause of former variance and distaste: nevertheless, it cannot be conceived without Hatred, or Ill-will; nay, hardly without a kind of silent Choler, which not properly extends but to those we believe are no greater than ourselves, or in some respect, if not in all, our inferiors, or against those we know, and that dwell not far from us. For we Envy not a man's wealth whom we know not, or who dwells in the Indies; or if he have not been our equal or inferior, or with whom we have had no cause of strife and contention. 3 So likewise he that hath been still our Superior, can never be envied of us: but chose he that hath been formerly our equal, and is of late become great, he who enjoys that which were fit and proper for us, and on whom Fortune hath conferred it with more ease and less difficulty then to ourselves: him commonly we envy; yea, although he be our Parent and Kinsman. 4 By the same reason, those will be provoked to En●●●, whose equals or inferiors enter into a rivalship to enjoy any thing with them; and it is usually seen, they are most Envious, who only want some means, and yet are in some prosperity, thinking because already they enjoy many advantages, they ought also enjoy this which they want. 5 Those also who desire honour, and reputation, are for the most part more envious than these who are less Ambitious: esteeming that other men's reputation and greatness eclipseth and deminisheth their own: so much for Envy. 6 In Indignation, we are angry at another man's prosperity, through the consideration of the person that enjoyeth it: whom again we deem unworthy thereof: and this motion is intermixed with Anger, Hatred Envy and Choler. 7 But the prosperities, and advantages, that stir up in us this affection, are these of ●o●tune. and of Body; as, Wealth, Nobility, Friends, Honour, Power, Greatness, Health, Strength, Beauty, and the like; and not those of judgement, and Understanding: because we cannot say that a man is unworthy to be Just, Virtuous, or Learned; and the anger which in this respect we receive, or conceive, may properly be termed Envy. 8 Indignation proceeds likewise, when without Industry, or by base and dishonest means, another obtains Wealth, or Dignity, from whence it comes to pass, that the hasty and sudden advancements of some, make us assume this motion, as being a thing he hath not deserved, either through care or labour: and generally, all advancements and preferments from low to higher fortunes, beget in us these three Passions, Envy, Indignation, and Emulation. chose, the frequent seeing a man in the same Estate, makes us judge & esteem that he deserves it: time making the enjoying of all things lawful, & as it were by prescription, it seems that those enjoy their own, who have a long time enjoyed it. 9 Likewise, Great men with whom those of a meaner rank are conjoined in any place or office, are soon moved, and provoked to Indignation, esteeming that their own condition and quality is hereby debased and diminished. 10 Inexperience, in the charge or office wherein some are advanced, likewise drives us into this Passion; because dignities, and offices bestowen on a man, should still be preportioned according to his ●●●● and Condition; all sorts of preferments being not fit for all sorts of men: as, the conduction and command of an Army to one of another profession, who is no soldier, though otherways endued and fraughted with other excellent qualities and deserts. 11 The best, and more virtuous sort of people, are likewise subject to this passion, because hating injust things, they cannot endure to see unworthy persons enjoy places of honour and preferment, and generally those who think they deserve well, seeing any thing conferred on another, that is inferior to him, either in birth, sufficiency, or other conditions, and qualities, do soon murmur and repine thereat: whereas chose, the base and seruiler sort of people, as also those of the meanest Cap. cities, and judgements: knowing themselves to be such, are not in this manner moved; because they cannot reproach or tax those faults in others, which they know are in themselves. 12 Emulation seems to be a degree of Envy; and yet nevertheless they are far different: for Envy is angry at other men's prosperity, not so much for the Love of itself, as for some hatred or malice which waits and attends on this Passion. 13 But Emulation is not so much angry for other men's Prosperities, as it being possessed of others: but for that she possesseth it not herself; which is the reason and cause that sometimes it stirs up in us, an infinite number of virtuous operations, to obtain and purchase the like. 14 In respect whereof we many times see those addicted and subject to this Passion, who are of a haughty courage, and endued with many great and fair qualities, as with Capacity, Wealth, Credit, Friends, Dignities, or the like requisites, fit to effect any great matter of moment or importance: because such men think they should enjoy that which is fit and worthy for those of good parts; in such sort as seeing them in others, they are thereby incited and strive with their best industry and endeavours to procure the same or the like. 15 Young folks are also much subject to this Passion as also those who are descended of Noble Parentage, and are much reputed and honoured, esteeming that this honour ought be conferred and continued them; and that as it is fit, so it must not be neglected. 16 But to frame and model this Emulation in our Understandings; besides, the love of ourselves, we must have the knowledge of that Good we desire, which in this motion chiefly aims at Honour, and Profit. 17 Which to desire we must first want them, and yet in such sort, that we are still of opinion to obtain them, for those who know not the want thereof but have them in abundance; or which despair to obtain them, will never participate of this motion. 18 jealousy hath her chiefest foundation, in the love of ourselves; which is the reason why we so closely affect and embrace the object that we chiefly love and desire, as we will not impart any part thereof to others; and if any chance to participate thereof, we not only torment ourselves with Envy against our Corivall, but also advance so far, as to hate that object which before we so de●rely and tenderly loved. But this Passion being always devanc'd, and anticipated by Suspicion, Mistrust, and Fear, those who are subject to this motion, will find themselves fit to enter into lealousie of that Good they enjoy, in remembering another, where many Rivals and Competitors seek and desire the same Good. These are the causes and means that are most commonly used to incite and stir up the motions of the Will, according to the circumstances of place, time, persons, and affairs. CHAP. XXIII. 1 The use of the knowledge of Passions, and the means to moderate them both in ourselves and others. 2 The benefit by moderating Passions in ourselves, living in Court. 3 That they are moderated by fair means, and by the power of Courage. 4 By natural Pleasantness. 5 Or by that which we Procure or Purchase. 6 By our Breeding. 7 By Experience. 8 By discoursing of Reason, and how far it extends. 9 diverse Considerations hereon. 1 COme we to the means to moderate them; wherein I am of opinion, that we must begin by ourselves: for to imagine that we shall have more predominance over other men's wills then our own, is very unlikely and contrary to sense and reason. 2 But if we can once command ourselves, than there is no doubt, but we are capable to govern the World, & to become masters of other men's affections, because this moderation gives us leisure to espy out the place, time, occasions, and other necessary advantages, to compass our designs: yea, we must fawn, bow, and easily defer, according to occasion, always walking as it were with the bridle in our hand, and if we fail of our purpose, we must not notwithstanding lose courage, and so despair; but if we find the door shut one way, we must without torment, or affliction, seek out and open another passage. Briefly, we shall secure ourselves from those sharp and passionate Motions, which disturb and hinder the conduction and progression of affairs: yea, that fetter and stop us, and often times make us lame: and produce in ourselves precipitation, obstinacy, indiscretion, bitterness, suspicion, and impatiency. 3 But these motions whether in ourselves or others, are moderated, either through the agreeableness of our conversation and manners, by force of courage, providence or by dehortation. The agreeableness of our manners, and force of courage, although they are different in themselves, yet in this respect, they oftentimes produce the same effects; and both the one, and the other, is either naturally, or artificially obtained. 4 As for the natural, it is most certain, that we shall finde some Wills and Inclinations, that are naturally more stayed and moderate one then another; and others again more lifted up and elevated above the objects of that may provoke and stir up those Motions, which is the reason they are not so often removed and shaken, nor with so much violence or impetuosity. I mean not here stupidity, insensibleness, or Ignorance, which take from us the feeling of Good, as they do of Evil: for to be of this humour & inclination, were to participate more of a Beast than a Man: nevertheless, because we may prevail according to the occasions of these sorts of Natures, we must likewise be acquainted with those who are subject to these defects of Wisdom and judgement; for, in the Court, as well as in a private Family, every one is necessary, and hath his proper use. But this agreeableness of manners, and force of Courage, arising from certain Complexions; and among others, from the Sanguine, which is farthest distant from excess, as being betwixt the Fleame that engendereth Stupidity, and the Gall that produceth Choler: to bear ourselves upright in this cause, we must avoid to fall into the two distemperatures of the blood; which are the yellow Gall, and Melancholy: which engender in us many extraordinary motions: and we must temper Fleame, for fear least through its coldness, it benumb and stupisie our Understanding. Nevertheless, I refer it to Physicians to prescribe that rule of Diet, that may be sit; not only because I will not usurp on their Profession; but likewise, because of the difficulty that we finde to practise that which others have prescribed and written; as also, for the small benefit and good we can reap, and receive thereby. 5 As for the means to obtain this agreeableness in our manners, and force of courage there are three chief and principal, Education, Experience, and Discourse of Reason. 6 To be bred and brought up among those that are either moderate or resolute, we usually follow their steps, and inherit, and participate of their inclinations for frequenting them often, their conversation destils in us the same opinions, and manners. 7 Likewise the experience or knowledge of diverse accidents that have befallen us, or those of our acquaintance, make us behave and bear ourselves, either moderately as they have formerly done in the like occurrences. 8 But the discourse of Reason, goes further, and embraceth all sorts of considerations, whereof we will here produce the chiefest that may pertinently serve for this matter and purpose. 9 The first is that of the true estimation of things; yea, of those things themselves that may be apprehended of us, either as Good or Evil. And hereunto all Philosophy aims, and endeavours to fortify us against many things, that may either dazzle our senses, or astonish us: but hitherto it hath prevailed and gained but little among Common people, and less of Courtiers who spurn at these rules; whereof as I will advise none to make use thereof against any one whom he knows incapable: for fear lest he become either importunate or ridiculous; so I willingly counsel every one in his own particular, that he seek and procure this moderation (which is the most requisite perfection in a Courtier) and having found it to make use thereof, and never to neglect it. CHAP. XIV. 1 The fourth head of this first Book: three Principal faults we commit in seeing things Good or Evil. 2 The indifferency thereof being a remedy for the first fault. 3 What Death is. 4 Time and delay is a remedy for the second fault. 5 6 Considerations upon these remedies. 7 8 9 10 11 Disadvantages, or Damages, a remedy for the third fault. 12 Examinations of the disadvantages of an Object, and examples thereon. 13 Weakness, Credulity, and Curiosity, three defects, from whom proceed the ill opinions we conceive either of ourselves or others. 13 Remedies for this Weakness. 14 Credulity. 15 Curiosity. 17 The conclusion of this Chapter. 1 TO say something as we proceed in this Treatise: We must know that we fail many times in the judgement and true estimation of objects that presents themselves to our Will. First, in interpreting and reputing that Good or Evil, which is not, or else in representing Good or Evil far greater in show, than it is in effect, or else in terming that Good which is Evil, and that Evil which is Good. 2 As for the first fault: it is most certain that the greatest part of things in this world have two handles, o● holdfasts, whereby we may take th●m: by the one they seem to be grievous, and also heavy; by the other easy and light, and it is in our choice to take them which way we please, there being no reason whatsoever, but we may find out, and produce its contrary. 3 Death is the distastefullst Accident we fear: but if we consider the misery of this world, it is an enfranchising and speedy remedy from and against all miseries; yea (to use but a word) it is a harbour and shelter against all the storms and tempests of our life. It is almost the same in all other objects; for there are not many so absolutely to be held for afflictions, from whence we may not derive and draw some profit; nor none so absolutely good, from ●●●● there may not proceed some prejudice ●●●● inconueniencies. If then those motions ●hat are stirred up by the consideration of Good, transport us with too much violence, we must enter into consideration of the losses and profits that may arise, and those which are occasioned by the consideration of Evil may be moderated, in representing to themselves the profits they may receive thereby: and so excercising themselves in this indifferency, we shall find ourselves in the terms of this moderation that is necessary for us, in the managing and conduction of affairs, and we must not fear that it either cool or weaken our designs: for our judgement will always bend more one wa● then the other; but it must not be with precipitation and inconsideration. 4 And not to be guilty of the other fault, which is committed in representing Good or ●uill greater than they are; we must give leisure to our judgement maturely to consider it, and so unstrip and divest the object, which may move and incite us to all those qualities and occurrences, that may make them seem greater than they are. 5 Time weakeneth the impetuosity of this Motion, and gives place to a more perfecter knowledge of that, which incites us hereunto; yea, although it be but in giving ourselves so much time, as to repeat the letters of the Alphabet, as a wise man counselled Augustus to do, when he was choleric. Every one knows how to condemn judgements given in Passion and Choler, and yet notwithstanding all those sentences and judgements we pronounce, are for the most part of this sort. 6 Let us then permit this motion, to grow and wax old that our Understanding return to her proper seat, especially sith all that is done in passion, aught to be doubted and suspected of us: and let us consider this object naked and devested of all her circumstances, and we shall find it far otherwise than it seemed to us at the first appearance. 7 As for Example, the presence of Evil at first sight thereof, makes it seem far greater than it is; from whence proceeds Sorrow, which in the end is worn away by Time; whereas if Evil were as it seems to be, it will be the same at twenty years' end, as at present. Let us therefore divest it of this circumstance of presence, and conform our Imagination to the truth, and we shall find that we shall not be so vexed and pestered with this motion. 8 But it is not only the circumstance of time present that increaseth Evil or Good in our Imagination, for the future performs likewise as much, for she it is that often deceives us, both in our fears and hopes: for we miss that we hope for; that which we fear vanisheth, and passeth away; and that which we neither wait nor expect, oftentimes befalls us. 9 Many Accidents likewise befall us, which prevent what we foresee, Thunder and Lightning is driven away with the wind of a Hat, as also the fortune of great men in a small moment of time, one turn of a wheel makes that which was above, beneath; and very often from whence we expect our ruin, proceeds our security and preservation. 10 And so it is in other circumstances ofsearcitie, abundance, facility, difficulty, novelty, strangeness, and custom; which as we have formerly said, hinders the functions of our judgement, and whereof we must of necessity divest the objects, if we will judge according to truth, as also our judgements and Understandings from all preocupation of opinions, and popular errors. 11 The third fault is greater than the two former, when we persuade ourselves, that an object is profitable and Good, which is Evil and noisome, and that evil and pernicious which is not. This error comes to pass, sith all things as we have already said, have two handels or hold-fasts, and except we be cautious and careful, we only take hold of the first that comes to our hand. 12 Wherefore before we judge of the quality of an object, we must first know the profits and preiudices, weigh and consider the consequences of both, and compare them one with another, and if the profits exceed the preiudices; not only in number, but in weight, quality, dependence, or importance, we may then term them Good and profitable; or if the contrary, we must reject them as Evil. As for Example: every one holds revenge to be Good, and as a pleasing and agreeable thing is desired of all men, because of the content it brings with it, which notwithstanding is far less than distaste, and angers, who torment and trouble us in seeking the means to accomplish and perpetrate our designs. This thought of revenge, is a worm that frets and eats out our hearts, provokes us by day, torments us by night, and most commonly in vain; and whilst we thus afflict ourselves, our enemy laughs and lives ioccund and merry: and when we are on the point to execute our revenge, thinking to put out one of his eyes, we commonly lose both our own; for the fear of justice and punishment surpriseth us, and drives us to this extremity, either to hide ourselves, or to fly. If then we balance all this with a little Content, which for the most part lasteth not long, and sometime is but merely imaginary, we shall then find, that it doth not match or counterpoise these our angers and afflictions, and so likewise it is in many other matters. As for those who imagine they are wronged and injured when they are not, they again are in a greater error, although they s●●me to be more wise and judicious, as having an eye to all things, and enquiring after all Matters. It is to be too ingenious to torment and afflict himself, to seek that he desires not to find; and it is to have a bad stomach, ill to digest good Viands. chose, we must in all things seek the pleasingst interpretation, and that which contents us best, if we will resolve to taste that which is worst. Hath not one saluted thee as he ought; yet attribute it not to disdain; for if he be thy friend, it is your great familiarity that is cause thereof, if he be thine inferior, it is not credible that he thought it so, or neglected it, either out of folly, or indiscretion, although it be another's fault, whereby he makes himself more worthy of disdain then yourself, whose reputation and honour should not depend on people of that rank and quality. 13 These ill opinions proceed of three defects that are in us, Weakness, Credulity, & C●●●osi●●e, the weaker we are, the more easier are our to be shaken, and the more violent we are motions resembling the actions of children and old people, who run when they think they walk. 14 We must then be courageous and cheerful, and through conference and discourse stir up in us the knowledge of that which befalls us: yea, we must avoid and sly the love and delight of these things, which most animate and provoke us. 15 Also to be credulous and light of belief, and to permit ourselves to be carried away with the first opinion, we conceive either of a man, or a business, or by the persuasion of another, doth in the same manner afflict us. Wherefore we must shut our ears against the ordinary reports of the Court, yea we must have recourse unto time, and give ourselves leisure not only to see, but to consider, if the end and dependences of actions answer their beginning, or correspond with that which hath been reported unto us. 16 Likewise, Curiosity in seeking that which may offend and anger us, being prevented by an ill opinion, and attended on by doubt, makes us interpret other men's actions in a bad and contrary sense. We must then sly these two l●tter defects, and fortify ourselves against the former, and also in that which concerns any particular person, we must represent to our eyes the common and most frequent imperfections of men in general. 17 Every one halts of one leg, it is much when they do not of both; and if we will be moderate in censuring other men's faults, let us by little and little examine our own, and then perhaps we shall find some of them no less defective, and enormous, and it may be the like, and as bad, if not worse than theirs: but withal let us lend such excuses to other men's faults, as we give to our ow●e. Thus have ye the manner how to bear ourselves in the estimation of matters. CHAP. XXV. 1 Consideration of our power to moderate our Passions. 2 Wherein this power consisteth. 3 Why we throw ourselves on the Court. 4 To consider our abilities by the difficulties we meet withal. 5 6 Foresight is a second means to moderate our Passions. 7 The first effect of this foresight, is to fly the causes and occasions, and not to enter into these Motions. 8 9 10 The second effect of this foresight, is to prepare ourselves against that which we foresee must b● fall us, and to attend and expect it with a firne and constant resolution. 11 The third effect of this foresight, is to change and divert this Evil ●eing befallen us another way, or else to familiarize it to ourself in our Imaginations. 12 Of the diucrsion thereof, the third means to moderate these Passions. 13 Other meres to divert our Passionate Wit and Conceits. 14 15 16 1 THe other consideration that may screw us to moderate our Passions, is the knowledge of that which we can do, limmitting thereby our hopes and desires unto things certain, near at hand, and easy, and accustoming ourselves to facility and simplicity (the Mother of peace and tranquillity) we are not deceived in our desire and hopes, but by a false opinion which we conceive thereby to accomplish it: for if by little and little we examine ourselves how far our power can extend, we shall not then heap up desire on desire, nor hope upon hope as we do. 2 But this power not only consists in Authority, Reputation, Friends, Capacity, or the llike means, whereby we may obtain that which we desire but also in disposing of our Wills to endure and suffer that, which is commonly incident in the research of things of this nature. 3 We throw ourselves on the Court, to obtain Wealth, Honour, Authority and Power, we have many fair entrances thereunto, many Friends, many good Qualities and Perfections which may bring us into reputation and credit. But these are not enough, we must examine and inquire of ourselves, if we are disposed to flatter great men, and sometimes their Grooms, to wait and attend a Porter, after he hath a long time ma●e us stay to number the Nails of the Gate or Door; if we will suffer ourselves to be scan●alizd, and calumniated, and can pack up injuries without da●ing to complain thereof, and if we can accommodate ourselves to other men's pleasures or passions: for it is with this price and coin that this Merchandise of the Court is purchased and bought. 4 Turn over these circumstances sound the depth of your power, weigh this money, and consider if these wares be worth this price, and it may be you will indge, that you must go into this Fair of the Court with more advisement and moderation, than others do. 5 It is the like in all other actions; for we must measure and compare our abilities with the difficulties that do, or may arise, yea, and without the least flattering of ourselves: for it is a common error & oversight that insensibly distils into us, and that not being able to do what we would, we must frame our Will to perform that which we can. Let this suffice for the most general means, that we may extract from discoursing of Reason, thereby to moderate our Passions. 6 Come we now to the means which the weakest and simplest practice and use, which are foresight and dehortation. 7 The first effect of foresight, is to free ourselves of all causes and occasions, that may stir●e up in us any irregular motion, and so to cut off all their approaches, and to stop their entrances. 8 In their birth all things are weak and tender, and it is more easier to repel and stop the fi●st st●ppe, or asault to this motion, then to delay, or protract it, either through difficulty, or order. 9 So he who is accustomed to be choleric in his play, let him avoid play; he that is hasty and angry, let him eschew all causes of debates and contentions; and he that loves or hates any object, let him not present himself before it, but rather let him estrange and sequester himself from it. 10 The second effect of this fore sight or providence, is to foresee the Good or E●● that may concur, and meet in a business: and not only by little and little to examine the same according to all the circumstances thereof, but also to stand upon our guard, and constantly toawayt and expect it in tranquillity and silence, yea, and without any exterior disturbance, which commonly redouble, and reinflame the Motions of our Understandings, and makes them more impetuous and violent. 11 The third effect is, to wheel about, or to divert another way the Evil we see, ready to befall us: or if we cannot perform it, we must in such sort represent it often to our Imaginations that when it arrives, we may be armed to receive it with more patience, and less anger, Sith it is certain, that propensed and premeditated dangers always lest prejudice and hurt us. 12 As for the deverting thereof, it is a means used in all passions: for as one nail drives out another, so one passion expelles another, and herein we may bear ourselves two manner of ways. For we divert our Understanding; that is, provoked or moved, in preposing another object to the same passion that moves us: so to him that is in love with a woman, we present him another far more fairer and amiable, or to him that follows a suit or business by tedious and troublesome means, we propose him a shorter and far easier course to effect it. 13 Or else we divert the Understanding from one passion to another, as in an ambitious man, we moderate his hopes from perching or soaring higher, by fearing him, lest he fall into his former estate, or peradventure; to a worse; a subtlety which hath been often practised by many Princes towards their Favourites. 14 Likewise also, when to a sorrowful man we present. and proffer some thing that may rejoice him, to a fearful man that may resolve and secure him, and to one that hates us, some testimony of our affection, thereby to allure and draw him to love us. 15 But herein we must be cautious and careful, that the object whereunto we would draw our Understanding, be more powerful in our Imagination, then that wherewith it was first surprised and possessed. 16 And if one alone object be not sufficient, we must then present many; for there is nothing that subdues and weakeneth the Understanding so much, as plurality and diversity of objects: for bending himself against all, his motions are made less violent towards every one of them severally divided. CHAP. XXVI. 1 The third use of the knowledge of the motions of our will, and wherein it consists, as in Affability, or agreeableness; and how to use it in Court, which is the fifth Head of this first Book. 2 Of the profit and necessities of this Affability, with Examples thereon to that effect. 3 Of Affability in our Choler. 5 How to bear ourselves in this Passion. 6 7 8 In mildness and pleasantness, and of their Natures who are mild. 9 10 In fear and of their natures who are fearful. 11 To accommodate ourselves to this Passion. 12 Of confidence and belief, and how we ought to demean ourselves to those, who are addicted and subject thereunto. 13 Of shame, and of their natures, who are shamefaced. 14 How to bear ourselves towards those, who are subject to this Motion. 15 16 17 18 Of hatred and malice, with their remedies. 19 Of Courtesy. 20 How to bear ourselves to those who are courteous. 21 Of Affability in ingratitude and how to bear ourselves to those who are ingrateful. 22 Of Compassion and Pity, and of their Natures, as also how to bear ourselves towards those, who are subject to this Passion. 23 Of Indignation, and of their Nature who are provoked to this Passion. 24 That the malicious, and envious, resemble those who are passionate. 25 How to bear ourselves towards them. 26 Of sorrow, and how to bear ourselves towards those who are sorrowful. 27 28 29 30 Of joy, and how to bear ourselves towards those who are joyful. 31 Advice for Courtiers how to behave themselves in their gestures and Countenances, according to the Examples of the Courtiers of Alexander, and his Father Philip. 32 33 If it be lawful for Courtiers to imitate the Vices as well as the Virtues of those with whom they converse: Examples hereon. 34 That those who have flexible and changeable Wits, are fit to be Courtiers. 35 The Conclusion of the difference of persons, proceeding from the difference of their interior conditions and qualities. 1 THere remains the third use of the knowledge of the Motions of our Will, which consists in squaring and framing our affections, and actions, to those of others, which in a word we term Asabilitie, and is most commonly abused in Court, or many times degenerates into flattery. 2 Notwithstanding it may not only be profitable (as was that of Arcacius. Patriarch of Constantinople, who thereby mollified and appeased the cruelty of the Emperor, Leon Macella) but also necessary in many accidents as well towards our Prince as particular persons: I will hereunto add some thing that may sort more for example, then to present that which might be alleged upon this subject, and I will begin with Choler. 3 He that is tormented with this passion of Choler, it may be complains of injuries received amplifies and augments them, hath his Wits bend on revenge, and applauds it, is ready to attempt it, not fearing the danger, but rather seeks the execution, than once to enter into the consideration of that he doth; he approves and follows his headstrong and precipitated resolution, speaks ill of him, who hath offended him, procures him as many enemies as possible he can, and by his countenance diverse ways, bewrays this his vindictive and revengetull passion, his complexion changeth, he speaks with impetuosity and confusion, looks adverse and ghastly, now here now there. 4 Whosoever therefore will dispose himself to be conformable to his humour, that is possessed of this passion, he must somewhat imitate his actions, and ma●e him understand he does it for the same effect and purpose, seeming to be angry for the injury h●e hath received, blaming him that hath done it, praising revenge, and approving his forwardness, boldness, resolution, and the like to be revenged of his enemy. 5 But because these actions and countenances are not fit for all people, nor towards all sorts of persons, we must therefore use much discretion, and propose many degrees of revenge; yea, we must endeavour to choose that, which requires most time for its execution, as being the surest, to the end that time may diminish and cool our choler, and so make room for reason. 6 Briefly, in all hasty and rash resolutions, which choler suggesteth unto us, we must procrastinat and defer the execution thereof by the most apparent and colourable pretexts we may, grounding this delay (if possible we can) upon some considerations which we see he embraceth or retaineth, that is thus passionately offended. 7 For in this cause, it is Charity to deceive our friend, thereby to divert him from this Motion of Revenge; yea, it is an excellent wile and vivacity of Wit to perform it, so as it appear not that we are opposite or contrary to him: for fear he be not offended with us. 8 But with those who are mild and opposite to Choler, we must observe and follow a contrary rule: for these are commonly estranged from revenge: for they speak courteously of those who have offended them; seeking to diminish and excuse the injuries they have received, and considering the dangers and difficulties these are to be revenged, they approve this resolution, not to permit themselves to be transported and vanquished with this Passion, and so proceeding with reason and advisement, they in the ●nd content themselves with that satisfaction which is offered them. 9 To accommodate and sit ourselves then to these sort of men, we must extol the resistance they oppose, as well to the violence of Choler, as to the desire of Revenge, it being Wisdom in them, to estimate the injury by the quality and condition, as well of him that offered it, as of him that hath received it. 10 He that is fearful, esteems and considereth all these dangers, although they are small in appearance; yea, it seems unto him, that the Evil or danger is nearer unto him than it is; for fearing all things his hope is weak: yea, he is doubtful of those things that are certain, changeth often his purpose and counsel: he is irresolute, and betakes himself to that party and side where he thinks there is less danger, although it prove less honourable; he still augmenteth and aggravates the danger wherein he is; forgets himself and those who are nearest and dearest to him; not esteeming them in respect of his own security, but makes his fear apparent by his gestures and countenance, now changing complexions; and then again speaking confusedly, inconstantly, and with much impertinency, and distraction. 11 To accommodate and fit ourselves to this Passion, we must support Flare with Reason, which we entitle Wisdom and foresight (the mother of security) and blaming that Levity that is built upon vain and infirm hopes, we will term it timeritie and rashness to perform the contrary, and show ourselves, as if we were possessed with fear; yea, we will excuse that, which (without shame) we cannot commend. 12 chose, if we have to do with a man, who is full of resolution, and confidence, who enters not into the consideration of those things, that may procure us fear and prejudice, or who deems himself secure enough from any Evil that may betide or arrive him, amplifying the conceit thereof, and diminishing the Evil and Danger, being ready to hazard, and execute his designs, bearing himself in his gesture, actions, and countenance cheerful and resolute, and in his speeches constant and secure, we must put such a one in mind of his condition, quality, power and reputation, which assure us he will finish and accomplish his desires; diminishing the danger and hazard, and extolling the care and means he hath in his power to effect it; highly applauding his forwardness to resolve his constancy to follow, and his audacity and courage to execute; and if occasion present, we must likewise inform him, that in matters of the like nature that concerned ourselves, we performed the same, and followed the very same steps and resolutions. 13 But if we will fit and and accommodate ourselves to the humours of those who are shamefaced, considering that these sort of people are commonly angry, and complain when there befalls them any thing that makes them ashamed, we must endeavour and strive to cover and excuse it; and their faults being revealed and dlsclosde, to acknowledge and confess them, and seeming to be sorrowful and repentant for their honour and reputation lost, not to take any delight or pleasure to refresh their remembrance of what hath formerly befallen them. 14 We must seem to grieve for the discontent they suffer, and that we very unwillingly enter into this discourse; that this shame proceeds not, but from a praise worthy nature, that is jealous of Honour; and that there are none but are subject to the like accidents, which in the end either time or some contrary action will deface, and raze out of men's memories. 15 But if we meet with some impudent or brasen-faced fellow, considering that such fellows conceive neither displeasure, shame or repentance at any thing they commit, although never so dishonest, but chose applaud and apologise it, yea, and sometimes take a delight and felicity to report it, having neither consideratian nor care of the blemish and prejudice which this may bring to their reputations, but rather hating and disdaining those who are opposite and contrary to them, or that dislike their actions and behaviour. 16 If we cannot untwist and sequester ourselves from these sort of people, we must run with the Hare, and condemn the great respect we must bear some men, to whom those who serve them are slaves, and deprived of many infinite pleasures and contents; yea, we must blame those who betake themselves hereunto, either with too much severity or simplicity. 17 To accommodate ourselves to him that is affectionately bend to a man, knowing that these sort of people, willingly extol, Honour; respect, defend, and excuse those whom they affect and love: and when occasion presents, do admonish, and exhort them, we must seem to approve the choice and election he hath made, praising his constancy in his friendship, and his courtesy and kind offices performed to those he loves. 18 But if he hate a man, and that we see ourselves enforced to please him, we must then blame him who is hated, and aggravate the wrong he hath perpetrated and committed; yea, seem to rejoice at his error and to be angry at any good he hath performed; and not only blame him, but likewise enerease & augment the prejudice or wrong he hath done others. 19 But because we see that Affection is neither seen nor known but by her effects, which are comprehended under the name of Courtesy; we must therefore know that those who are subject to this Motton, are apt and ready to perform a good Office, rejoicing that they meet with any occasion, and watching and espying out the time, place, and conditions of those that may persuade and invite them to do it, or to give them the means to perform a good Office; yea, to be well contented and to delight that they are the sirst, in making the only demonstration of this courtesy, thereby blaming those who do the contrary: and withal reputing themselves happy, to be found and esteemed such; thereby to be beloved, cherished, honoured, praised, and respected. 20 Wherefore with such people we must approve and commend their forwardness and promptitude to do a courtesy, either that which they have done, or intent to do; showing ourselves to be much contented, when we meet with any occasion to perform a good Office to any; still seeming to be respective and careful, either by acknowledging or in being thankful, or else by requitting, or performing some good Office, to him who hath formerly obliged us. 21 Or if we have to do with Ingrateful persons (whose company I always counsel ye as much as possible ye may to annoyed) than we must diminish the good office received, blaming the intention of him that performed it, and showing, that it is a difficult thing to charge ourselves with an obligation without cause; and that those who are wise, know how to make a difference, and distinction betwixt real good offices, and those that are counterfeit and dissembled, that as ingrateful men are not to be condemned for their ill will, no more are those who acknowledge themselves debtors for that thev owe not. 22 Those whose humours who are free and friendly, are likewise commonly accompanied with Pitt●e and Compassion towards others, grieving at their afflictions, seeming not only to know how undeservedly their misfortune is befallen them, whom we bewail, but also to take occasion to fear, that the like befall not themselves, or those whom they love; to commend and applaud the courage, conditions, and qualities, of those, who are afflicted; cherishing and comforting them, and proffering them our help and assistance; yea, to some, giving testimony of our compassion with sighs and tears: and thus we must likewise bear ourselves, yet still according as the quality of the Affliction or Evil, and also as Discretion and Decency requires. 23 Those who are Angry, at the Good, or prosperity that befalls a man, who deserves it not, do commonly augment or diminish his conditions and merits, storming and repining at the conduction and nature of humane affairs, as also at the partiality and blindness of Fortune. 24 The Envious, and Malicious man bears himself almost in the same manner, but the better to gratify him, we must enter into the consideration and comparison of him who bears envy, with him who is envied, still augmenting the merits of him who is envious, and diminishing those of him that is envied, always remembering the bad actions which this last hath committed, or that are worthy either of contempt or hatred. 25 But such motions being of the rank and Nature of those, which an honest man ought to eschew and fly; he must not engage himself to those observances, except he be constrained through some great respect or consideration; and yet with this Proviso, and Discretion, that he neither prejudice, nor wrong his own Capacity and Merits. 26 As for joy and Sorrow, we must bear ourselves therein differently: for joy neither accepts nor admits willingly of Sorrow into her company. 27 But our Sorrow may be of this Nature, that he that is sorrowful, may willingly admit a pleasant and merry man into his company, provided always that he know how to insinuate himself fairly and discreetly: for if in the midst of sorrow, one come and play the merry fellow, or fool, he than makes himself not only distasteful, but importunate and ridiculous: but having overpassed the violence and impetuosity of our sorrows, and accommodating and disposing of ourselves to the time, some one running from matter to matter, chance to enter into a discourse, which is agreeable and pleasing to him that is sorrowful, no doubt but he may thereby somewhat mollify and appease it. 28 For man being naturally more inclined and addicted to Pleasure then to Grief, Pleasure being first duly presented him, he more willingly embraceth it then the other. 29 But this hath relation and reference more to displeasing then pleasing, which in this sorrow will be accompanied and waited on by silence; yea, and then when with our best endeavours and skill we cannot imitate the gesture and countenance of him that is afflicted. 30 As for joy, every man knows how to represent and counterfeit it; and if we entermixe praises to him, whom we would delight and please, we shall still be the better welcome. I should be to tedious, if I undertook to represent the different actions that proceed from our interior motions; yea, and it would not only be troublesome but unprofitable. That which I have already written shall suffice, and is sufficient to comprehend how we should bear ourselves in pleasing and observing our friends. 31 Only as it were in passing by, I will cursorily advise ye, not to imitate those foolish and ridiculous Countenances of Alexander's Courtiers, who bore their heads awry, and of one side, because. Alexander himself did so; or like the Courtiers of King Philip his Father, who seeing this Prince to bind about his face with a linen cloth by reason of a blow he had received on his eye, did likewise the same, although they had no hurt whatsoever. 32 This indeed smells too much of the parrasytes of elder times, who indifferently practised this observance, or rather of ignoble and base flattery, which cannot be well received or taken, except among blockheads and dunces. 33 'tis true, sometimes Courtiers in a manner are constrained to imitate the vices and Imperfections as well as the Virtue's of those with whom they converse: For Alcibiades being at Athens, played the Orator and Philosopher, among the Lacedæmonians, he was austere and severe, with the Thracians he exercised not only to ride great Horses, but also to drink and carouse stiffly; with the joniens he was voluptuous, jocund and lazy; and with the Persians, arrogant, and very sumptuous in his apparel and household stuff. 34 Such spirits are fit for the Court, where we must be conformable and flexible to all sorts of humours and fashions; yet nevertheless so, as no constraint thereof be either remarked, or perceived in us. 35 These then shall suffice, and here I will end the discourse of the difference of men, proceeding from the diversity of their interior conditions, and so will pass on to the exterior; which being likewise infinite, we will only produce those that may pertinently serve us there, to know the interior, or that are most commonly observed and remarked in our public conversation. CHAP. XXVII. 1 The difference of men by exterior conditions according to their Age, being the seventh Head of this first Book, 2 Man's Age divided into many Parts. 3 The manners and Complexions of young Men. 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 The Manners, Humours and Complexions of old Men. 12 13 14 15 Of Virility, and of their, Humours who have obtained this age. 16 1 THe exterior conditions of men which may serve to make us judge of their interior, proceed either from Age or Fortune. 2 We may divide man's Age into many parts, nevertheless the difference of manners is chiefly remarked and observed in Youth, old Age, and Ver●litie. 3 In youth we are always full of our delights, and pastimes, hasty and rash to execute our desires, burning in the incontinency and pleasures of the flesh, inconstant wavering, and easy to be seduced, any way; yea, willing to surfeit, and to pester our selves with delights and pleasures, which we more than other violent things cannot subsist and continue. 4 We are easily provoked to Choler and Anger and many times without cause; yea, we permit ourselves to be transported with the impetuosity of choler, the reason consisting in this, because being in this age more desirous of Honour, we can less endure to be contemned and despised; but withal we are less covetous, having not yet made proof or trial what it is to want Wealth, and Means, which is the cause and reason that in this age we so inconsiderately throw ourselves into excessive and superfluous expenses. 5 There is also in youth less Malice, and more Simpli●itie, then in any other degree of Age, because they consider not, but are ignorant what villainies and wickedness there is acted and perpetrated in the world. 6 From whence it comes to pass, that not having been often deceined, young men are credulous and light of belief, in respect whereof they are commonly so full of hopes, that they think and flatter themselves, they shall obtain all which they desire: and we likewise affrme, that Hope is always more predominate in them, than Remembrance: for Hope looks to that to come, which is far more forcible and prevalent in young men then that which is past, being the proper object of Remembrance. 7 So being Choleric, and likewise replenished with Hope; Choler, is the cause that they attempt any thing hastily and rashly, and the hope they conceive to obtain, their desires, makes that they fear nothing whereby they become confident in themselves. 8 They are also shamefaced and bashful, as well because they are unexperienced in matters, as also sith they have been still trained up in Fear: they sooner follow Vanity then Profit; and in this age, friendship is stronger in them, then in any other, aswell for that they are now more desirous of company, as also in respect the consideration of Profit, which sometimes dissolves affections is very seldom, or rather never in the memories of young people. 9 And although in many things they are commonly Ignorant; yet nevertheless they are not still the less Presumptuous: for presuming to know all, they are confident of all: from whence it comes to pass, that they often exceed the limits of their designs and resolutions bending in all their affections towards extremities be it either to love or hate a man 10 Nevertheless, they offend rather through Insolenc●, and Choler, than Malice; they are easy to be drawn to Compassion retaining a good opinion of all men, as believing them better than they are, because frequency of Vice in respect of their youth, is unknown to them, which likewise is the reason, that being innocent themselves, they in their judgements condemn Vice more severely, and the Sanguine complexion commonly, most predominating in this age they are seduced and alured to mirth, and to pass their time in sport and recreation. 11 But old men as they are commonly of a contrary temper, so they differ likewise from the humours of young men, for having lived long in the world, and been often deceived, they neither assure others, nor promise themselves any thing, seeming to suspect and doubt all things, and to know the certainty of nothing, they are of a poor and weak courage, in having observed and seen in the course of their lives, many accidents that have hindered them from attempting any thing, still speaking ambiguously and doubtfully, taking all things at the worst hand and construing & representing them in the worst sense, reputing things sometimes for Evil that are Good, yea, and performed with a good intent: they a●e ●uspitious and doubtful, being the true effects of fear which freezeth and congealeth their hearts: and of the experience they have formerly had of men's infidelities: they neither love nor hate excessively, but desire to out live young men; because De●rs is chiefly derived from those things which are distant from us, and which we want: so as their life absenting itself daily from them, and a small point of time remaining them to live, they therefore in this respect desire that which they want, which consideration partly makes them more covetous, because wealth serves to support and maintain our life, as also, the remembrance of the care and toil they, have had to purchase and precure it, together with the small hope they have to retain it, during the short term of their life, as also their facility to lose it. 12 The remembrance of things past, makes them sometimes be too talkative, and full of kakling, and sometimes in their speeches to be too vain and importunate; and although they are soon angry and choleric, and very often with much vehemency and bitterness; yet, nevertheless they commonly perform it weakly and faintly. 13 The usual and customary appetites and desires which other men conceive, have partly abandoned and forsaken them, and those that remain with them are but of small power & efficacy; from whence it proceeds, that they are often carried away with their own Wills, which they measure and interpret according to the profit they receive and reap thereby. 15 From these two extremities, it is easy to point out and imagine the humours and dispositions of those who are in their Virill age, which will be still separated and estranged from the Confidence and Presumption of young, and the Fear and Diffidence of old men. 16 So as using Moderation in their manners, and judgement and Discretion in their affairs, they will bear themselves circumspectly, joining profit with honesty, and recollecting and accumy plating what they have wanted aswell in their youth as old age; the excess and defects that are found in both these ages, will be converted to a mediocrity in this. CHAP. XXVIII. 1 The difference of men according to the condition of their Fortunes. 2 The Profits and Previdices we receive by Fortune. 3 That Nobility is the first benefit thereof, and of Noble men's conditions. 4 That Wealth is the second benefit thereof, and of the natures of Rich men. 5 6 The difference 'twixt him that is of late grown Rich, and he that hath been a long time Rich. 7 The Conditions of Great men and of those that are in authority being the third benefit of Fortune. 8 9 10 The conditions of him that is fortunate, being the fourth benefit. 11 Other differences of men besides Age and Fortune, and how to be considered in our behaviour, and conversation with every one in particular. 12 How to behave ourselves towards our servants and confidents, and how towards strangers. 13 How to honest and upright men. 14 How to those of a pleasant conversation. 15 How to those who are Proud, Ambitious, Modest, Malicious, or of a Kind Nature. 16 How to the Officious, or Inofficious, or towards those that are ●ngaged, or not ●ngaged to us. 1 COme we to the difference that proceeds from the diverse conditiof Fortune. 2 The chiefest benefits we receive of Fortune, are these four, Nobility (or Gentility) Wealth, Authority, and Happiness: whereunto are opposed four disadvantages, that may alter our demeanours, and change our manners and behaviour: because by the knowledge of contraries, the thing itself is best known, we will therefore here content ourself, only to represent the Inclinations and Manners of those who enjoy these four benefits and advantages. 3 Noblemen, and Gentlemen, are more desirous and ambitious of Honour than others, it being the common nature of men that are enriched and graced with any privilege of Fortune, to seek and strive to increase it; and Pride always accompanying and attending those of this rank and condition, they not only contemn those of lower and inferior degree: but those likewise who are not so anciently Noble, or well descended as themselves, and this contempt proceeds, be-because those things which resemble, in that they are distant and far from us, they are by so much the more esteemed and respected of us then these we see before our eyes. 4 Rich men are Proud and insolent, drawing the conceit thereof from their wealth, which they prefer and value above all things, and consequently imagine that all things lie within the lists of their power: In their speech and actions they are imperious and stately, aswell because abundance of wealth occasioneth it, as also, that they delight to make ostentation of their greatness. 5 They are Ingrateful, Vinaictive, Arroga●●, and Vain; because men delight to think and speak of that which they admire and love: and Rich men admire and love nothing so much as their wealth, whereof they commonly speak, and boast, believing that others take as much pleasure therein as themselves: to conclude they hereby in effect make themselves happy in their folly. 6 But there is a great difference, betwixt those who have been long and those that are lately become rich, for the last are commonly more Indescreete, Covetous, and Insolent, than the former. And for the injuries which Rich men offer and commit, they perform them more out of Pride, and Bravery, than out of any intent to molest or wrong us. 7 Those who are oppulent, and in any high degree of authority, are almost of the same humour, but they are more haughty and ambitious of Honour, and not so vain or reckless as rich men. 8 For authority being subject to reprehension, and still in action, it behoves them to be vigilant and distrustful; Their countenances holds more of Pride than Anger and are fair more modest than those of rich men, being always accompanied with a graceful kind of temperate severity. 9 As for their injuries and wrongs they are great according to their power, they very difficultly reconcile themselves to those whom they mistrust, or to those who they think are offended with them. 10 Those who have been fortunate in all their enterprises and actions, sympathise and participate of the humours of the No●le, Sich, and Powerful men; but they are more arrogant, choleric, inconsiderate and rash, thinking that all things should answer their desires, and nothing oppose them. 11 Besides the differences that proceed from the differences of Age, or the variable Condition of Fortune, we must consider it in a man's conversation and behaviour: as if the person with whom we converse be a Domestic, or a Stranger, whither he be a confident, or not; equal, or unequal; inferior, or superior to us; whither of a good, or evil nature; given to speak truth, or to lie: pleasant, or severe; proud, or modest, engaged and beholding to us, or not: Whereof each particular quality requires a particular form to converse and treat with them. 12 Because with our Domestic and Confidents, we must be free; with strangers distrustful, and more retired and retentive: yea, we must honour our superiors, respect our equals, and be pleasant and courteous to our inferiors. 13 We must also proceed with all assurance and con●●dence towards those who are true and really honest, but we must not believe those who are common liars, or that have no good reputation, although as we say they have already their reward in their own hands. 14 To those that are Affable and Pleasant in company, we must be familiar; to those who are severe or sullen, more retired and cautious, and both receive and entertain them with few words and much silence. 15 To Ambitious and Great men we must yield all the Honour they can desire of us; making show as if we much respected and esteemed them, but to those who are temperate and modest, we must bear ourselves without any affectation, we must not listen to the Envious or Malicious, and yet we must demean ourselves so, as that we make them confident, we repute them not for such: to those that bear us much good will and affection, we must he always ready and willing (to our utmost power) to yield and afford them reciprocal testimonies of our inviolable friendship. 16 We must seek and frequent those that are Of●ciou●, if they can steed or pleasure us, and withal we must avoid the company of the inofficious; to those that are incaged to us, we● must bear ourselves discreetly, in that which concerns their interest, and not rashly or suddenly believe all that proceeds from them: and chose to those, who are not obliged, or engaged to us, we must add more credit and belief. Thus have ye the form how we must demean and bear ourselves according to the difference of persons. CHAP. XXIX. 1 The eighth head of this Book, discoursing of matters, whose subjects are infinite. 2 Several differences of affairs drawn from causes which examine and consider them. 3 By means Possible or Impossible; necessary or not; easy or difficult; Profitable or Prejudicial. 4 The difference of men's actions. serving to judge of Possibility, or Impossibility. 5 Of Power and Will, requisite in the Production of Actions. 6 Considerations upon this Power. 7 8 Considerations upon this Will. 9 10 Considerations upon the means and differences. 11 The Circumstances of Place in things movable. 12 The Circumstance of Time. 13 Considerations upon The diversity of hindrances. 14 The faculty of a business. 15 The necessity thereof. 16 Absolute. 17 Conditional. 1 WE E will proceed to the difference of affairs, whereof the subjects being infinite, and the confluence of particularities which may transform and alter them numberless; I will content myself thereby to stir up judgement and Courtship, to prefix some common an● ordinary circumstances, whereof we may draw use and profit in their examination. 2 Affairs are chiefly examined by the causes that gave them their first ●otion and Essence. and which ought conduct them to their end, as by the means which we may observe and practise to that effect, by the end why and wherefore we undertaken it, and by the effect or issue that may redound to us thereby. 13 The examinaton of the cause and means will inform us; whether it be possible or impossible, necessary or not; and will show us the facility or difficulty in the execution thereof. In the end and effect, we must consider Good or Evil near or far from us; and both in the cause, means, end, and effect, we must consider the justice thereof. 4 But of men's Actions, some are produced by one only cause, and others need meet with many; and this conjunction and commixture is performed either successively by a dependence, and certain order deuoluing one after another; or by a concurrence of all together, and at one and the same time: and in this concurrence of many causes, we must be careful to distinguish those that are principal from those that are but seconds and assistants: and likewise those that are absolutely necessary from those that are not, except for greater facility or pro fit. 5 The chief causes of affairs or actions residing in persons, in whom for the perfection of an action it is requisite (according to the order of discourse and reason) that Power and Will meet and con cur together in the same point and time; and power, having many degrees, and being composed of many sorts, we must research and seek, if this sort which is requisite and fit for our business in question, is or may be found in him that must manage and effect it. 6 For a poo●e fellow, although he be Incapable in other matters, may sometimes perform more in a business of another nature than those who are more eminent and rich: they being often times hindered and withheld either through shame, respect, dissidence, or suspicion, or by some other such like consideration. 7 So our Power must be proportioned according to the quality of the business, and not measured according to the privileges and advantages of favour, reputation, or greatness; if they serve not for that business which is in question. 8 As for our Will, it may be known by the quality of the end, and by the opinion a man conceives thereof: for we presume, he desires that which is profitable either for himself or his, or for that he esteems it just and reasonable, and his opinion may be known by his words, counsels, speeches, actions, gestures, and exterior compliments and demonstrations, as well present as past: I say passed, for the execution of the like business, as well as the experience and example, to have formerly unprofitably attempted and enterprised it, may make us judge not only of the opinion, who can help and assist us; but also of the possibility or impossibility that is now proffered: entering into the comparison of the means, time, place, occasion, and other circumstances, aswell of the execution, as hindrance thereof. 9 And these considerations of Power and W●ll, must not only be had or conceived of him who hath the chief managing and conduction of the business, but of all others that directly or indirectly may prevent or cross it. 10 We must next examine the necessary means and instruments, with their quantity and quality, proportionable to the action: As that which must go before, follow after, or accompany it: the beginning, middle, and end thereof, and in all these we must still have a watchful and yigilant eye to Place and Time. 11 For considering that in passing from one place to another, we think not only of the place, where we are, but from whence we came, where we must travel, whither we would go, and where we must reside and stay: so whether it be for the managing and conduction of a business, that we ourselves undertake: or for the virtues and perfection of any one that may steed or serve us herein, still pondering and considering that every particularity in this exchanging of place may either bring advantage or disadvantage, to the business we have in hand. 12 In the Time we must consider when our business may be treated of, or finished, how long we must employ therein: since when we began it, if it have been neglected or deferred, if too soon, or too late, or if after, before or at the instant of some other. 13 Which performed, we must by the same means and ways examine the causes of the hindrances, that may concur and meet in the execution, whether they arise from the persons quality, quantity, dependence, or order; or from the means, or other circumstances: to prevent which hindrances we must seek the fittest, and most pertinent remedies, to facilitate and finish the action. 14 But a business is held easy, when it may be performed and finished with small labour, charge and time, and that to bring it to its absolute perfection; we need not employ m●ny persons or means, which we cannot easily procure, or who depend not of us. 15 Another consideration which must be had in the cause of actions, is that of Necessity, whereunto most commonly all others yield, and give way: for of actions some proceed from ourselves, others from others, in those that come from ourselves, and that are in our own power to perform, we must perform them with as much judgement as possibly we can, thereby to obtain, and arrive to the end and felicity of our desires, and to storm, and be choleric at those which proceed not from us; yet with a future reservation and intention, to direct and shape our course that way again, when the winds of Choler of either side, shall be overpassed, and blown away. 16 But if this Choler and violence proceed from Fortune, that is to say, of a certain affluence, or concurrence of circumstances which we could not foresee, or from a certain form or necessary dependence of things we cannot avoid, we must accordingly thereunto order and accommodate our behaviours. 17 But the chiefest discourse and effect of our judgement depends not so much on absolute, as on conditional necessity, which tends to the end whereat we aim, and to the necessary means to obtain it. CHAP. XXX. 1 The means to purchase a King's favour. 2 Considerations in procuring it. 3 4 5 The Order and Means we must observe therein. 6 Consideration of the Benefit, or Damage, that may thereby accrue unto us. 7 Consideration of the Honour. 8 Profit, and how it is to be considered. 9 Pleasure, and Profits, it brings with it. 1 WE say then, that to obtain the favour of our Prince: we must make ourselves known to some one near him: and in this sort of conditional necessity we must consider two things: the one the consequence and importance of the end why we betake and reduce ourselves to this necessity. 2 For if this Necessity whereunto we tie and engage our seluos, bring us more prejudice and damage, than the end whereunto our desires and hopes aim, doth advantage and profit, it will be, then descreetly done of us, to desist from our former purpose, and to divert our designs another way. 3 In which respect we must poise and balance (by the comparison of more or less) the profit of the end, by the disadvantage of the means to obtain it. 4 The other is to consider if there are many means tending to this end, all which we must likewise weigh and compare one with another, and so choose the surest and least doubtful, yea the speediest and most honourable. 5 For although in all actions, Honour should march first, and take the chiefest place, nevertheless in those which are necessary, and when there are choice of means to obtain it, the first and chiefest consideration, is Assurance and Security, than Facility, and then Honour: after which we may add the consideration of Profit, because in such actions we chiefly seek to withdraw ourselves from necessity, which (according to the old proverb hath ●o law) and the end of the action being Honourable, the very name thereof amends and bettereth the form that we have observed in attaining thereunto: being otherwise of itself excused by necessity. 6 Having made use of these considerations, both upon the Cause and Means, we must consider in the End and Effect; the Good or Evil that remains therein; which we must not examine according to the particular opinions of Philosophers; but according to the vulgar, or according to the opinions of those, who must either contribute or participate in this action. All that is Good, aims at Honour, Profit, or Pleasure. 7 Honour consists, either in the opinions we conceive of a man's perfections & merits, or in the ceremonies of respect and reverence, wherewith we honour him who is our superior, in power, authority, reputation, wealth, or in some other remarkable advantage; the which in respect of the Honour that is united and fixed to it; is desired of all men: by which contrary reason, all things that have ●● themselves, or in their dependency any Dishonour or Infamy, is justly reputed and held as Evil. 8 Profit taken in the l●●gest sense is considered in two things, that is to say: In the particular or public assurance, or in the gain, which not only consists in the purchase of wealth which we want: but also in the conservation of that we have; yea, to sile repel, and diminish the present Evil, and to divert and put off the future. 9 As for Pleasure: it is (in some sense) found in all sorts of things which are good; for Honour, and Profit ●ngender Pleasure, nevertheless we chiefly attribute to Pleasure, those good things that cannot be attributed to Profit and Ho●our, which are delightful and pleasing unto us: not only for the feeling we have of their presence, and through a voluntary enjoying thereof▪ not constrained (for constraint i in all things distasteful) but also by the remembrance thereof which is past, and by the desire and hope which is yet to come. It is in this respect the like in Evil: which is not only such b● its presence, as we have formerly mentioned; but also afflicts us through fear and apprehension, which as futurely to befalls us, as fore past faults do through repentance. CHAP. XXXI. 1 Of the Equity and justice of a matter. 2 Rules of this justice in two sorts universal. 3 Truth is a dependant of universal justice. 4 And also of Particular. 5 Custom is more received and followed at Court: then particular or universal justice. 6 7 Examples hereon. 8 Conclusion of the differences of Persons, and Affairs. 9 1 GOod or Evil may be in the end or approach of an Action, and it being once perfectly discerned and known, we must examine it by justice, there being no man, how wicked soever, that desires not to give this justre to his actions: yea not only in the End, but also in the Cause and Means thereof. 2 But the rules of justice are of two sorts, the one universal, received by most men; yea confessed by those which in other matters are of a contrary opinion, and held for just almost of all: As to acknowledge a Di●i●itie, to love and obey our Parents, to train up our children, to receive and acknowledge a good office done us, and by the same reason to chastise and revenge an injury offered us. Nevertheless Policy hath found it more expedient to take away the revenge of greatest injuries from particular persons, for fear they should bear themselves indiscreetly therein, and hath therefore placed and imposed it in the hands of public authority. 3 Truth (which likewise gives testimony what every thing is, may be termed dependencies of this justice; as also Fidelity and Faith (being the cement and foundation of all sorts of Treaties, Promises and conventions) without which all th●ngs would be in confusion, and the commerce and society of men could not possibly subsist. 4 The other rules of justice are particulars proceeding either from the use that authoriseth them, or from the command of the Magistrate, as Laws and Ordinances, or the interpretation of these Laws and Ordinances, being in other matters alike, whereof they have not plainly and expressly disposed. 5 6 If it be not in very serious matters, we seldom inform ourselves at Court of these two later degrees: but chose we there receive and follow Custom, although it be many times directly opposite to Laws and Ordinances. 7 For Example; he that judgeth in some Courts upon the point of Honour, or of the justice of an Appeal for a Duel, or single combat; according to the express letter and sense of the Law, or the rule of Conscience, he makes himself ridiculous in the corruption of these sinful times. 8 This shall suffice to administer to our affairs, the most common and general considerations; not only thereby to judge what must be done, but also to conjecture that which is done, in those things that may be preposed unto us. 9 For from men's Power and Will, and from the quality of affairs, Circumstance, Place and Time, it will be very easy for us to conclude of that which may be done. CHAP. XXXII. 1 Of Proceedings. 2 The consideration of Circumstance●. 3 The most frequent and usual manner to negotiate and manage a business in Court, 4 To divert the hindrances, and to purchase Reputation. 5 What those hindrances are in ourselves. 6 The qualities that may diminish our Reputation. 7 8 The means to divert and avoid them. 1 LEt us come to the manner of proceeding; wherein the circumstances are of no less consideration, than the order, which must vary and change as they do, accommodating and fitting ourselves to the Place and Time, and choosing the most convenientest answerable to the persons and affairs: husbanding the occasions without precipitation, and making it known, that we proceed in every thing according to Nature, still following rather Reason and the advice of the wise and experienced then Fortune or Passion; doing nothing without mature deliberation, and being on the very point of its execution, to perform it with promptitude and celerity. 2 Sometimes according to need and extremity we must dissemble, defer and obey necessity, and reduce ourselves to do that which we can, being not able to perform what we would. 3 But the most frequent and general order to treat of an asfayre, and to insinuate and draw any one to our opinion, is to foresee and prevent the hindrances that may divert him from that whereunto we would induce him, and so to work and screw ourselves into his favour and approbation. 4 The hindrances proceed either from ourselves, or from hi● to whom we address ourselves; from those that contradict us, and to whom our advice is not pleasing, or may offend him, or else from the business itself which we undertake, or from that whereunto we would persuade others. 5 For our own regard and respect; we must consider why we engage ourselves in this business, either voluntarily of ourselves, or as being requested or commanded by others. We must know what opinion men generally & particularly conceive of him to whom we address ourselves, which they have of our own Sufficiency, Wisdom and Friendship: yea and for the regard and reason itself, of that whereunto we would draw them: and thereunto to add and join the consideration of our own profession, condition, authority and reputation, which we may have toward him, in what degree of equality, superiority, or inferiority we are, and thereunto dispose and accommodate our discourse: and yet nevertheless remembering that Modesty doth more delight and please, then to bear ourselves imperiously and arrogantly. But above all we must not demonstrate any show of Malice, Folly, or Ill-will, as also not report any thing that may contradict our actions and behaviours, which are publicly exposed to all men's sight; nor either through forgetfulness, or otherwise to give the Lie to our own Discourse and speeches. 6 But, of the qualities that may disparage or diminish our reputation, some b●are their disfavour and distaste with them, as weakness throughage, small experience ignorance, indiscretion, lenity, inconstancy, and presumption. 7 Others make us suspected of those to whom we address ourselves; as Power, Authority, the particular interest which we may have in the business we treat of, be it through corruption, or otherwise: or through Enute, Fear, Choler, or the like passions; or else heretofore to have vainly and unprofitably attempted it, to have often spoken of it, without bringing it to any perfection, to have been often deceived in our opinions, to have first motioned it, or either too soon, or too late. 8 These and such like hindrances must be sore-thought, and foreseen of us; and some of them according to their qualities must be ingeniously confessed and blamed of us, others we must disavow, showing that they are not so, or excusing and yielding reason for them, or entermixing that Evil with some other Good, or diminishing it, as having done it to a good intent, or accusing Fortune, Hazard, or the nature of things, or else rejecting and retorting the Evil which may redound hereby upon others. CHAP. XXXIII. 1 The means to know the hindrances that befall us, of him with whom we are to treat, or who is opposite to us therein. 2 Knowing them, then of the Precaution we must observe therein. 3 The means to divert and avoid them. 4 5 Considerations upon those hindrances, and upon the means to avoid them. 6 7 8 How to divert hindrances that proceed from others, and not from those with whom we are to treat. 9 Hindrances proceeding from the business itself whereon to treat. 10 The means to divert and avoid them. 11 12 13 14 15 The hindrances being removed, the means then to purchase Reputation. 1 IN him who we will persuade or draw to effect our desire. we must consider his Age, Ranke, and Profession, (be it that he hath many, few, or only one) what commonly are his manners, passions, and affections, what his Capacity, judgement, Affability, and Wisdom: We must consider his disposition to that whereunto we would persuade him, as also the respects he may have to diverse matters or persons; which may occasion his affection to bend and incline more one way then another: the Ignorant and Common sort of people, being subject to permit themselves to be carried away with Profit; whereas Gentlemen, and those of eminent rank, aim only at Honour. Men are likewise more ready to fly and eschew Evil, then to follow Good; and the fear of the first moves them with more power and efficacy than the hope of the last. We must also know, that it is far easier to persuade those who are Fearful, diffident, or Irresolute, not to do, then to do a thing. 2 Having found out the hindrances that may proceed from a man; we must be careful that there arrive no other from any other way, as if he be persuaded already to the contrary: if he be weary to speak or to hear spoken thereof: if he be out of hope, discouraged, or not respective hereof, or not desirous to perform that which we desire, or if he be possessed by flatterers, or people who are contrary and opposite to that we would persuade. 3 In all these hindrances we must govern ourselves according to the quality both of the person, and matter, for sometimes we must mildly reprove and admonish him of his Duty: that he perscuere to follow the advice and counsel of his friends: sometimes encourage him, acquainting him with the occasion of a more happy Issue then heretofore, so far forth as he will follow good counsel, and to make him understand that he neither listen nor give care to those who would persuade him to the contrary. 4 Sometimes it is fit to excuse him, by throwing the fault on Fortune, or the like, that he promise and hope for speedy and easy remedies, and that he fight against passion by these means which we have heretofore alleged, and so to enkindle and stir up in him those conceits and resolutions which chiefly make for us. 5 We must also consider the hindrances that may proceed from him who is opposite and contrary to us herein: and whither his Authority, Favour, Power, Affability, or any other quality or perfection in him, can offend or wrong us: and these we must diminish as much as we may, or else augment and extol them; showing that we fear lest they should hereafter offend him whom we thus counsel; discovering the confidence and assurance which such a one conceives of his qualities, and showing how much such confidence hath, and may offend him who enjoys it. 6 And this must be practised more or less, freely and openly according to men's conditions, and other circumstances, having always a regardful and circumspectious heed, both to fly that which may prejudice, and to follow that which may advantage and pro fit us. 7 And if he whom we contradict be subject to bad conditions, as if he be a flatterer, impudent, partial, corrupt, quarrelous, inconstant, malicious, or passionate, we may perchance prevail, by lessening and diminishing his reputation; as also if he give any simple or weak reason to support his contradiction, we may then show him his want of sense and experience in this matter. 8 Sometimes the hindrances may proceed from other men, as those to whom the counsel may offend, which we give to another, if he be any way linked by friendship, consanguinity, or any other obligation to him with whom we treat; and then we must diminish the damage, or propose some remedy to the contrary; or else exaggerate above this damage the profit and advantage, which he whom we counsel may receive; or else to show that that person hath changed his will and affection towards him, whom we endeavour to persuade. 9 The hindrances that may arise from those who interpose in a business, being removed and taken away: we must then consider if the business itself have no defect or distaste in it, that may disfavour or disappoint our enterprise, as, if it be too difficult, or almost impossible; if it be incredible or not very likely, if it be hazardous; unjust, unworthy, or of small moment or consideration; or heretofore counselled or attempted in vain; with an ill issue contrary to a former conceived resolution. 10 The which we must deny, diminish and repair, and so weigh the Difficulty, Danger, Dishonour, and other such defects, with the greatness and importancy of the matter: showing that it hath changed condition, and that we need not thus to ill presage or prejudge it: Examples being not alike nor concurring in all their circumstances. 11 That if our Misfortune or Necessity enforce us to perswage a thing which in exterior show and appearance is not honest, we must excuse it either as being necessary, or else as being practised by others, or as being fit and properly agreeing with the time, or tending to a good end, and conformable to the opinion of many others: From whence we may proceed to the Profit and Utility. 12 But if we have to meet and fight with Necessity, than we must enter into comparison of the like matters: We must deny this Necessity with as many reasons as we can: We must suggest and propose new expedients and remedies as well to anoide the dangers we fear, as to obtain the Good we desire. 13 And because we do not willingly undertake things which we esteem difficult or impossible: if we will divert any one from attempting a thing, we must particularly amplisie the difficulties, and if this fail us, we must esteem the profit, either as little, nothing or uncertain, or else chose we must consider and weigh the Evil that may proceed from such an enterprise if it take not effect. 14 And if we cannot daunt it by Profit, we must then fight against it with Honesty and justice, showing that the enterprise is full of Injustice and no way Honourable for him that undertakes it. 15 Those hindrances this removed and taken away: to purchase Glory and Reputation with him whom we would persuade, we must accommodate and fit ourselves to his inclination, as much as the subject will permit us; yea, we must use all our reasons, and make ourselves agreeable and pleasing to him: and so stir up in him those Passions that may steed and serve us; yea, we must frame and engender in his conceit, a certain opinion, that we love, esteem, and honour him; yea, and with such respect, that he may acknowledge we would not attempt any thing that might be distasteful or prejudicial to him: and in all our speeches and actions demonstrating our censeritie, and sufficiency. CHAP. XXXIV. 1 How to order our speeches, being the ninth head of this first Book: how to observe Silence with Modesty, Brevity, and judgement. 2 How to avoid Importunity. 3 How to avoid Lies, with diverse consideratitions upon lying, and also upon his reputation that speaks. 4 According to the subject whereof we speak. 5 How if we speak of ourselves or of others. 6 How if he be our Equal or Inferior. 7 How if he be known to be more judicious than ourselves. 8 Of some sorts of Flatterers, which are more excusable. 9 Of others altogether inexcusable, and how. 10 11 Of Lies considered according to the intent of the Lyar. 12 How to avoid the Vanity that is in Boasting and Ostentation. 13 How far we may vaunt, and the Moderation which we must observe therein. 14 Of Presumption, Obstinacy, and Contradiction, and how we must bear ourselves in contradicting others. 15 Considerations upon Contradiction, to the end it be well taken. 16 17 Precautions thereon. 1 THE Order and Decorum to proceed herein being known, it remains that we modestly govern our speech and silence, and study to be acute and brief without obscurity, adding thereunto such fair carriage and decency, as is beseeming and answerable, not only to our own condition, but with those with whom we converse and negotiate, and in other circumstances that may arise, we must chiesly sly and eschew Importunity, Lying, and Vanity. 2 Importunity in speaking nothing Cholerickly, or impertinently, not to repeat often one and the same thing, and not to speak whiles another is speaking. 3 As for Lies, they are differently considered, either according to his reputation that delivers them; and if he believe what he speaks, that he may not be termed a L●●r Nevertheless he commits a fault, to assure a thing which he knows not, and the ingenious honest man, although never so well reputed shall do wisely in this respect to be silent, but if he that speak believe it to be otherwise then he speaks, he is then a true Liar; and according to his desert, is commonly little esteemed or regarded: For in effect, it is to ruin and betray commerce betwixt man and man, which cannot continue or subsist, except by the belief we should have one of the other: and there is no greater weakness nor folly then to contradict and belly his own knowledge. 4 Wherein we must consider lying according to the subject of those things whereof we speak; as if we speak of ourselves, or others: to speak of ourselves for our own profit, we shall be held not only Vain, but Liars; and as Lying makes us odious, so doth Vanity, ridiculous. 5 Speaking of others we must be careful not to speak to their prejudice or disadvantage: for if herein truth be odious, Lying must needs be far more, as being commonly accompanied with Malice: and nevertheless in the Companies we frecuent, are commonly backbiters and those who to seem wiser than their fellows, willingly reprove and blame them, where contrariwise we should aim rather to praise then dispraise them. 6 For if he of whom we speak be our inferior, or Equal, in that whereof we praise him, we make him not only to be praised and applauded of others, but also teach them who know us to be their ●●●●, or Equals, likewise to praise and applande us. 7 Or if he be known to be more capable and sufficient than ourselves; in blaming him, we make ourselves simple and ridiculous; yea, we thereby disparage ourselves, because being less than those whom we dispraise, we thereby make ourselves the less worthy to be praised. 8 It is then better to speak to the profit then the prejudice of another; for although it be imputed to flattery, to speak much in commendation of a man; nevertheless, I hold it is to extend flattery very far, to term those praises flatteries: for I believe there are some flatteries excusable, and others inexcusable. 9 I term those inexcusable, if we praise a man for any wicked fact he hath done, or if we praise him with an intent to deceive him, or when by our praises we encourage him to do Evil, or to commend him for that which we know he hath not performed. 10 But when we praise a man, only to sooth and content him without any other wicked design, or to eschaw any Evil, or for some Good, we may hope for without preiudicing any man, this flattery is more excusable in men's conversations. 11 In which respect we must likewise consider of Lies, according to the intent of the Liar: for when he lies only for pastime and sport, that is fitter rather for a Fool then a Gentleman of reputation and honour: or if he lie to Offend a man, in this cause, we must not consider if he can profit himself in profiting another; for be it that he reap or reap not benefit thereby; Lying, being offensive to a man, he must fly and avoid it that intends to frequent good companies, whereof the chiefest links and bonds, are Good not Evil Offices. But if lying wrong no man, and yet may profit some, we may then dispense therewith, provided that the cause deserve it. 12 Vanity is the other Vice that we must avoid and fly in our conversation and discourse. It hath two principal branches; Boasting and Presumption: we have formerly spoken some thing of boasting, which is ridiculous, when we vaunt of that which we have not performed; he which relates and praiseth what he hath affected and performed, is a little more excusable, but in that he shows himself not to be very D●cr●et and Wi●●: for in steed of reaping praise, he purchaseth himself dispraise: for those praises that proceed from our own tongues, can seldom or never be taken in good part. 13 Wherefore if it fall out that we speak of ourselves; it must be with much Retention, and Modesty it being no less fault in a man to boast h●n to blame himself. 14 As for Presumption, it extends further than Speech: Wherefore setting a part that which regards Actions. I say it appears and is seen in two sorts, either not to yield to the advice of any; from whence proceeds o●●●●●, o● that we will have others to subscribe to ours, from whence ariseth a very odious and injurious contradiction, seeming to know and understand more than others, and every where to have the upperhand. We must avoid both the one and the other form of this proceeding; and above all things, if there be cause of contradiction, we must not then be provoked to be either bold, bitter, or obstinate, but we must temper ourselves with humble terms and speeches; seeming rather desirous to be taught then to teach; and to propose things by the way of difficulty and doubt, and not, either by an affirmative or negative resolution. 15 And to the end it may be well taken, it must be conceived in us at the very instant of our discourse, and not otherwise, nor from any other former cause, and that it touch not the person, but only the cause in question. chose, we must praise him whom we contradict; yea, and sometimes we must confess our doubt, to be our own Fault, and Ignorance, and when it is needful and requisite we must give place and subscribe. 16 But above all things we must be careful not to contradict two sorts of men, to wit, those to whom we owe respect for fear of offending them, and those who are our superiors, for fear to disparage them too much in making us by this contestation their equals, it being still more shameful for us, to be vanquished by them, then honourable to vanquish them. 17 He that is discreet and wary in his contestations, will not offend or astonish himself at other men's opinions, although they seem extravagant, nor at follies indiscretions, or levities, committed in his presence: but will rather consider wherein they may be profitable to him; be it to entertain ourselves in such men's companies and conversations, or to take heed of them; or to advance his own design and purpose, whereby he may draw advantage and profit. CHAP. XXXV. 1 Of Retention and Reservedness, the last part of an active and ingenious Wit, which is necessary in affairs, both for ourselves and our friends. 2 Towards whom chiefly we should reserve ourselves. 3 That Reservedness is necessary for a Courtier. 4 How we must use it. 5 In how many sorts and degrees it is practised and used. 6 By silence. 7 Concurrence of jests in silence, & their remedies. 8 To be reservedly Cautious in our speech and how it must be performed 9 Of the Answers and Replies, ●●●●●●●● and observations thereon. 10 To dissemble by exterior shows, and ●●●●●●●● must perform it. 11 That it is a point of true Wisdom, when a man desembles a necessary matter in Court; and of the means to discover the same. 12 13 14 The Conclusion of active and solid Wisdom, and the means to discover by his countenance whither a man be so, ye or no. 1 Herein and in many other jests, and Replies, Reservedness is necessary, it being the last, but the chiefest part of an active and solid Wit, without which, it is impossible to conduct ourselves securely through men's actions and malice: for not knowing how to conceal his play, gives a great advantage to those who would enterprise, not only against those who are careless, but also against their friends; because their friends affairs are linked and united to their own; as Gamesters, who discovering their Cards, not only lose themselves, but also cause their friends to lose: & right so the friends of th●s● participate and bear a share in their friend's loss. Besides we cannot safely trust him, who so easily discovers and bewrays himself; from whence it proceeds, that those men (most commonly) in the midst of their affairs, remain without counsel or friends. 2 But these with whom we must chiefly dissemble, are those, who to draw some secret from us, are accustomed to search and esp●e out occasions, whereby they may o ocure so●● reputation and belief from ●●▪ ●ither by communicating us a business ●●●●●●●● is ●●●●ll importance and consequence, thereby striving to make us r●p●se confidence in them, purposely to draw from us a matter of greater weight & worth: Now feigning to hate one, anon to love another, although their affections in themselves are quite opposite, and otherwise fixed and disposed. 3 And although Reservedness (in some sort) be necessary in all men; so it is far more requisite in a Courtier, thereby to manage and conduct his Ambition 4 Yet he must be careful how to use ●●sernation: For he must use it as Apo●●●●●● do their Antidotes in the composition and tempering of their Ph●sicke: who in ●it time intermixing it with judgement, do cure; otherwise, hurt the Patient. Reservedness (as well as Subtlety) being detected and discovered, not only serves his Master for nothing, but makes those whom he frequents to suspect and grow jealous of him. 5 But it is practised three ways, either by Silence, Speech, or Actions, and exterior semblances. 6 By Silence, in concealing that which may prejudice either ourselves, friends, designs, or thoughts, or our own or their secrets; but chiefly our own wrongs received, not only thereby to give us the better means to revenge them (if they deserve that we wade so far), but also that we do not occasion and invite him, who hath offended us, speedily to offer us greater injuries, thereby to prevent our revenge. This Reservedness that is cloaked and masked in silence, is approved in all occasions; and so the Roman Senators behaved themselves towards their Emperor Tiberius, always seeming in their countenances not to know, or understand his designs. 7 Nevertheless, there are occurrences where silence will be suspected, and such are fit to be revealed, as al●o that we make our discontent known; but yet so, that after a light complaint we make the world believe, we will no farther remember it, nor be sensible thereof. Valens not being able to punish his mutinous soldiers, accused only some of them, for fear lest in dissembling their general delict and fault, they might conceive he would punish them the more severely. 8 But it falls out often, that it is needful and requisite for us, to be cautelous in our speeches, which requires more Art and Skill. There are some, who abruptly break off their talk, and so leap into a new matter, but the end thereof is never successful. 9 Wherefore our answer in such causes must resemble a retreat, which we perform without either flying or fight: for first, we must not enter into an absolute negation and denial: secondly, we must not speak that which we should not, or which may offend: thirdly, to him with whom we converse, we must leave his judgement doubtful, by speaking to him in doubtful and ambiguous terms, whereby we may be understoad in a double sense, and the more our answers are retired and reserved, the more commendable and praiseworthy they are. 10 Again, it is lawful to reserve ourselves in exterior Shows and appearances, by hiding & concealing our joy, Sorrow, Hope, Desire, Fear, Choler, or the like passions, seeming neither to see, hear, do, or speak, if we reap not some profit and advantage thereby. 11 But as Reseruednes is part of an active and powerful wit, so to know how to discover it in others, and from thence to find out the depth of their thoughts, with whom we have to converse and treat, is a most necessary point in a Courtier; the means also that serve to maintain friendship, serve likewise to make him lie open, and disclose himself, who relies and trust in us. Some Nations given much to Drink, have to this effect employed and made use of Wine, which commonly discovers his master's secrets, & sometimes without Wine▪ the heat of discourse makes us vent & utter some things, whereof we after repent. 12 The manner how we bear ourselves in our Choler, Prosperity, and Adversity, makes men also judge of the rest of our humours and inclinations. 13 There are those who have used play and gaming hereunto, wherein occasion sometimes happeneth, that we employ and exercise all the motions of our Will; and we discover it more freely in secrecy and familiarity, used and practised among Gamesters: but this will crave time to effect it. 14 Briefly, to recollect the carriage and countenance of a discreet and wise Courtier, his wits must be bend by little & little to examine, as well his own as other men's actions; he must still be vigilant, and stand upon his guard, that he see, understand, and judge all things, but speak but little: nevertheless, covering and overuailing his thoughts, desires and designs, with an affable and pleasing countenance. CHAP. XXXVI. 1 Of Dexterity, bring a part of an ingenious and active Wit. 2 The definition of Dexterity. 3 Some are unapt for this Dexterity. 4 The ready proceedings of those, who are skilful and judicious herein. 5 6 Some precepts for this Dexterity. 7 8 9 10 Other precepts and points for the same Dexterity. 11 12 13 14 15 16 1 Dexterity is so united and conjoined to a nimble and ingenious Wit, that the one cannot be without ●●●●●●her; we commonly term those dexterious, who are of a sharp and nimble Apprehension and Understanding, who are quick, proper, and graceful in all sorts of Motions and Actions, and who with a ready and brave disposition, know how to meet and surmount all oppositions and difficulties 2 And it is according to this similitude, that we term this power and virtue Dexterity, to perform a business; by means whereof we converse and treat fortunately, making that which is difficult, easy and pleasant, and representing and receiving it without gall or bitterness. 3 chose, there are some so unfit and unapt for this purpose, that they make small things great and those which are easy, difficult; yea, they make that sour, that was scarce sharp, being not capable to manage a business; but in an undecent and disgraceful manner, making it to be defective and imperfect yea, and sometimes impossible: like unskilful Chirurgeous, who in lieu of healing a wound, make it incurable; and in stead of sowing it up, do rend and tear it. 4 Opposite to whom are those who are wise and judicious, who sweeten the wound with lenitive and cool ointments; so as if they must cut off any thing from him, they first so allure and provoke the Patient to sleep, as he feels no pain; in whose imitation and example those who are Wise and judicious, represent angry and distasteful matters, by softly insinuating into the conceits and judgements of those to whom they speak, without violence or trouble; and so by little and little dispose them to enter into the consideration of their reasons, whereby chiefly serving themselves towards them, who being of a sharp and harsh nature, or for some passion or interest, show them to be insupportable, speaking arrogantly and proudly; yea, in such sort, as they seem rather to challenge us to a combat, then in amiable and amicable manner to treat with us; because from this their violent and impetious assault, they almost like enraged Bulls, without Wit or Fear, not only rush, but run furiously to overthrow us. 5 And it is not as some esteem, a servile or base act for a Wise man to answer thus pleasantly, or not to be choleric with those, who are either in choler, or speak with passion; but it is a point worthy of a temperate spirit and full of Wisdom and Discretion; and again far fitter for greater men, then for those of any other condition, who must not the less enforce themselves, to become masters of their own proper affections. 6 In this Dexterity then, we must resemble Tennis Players, who to commit no fault in their play, not only look to take the Ball fully, but also with their best endeavour and skill, watch to be sure to receive him handsomely, and to return him to that place, that shall make most for their advantage. 7 Also in conversing or treating, we must observe the same consideration, being very careful and circumspect, that we commit no fault in the matter whereof we treat, bringing those words with us, which are pertinent and proper, and receiving those from him that speaks to us in the best manner the sense thereof will safely permit. 8 With this skill we may sometimes dissemble, or conceal some truth very honestly; yea, and make show not to know or understand some thing that is of consequence and importance in the business we have in hand, to the end that we may gain time to answer, and not be surprised, or taken unprovided. 9 And the resolutions from whose conclusions, we may take assurance and security must be so conceived, that which way soever they turn, we may still subsist and stand, and find (as the saying is) a Postern door open to save ourselves; according to the example of Mucianus, his answer to Antoniuns Prumus, who asked him his advice, if whilst he stayed for Vespasian, he should assault Rome. 10 It will be also a point of Dexterity to yield in those things, wherein we have the upper hand so far forth, that another way we be sure to obtain a greater advantage. 11 It is likewise Wisdom to be flexible and tractable in a business, and a Vice to be too partial and jealous of his own opinions; we must sometimes be lofty and fast girt, and then again we must abate our pride, and unloose that which we have so straightly bound. 12 But above all, we must avoid the occasion to break friendship with any man, and rather excuse and shift ourselves from those, who are tedious and importunate upon the haste and necessity of their business, referring them to another time, or showing them the quality of other business, is not fit to be treated of in this time or place; or if this will not suffice, then to show them the impossibility thereof. For it is one of the most difficult and ticklish points in our conversation, absolutely to refuse a man; the reason thereof is, because every one flatters and persuades himself, that his demand is just. 13 In which respect some do consent and promise all; yea, they cannot, and which is worse, they will not any longer stand off, hoping that before the time of the execution, many accidents will fall out, which may hinder and frustrate the effect of their promise, and so free them from that whereunto they are obliged and tied, or else that they will find out some excuses and evasions, having in the Interim, nevertheless, given content to the demander; and as said Aulus Sempremu●, Many hold themselves better satisfied with this Coin, then with bare and simple hopes. 14 But these manner of proceedings are good to be practisud but once, because being found out and known, they soon discover and deserie him that useth them often; as also they descry themselves, which to content their vanity, and to be courted and followed, make use of these hopes. But the best and surest way, is neither to yield nor promise any thing but that which we can, we ought, and we will perform. 15 And if that which is demanded of us, participate of neither of these three, we must then under colour of diverse other pretexts, defer the answer thereof as long as we can; or else make those who press us thereunto, alter their designs and purposes; in preposing them in stead of their demands, some o their thing, wherein we may aid & assist them or to make them know, and be sensible of our good will and affection towards them, although the issue thereof answer not their desires, or else to contrive our promise in such general terms, that it do not precisely bind and oblige us. 16 This last form of proceeding, is somewhat remoted far off from freeness, but the injustice of the demands makes it excusable, especially if our refusal proceed rather from our insufficiency, then from any defect or fault of our good will the effects whereof we will assuredly demonstrate, and testify in any other subject and occasion, that may depend of us towards those we refuse; and in this sort reviving their courage and affection by the hope they receive, that the door of our affection is not altogether shut, for them to obtain some other request and favour, we not only sweeten the bitterness of this refusal, but also by the most moderate and temperate sort of people, this refusal will be interpreted and taken for Grace and Favour. CHAP. XXXVII. 1 Of other requisites necessary in a Courtier, as Patience to support injuries. 2 Wherein Court Patience consists. 3 A Courtier must not speak ill of any man. 4 Another Court Patience, is for him to be● still assidual and resident at Court. 5 6 7 It is one thing to be obstinate in a reasonable business. 8 And another not to precipitate or run headlong in any thing. 1 IT remains to speak of four other points, that are requisite and necessary in a Courtier, which are Patience, Humility, Boldness and Capacity: as for the regard of the first, an old Courtier being demanded, how he was grown so old, and had remained so long at Court, answered, that it was in supporting injuries patiently, and in giving of thanks: and Augustus, as it is written and reported of him, loved Agrippa for her patiency, and Maecenas for his secrecy. 2 But Court-Patience not only consists in supporting and dissembling other men's injuries, but also as we have formerly said, their errors and imperfections, there being nothing so odious as to reprove and censure, although many men's vanity may deserve it, or to think themselves not reputed or esteemed, if they control not other men's actions. Nevertheless, such are commonly admired of none, but of the vulgar, and ignorant sort, and their conversation and carriage can neither be suffered nor supported, except by those who are far their inferiors; and if they are not th● more capable and sufficient, they make themselves ridiculous, and a common may game to those, who seem to admire them. 3 A Courtier therefore must take heed, not to speak Il●, or mock at those things that are true, which commonly offend us most, and whereof Great M●n do longest and chiefly remember. 4 Another sort of Court-Pati●nc● is ●o subject ourselves constantly to continue and remain there, and not slightly to abandon and forsake it, although some disgrace arrive and befall us, but still to have one foot firm there, sith there is nothing so subject to revolution and c●ange, as the affections of Princes, which are as it were continually ebbing and flowing. 5 But above all things we must keep ourselves still in sight, and as near our Prince as we may, not only to avoid the aspersions and calumnies, which are usually cast upon those that are absent, but also because it may so happen, that upon some occasion (although but small) you may be the man among all the rest, which he may obserne to continue in Court, and so by your assidual residence and attendance, knowing hereby your zeal and affection to his service, he may believe, that he may intrust you with any of his commands; whereof if you worthily acquit yourself, the Prince may take you into his Grace and Favour, and so continue to confer and heap others on you, and in the end admit you into his service. 6 There is in the Court (as well as we say, there is in love) the happiness and felicity of a Carre-man: for a Prince hath need of so many diversity of Servants and Attendants, that he which is sometimes esteemed the most unfit and unprofitable, the Dice may so run, and alter, as Fortune may make him not only profitable, but pleasing to his Prince. 7 Another effect of necessary patience in court is, that if we undertake a business with likelihood and reason, we must be constant and obstinate to finish it, and not to forsake it; but withal, we must not precipitate ourselves, or run headlong therein, but with a Wise Patience we must await and attend the occasion. 8 There are many, who with the help and assistance of time, might have hoped to have risen their Fortunes at Court; but cutting off, and preventing their hopes, they not only retire and forsake it, but also through their headlong impatiency, have shipwrackt and ruined their Fortunes. CHAP. XXXVIII. 1 Humility is a second perfection, necessary and requisite in a Courtier. 2 Wherein it consists. 3 4 5 6 voluntary Humility consists in two parts. 7 The Sxteriour is remarked. 8 in our Countenance. 9 Speeches. 10 Actions, wherein there are three degrees of Humility. 11 Which of the three sufficeth for a Courtier. 12 The unseemly and unproper behaviour of Courtiers risen from a low Fortune. 13 1 HVmilitie is no less necessary in Cour● which (for the most part) is composed of vain and Ambitious persons, who commonly having nothing commendable in themselves, seek those outward clutches, and exterior submissions given them by others, thereby to make themselves esteemed and honoured; and so much the more are they careful and Ambitious hereof in that they know, they themselves are of far less sufficiency and merit. 2 Nevertheless, Humility consists not only in this point; for it is seen and remarkd in us, either by the opinion which we seem to make others know, we conceive and esteem well of ourselves, or through the Desire and Will we have to attempt any thing, either according to our quality and condition, or above it, or else by our exterior behaviour and carriage. 3 The opinion which an humble Wit holds of himself, consists in esteeming little of himself to believe himself unprofitable, to acknowledge his imbecility and weakness, to the end he attempt nothing above the reach of his Capacity. 4 But although we must inwardly conceive this opinion of ourself, nevertheless let it suffice, that a Courtier must not vaunt of himself, or of any thing he cannot perform, and not knowing how far his Capacity can extend it is more safe and commendable for him to perform a thing, without speaking or vaunting thereof. 5 For he shall then bear himself, without prom sing or praising too much of himself, and al●o without disparaging or making himself base or unprofitable, whereby others be not induced so to repute and esteem him 6 Humility which consists in our Will, hath two branches Obedience to their commands on whom we depend, and the Moderating of our desires (whereof we have formerly spoken.) 7 As for Humility which appears in exterior show, it is observed in our Countenance Gesture, Words and Actions. 8 In our Countenance by a modest regard, neither too lofty, nor too bold; by a grave, yet pleasing smile, and not by a laughter or mockery, and by respective compliments, as salutations, reverences, and the like ceremonies. 9 In words, by proffering our service, & the like compliments, as also by speaking soberly, pertinently, & respectfully, being silent till we are questioned or demanded, and attentive to that which is spoken unto us. 10 In Actions there are: degrees of Humility, First, to submit ourselves to Great men, and not to esteem ourselves above our Equals: Secondly, to submit ourselves to our Equals, and not to esteem us more than the least: and thirdly, and lastly, to submit ourselves to the least. 11 Many are of opinion, that it is fit for a Courtier to hold and bear himself in this first degree: to the end that too much familiarity and humility procure him not contempt; but the Court being so composed, that very often great men have need to use those of lower rank: and there being therein Offices, which none but they can perform: we are also sometimes constrained, with humble countenances, & fair speeches to seek and re-search them: Caesar (as reporteth Dion) living in a Commonwealth, wherein this Humility was no less necessary to an Ambitious man, then in a Prince his Court: was enforced to flatter and make fair weather, not only with the greatest, but with the meanest thereof. But herein notwithstanding we must use a Mediocrity, and bearing ourselves according to the quality of the person and occasion: we must not permit ourselves to be too much depressed and disparaged, but still hold and detain our Humility within the lists and bounds of Courtesy. 12 So●e men issuing from a base descent, & seeing themselves in a short time advanced and preferred: imagine they cannot surmount the contempt of their first condition; and quality; if they bear not themselves high: and make themselves to be feared; deferring by courteous and fair means to moderate and reprove, when through the continuance of their good Fortune and happiness: this contempt with the remembrance of their first condition, will be razed out and defaced. 13 But it is to be feared that this Exchange befalls us not, but with much difficulty or too late; because a man which is enured and accustomed to Pride, cannot easily forsake it. CHAP. XXXIX. 1 Of boldness, a necessary Point in a Courier, he must be bold to advance himself, and not step back for any refusal. 2 How it must be tempered. 3 Of the judgement and Sufficiency of a Courtier. 4 Whereof a Courtier must be chiefly capable, and of the dusersitie & differences of Courts. 5 The affairs of Estate, are more frequent in Court then any other. 6 The Court is subject to alterations. 7 The Conclusion of the first Book of this Treatise. 1 Boldness is a necessary requisite in a Courtier (whereas those who are bashful lose it) be it to give us entrance and admittance in many places, the which he himself must procure: or be it, not to retire or step back for one or two refusals, but to remain and present himself always there with one and the same constant resolution. For although Importunity be distasteful to many; yet we must consider there are many Natures who delight to be pressed and importuned. 2 Notwithstanding, this boldness must be accompanied and conducted with much discretion and modesty, for fear it be not imputed to impudence and deceit, which is subject to many unfortunate accidents and disgraces. 3 As for the regard of a Courtier's Sufficiency, or Capacity; as the Court is composed of all sorts of men, and that all sorts of affairs are there treated of, so he which frequents it, must be versed and seen in all things as well to the end he may be imploved in all sort● of occasions, as also, to make himself necessary to many, and thereby to purchase himself more friends and reputation. 4 Which nevertheless, if he cannot perform, he must chiefly make himself capable of that which is most esteemed and prisd in Court, wherein he intends to remain: for we see some of one profession have more authority than others, as Martial●ts and oulaiours in the Court of a Warlike Prince; Ecclesiasti●kes or Churchmen, in that of a Religious Prince; Physicians, in that of an old and ●ickly Prince; Lawyers, in that of a Peaceable and Just Prince; Excheckerers, who know how to manage & invent new means to find money in that of a covetous, prodigal, or poor Prince; & Scholars, in that of a Learned Prince: for in all these Courts, these sorts of men, are for the most part still welcome. From whence, by the Prince his inclination, and by the Nature of the affairs which are treated of, we may conceive and judge what sort of sufficiency is most requisite and necessary for a Courtier. 5 But as the affairs of the Estate are the most frequent and common, so we must diligently inform ourselves of the particular humours, interests, & dependencies of those who manage them, or who must survey or control them, with their Issues, which the greatest part of Courtiers, either ignore or forget. 6 And because the Court is subject to alteration and change, and that those who are there this day are not to remain long in authority, be it that they are drawn away for other occasions, or for want of favour: those who enter into their places, are subject to commit great faults, in being ignorant how affairs have formerly passed, or in not knowing the motives and reasons of those who managed them before them: from whence it follows, that by changing of form, their end●nours are disliked and disavowed of their Prince, and so the Sun shine of his favour and their prosperity lasteth not long. 7 Let this suffice concerning the parts and perfections, necessary in a Courtier, and let us now see how he must use and employ them in his Carriage and Conduction, expressed in the second Book. The end of the first Book. A Table of the Contents of the Chapters of the first Book. CHAP. I. 1 OF the Incertainty, Variableness, and Alteration of the Court. 2. That in Court there is more Fortune than conduction. 3. That in Court preferments. Fortune is intermixed with ●●●● conduction. 4. The Author, his excute upon the method, order, and division of this Book. Folio. 1 CHAP. II. 1 Of the qualities most requisite and necessary in a Courtier, being the first head and subject of this first Book. 2. Of his civility. 3. Of his graceful speech. 4. Of his countenance and gesture. 5. O● his Apparel, and the wearing thereof. ●ol. 5 CHAP. III. 1 Of Affability in general, and wherein it consists. 2. Of the Allurements thereof. 3. To hearken, and to be attentive. 4. To reprove pleasantly, yet modestly. 5. What is chi●sly necessary in great Personages. 6. Wherewith Affability must be seconded and attended. Fol. 8 CHAP. IV. 1. That Pleasant jests and replies bear a part in Affability 2. How we must use them 3. Whereof they must be framed. 4, ●▪ 6, ●. What l●sts and replyas we must eschew and avoid. 8, 9 Of then difference and diversive. Folly 11 CHAP. V. 1. That Compliments hear a great part in Affability, with their definition. 2. Of then Medium and Extremes. 3. That we should practise them according to occasions; as also, how to practise them. 4. Of the answers we ought return to them. Fol. 15 CHAP. VI 1. Of our readiness to perform a Pleasure or good Office. 2, 3, 4. Considerations thereon. 5, 6, 7. We must do it voluntarily, speedily, liberally. 8. Having performed it, we must not instantly expect ●r crave the like. 9 We must not please one to please another. 10. Examples hereon. Fol. 19 CHAP VII. 1. Of acknowledging and requiting good Offices received, and wherein it consists. 2. Of the consideration thereof 3. How they are to be measured. 4. How to be considered according to the persons. 5. The means we must obletue in acknowledge a good Office done us. 6. When to acknowledge it. Folly 23 CHAP. VIII. 1. Of ●n act●ue and ●●mb●e Wit. The second head of this first Book. 2. A org●●sti●n upon the difference of the Persons and Wits of men, and of their natural Capacity. 3. Of natural Capacity. 4. Of men's temper in general. 5. From whence Capacity and Understanding proceed, and of intellectual Wisdom, and her faculties. 6, 7. A rule how to treat and converse with those who are wise and i●d●cious, and of their behaviour. 8, 9 Of Wisdom that proceeds from Imagination, and of their manners who are fortunate therein. Fol. 27 CHAP. IX. 1. From whence comes the Capacity of the Memory, with their conditions who excel therein. 2. That Imagination & Memory never meet together. 3, 4. The humours of the Imaginative in the first degree. 6 In the first and last degree. 7. The Conclusion of the natural Capacity, of the Understanding. Fol. 32 CHAP. X. 1. Of Capacity obtained by Wit. 2. As also by Arts. 3. Which Arts have need of Understanding. 4. Which of Memory. 5 Which of Imagination. 6. How gotten by Experience, and wherein Experience consisteth. Fol. 36 CHAP. XI. 1. Of the incapacity of Wits, and the Causes of this incapacity. 2. From whence proceeds the natural weakness of Wit, and the effects thereof. 3. Of Inconstancy in opinions. 4. Of Presumption. 5. Of Vanity 6. Of the manner how to negotiate with the Vainglorious. 7. That Presumption and judgement cannot agree. 8. Their Properties who have moist brains. 9 Of those who have moist and hot brains, 10. Of those who have moist and cold brains, and of the incapacity of some sorts of Wits. 11. Of the weakness of Wit, which proceeds from Ignorance; two sorts of Ignorance, the one Presumptuous, and of her effects. 12. The other Simple and Innocent, and of her effects. Fol. 38 CHAP. XII. 1. Preocupations are the cause of incapacity in our Understanding, from whence they proceed. 2. Two sorts of Opinions proceeding from the persuasion of one particular man. 3. What they occasion, and the remedy thereof. 4. From whenc● come th●s● opinions grounded on Custom. 5. Every Profession have their particular opinions. 6. Whereof a Courtier m●st be chiefly informed, and his Precautions. 7. The effects and considerations of opinions built upon common estimation. 8. According to the ra●i●ie. 9 Abundance 10. Absence or Presence. 11. Facility or difficulty. 12. Noveltic or strangeness. 13. Custom. Fol. 43 CHAP. XIII. 1. Of Preoccupation according to our Passions, and his effect according to love and ha●r●d. 2. According to joy. 3. Sorrow. 4. Fear and Choler. Fol. 47 CHAP. XIV. 1. Of our Will, being the third head of this first Book. 2. From whence comes the diversity of Wills. 3. The difference of the Will of our Understanding. 4, 5, 6, 7. Considerations of goodness, and her object. 8. Considerations of the motions of our Will. 9 Of the diversity of their object, and of that it produceth 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. Considerations of evil simply and of her objects, and that it produceth. Fol. 49 CHAP. XV. 1. The use of the knowledge of the motions of our Will. 2. Three things to be considered therein. 3. The dependency of these motions in engendering one the other. 4. The motions of the concupiscible part. 5 Of the Choleric part. 6, 7, 8, 9 The order and dependence, of the Will, destinguished according to the intention and execution 10, 11, 12. The order of the motions of the concupiscible part among themselves. Fol. 53 CHAP. XVI. 1. Of the order of Passions, as they engender one another 2. The causes of Passions. 3. Of those Passions which have goodness for th●ir object. 4. Of the love of conformity, and all that is considerable therein 5▪ Of friendship for our own particular interest. 6. ●●●● the effect of friendship. 7. The ca●ses of desire, and from whence it is engendered. 8. The causes of Hope. 9 How Experience ●ortifie● Hope. 10, 11. The force and power of Hope Folly 57 CHAP. XVII. 1, 2. The causes of confidence's and h●w considered. 3, 4. Her motion. 5, 6. From when e●●t proce●●es. 7. The causes of boldness produced by two means. 8, 9 The causes of joy, and how it is conceived, and form in us. 10. Of presupposed enjoyance▪ or imaginary presence. 11 Which is the greatest joy. 12. How evil is still present with us. Fol. 62 CHAP. XVIII. 1. Of those who are subject to the Passions, occasioned through the object of good. 2. The motions and Passions of the Will that have e●il● for their object. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Why we are more sensible of evil then of good. 8. The causes of hatred, and what it e●g●●acreth 9 As Fear. 10. The things that aff●●ght and ●●a●e us. 11. Of those we have offended and which of them we ought ●eare most. 12. Of that which we ought ●eare most. Fol. 6● CHAP. XIX 1. The dispositions in the motions and Passion: whose object is evil. 2, 3. What they are who fear no hurt can befall them 4. A remedy not to fear it. 5. Of those who are much gi●●n to fear 6, 7. The use of fear considered in two sorts. 8. Of fear accompanied with distrust. 9 Of the Passion of sorrow and anger, and what other Passions they engender. Fol. 71 CHAP. XX. 1. Of Choler and the Passions that concur therein 2. Of contrary Objects in Choler. 3 Causes of Choler. 4, 5. That disdain and injury are the chiefest. 6. Of those who are soon subject to Choler. 7. The Passions that dispose us to Choler. 8. Shame follows Choler, and how it is stirred up in us. 9, 10. The causes of shame. 11. Disposition to shame. Fol. 57 CHAP. XXI. 1. Of Compassion, and from whence it proceeds. 2. Of those who are usually Uncharitable, and not compassionate. 3. Disposition to Compassion, and those who are aptest thereunto. 4, 5, 6. Of that which may increase Compassion in us, and more stir us up to Pity. Fol. 80 CHAP. XXII. 1. Of Envy. 2, 3 From whence it proceeds. 4, 5. Of the causes that dispose us to Envy. 6. Of Indignation, and with what it is intermixed. 7. That wealth breeds in us this Passion of Envy. 8. From whence ariseth Indignation. 9 That great men are more subject to it, then others. 10. The causes that provoke us to this Passion. 11. The nature of Indignation. 12, 13. That Emulation is a degree of Envy, and the causes thereof. 14, 15. Of those who are subject to Emulation. 16, 17. How Emulation is engendered, and of those that are not subject to this motion. 18. Of jealousy, and the causes thereof. Fol. 84 CHAP. XXIII. 1. The use of the knowledge of Passions, and the means to moderate them both in ourselves, and others. 2. The benefit of moderating Passions in ourselves living in Court. 3. That they are moderated by fair means, and by the power of Courage. 4. By natural Pleasantness 5. Or by that which we procure or purchase. 6. By our breeding. 7. By experience. 8. By discoursing of reason, and how far it extends. 9 Di●e●● considerations herein. Fol. 91 CHAP. XXIV. 1. The fourth head of the first Book, three principal faults we commit, in seeing good or evil. 2. Their difference thereof being a remedy for the first fault. 3. What Death i●. 4, 5. Time and delay, is a remedy for the second fault. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Considerations upon these remedies. 11. Disadvantages or Damages, a remedy for the third fault. 12. Examinations of the disadvantages of an object, and examples thereon. 13. Weakness, Credulity, and Curiosity three defects, from whom proceed the ill opinions we conceive, either of ourselves, or of others. 14. Remedies for this weakness. 15. For this Credulity. 16. For this Curiositio. 17. The conclusion of this Chapter. Fol. 95 CHAP. XXV. 1 Consideration of our power to moderate our Passions. 2. Wherein it consists. 3. Why we throw ourselves on the Court. 4, 5. To consider our abilities, by the difficulties we meet withal. 6. Foresight is a second means to moderate our Passions. 7, 8 9 The first effect of this Foresight, is to prepare ourselves, against that woe foresee must befall us, and to attend and expect it with a firm and constant resolution. 11. The third effect of this Foresight, is to change and divert this evil being fallen us, another way, or else to familiarize it to ourselves, in our Imaginations. 12. Of the deversion thereof, the third means to moderate these Passions 13, 14, 15, 16. Other means to divert our Passionate Wit and conceits. Fol. 104 CHAP. XXVI. 1. The third use of the knowledge of the motions of our Will, and wherein it consists, as in Affability or agreeableness, and how to use it in Court, which is the ●ist head of this first Book. 2. Of the ●●●● and necessity of this affability, with examples thereon to that effect. 2. Of affability in cur Choler. 5, 6, 7. How to bear ourselves in this Passion. 8, 9 In mildness and pleasantness, and of their natures who are mild. 10. In fear, and of their natures who are fearful. 11. To accommodate ourselves to this Passion. 12. Of confidence and belief, and how we ought de●eane ourselves to those who are addicted and subject thereunto. 13. Or shame, and of their nature's wh●●●●● shamefaced. 14, 15, 16, 17. How to bear ourselves towards those who are subject to this motion. 18. Of hatred and malice, with their remedies. 19 Of Courtes●e. 20. How to bear ourselves to th●se who are Courteous. 21. Of Affability in Ingratitude, and how to bear ourselves to those who are ingrateful. ●2. O Compassion and Pity, and of their natures, as also how to bear ourselves towards those who are subject to this Passion. 23. Of Indigration, and of their nature who are provoked to this Passion. 24. That the malicious and envious resemble those who are Passionate. 25. How to bear our selue towards them. 26, 27, 28, 29. Of Sorrow, and how to bear ourselves towards those who are sorrowful. 30. Of joy, and how to bear ourselves towards those who are joyful. 31, 32. Advise for Cou●tiers how to bear themselves in their gestures, and countenances, according to the Examples of the Countries of Alexander, and his Father Philip. 33. If it be lawful for Courtiers to imitate the Vices as well as the Virtues, of those with whom they converse, Examples hereon. 34 That those who have flexible and changeable Wits, are fit to be Courtiers. 35. The Conclusion of the difference of persons, proceeding from the difference of their interior conditions and qualities. Fol. 110 CHAP. XXVII. 1. The difference of men by exterior conditions, according to their a●e, being the seventh head of this first Book●. 2. Man's age divided into many parts. 3, 4 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. The manners and complexions of y●u●g man. 11, 12, 13▪ 14. The manners, humours, and complexions of old men. 15, 16. Of Virility, and of their humours who have obtained this ●g●. Fol. 124 CHAP. XXVIII. 1. The difference of men according to the condi●●o● of their Fortunes. 2. The Profits and preiudices we ●ec●iue by fortune 3. That Nibilitie is the ●●ist benefit thereo●, and of the conditi●ns of Noble men. ●●●●●h●t wealth i● the second benefit thereof, and of ●●e ●●●● of Rich men 6 The difference 'twixt him that is of late grown rich, and he that hath been a long time rich, 7, 8, 9 The Conditions of Great men, and of those that are in authority, being the third benefit of Fortune 10. The conditions of him that that is fortunate, being the fourth benefit. 11. Other differences of men besides age and fortune, and how to be considered in our behaviour and conversation, with e●ery one in particular. 12. How to behave ourselves towards our Seruan●s, & Confidents, and how towards Str●ngers. 13. How towards Honest and Upright men▪ 14. How to those of a pleasant conversation 15 How to those who are Proud, Ambitious, Modest. Malicious, or of a Kind nature. 16. How to the O●sie●●●s, or Inofficious, or towards those that are engaged, or not engaged to us. Fol. 131 CHAP XXIX. 1. The eighth head of the first Book, discoursing of m●tters whose subjects are infinite. 2. General differences of affairs drawn from causes which examine and consider them. 3. By means possible or impossible, necessary or not, easy or difficult, profitable or prejudicial, just or unjust. 4. The difference of men's actions, serving to judge of possibility or impossibility. 5. Or Power and Will requisite in the production of actions. 6, 7. Considerations upon this Power. 8, 9 Considerations upon this Will. 10. Considerations upon the means and their differences. 11. The circumstance of Place in things movable. 12. The circumstance of Time. 13. Considerations upon the diversity of hindrances. 14. Considerations upon the facility or difficulty of a business. 15. Considerations upon the necessity thereof. 16. Absolute. 17. Conditional. Fol. 137 CHAP. XXX. 1. The mean●te purchase a King's favour 2, 3, 4. Considerations in Procuting it. 5. The order and means we must observe therein. 6. Consideration of benefit or damage that may thereby accrue unto us. 7. Consideration of the honour. 8. Consideration of the Profit, and how it is to be considered. 9 Considerations of the Pleasure and Profit it brings with it. Fol. 143 CHAP XXXI. 1. Of the equity and justice of a matter. 2. Rules of this justice in two scrts Universal. 3. Truth is a dependant of Universal justice. 4. And also of Particular. 5, 6. Custom is more received and followed at Court, than either particular or uniucrsall justice. 7. Examples hereon, 8, 9 Conclusion of the differences of Persons and affairs. Fol. 147 CHAP. XXXII. 1. Of proceedings. 2. The Consideration of sircumstance● 3. The most frequent and usualll manner to negotiate and manage a business in Court. 4. To divert the hindrances and to purchase reputation. 5. What those hindrances are in ourselves. 6, 7. The qualities that may diminish our reputation. 8. The means to divert and avoid them. Fol. 149 CHAP. XXXIII. 1. The means to know the hindrances that befall us, and of him with whom we are to treat, or who is opposite to us therein. 2. Knowing them, then of the Precaution, we must observe therein. 3, 4. The means to divert and avoid them. 5, 6, 7. Considerations upon those hindrances and upon the means to avoid them. 8. How to divert hindrances that proceed from others, and not from those, with whom we are to treat. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. The means to divert and avoid them. 15. The hindrances being removed, the means then to purchase Reputation. Fol. 153 CHAP. XXXIV. 1. How to order our spe●ches, being the ninth head of this first Book; how to observe silence with modesty, brevity, and judgement. 2. How to avoid importunity. 3. How to avoid lyes, with diverse considerations upon lying, and also upon his Reputation that speaks. 4. According to the subject whereof we speak. 5. How it we speak of ourselves, or of others. 6. How if he be our equal, or inferior. 7. How if he be known to be more judicious than ourselves. 8. Of some sort of flatteries which are excusable. 9, 10. Of others which are inexcusable, and low. 11. Of lies considered according to the intent of the liar. 12 How to avoid the vanitic that is in boasting and ostentation. 13. How far we may vaunt, and the moderation we must observe therein. 14. Of Presumption, obstinacic, and contradiction, and how we must bear ourselves in contradicting others. 15, 16. Considerations upon contradiction, to the end it be well taken. 17. Precautions thereon. Fol. 159 CHAP. XXXV. 1. Of retention, and reservedness, the last part of an active and ingenious Wit, which is necessary in affairs, both for ourselves and our friends. 2. With whom chiefly we may dissemble. 3. That dissimulation ●● n●cesary for a Courtier. 4. How we must use it. 5. ● how many sorts and degrees it is practised and used. 6. By silence. 7. Concurrence of le●●s in silence, and their remedies. 8. To dissemble in our speech, and how it must be performed, 9 Of the answers and replies fit for jests, and observations thereon. 10. ●o disse●●ble by exterior shows, and how we ●ust perform it 11, 12, 13. That it is a point of true wisdom. when a man dissembles a necessary matter in Court, and of t●e meane● to discover the same. 14. The conc●●sion of act●ue and solid wisdom, and the m●anes to discover by his countenance, whether a man be so; ye●, or no. ●o●. 166 CHAP. XXXVI. 1. Of dexterity being a part of an ingenious and active Wit. 2. The definition of dexterity 3. Some are unapt for this dexterity. 4, 5. T●e ready proceedings of those who are skilful and i●dici●●●●eetci● 6, 7. 8, 9 Some precepts for this dexterity. 10, 11, 12, 13. 14, 15, 16 Other precepts and points for the sar●e d●x teritie. Fol. 17● CHAP. XXXVII. 1. Of other requisites necessary in a ●ourti●r, as Patience to support injuries. 2. Wherein Court patience consisteth. 3. A Courtier must not speak ill of any man 4, 5, 6. Another Court patience is▪ for him to be still assidual and resident at Court. 7. It is one thing to be obstinate in a reasonable business. 8. And another not to precipate or run headlong in any thing. Fol. 17● CHAP. XXXVIII. 1. Humility is a second perfection requisite in a Courtier. 2, 3, 4, 5. Wherein it consists. 6. Voluntary humility consists in two parts. 7. The exterior is remarked. 8. In our countenance. 9 In our speeches. 10. In our action●, wherein there are three degrees of humility. 11. Which of the three sufficeth for a Courtier. 12, 13. The unseemly and improper behaviour of Courtiers, r●●●n from a low fortune. Fol. 182 CHAP. XXXIX. 1. Of boldness, a necessary point in a Courtier, he must be bold to advance himself, and not step back for any refusal. 2. How it must be tempered. 3. Of the judgement and sufficiency of a Courtier. 4. Whereof a Courtier must be chief capable, and of the diversity and differences of Courts. 5. The affairs of Estate, are more frequent in Court then any other. 6. The Court is still subject to alterations. 7. The Conclusion of the first Book of this Treatise. Fol. 186 The end of the Table of the first Book. A TREATISE OF THE COURT. Digested into two Books. WRITTEN IN FRENCH BY THE NOBLE AND Learned jurisconsull, and Councillor of Estate, Monsieur DENIS DE REFUGES. Done into English by JOHN REYNOLDS. II. Book. LONDON, Printed by Aug. Matthewes for William Lee, and are to be sold at his shop near Sericant's Inn in Fleetstreet, at the Sign of the Golden Buck. 1622. TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL AND MY VERY HONOURABLE FRIEND, Sr. ROBERT OXENBREGGE (Of Husburne in Hampshire) Knight. Right Worshipful, YOur Virtues and my Promise are the two wings wherewith this my Translation of the second Book of the Noble and Learned, Monsieur de Refuges) Treatise of the Court flies to your Protection and Patronage. You saw when I did most part thereof in loose sheets, both in Paris and London, as also in your Husburne, and in seeing it, likewise desired it might be seen of the World, and consequently taught aswell to speak English, as French. I cannot flatter, I disdain to dissemble, for looking from you to myself, I find many reasons that your requests should still be to me commands. In which respect I have done it, and despoylde and Metamorphosed it from its French Garb into our English attire; but how well or ill, whilst the World censureth, I leave to your knowledge and curiosity to judge, sith you like a wise and judicious Traveller have profitably travelled aswell through the bowels of the Language, as the Country of France. 'tis true, the Camp, not the Court, is your more proper Element, as rather desirous (if the service of your Prince and Country required) to dye a Soldier, then to live a Courtier, not that you are ignorant in the profession of the first, because expert in that of the second, or any way hate that faculty, because you better love and affect this; and therefore sith this French▪ Courtier is Noble, and withal honest, I hope you will entertain him, although he come to salute you, clad in homely and plain English: I could wish myself more happy in meeting with some weightier and greater occasion wherein I might testify you, how much I am yours. Till when (Right Worshipful) my best wishes shall ever zealously wish you the best prosperities, and for mine own part I shall never repute myself truly fortunate, till my future service make satisfaction and requital for your former favours. Your Worships at all Commands, JOHN REYNOLDS. A TREATISE OF THE COURT OR, Instructions for Courtiers. The second Book. Wherein is demonstrated, how a Courtier must employ all the Requisites and Parts mentioned in the first Book: thereby to know the better how to conduct and bear himself in Court. CHAP. I. 1 In all our actions, we must chiefly consider where as they aim. 2 The end, and intents, are very differens, of those who throw themselves on the Court. 3 4 The favour of the Prince, is the general aim of Courtiers, and the first head of this second Book. 5 Favour anticipates, and presupposeth the knowledge of him that is favoured, and the approbation of his actions. 6 How to make himself know●●. 7 The continuance hereof. 8 Great men are not commonly so strictly linked to their Prince, as those of inferior nancke and condition. 9 To what Princes, those things above proposed and mentioned, properly concern. 1 IN the conduction of all our Actions, we must consider what the principal and chiefest end is, whereunto they should aim. 2 The ends and intents of those who throw themselves on the Court, are very different; for some are drawn by P●o●it others through Ambition, and the vanity of greatness, 3 Others are induced hereunto, through a desire to command, and others (as saith Veneca) to domineer, tyrannize, and oppress the people; whereas there are but few, that undertake the profession and faculty of a Courtier, only for the service and advancement of the ●rince his master's affairs. 4 But to speak to the purpose: the common end and mark whereunto Courtiers aim, is to purchase the favour of their Prince; for herein consists all their skill and in this very point they must employ all their industry and labour. 5 But the favour of a Prince respects two things; first, the knowledge of him who seeks to be a Favourite, than the pleasingness and agreeableness of his behaviour, actions, and carriage, as also of other recommendable parts and qualities in him. 6 Those who through the greatness of their blood, or through their authority, and necessary duty, of some hereditary or purchased dignity, or office, (whether great or small) that have access to their Prince, are exempt and freed of the first point, and are already arrived half way. 7 Whereas others who are deprived of those privileges and advancements, meet at first with more difficulties and labour: but being come to be known of their Prince, who esteems and judgeth them fit for his service, they often raise their fortunes higher: because being elevated from a low, or poor condition (though otherwise peradventure well descended) they are commonly more subject, obeyed, and tied to the will and pleasure of their Prince, whom they acknowledge for the father of their good Fortune, and if it be lawful to use a Court phrase, for their Creator. 8 Which Great men do not, who being borne such, are either through the greatness of their blood, or Office, bound to certain respects, that regard their own particular honour, preferring many times: their own interest and ends b●fore that of their Prince, the which otherwise is more subject to hinder their advancement, sometimes because of the jealousy, or fear he may conceive or take, that giving them to great author●tie, they do not either despise or overmaster it in such sort, as it is not then in his power to dispose or take it from them, without either hazarding his Person, or his Estate, the which he may easily do, to one of a lower condition, who in this respect must turn his back, and not only take leave of his former authority and greatness, but also forsake and abandon it to greater men than himself. 9 I here understand to speak of discreet and wise Princes, who for a certain time know how to advance those whom they desire to favour, both in wealth, honours, and authority, without conferring or committing the whole strength of their Estate unto one, or to make the greatest of the Kingdom stoop to him, as some have done, whose misfortunate ends have not proved answerable to their ambitious desires. CHAP. II. 1 Two ways to advance a Courtier. 2 The seeking of Offices and Dignities. 3 The following of the Court. 3 The last is the shortest way. 5 Examples and Considerations hereon. 1 OF all the different ways held by those who have sought to advance themselves into credit and authority, there are specially two, which have been more practised and frequented then others. 2 The one is vigilantly to seek Offices, Places, Preferments, and dignities, and so to proceed from step to step till we come near those who approach nearest to the Prince. 3 The other is, continually to follow the Court, and to seek to be employed in extraordinary Commissions, and in the particular affairs of our Prince. 4 Whereof the last, without doubt, is the shortest, and hath been most practised and followed, by those who are arrived to the highest point of their Prince his favour: as Moecenae near Augustus; Cr●fipus Salustus near the same Emperor, and for a time likewise with Tiberius his successor. 5 Tacitus reporteth, that Mella, (Seneca's brother) to equalise himself to the Consuls, and more speedily and readily to purchase power and riches, disdained the research of offices and dignities, purposely to employ himself in Commissions, and the particular affairs of the Emperor. CHAP. III. 1 diverse means how to make ourselves known of our Prince, as by especial action or service, or by the assistance of friends. 2 What the Prince is above, as well the great, as common people. 3 The Example of one who would make himself known to Alexander. 4 A consideration upon this example. 1 AS for the means how to make ourselves both known and pleasing to our Prince, they are of diverse sorts, according to the diversity of subjects and occasions that present themselves to us: be it that we make ourselves known by some singular action or service, or by some extraordinary virtue and sufficiency that is in us; or that we be brought to be known of our Prince by others, which indeed is the most common and ordinary step to advancement. 2 The Prince is so elevated above the Commons, and environed with such a crowd and multitude of Nobles and old Courtiers, that it is very difficult for a new-come, or ●p-start Courtier, to make himself seen amongst this multitude, unless some of the greatest of them take him by the hand, and make way for him to approach the Prince, or that (as before) he himself make not himself seen, by some extraordinary action or invention. 3 It is reported of an Architector named Dinocrates (termed by others Stasicrates) who desirous to make himself known to Alexander the Great, and not being able to approach him, although he had thereunto solicited many of his Nobles: he at last resolved to present himself to him naked; having anointed his body with oil, with a hat or Crown of Poplar branches on his head, his left shoulder covered with a Lion's skin, and in his right hand a great club, and in this manner he went and found Alexander, sitting in his throne of justice: The rareness of which spectacle, causing all the company to look on him, made Alexander command, to have him brought before him, who hearing him, although he neither liked nor approved his proportion; yet, he nevertheless retained him for his follower. 4 I here produce not this Example to incite any to the like folly, that purposeth to make himself known in Court: but to make ye consider and see, that those who are put back, if they are not seconded and assisted by some great man of authority and reputation, they can hardly break through this Crowd and Throng of Courtiers who environ the Prince, except (as I have formerly said) by some extraordinary action, or jest, we make both them and our Prince behold us. CHAP. IU. 1 The second head of this Book, the Courtier must consider the inclination of his Domestic Officers and Servants, as also other Courtiers. 2 What the Inclinations of a Prince are, and the reducing thereof, either to that which concerns his greatness or his pleasures. 3 Wherein the greatness of a Prince consists. 4 Of the vicious Pleasures and inclinations of a Prince. 5 Princes willingly love those who serve them in their Pleasures. 6 Examples hereon. 7 8 9 10 1 ACourtier therefore as well to make himself known as to become agreeable and pleasing, hath need to consider not only the conditions and qualities of the Prince, but also those of his most confident domestics and Servants, as also of the great Noble men, and chief Officers, and of those who may assist him, or which through jealousy, fear, envy, hatred, or their own, or their friends, Interest may distaste and cross them. In the Prince, a Courtier must consider his Inclination, & the manner of his carriage and behaviour, which is commonly most conformable to his humour, the which although the greatest part of wise and discreet Prince's endeavour to hide and disguise: nevertheless, it is difficult to perform it so cunningly, that at sometimes they be not espied; because their actions are so obvious and apparent to the World, that by the issue and consequence thereof, it is easy to judge whereat they aim, and the weight and importance of affairs doth sometimes so press and cross them, that by the motions of their spirits, they must of necessity discover their Natures and inclinations: and Tiberius the most subtle and close of all the Emperors, could never play his part so well in concealing and obscuring his intents, but that during his reign, almost every one bewrayed and discovered them. 2 The Inclinations of Princes are diverse, and almost infinite in this diversity, as are those of other men, but they may be briefly reduced either to their greatness, or their pleasures. 3 Greatness consists either in their reputation, riches, or obedience of their Subjects, or in the valour or fidelity of his warriors, according as the Prince bends and inclines more to one side then the other; answerable whereunto, those who are most fittest to serve him (having no other parts in them that are supitious or distasteful) are always best welcome to him. 4 The like it is in his pleasures and vicious inclinations: for a Prince that is fearful and suspicious as was Tiberius, will love a bold Calumniator, who fears not the envy of great men, and who is ready to execute his commands, and such a one Tacitus depaints Sejanus to be. 5 In his vices: if he be subject to drunkenness, he will draw near him men of the like humours and qualities, as the same Tiberius did Pomponius Flaccus, and L●●cius Piso, with whom sometimes he remained drinking two days and a night together without starting, terming them his friends, to perform all, and at all times and hours, and in consideration and recompense whereof, he gave one of them the Government of Syria; and the other the Praefect-ship of Rome. 6 The same Emperor likewise preferred a man of a base descent (and scarce known to many honourable Personages) to the Questership; because (as it is reported) he had done him reason (to use the term of this fair art of Drunkenness) of a certain measure of Wine, which held ninety six glasses. 7 Nero's Impudicitie (among others, who served his beastly pleasures) made him choose Tigilinus; he likewise drew near him C. Petronius to be Arbitrato of the bravery of his luxury and lust: and the Emperor's Commodus and Heliogabalus filled all the offices and dignities of the Empire, with those who were as vicious and debauched as themselves. 8 Mucianus was not so much esteemed and beloved for his fidelity and carriage, as because he was fit to content the covetousness of Uespasian his master. 9 The covetousness of Isaacius Angelus, Emperor of Constantinople (after the death of Theodora Castamonita his Uncle) made him take into his favour, a young Clerk of his Exchequer, who could scarce write, because he proffered him part of those bribes and gifts which he drew from those that employed him. 10 The Emperor Comnenus, likewise to satisfy his prodigality, wanting a severe exactor, and subtle inventor of Taxes and Monopolies made choice (as reporteth Nicetas) of one john de Putze, a rude and choleric man, of a difficult access, and insupportable in his Actions; and such a one as is usually put in the execution of the like charge and office, unto whom he gave so great authority, and conferred so much power, as he enterprised and usurped on the functions of all other Officers: yea, he was so impudently bold, sins to break, and revoake the Statutes and Laws of his Prince and Council under the colour of parsimony and frugality, cutting off the most necessary charges and expenses, as the arming and entertaining of the Galleys, being indeed the chiefest strength and force of the Empire. CHAP. V. 1 He that will be welcome to a Prince, must second and follow his inclinations. 2 How to banish an honest mrn from the Court. 3 The proper definition of the Court. 4 Examples on the corruption of the Court. 5 6 7 A Courtier must some times wink, to see tie wicked do what they please. 8 It is very difficult for an honest man to live and maintain himself in Court. 9 An honest man may live and be patient in Court for a time. 10 How we must understand this. 11 How to divert the Prince's evil inclinatons, Examples of Seneca, and others lereon. 12 13 1 But we need no more Example's to establish this Maxim●, which is not only known, but too much practised by th●se, who frequent the Courts of Princes, insomuch that whosoever will be welcome to them, must conform himself to second their inclinations and passions. 2 Here an honest man may believe, that to tie himself to follow all the inclinations of Princes, is to banish himself from the Court, sith most commonly they at their pleasure exceed the terms of reason, and of a well grounded judgement. 3 He indeed who will live an innocent l●fe, and altogether estrange himself from the common garb and custom of those, who a●e faulty and subject to their own passions, he shall do far better not to throw h●mselfe on the Court, which sometime or ot●er co●●upts the most chaste and virtuous. 4 Let us only consider one or two examples of the Corruptions of the Court: Festi●●s (the Fellow of Maximin) under the Emperor Valentinian, governed Asia with much repitation and happiness, blaming and conde●ming the cruelties which Maximin used towards the people, thereby to advance himself 5 But when he saw, that by this means his fellow was made General of the Praetorian Bards, being the highest dignity next to that of the Emperor, he resolved to change his actions & life, and so from thenceforth committed many cruelties and injustices. 6 To which Example we may add that of john De Pntze (of whom we have formerly spoken) who sometime with much candeur and integrity managed the affairs, and treasure under the Emperor Emanuel, the performance whereof was the cause, that his pride and insolent proceedings were more silently and peacefully tolerated and supported: but in the end, as Nicet as affirmeth, he resolved to enrich himself, and to do as others had done before him, enuiting his friends to do the like; and that which these did by corruption, others more honest have been constrained to give way to do the like, for fear of ruining themselves, in striving to prevent and hinder them. 7 Aristides (just both in effect and surname) being appointed to be superintendent of the Exchequer of Athens, did at first bear himself honestly, and prevented and hindered those from stealing, who were under him: but by his enemies he was shortly accused to be the greatest Extortioner and Thief that had ever executed that charge, and with much difficulty could he free himself from being condemned of this accusation and crime: but in the end being aquited and discharged thereof, he resolved to bear himself as others had formerly done before him, permitting those to steal, who were accustomed so to do, and then by all men's reports, he was again held and reputed an honest and just dealing man. 8 The like it is in most Princes Courts, where through their malice, who govern them, not able to endure, to see honester men than them themselves; or else through the carelessness and stupidity of the Prince himself, it is difficult for an honest man long to remain so. 9 Nevertheless, he who is driven to this profession of a Courtier, either through the necessity of his quality, through the greatness of his blood, or by the dignity of his office, or called thereunto by his Prince, or through a desire he hath to serve his Country, or his Friends; although he be a true honest man, he (in my judgement) may patiently live and remain there for a time, and according to occasions and accidents, not only benefit himself but pleasure others. 10 I say, in the Courts of those Princes, who are choleric and humorous, it being far easier to live in the Court of a wise Prince, who makes great estimation of judgement, sufficiency and capacity. 11 And as many have heretofore counselled honest men, to follow the managing of public Offices and dignities; not only to procure the good of the Country, but to prevent, that the wicked enjoy them not; so I believe, that for the same considerations, they should desire to be near, either a Tyrant, or a voluptuous Prince, and as much as in them lies, to depress and beat down his wicked and pernicious designs; if not directly and publicly, at least indirectly and underhand, whether it be in deferring or opposing difficulties thereunto, or in inventing some other sweeter and more plausible expediments and remedies. 12 Burrus and Soneca, two wise Courtiers, who (according to that time were reputed and held for very honest men) being ordained to train up Nero in his youth, and knowing that his perverse nature could not be brought to perfection, but was wholly inclined to lust and lasciviousness, and in danger to occasion in the Noblest Families of Rome many scandals and adulteries, they resolved to quench this his intemperate lust and desire, by giving him a free Woman, who indeed for a time appeased his youthful fury, covering these his affections under the colour, of making a Friend of Seneca's, named Annaus Serenus, to research and seek her; under the veil and pretext of whose name, Nero gave many presents and familiarisd with this Woman. 13 So an honest Servant and Courtier, being not able to hinder the vices, disorders, and wicked designs of the Prince his Master, he must neatly and pleasingly divert them another way, where they may commit less danger and prejudice, as well to others, as to his reputation. CHAP. VI 1 Not to oppose ourselves unprositably against tho will and pl●as●ye of our Prince, and not to subject ourselves to any base se●●●●de. 2 Examples on the ●●●●●ere●f. 3 That an honest man is sitter to serve a Prince, than any other. 4 Advice for Princes rather to take honest, then wicked servants, and that the Court participateth more of evil, then of good. 5 Why vicious mea are favoured of some Princes. 6 Examples hereon. 7 That we seem honester, in being compared with a wicked man: the example of Augustus and Tiberius. 8 Advice that we speak not too freely and liberally of Princes. 9 Examples hereon. 1 But some will say, it very seldom falls out, that a vicious Prince or Tyrant draws near him an honest man, it is indeed rare if he make this choice; yet there are few Prince's Courts so abandoned and forsaken, but we meet with some honest men: for if he be not called by the Prince, he may be provoked and invited through a desire to serve, or steed honest men, and to counterpoise and weigh down the power of the wicked, assisting himself by those, who are least wicked; or else being united and linked in affection, familiarity, or conversation with some great man, he may be entertained, in not opposing against the violent inclination of the Prince, and yet not so stopping or subiecting himself to any base slavery, or servitude, that he either adhere or participate of his wickedness or tyrannies; imitating herein Lepidus under Tiborius, whom ●acitus represents both for an honest Man, and a wise Courtier. 2 The same Tacitus likewise makes great osteeme and account of two others, Labeo and Capito; of whom the first discreetly maintained his liberty in Court, and was commended and applauded of all men; and the last made himself agreeable and pleasing to his Prince by his obedience and humility. 3 I affirm, that an honest man shall have more labour and trouble herein, than a wicked man; but he shall likewise reap far more honour and content: and if he govern himself discreetly, in not opposing his Prince in that, from whence he sees he cannot remove him, I may say, that in the end, how wicked soever the Prince be, he will more affect and favour him, then wicked men, among whom there is rarely found as much fidelity as there should be to serve a Master, and that may be expected and hoped for, from an honest man. 4 It was likewise the advice of Sallust to julius Caesar, and of Maecenas to Augnstus, to serve themselves chiefly of honest men, who are more retained by honour and conscience, not to undertake any thing against their duties, than the wicked who have no other cut be or reine, than the fear of punishment, or their own debility. 5 The Court nevertheless being mixed and participating more of evil then good, the number of the last is greater, then that of the first, and serve vicious Princes in two ways and respects, the one to flatter them, and to execute their vices, wherein they make themselves more obedient, because thereby they purchase approbation and applause; the other to make them seem honester among those, who are more dishonest than themselves; and there are other Princes, who for their conformity of Manners, believe they are more secure and assured among these sort of people. 6 Denys (the Tyrant of Syracuse, being requested to abandon and banish a wicked man who was near him, and hated and envied of all men, replied, that he would still retain him, that he himself might not be most hated of all his Court. 7 It is the use and custom of those, who know defects and faults in themselves, to make themselves more prized and esteemed, y comparing themselves with those, who are more vicious than they: from whence proceeds this other Court-policie, to substitute in his place a meaner than himself, thereby to advance and prefer his own actions, by the imitation of his successor: and we affirm Augustus had this design, in choosing Tiberius for his successor, and likewise Tiberius in leaving the Empire to Callgula. 8 But above all, an honest man must bear himself discreetly: for wicked Princes are seldom pleasdo, that one of this quality should speak freely to them; and Plato found himself deceived, in using it to the same Denys, Prince of Syracuse, who being committed by him to the custody of a Ship master to sell him into Candy, because he gave the reins to freely and licentiously to his tongue: from whence being redeemed and ransomed by some Philosophers, they gave him this adui●e and lesson, to serve him another time, either that he should not frequent P●in●●s o●●lse that he should be more pleasing and agreeable to them in his speeches. 9 And the like advice and Counsel Aristotl● gave his Kinsman calisthenes, who followed the Court of Alexander that he should speak seldom, and when he spoke, it should be to please and content him, who had power and authority over his life. CHAP. VII. 1 Of that sort of Flattery which is most pleasing to Princes, and chiefly of that which savoureth of freeness. 2 Of too much flattery, and the advice of Plutark and Eschynes thereon. 3 Examples on the same subject. 4 Who first used free flattery. 5 Another Example on the same Flattery. 6 Advice thereon, and wherein and how we must use it. 1 THere is no remedy, for we must sometimes permit ourselves to flatter, thereby to work and screw ourselves into our Prince's favour, but we must not inure and accustom ourselves to all sorts of flatteries: for that of base and humble flattery was displeasing to Tiberius, who departing from the Senate, often complained to see the Senators so simple, and so disposed to servitude. 2 And sometimes too much flattery more wrongs us, then if we had used none at all: for he whom we so flatter, commonly believes we will deceive him. There must be (saith Eschynes and Plutarch) in outward appearance some point of freeness mixed with flattery: not only to persuade our Prince, that we believe as we speak, but also to make others believe it, thereby the sirmer to support and maintain our reputation. 3 Cr●ssus having been a King, showed, that he herein knew the delights and appetites of Kings: for Cambyses' King of P●rsia, demanding of those, near him, what they esteemed of him in comparison of his Father Cyrus, they answered, that he was a far greater King, having joined Egypt, and the command of the Sea, to that which his Father had l●ft him: but when it came to Cress●s to dedeliver his opinion, he spake freely that he held him far inferior to his Father, because he had not as yet made a So●ne, who resembled him. Which answer saith Herodotus) more satisfied and pleased the vanity of this Prince, than the former, because it seemed to him to be far more freer. 4 Valerius Messala began first to practise this form of flattery towards Tiberius, when he was of opinion every year to renew the oath of fidelity; and Tiberius suddenly ask him, if it were by his command he proposed it, he very boldly answered him, no, alleging, that, in matters which concerned the Estate he used not any man's advice, but would always freely speak that, which he himself thought good; yea, although he offended any one therein; and (saith jacitus of all flatteries) there rested no more but this to practise. 5 Since when, Aetius Capito used a flattery near of the like nature, when Tiberius prohibited to proceed in the Process against Annius a Roman Knight accused for using indifferently the Image of the Prince in his silver dishes, for then Aetius violently opposed himself against this defence and prohibition, as being repugnant to the liberty and authority of the S●nate, where of he said, Tiberius ought not diminish, nor cut off the power, or vigour; but to leave him to deliberate herein, for the punishing of such a crime, adding withal, that it was lawful for him to pardon the offences and injuries done to his person, but not those that were committed and perpetrated against the Estate. 6 We might here produce other Examples, but hese shall suffice to advertise those, who shall be constrained to practise these sorts of flatteries, not to employ them to the damage or prejudice, either of the Commonweal, or of any particular person, but to practise them only to satisfy and content their Prince. CHAP. VIII. 1 The third Head of this second Book, we must not attempt to advise a proud Prince, how Princes demand council to have their own opinions approved, and sometimes to sound the affections of their Councillors: Examples hereon. 2 Princes make many propositions, rather to have them approved, then consulted; together, with Examples tending to that effect. 3 4 Before we advice a Prince, to must endeavour to know his intent. 5 How to bear ourselves to a choleric Prince that de●a●nds our advice. 6 Advantages for a Councillor, whereof he must make use, when his advice given to his Prince, proves contrary to his expectation. 7 8 In unlawful matters, the b●st way is to defer, and to take time to give Council. 9 An Example hereon. 10 How we must practise the said Example. 1 NEither must we intermeddle to council a proud Prince, although he demand us, if we can any way well excuse or shift ourselves thereof: for such Princes commonly ask council in the same manner, as did X●xes, who resolving to pass into Greece, to make war, assembled the Princes of Asia, under colour to deliberate and consult thereof; and because (quoth he) I will not be seen to undertake this enterprise of mine own head, I have here convoked ye: yet remember notwithstanding, that ye ought rather obey then consult Canbyses, who reigned before him over the Persians, being resolved to marry his own Sister, demanded of his Privy Councillors, if there were any Law in Persia, that defended a King to marry his own Sister: the Council knowing that this Pr●nce demanded not this question, to be resolved what he should do, but to sound and discover, if they would approve this his marriage, made answer, that there was no Law which permitted it, but that they had another Law, which tolerated their King to do what he pleased. So we must judge of the Prince's humour and inclination, and of the nature of the cause, and whether we ought consult and deliberate on that, whereof he but in show, or foe fashion sake demands our advice. 2 In our Father's time, a man far inferior to the quality and dignity of a King, and yet Viceroy in Spain, made the Grandoes of that Country know, that all which was preposed in Council must not be executed. The History is thus: After the Death of King Ferdinand, Charles of Austria being in Flanders, was counselled by the Pope and the Emperor Maxim●lsa●, to take upon him the Title of King of Spain, although that lane his Mother, Daughter of F●rdinand, were living, because by reason of her indisposition, she was not capable to command and govern: to approve which proposition, the Grandoes of the Kingdom assembled, to whom the Cardinal Xi●enes (being Uiceroy) opened and dilated his Reasons, whereby this new proposition might be approved and maintained: but the Nobles more icalous of the preservation of their fundamental Laws, and of her Honour, who was their lawful Queen, as true and faithful Councillors to him, to whom aft●r their Qu●enes decease, the Kingdom rightfully and properly appertained, openly contradicted and opposed it; which made the Cardinal Ximenes arise from his ●eate, and tell them in choler, that the matter in hand consisted of a business, which must not be made questionable or doubtful, and which needed not their advice; the consent of subjects being not necessary to authorize, or seat a King in his Estate but that he had only convoked them for their ewne profits and good, where of he was still careful, to the end, that by approving this election, they might thereby gain their Prince his favour; but sith they attributed that to privilege and right, which was courteously both expected, and requested of them, he was speedily resolved to cause him to be proclaimed King in Mad●id, to the end that other Cities might follow her Example. 3 And it is not only in the like occasions, that Prince's practice and use the same, but almost in all others; for they very seldom ask advice, except it be to have their own desires and resolutions approved, or to sound their affections and wills, of whom they make show to be advised and counselled, and this Tiberius commonly practised in the Senate of Rome. 4 A Courtier must therefore strive to know the intent and meaning of his Prince, and avoid as much as in him lies to engage himself in any advice and council which may be ill construed and mistaken. 5 Wherefore doubting of the intent and desire of the Prince his master, he must make show to examine the business that is preposed him and must present him reasons Pro & Con. whereof if possible he can, he must leave him the choice, without concluding any thing: for if the Prince be not as yet fully resolved: seeing these reasons contrary to his designs to be most probable and powerful, it may so chance that he will easily be induced to change his opinion and resolution. 6 And this Evil (that we term Shame, which often retains Great men from changing their resolutions; fearing thereby to show themselves Inferiors to those who counsel them) will not withhold them, because therein there was nothing fully concluded and resolved on, and whereby a Courtier may warrant and secure himself from a check that may be given him, if his advice having been followed, there had befallen any thing contrary to the will and pleasure of the Prince his Master. 7 But if the Prince following his own first resolution, meet not with the fruition of his desires, the Courtier hath then this advantage to have foreseen and shown his Prince, the Evil that he might have avoided, by weighing remembering and considering the reasons he formerly gave him. 8 But where we are importuned by our Prince to give him our advice in unlawful matters, there we must find means to defer it; or else humbly request him to call a third man on the place to consult and deliberate thereon; to the end that it being maturely considered and debated, he may take that resolution which shall be most answerable to his dignity and security. 9 Of which, first Bur●hus made use the first time when Nero resolved to murder his mother: Offering himself to be executed for this Parricide, if it were found she had at tempted that whereof she was accused; showing him that before it were proved and made apparent, he ought not condemn his mother, nor to be readier to punish her then any other particular person, to whom he still permitted and allowed they should have time, and leave, both to defend and answer their accusations; whereby, it fell out, that the time employed to discover and find out this fact: not only cooled and appeased Nero's choler, but likewise cleared his distrusts and jealousy; and so by this delay, Burrhus for this first time, diverted the effecting of this his Masters bloody and impious resolution. 10 But we must not use and practise this in all sorts of affairs, but rather seldom and sparingly, and in these only which are most ambiguous and doubtful, and withal we must consider to what Princes we make these delays. For some are quick, and ready, and so great enemies to delays, protractions, and difficulties, that those who frequently use these delays are commonly cast out of favour, and disgraced. CHAP. IX. 1 Remedies against the rashness and forwardness of a Prince, upon deferring to counsel him, to know how to abound in expedie●ts. 2 Princes do usually rather ask Council to bring their Purposes to pass, then to know wbat is necessary and expedient to do. 3 Consideration upon the means taken from the Protracting of Time. 4 Upon the brevity of Time. 5 What expedients the Prince most commonly chooseth: Consideration upon the tediousness, brevity, and difficulty of a business, together with the Author's advice, upon those that are most whole some and necessary for a Prince. 6 We must rather impose and retort the execution of a wicked fact vp●n a wicked and vicious Person, then engage ourselves therein. 7 Examples of Burrhus and Ancetus to that effect. 8 The Authors opinion on his Examples. 9 Advise how to divert the Prince his vicious resolutions. 10 To use the pleasant and most respectful demonstrations and considerations hereon. 11 As, to break a jest herein that may steed us. 12 Considerations upon this advice, with the Examples of Tiberius, and Domitian in the like cause. 13 Other means and advice, not to rush and oppose ourselves against our Prince, in his evil inclinations, and from whence they are derived. 14 Aremedy to assault and fight against his wicked inclinations, and what we must oppose against them. 1 IN respect whereof, with such Princes we must abound and not be barren or sterile in expedients yea, and if possible we can, our invention must be still in action; and not at a stand herein. 2 But as for the most part, they crave not advise, what is to be done, but how to obtain their desires; therefore in things which we judge contrary to reason and duty, we must propose and seek out the longest means, either as most easy, just, or secure, the shortest being commonly accompanied with many difficulties, and inconveniences, wherewith we may contest and fight against them. 3 True it is, that a Prince who hath no other end but to obtain his desire and design, will always seek out the easiest, clearest, and securest remedy, although it be the longest: if he of himself be not violently transported with too much impatiency, and although he be; yet, he can have no just cause to blame him who proposeth the longest way to obtain his desire: sith it is excusable, either upon his circumspection, who proposeth it, or upon the desire he hath, to satisfy his masters will with more fecility and safety. 4 But if he chance meet with more difficulty in the shorter means, which the Prince himself hath chosen; his wisdom then that hath proposed others will seem the greater, and if he choose the longest way to compass his designs, many things may fall out, that may either cool the Prince from not following his resolution, or which may make him judge of the impossibility or inconueniency thereof. 5 Nevertheless, where (in this cause) we see the Prince resolved to follow those means, which in the beginning bear their difficulty, or impossibility, as we must not council him thereunto: so with a silence fu●l of respect we must let him alone to do what he pleaseth, for fear least adventuring to dissuade him, he seek out other means, more easy to effect his wicked inclinations, the which he may lose, in knowing and foreseeing the hindrances thereof at the beginning. 6 But it sometimes falls out, that impatiency in a Prince, ma●es him command an honest man to execute his wicked designs, wherein there is no man how wise soever, but will find himself much gravelled an● perplexed; especially, if by the estate and condition of the matter, we can find no means to excuse, or shift ourself; or to reject this charge, thereby to gratify another; as Burrhus did, when Nero first consulted of the manner how to put his Mother to death: after he understood she had escaped her counterfeit shipwreck, under which pretext and colour he thought to make her away, knowing well that this revengeful and cruel Woman would never forget or pardon this his first attempt. 7 Burrhus and Seneca (saith Tacitus) were a long time beholding each other, and at last Seneca seeing the impatient vexation of this Prince, demanded of Burrhus with a loud voice, if he thought the Soldiers of the Guard would not perform this Office, when Burrhus resolving neither to imbrue his own hands, nor those of his soldiers in this murder, answered, that he thought they would not do it, as too well loving the House and Blood of the Caesars, from whence Ag●ipuia was descended, and that he thought that Anicetus having undertaken it, was bound to perform and finish this execution, and so excused himself from committing this Parricide. 8 I confess it is not a work of Charity, to confer such Commissions on others, but in such occasions it were better for an honest man to leave them to those of Anicetus his quality and condition, then to imbrue, or defile his own hand therewith. 9 But the surest way, if possible we can, is to foresee and prevent those evil inclinations in our Prince, before they are conceived, or at least before they have taken root in his conceits and imagination. 10 Hereunto many have administered pleasing discourses and speeches, and (as ●arysatis said) silken words, but those who use them, must be in great reputation and esteem, and that they find a Prince more capable of reason, then to follow his own proper inclinations, which indeed is a very rare thing: and if some have been found of this humour, it hath only been in one or two actions, but not always. 11 I much both like and approve a means which some have held and practised, who being of a nimble and sharp Wit, with a pleasing grace to deliver a tale or jest: and having this aceesse and familiarity with their Prince, without diminishing in any one point the respect they owe him, have known so pertinently to deliver and unfold a tale, approaching near the humour or matter that possesseth the Prince; that under other specious pretexts and counterfeit names, they have made him know the danger, evil, and consequence thereof. 12 But herein, besides the vivacity of Wit, and necessary Grace of him that useth it, he must be very wary and cautions, that the Prince, conceive not this his jest or tale, to be purposely contrived or directed him: As Tiberius, who imagined that Scaurus Tragedy, (entitled A●raeus) was purposely composed to reproach his fratrycides. And Dominion, that of Paris and Oeno●e, composed by Heluidius to blame his divorce. But we must slide and intermix our jests among many other things; far from the Prince his inclination, yea and administer them pertinently, and to the purpose; using them not seriously, but rather in a form of careless repetition: for besides, that the Grace hereof may stir up the Prince, to enter into consideration of what is spoken: yet being exteriorly delivered, without any interior design; he will then take it more graciously, and will then draw more profit from thence. 13 We may think, and advise ourselves of other means; thereby not unprofitably, to aboard the Prince his evil inclinations, and not maliciously to cherish or second them. And these may be drawn from the affairs themselves, or from the occasions of other matters, or from the time, or persons who are near the Prince. 14 But if we are constrained to fight against some of these passions; we must as much oppose that whereunto he is subject and addicted, as that which we intent to assail and fight against; thereby to make it appear, that all which we say, proceeds, and is a part of the respect & obedience we owe him, as did Mucianus towards Domitian, to contain him in his duty, and to prevent that he joined not with C●rialis. CHAP. X. 1 Consideration upon the Prince his humour; which hath reference to. 2 The manners and conditions of a choleric Prince. 3 How to behave and govern ourselves with this humour, and that Princes are tame Lions. 4 The manners and condition of a Prince of a Sanguine complexie●. 5 How to bear ourselves towards one of this humour. 6 Of those who properly please Princes of this complexion. 7 The m●nners and condition of a Melancholy Prince. 8 How to bear ourselves with this humour. 9 Of an angry and froward humour, and of his other imperfections. 10 The manners and conditions of a Phlegmatic Prince. 11 How to behave ourselves towards this humour. 1 TO which purpose it greatly behoves us to consider the Prince his humour, differing not much from other men's; if not that, as Princes are more powerful in all other things: so they are more weak to moderate their own passions and humours, as being for the most part more violent, and less restrained by reason. 2 So then he will quickly enter into choler, and in all his actions be proud and haughty: desiring that all things may stoop to his commands: an enemy of the least disobedience, impatient in the execution of his enterprises, headstrong in his counsels, and little regarding to be counselled of others, if it be not, to find out one that will conjoin with his; and so undertake the execution of his will and desire. Injurious, quick to offend, but ready to return to himself: provided, that we make no semblance of remembering the offence he hath done us; otherwise he will then become inexorable and irreconcilable, and so from thence perpetually hate him whom he hath offended. 3 Near such a humour, a Courtier must always have his eye and ear open; and (as we say) one of his feet above ground, to see, understand, speak, and do all which his Prince desireth; without reply, delay, or difficulty, for fear lest we make our Master believe we are wiser than himself; yea we must be humble and obedient to all degrees of his commands, although they be inferior to our quality and dignity: we must be patient to digest all injuries, ready to forget them, still redoubling his service and our obedience after he hath been displeased or offended, never remembering our services for fear of being seen to vaunt and insult thereof, but rather to continue them: thereby to incite and stir up gratefulness and acknowledgement in our Prince his remembrance; he must fly all extremity and excess of choler, for then all things displease, and then those who are most beloved, can neither speak nor do any thing, agreeable to him that is in choler: The Princes of this humour repute and attribute all familiarity to disdain, in such sort that although they tempt & allure us to be familiar with them: we notwithstanding must not engage ourselves therein; but still bear ourselves towards them with much respect and humility. For though first they seem to be tame Lions, yet in the end they devour those, who vainly and ambitiously presumed, they had the Art to know how to govern them. 4 The Prince of a sanguine complexion, is still of a joyful nature and disposition, loving mirth, pleasure, and pastimes, an enemy to sorrow and melancholiness; hating all matters that are intricate or ambiguous, and all quarrels, debates, and contentions; much desirous of ease and peace, remitting willingly the disposing of his affairs to those who are under him, and wholly relying on their care, loving those who ease him of that burden, without giving him any cause of complaints; the which he understands with much unwillingness: he is courteous, gracious, and very difficultly drawn to offend any; or if he do it is rather in words then otherwise; and doth as willingly forget those offered him, as those he commits himself, he delights to pleasure any man, and is generally very liberal. 5 With those sorts of Princes, we must be as seldom grave as we may, observing nevertheless the respect and duty we owe them; and as for those, who manage his greatest and most important affairs, they must not come into his presence, except they are called, or if they be not assured that they find them not playing, or recreating themselves: for besides that, he interrupts the Prince in the pastime he affecteth; the Prince is also ashamed, that such as they are should surprise him in his pleasures, knowing that in their hearts they approve them not. Philip, King of Macedon, on a time playing at Dice, word was brought him that Antipater was at his chamber door to speak with him; whereat being instantly angry and displeased, he threw the Tables and Dice on the bed, as ashamed that Antipater should find him playing. As those than have a great advantage in the managing and conduction of his affairs, their Prince wholly relying on them; so they have also a great disadvantage and hindrance to approach and familiarize with him, who hates those serious and grave humours, as altogether contrary to his Nature. 6 But those who are of a joveall humour, and withal capable to manage and dispatch business, oftentimes attain to preferment and advancement near these Princes: Provided, that being out of their sight, they retain that gravity which is beseeming and answerable to their place and dignity; whereas failing thereof, they make themselves despised and contemned; and from this contempt is engendered and produced the boldness (under borrowed and feigned pretexts) to complain; and those complaints being heard and known of the Prince, are of such power and efficacy, that many times to appease them, he resolves to discard and put away the author thereof. 7 A melancholy Prince is heavy and slow in his resolutions, still pensive, mistrustful, suspicious, ingenious, and most commonly malicious, but of few words, the which for the most part he casts forth, to sound those who approach him, framing his speeches doubtful and of a double sense; yea, in more grave and dangerous affairs (as we have said Tiberius did); he is both secret, and a dissembler, an enemy of mirth and familiarity, always retired and loving solitariness, not desiring to be frequented or conversed with, affecting very few, and those coldly▪ subject to hate for a small, or no cause, in respect of the diffidence and suspicion which still follows him; he is extremely covetous, and fears the whole Earth cannot suffice him; as great an enemy to those he hath offended, as to these who have offended him; he is revengeful and irreconciliable, and we must not repose much confidence in his favour and reconciliation. 8 With Princes of this humour, we must bear ourselves carefully and softly, walking as it were with the bridle in our hand; we must retire our thoughts, poise all that we speak, speak nothing but that which may serve, and which we judge fittest to be received, and the surest way is not to vaunt or boast too much, nor to speak except we are demanded: in all our behaviour and speeches, we must be very circumspect and careful to eschew contradictions, and not press this humour too much in our Prince his resolutions; for fear least malancholinesse being inflamed, it turn into choler, and choler into hatred; we must be careful and tautious how we importune him in our requests especially in those wherein we doubt we shall be refused. For besides that, it is dangerous to accustom a Prince to refuse us; he that is Melancholy being speculative, holds his refuse for an offence offered you & conceives that you hold yourself justly offended, and are therefore become his enemv: so we must afterwards perform Miracles to deface and withdraw him from this opinion: for as lie forgets not injuries, so he also believes that you have nor forgotten the refusal he gave you. 9 Briefly, this humour is the dullest and heaviest of all others, for the variety and strangeness of the objects it engendereth, and produceth in us; and also because it is the more difficult for us to conduct and bear ourselves with Prince's subject hereunto. 10 He that is Phlegmatic, participates of the heaviness and slowness of the Melancholy: but he hath neither the opinion, malice, or distlust of evil, for the coldness that freezeth his heart, rather makes him distrustful of himself, then of others; if he undertake any thing, he is fearful that he shall not accomplish it; which commonly proceeds from being ignorant of the means to work the same; he hath irresolution in his counsels, timidity and fear in their execution and stupidity, or dulness in his conceits; still hatingwithout much bitterness and violence, & loving without much zeal and fervency. 11 Near such Princes, those of active, courageous, and inventive wits, are sit to heat this cold humour of theirs. For a Prince knowing his own defect by the difficulties and crosses that arise in his understanding; the which he himself may resolve and clear: if he find any who will give him the means to accomplish and effect that, which he thought impossible, and such a one he loves, admires, and believes he is necessary for his service; so is this his favour grounded on necessity, is more perdurable and permanent than any other; the which a Courtier well knowing, he must with his best endeanours strive to accomplish those things the Prince his master judgeth most possible, and prevent if he can, that one more ingenious and subtle than himself be not admitted to undertake it; in which respect he must not be far from Court; for when another is known to be more capable in the discharge of a Charge, than our selves; we are then reputed less necessary; and when they are for a time enured and accustomed to pass without us, it often falls out, that they will then wholly abandon and forsake us. This needs no great inducement and persuasion, for it is one of the most common and frequent subtleties of the Court, practised by those who are employed in Estate affairs, to call and select none but those who as well in rank as Capacity, are by far their inferiors, to the end thereby to give themselves the more lustte, and to avoid the danger of being casheeid, if the Prince find another more pleasing and agreeable to his fancy. Add withal, that these men are more capable to perform a bad office, or to cover some corruption, according to the intent and desire of those who advance them; which one of a more Noble and Eminent condition would not do. Of these four humours (as we have formerly said), aswell Princes as other men are composed, and some way or other are addicted and inclined to one, or more of those humours, according to the degree of the humour itself, that most predominats in them. CHAP. XI. 1 We must never tie ourselves to the humours of that Prince, who changeth according to his age, conversation, and other incidents. 2 A Prince is of one nature in War, and of an other in Peace. 3 He is subject to change his inclination, and to settle his affection on others. 4 Examples hereon. 5 The cause of these alterations. 6 Tryphons humour alleged hereon. 7 Another Example of Agamemnon in Euripides. 8 From whence proceeds the ordinary faults of Princes. 9 Greatness and Power often be witcheth our Understandings. 10 Examples of the wise Men of Greece hereon. 11 Notable Examples of the Pythagoriciens to the same effect. 12 1 Nevertheless, we must not still make a perpetual conclusion herein; for as our humours change according to our age, affairs, and conversation; so our gesture and carriage changeth▪ and so likewise do the inclinations of Princes. 2 In time of War, a Prince both affects and honours Captains and Souldier●, whom in time of Peace (his need being passed) he makes little or no esteem of them, and changing his inclinations to delights and pleasures, or the like passions; he will affect and favour those Agents, who serve and second him in his affections. 3 Tiberius was of one inclination under Augustus of another during the life of Germanicus and Drusus, of another during the life of his Mother Livia, of another when he loved and feared Sejanus, and of another when he had made him away; and as Passienus reporteth, there was never a better servant scene than Caligula in the time of Tiberius, nor a worse Master than himself, when he came to govern the Empire. 4 Plutarch speaking of alterations in the Manners of M●rrius and Scylla, makes a doubt if it were Fortune that changed their Natures, or that now discovered that which was formerly concealed and hidden in them. 5 To speak truth in the most part of such people, it is not that their Natures and inclinations change, but he which was with held by fear, discovers himself such, as he was when he feared not ●, as Le●●●ins said of Zeno, he is the Paysan Serpent, who shaking with cold, cannot offend, but being warm & hot, begins to vomit forth his poison. 6 josephus says, that Tryphon a long time bore the mask of an honest man, whilst he lived a private man, to the end to draw the wills and affections of the people; but being made King, he entirely took off the mask of his deceit and hypocrisic, and then openly showed to his subjects what before he eue● had been. 7 Euripides gives Agamemnor a reproach not much unlike this, for being of an humble and lowly mind, before he was chosen chief General of the Grecians he became afterwards enemies to his friends, and of very difficult access, and so at last shut himself up in his house; which this Poet allegeth, that an honest man managing a great Office or dignity, must not alter his fashions and manners; a lesson very seldom, or to say truer) never practised, if it were not by polion, as Seneca writes. 8 But the most frequent and common defects of Princes, proceed from presumption, which commonly follows, and is incident to power, which makes them more difficult to receive council and advice; flattering themselves with this belief, that as they are superiors in power to their subjects; so they are also in Capacity and Sufficiency, and some believe, that in this respect they cannot fashion, or subject themselves to laws and and reasons, without disparaging or diminishing their authority; and that if they cannot do all that they please, they are no longer Sovereigns: is to abate their greatness, and to be no more then common people, to rule and suffer themselves to do only that, which is permitted to the Commons, for whom they only think, that the rule of Pity, Honour and justice have been instituted and ordained, and not for themselves. 9 If these tyrannical opinions entered not but into common wits, it would not prove so great a wonder; but it seems that power sometimes enchanteth the best Spirits and judgements. 10 In all precedent Ages, none left better rules of Moderation, than those we term the seven Wise Men of Greece, and whilst they lived, there were no greater nor severer Tyrants, than those who reigned over them. 11 Appian speaking of the Philosopher Aristion and of other Philosophers, who had tyrannised in Athens, joined with them the Pythagoriciens, who had commanded in Italy, whom he with the rest said, had been the greatest and severest Tyrants of their age: which indeed makes us doubt, if the Philosophers, who disdained the honours and managing of affairs did it in earnest, or if thereby they only sought some shelter, to cover their poverty and idleness. 12 And if we will believe Aristophanes, the Pythagoriciens used this frugality and parsimony, rather to make their poverty and necessity believed, then for any desire or affectation of Virtue; rejoicing (as he reports) to make good cheer upon other men's purses. CHAP. XII. 1 That the suggestions and applause of vicious persons near Princes, serve greatly to change their humours, and consequently to debosbe them. 2 Examples of Princes who have permitted themselves to be led by these sorts of men; together with the blindness and stupidity of some Princes upon the ends and intents of those vicious fellows. 3 4 How the Prince is betrayed by these sorts of flatterers. 5 Examples to this effect of Old Clodion. 6 Sejanus. 7 Perrinis. 8 Bardas. 9 Advice for Princes not to hear or regard these flatterers. 1 THe suggestions, flatteries and applause of vicious fellows, who approach near Princes, do much serve to change and alter their natures. 2 The pride and cruelty of Uitellius, is by Tacitus imputed to these sorts of men. 3 And Vesp●sian held to be of a good nature, learned to invent and impose new subsidies, and to oppress his subjects in the Schools of the like Masters; yea (to use but a word) the greatest number of Princes are commonly changed in their natures, by the conversation of such vicious servants and ministers, who to gain favour & credit with them, still lull them asleep with their greatness, power and riches, the which they the more willingly digest and embrace, in being sometimes ignorant of the duty of their charge and dignity; but blinded as they are, they neither see nor consider, that those who flatter and applaud them, & who make show to approve all their actions and gestures, do it commonly of purpose to betray them, and to make them hated of their subjects. 4 The surest way and course to betray his Master, is to second his covetousness, cruelty or lust and this attempt is free from all danger or hazard, because the Prince cannot justly condemn his servant, without he likewise first accuse and condemn himself. 5 He who would restore Clodius (tearmod the Hayr●e) to his Estate, being banished by the French, assisted by Aegidius, who then commanded Gaul for the Romans, insinuated himself in the favour of Aegidius, a cruel and covetous man, and (saith the History) he so inflamed and imprinted covetousness and cruelty in this Roman, whereunto he was excessively disposed and addicted, that the French having sensibly felt it, instantly resolved to call home their King; this Frenchman his faithful subject finding no surer way to betray the enemy of his Prince, then to observe and second him in his passions. 6 Sejanus to chalk himself out the way to the Empire, after he had caused Aggripina and her children to be imprisoned, knowing that his Master Tiberius being weary of the City of Rome, was desirous to retire himself to Caprea; he persuaded and fortified him to undertake this resolution, to the end, that whilst his Master sojourned there, he might take authority on him to command and govern all, as if all depended of him▪ Tiberius this Interim (as one writes) being Prince of a little Island, whilst Sejanus dominered and played the Emperor at Rome. 7 Perrinis having freed himself of those, who might oppose his designs, under colour to find out them which were accessary to Lucilla, who had conspired against the Emperor Commodus, plunged this Emperor as deep as he might in delights and pleasures, thereby to intrude upon the government of affairs, and after to usurp the Estate. 8 Bardas, the Uncle of Mi●hael, Emperor of Constantinople, performed no less, after he had caused Theo●ostus his fellow Tutor to be slain, and banished Theodora, the Emperor's Mother, persuading this young Prince, that he himself should govern and rule all; whereunto being very uncapable and improper, Bardas plunged him in vain delights and pleasures, making him believe, there was no exercise more honourable, then to conduct a Coach; nor no virtue greater, then to be a skilful Coach man. In which mean time, Bardas courted, and the people's aff●ctions; and calling near him the learnedst Philosophers, and erecting and building Schools for all sorts of Sciences in Constantinople, he thereby squared himself out the way to have made himself Sovereign of that Estate, if he had not been prevented by another. 9 I understand not here, to give any man precepts to betray his Prince, but rather I desire to give this advice and council to Princes, that they take heed, and look to themselves, and not to believe those, who flatter and sooth them up in their vices and irrigular actions, affect them better, than those, who freely contradict and reprove them. CHAP. XIII. 1 Considerations upon a Prince his domestic Servants, and how we may reap profit by them: Princes bear themselves differently in Private or Public, and they more willingly discover themselves to their servants, than others. 2 Examples hereon. 3 4 5 In this point it's very difficult for a Prince so to hide and conceal his intentes and motions, that his Servants discover them not. 6 In Court we seek all sorts of men to effect our affairs. 7 In Court there are no great friends, nor small enemies. 8 In Court we must seek to make the Prince his Servants our friends. 1 AS for the Prince his domestic servants, who (when he withdraws himself in private) are still near his person, they may do us much good in employing them, be it to have access to the Prince at some extraordinary hour; be it to afford their word of favour when the Prince speaks of us, or be it to be advertised of the ill offices which are intended us: for most Princes are of one humour and countenance in public, and of another in private, and when they once repose confidence in these their servants, they then the more willingly discover themselves to them; being assured, that for the baseness of their quality, and the obligation whereunto they are bound to them, they dare not reap profit hereby. 2 Every one knows the power which Claudius his free women had over him, of which number he so enriched one of them, by name Pallas, as upon complaint the Emperor made of the necessity of his affairs, he was counselled, that to enrich himself, he should adopt himself the heir of Pallas: also it was to her, whom Agrippina addressed herself to have the Emperor marry her: and a little before, Narcissus being another of this Prince his free women, persuaded and induced him to put Messalina to death. 3 We also know the power the Eunuches have had over the Grecian Emperors, under whom for a time they as it were, governed the Emperor. and without the aid and assistance of those of the same condition, as also of Constantius his Grooms of his Chamber: Arbetio, though overseer of the affairs of the Empire, being accused by the Earl Verissimus, was in danger to lose his life. 4 Under Batoniates, Emperor of Constantinople, two poor Grooms of his Chamber, the one termed Borilus, the other Germanus, who wholly governed him, disgraced Isaac and Alexius Comnenus. 5 But when the Prince discovers and consults his affairs to men of this rank, it is very difficult for him to keep his mask on his face, and that in his private motions (the which because they then escape more violently, then in the public view of the world, they are the more difficultly retained) we discover not something of his intents and desires. 6 It is a humour and compliment of the Court, not only to seek all sorts of men, thereby to advance our affairs, but also to persuade ourselves, that as a man grows in reputation and greatness, so he grows in Wisdom and Understanding. The which Arian representeth in his Epictetus, by the Example of one Epaphroditus, and of his two slaves who were advanced, t●e one to be Groonor of the Urinal and Close-stool to the Emperor; and the other his Shoemaker; both whom Epaphroditus favoured, esteemed, and praised their council and wisdom, although a little before he had sold them as slaves, as not knowing what to do with them. 7 Howsoever, we must persuade ourselves, that although we find no great friends in Court, yet that there are there no small enemies, & that every one may prejudice or profit us, according to his quality & condition. It was reputed a favour in the Court of Tiberius, to be known of those, who were doorkeepers to Sejanus, whilst he was in credit and authority. 8 It is therefore wisdom to make the Prince his domestic Servants and Officers our friends, and to yield them all respect and observance, as much as discretion and judgement permits. CHAP. XIV. 1 Of the great ones in Court, the sixth Head of this second Book, and that they are of diverse sorts and degrees. 2 Of those who are of a Noble Blood and House, and yet not in credit and reputation at Court, and how we● must bear ourselves towards them. 3 Considerations of them, and what their Power is. 4 The Examples of Archelaus upon these considerations. 5 Other considerations upon the same. 6 How the Prince his Favourite must bear himself in opposing great men. 7 The profit which redounds to him thereby. 8 9 Wholesome Advice and Council for a Favourite. 10 How it must be understood when we say, we contest and contend with a great man. 11 What it is for a Favourite to oppose the enterprises of great men. 12 The Example of Cardinal Ximenes, Favourite to Isabella, Queen of Spain upon this subject, with a brief abridgement of his life. 13 14 Another Example upon the lamentable end of Simonera, Favourite to Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan. 15 1 AS for the Nobles and Great Ones of the Court, they are differently to be considered; for some have nothing else to maintain them but their house, and a certain hereditary mark of Greatness and Nobility, without any reputation, familiarity or acquaintance with the Prince but exempt of authority and managing of any affairs of the Estate; others have less reputation, but more authority and employment, and others again have more authority in the managing of affairs, and more access and familiarity with the Prince. 2 The first are of small consideration for our advancement, nevertheless, we must bear ourselves towards them very respectively, as well for the discharge of our own duty, as for fear they molest or offend us, especially sith there may fall out a business, wherein although they cannot assist us themselves, yet they may pleasure us herein, either by their servants or friends. 3 For those great personages are never without many dependants, who are glad to please and pleasure them, either for some former courtesy or obligation which they have received; or for fear of their greatness, or the eminency of their favours, as well from their Prince as their Fortunes. 4 Archelaus, King of Capadocia, not respecting Tiberius when he retired himself to Rhodes, afterwards repented it: for Tiberius coming to the Sovereign dignity, reproached and reproved him for this his disrespect and contempt, and so to revenge himself, caused him underhand to be accused of another matter, whereof this old man for mere grief died, having not omitted this respect or duty through disdain, but only purposely to avoid the jealousy that Augustus might have conceived, because he was not resolved to show himself a friend to Tiberius, whilst Caius Caesar lived. 5 We must also consider, that these great men are never so de●ected, but they may commit some evil, if the means for them to do good, be taken from them; nevertheless if they be any way suspected of the Prince, we must seek out some pretext to approach them, that may serve to excuse us; if not, let us yet endeavour, that we make them not our enemies. 6 But where we know, that the Prince his intent in advancing our fortunes, is to have us assault and confront these sort of Nobles (as it hath often fallen out, that Princes have done the like) than we must do it so circumspectly and wisely; yea, and with such choice of occasions, that the Commons may judge we have performed it with reason, and that our Prince may therein likewise receive satisfaction and content. And although this profession be dangerous; Nevertheless, he who is advanced by his Prince, purposely for this effect and end, may reap profit and benefit hereby. 7 The one is, that hereby he authoriseth himself, and that those who are inferior to these great Nobles, whom he is to assault, will resolve ●o stoop, and be drawn to strike sail and bow, as fearing to offend the Prince if they should do the contrary. 8 The other is, that thereby he links and ties himself more closer to the Prince, and if he know how to select important and serious occasions, that tend to his master's service, the protection of the poor, or the good of the Commonwealth: he will thereby purchase himself fa●e and praise; and so, exceedingly increase and augment his reputation. 9 But he must be careful to attempt nothing, except he accomplish it; for besides that, the Commons judge of most things by the issue thereof, as blaming him who hath lost his suit in law, although it were neverso just or right: yet he will thereby greatly hazard his reputation with his Prince; and consequently the favour he hath borne him: who then will be constrained to disa●uow him, to the end he participate not of the shame, in that this enterprise undertaken hath not succeeded; or if he do advow him, yet without doubt he will fall into the hatred and contempt of his subjects; which will then infuse courage into the hearts, and hopes, of those against whom he derected and bend his malice. 10 When I speak of assaulting and falling foul upon these Great men; I understand not, that we must challenge or fight with them at single combat: because, that cannot be performed without troubling the Estate, much less to proffer them any disgraces or evil speeches: sith that savours of a man of small, or rather, of no capacity, or judgement; and who doth, as it were surfeit, or is drunk of his good fortune, which hath wholly deprived him of his sense and understanding, which sort of men commonly make no good or fortunate ends. 11 But, I understand to oppose and assail the designs of Great men, who may be justly suspected and reputed to have bad and pernicious intents, either against the Estate, or the Government, or against the order that concerns either Religion, justice, Arms, or the Exchequer; and yet so to assail and oppose them, that there be not descried, or seen in us, any particular violence or passion, but only a good and zealous desire (as much as may be) to justify our actions to the most virtuous sort of people, and towards all those who have any interest to inquire or understand thereof. 12 If I would prepose any one to be immited in this exploit and charge, of all our Moderns it should be the Cardinal Ximenes, who (as I have formerly said) was taken into favour and reputation by Isabel, Queen of Spain, to give the check or mate to the Grandoes of that Kingdom, who then were not so obedient as they now are, having of a Franciscan Friar, made him her Confessor, & since by the advice & council of the Cardinal of Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo after him, wherein he so well demeaned and bore himself, that not only under Isabel, but since under Ferdinand of Arragon, and since his death, until the coming of Charles, who was since Emperor, he hath been the only Arbitrator and Moderator of all the business and affairs of Spain, being still so subtle and wise, as to oppose the Commons, in contentions and quarrels against the Nobles and Grandoes of the Kingdom. 13 And although it hath been reported that he was poisoned, and that he himself believed it; yet this was not true, nor could ever since be found out, or verified; he himself being exceeding old when he died. 14 But the end is more deplorable and lamentable of Cicho Simonera, who had managed the affairs of the Estate, under Francis Sforza, Duk● of Milan; and since, under Galeas his son: and because of his fidelity, was chosen to oppose against the brothers of Galeas, and so to govern the Estate under the Widow during her son's minority. 15 Who being constrained to banish from Milan the brothers of Galeas, and of Robert de Saint Severine, to the end to conserve the Estate to his pupil: the Mother a little after, agreed with them, to the utter overthrow of this poor honest man, whom most ingratefully she gave and delivered into his enemy's hands. Who after some time of imprisonment, caused him cruelly to be murdered in the Castle of Pavia; wherein we may consider, and know, how dangerous it is to employ ourselves for such Princes as are wavering and inconstant: and who for very small matters disavow, and abandon their Servants and Ministers, to the merciless mercy of their enemies. CHAP. XV. 1 Of Great men who are familiar with the Prince, without having any authority or command in the affairs of Estate. 2 Of their power, and how we must seek them, and reap profit by them. 3 Of Great men who have authority in affairs, and yet small access near the Prince: of the inclinations of Princes, under whom these Great men are. 4 5 Of Princes who give all the Command of their off ●ires to one or two, and of the curb or rhene wherewith they commonly restrain them, thereby to fashion them wholly to his w●ll and pleasure, without leaving them power to do otherwise, and to dispossess them of his favour and their greatness when he pleaseth. 6 How to bear ourselves towards these Great men. 7 8 Of Great men who are in favour with the Prince, and have authority in the affairs of the Estate, and how we must seek and observe them. 9 10 We must examine the degrees of Great men's favours, from whom we may expect assistance. 11 12 And when we cannot make ourselves known of Great men, we must seek those who have some interest or power in them, or are familiar with them, and so make ourselves known to them. 1 THose Great men who are in reputation and favour with the Prince, without having any authority in the affairs of the Estate, may steed us, if not for our advancement to the Prince, at least to make us have access to him. 2 They may also cause us to be well reputed and esteemed of him, in commending and remembering the services we have done, as also to excuse our faults whereinto we have ignorantly fallen, and to defend us against the calumnies of the Court: and as in having them to our friends, we may receive many profitable offices, & pleasures of them, in preparing the way to our advancement, although it depend not immediately of themselves: yet if they are against us, they may much hinder & prejudice us, & peradventure retire or estrange us from the favour of our Prince; wherefore we must respect and observe them, and by all pleasing means answerable to our rank and degree, endeavour to gain their favours and affections, and withal to consider, that it is very difficult for such men's favours and affections to remain long either familiar or constant: for although the Prince be resolved not to confer the managing of his affairs to these Great men; nevertheless, upon their recommendation, he will seldom refuse to advance a man, whom he likewise sees agreeable and pleasing to him; and whom he knows deserves it: and albeit they cannot (peradventure) absolutely and wholly perform us this good Office; yet they make us to be esteemed and preferred before others of the same desert and merit. 3 As for those who have the chief authority and command of affairs, and yet but small access to the Prince; they are still near Princes, who live in peace and tranquillity, or who are wholly addicted to their pleasures, being in that respect unapt, or incapable to govern his affairs, or who neglects to understand them, relying wholly on one or two Considents, whose company he commonly avoids, for fear of being importuned with the discourse and relation of his affairs, which he esteems a kind of subjection only to think of. 4 Under such Princes, it were better seek and court the Servants than the Master; for as they relate and report the nature and disposition of a business: so for the most part it depends in them to make choice of those who must be employed therein, because the Prince not understanding or knowing it, they know not what Sufficiency or Capacity is requisite to undertake and perform it. 5 There are other Princes who more umbragious and jealous of their Estate, and Greatness, confer the whole authority of their affairs to one or two, authorising them in all the functions of their Offices, and yet without giving them any great access or familiarity; yea, for the most part, they will neither see nor hear them, except it be to discover or resolve the matters of their charge and Office, not permitting them to employ others, for fear that the subordinate power and authority which they give them, take foot, and make so many servants under them; that if it chance they commit any fault, having such support, they cannot easily chastise and be rid of them, it being one of the chiefest points and reasons, that such Princes desire to detain those in fear who serve them, thereby to make them believe, that with a wink, and in a moment, they can ruin those whom they have been many years advancing. 6 Towards these Nobles and Great men, there is much care and difficulty how to bear and behave ourselves; for seeking their good will, it cannot much steed or serve us: chose, the Prince most commonly refuseth us, if he know we seek them: and again, not seeking them, it is very hard and difficult for us to be inducted or admitted to any employments, whereby we are exposed, and subject to many crosses and accidents which they may occasion and procure us. 7 Wherefore we must herein bear ourselves very discreetly, using much respect towards them, and if occasion present to signify and testific them our affection by services and secret offices, unknown to the world, and not withstanding seek favour and assistance other where, that may be more pleasing and agreeable to the Prince, thereby to procure our entrance and admittance near him. 8 As for those who are in great Reputation and Credit with their Prince, and have all the command and managing of his affairs, it is as good for us to observe, and court them, as the Prince himself. 9 Wherefore we must strive to know their humours and inclinations▪ and accordingly conform ourselves to them; yea, and in that respect, as much as to the Prince himself. 10 So then as near as it is possible, we must examine the degrees of favour, wherein those Great men are with the Prince, who may assist us, and howsoever they stand well affected to us, yet we must demand or request them nothing, which we think is not in their power to perform for us: for there is nothing which so much angers a man, as to be solicited and requested by one whom he loves, in that which he is constrained to refuse us. 11 For it is a wrong, and offence to the good will which is borne us, to make it meet and fight either with the incivility, or impossibility of a request: and as once, a Great man was importuned in a matter, which he either could not, or ought not do, he afterwards hated and feared his presence, who had formerly importuned him, either for fear of the like request, or for shame, that he should thereby remark or know the weakness of his power and reputation. 12 But he who hath not the means to make himself known to Gr●at men, he must then proceed by steps and degrees, and so endeavour to make himself known of those who are great and familiar with them, whither they be strangers or of his own family: yea, we must seek those who depend of them, and according to this degree of dependency, obligation, and affection, which they bear them, we must judge of the power they have to assist and pleasure us. CHAP. XVI. 1 The seventh head of this Book, of those who are under Great men; of whom, there are two sorts, one which may assist us, and how. 2 Considerations upon both, and how to purchase friends in Court. 3 Of th●se who may cross and oppose us, who are of three sorts. 4 Of those who hate us, and are our enemies. 5 It is a difficult thing to be a neu●er in Court, and of great factions, and Partialities in the Courts of Princes. 6 How some have withstood and prevented such partialities, and how they very profitably made use of neutrality. 7 Examples upon the wisdom of this Neutra●itie. 8 9 Solon his Law against neutrality. 10 How and wherefore friendships must be conserved among different parties. 1 AS for others who retain to Nobles and Great men, be they our superiors, equals, or inferiors, we must doubly consider them; for some of them may assist us, others molest and cross us, and both the one and the other, as well as Great men, we must weigh and consider, not only the power and reputation which they have of themselves in that we seek; but also, that of those, who depend of them, either by consanguinity, alliance, affection, or obligation, there being many things which it were fitter to propose to our friends by others, who depend of them, rather than by ourselves, whither it be to have our request well esteemed, or else to divert the designs and endeavours of others, who would prevent or hinder them. 2 But above all we must not stay, or defer to purchase friends till the very time and point we have occasion to use them, but we must procure and make them before, and by diverse good and friendly Offices, have linked and obliged them to us, as also by many other demonstrations of our affection and good will towards them. 3 Those who may cross or thwart us, are commonly of three sorts: to wit, ou● Enemies; our Enuy●rs, or our Competitors who provoked by Emulation, pretend and aim at the same we do. 4 Those who malign and hate us, because of ourselves, or friends, to whom they are enemies, this last hatred is commonly the least, and may be appeased and practised in yielding and gining these Enemies some friendly Office, or good turn, to testify that we are not so much bound to their Enemies, but that there is in us some affection denoted to their service. 5 Nevertheless, Partialiti●s and Factions are so common and frequent in Princes Courts, and the humours and friendships of Great men so inconstant and tyrannical, that it is very difficult for us to live long in this neutrality, at least to perform it openly. 6 For we know, that some have secretly conserved the friendships of the chief heads of a contrary faction, not to betray him whom they openly follow and adhere to, but still to subsist, if they should chance fall, esteeming that as the first is unworthy of a Gentleman, so the last, which hath no other end and intent but his own proper conservation, should not be rejected. 7 It is a point of wisdom which hath been practised not only in Court-quarrels, but also in those of the Estate: Sye●neses, Co●er●our of T●rsi●s for the King of Persia, seeming that Cyrus took arms against his brother Art●xerxes, and not being of power, (without his palpable ruin) to declare himself against Cyrus, resolved to ●ollow his party, and yet sent his son to serve Artaxerxes, to the end, by this means to assure himself of him, if in cause that Cyrus should be vanquished. 8 ●ardas Durus escaping from the hands of the Saracyns, and understanding that his Enemy Bardas Pbo●u was named Emperor against Besilius, thereby to assure himself of both Parties, he sought the friendship of Phocas, and yet sent his son to Basilius; feigning, that he was stolen away, without his consent or knowledge, to the end, that if Pnocas were vanquished, he might reconcile him to the Emperor, as indeed it after fell out. 9 Solon, in the division and combustion of the Estate, made a Law, whereby he forbade neutrality; but nevertheless, he understood not thereby, that those friends who take diverse parties, should renounce their particular friendships and affections: chose, the chief aim and foundation of this his Law was, that those who were friends, and yet of a contrary faction, should seek by fair and mild means to extirp, and take away these differences among them. 10 In the same manner, we may allege, we should conserve the love of his friends who are of diverse factions, not only in respect of the hope of aid, and assistance, which we may draw and receive from them in time of our necessity, and disgrace, but also for their help; in serving towards the reconciling of the parties, when their humours and affections shall be well disposed and made capable of atonement, and when a fit occasion presenteth: it being the surest and most honourablest way in living among the quarrels and contentions of Great men▪ to Court and gain their affections, and as near as we may to conserve the favour and friendship as well of the one as the other. CHAP. XVII. 1 Of Enemies who hate us, because they have formerly offended us. 2 A Remedy against such Enemies, and how to beware of them. 3 That threatenings do more offend, then profit those who practise them; and that they procure us shame and weakness, if they take not effect. 4 5 A Discourse against Revenge. 6 How to bear ourselves when we receive injuries, and how to seek the means of reconciliation and friendship, whether the injuries be fierce and outrageous, or no. 7 8 9 Of injury done us in an out-braving and daring manner, and of the revenge thereof. 1 THose who hate us for our own regard, it is either that they have formerly offended us, which is a common hatred of Great Men, towards their inferiors, (whereunto the Italian Proverb hath relation that Whosoever offends, never pardons) or else it is because we have formerly offended them. 2 To the first sort we must make no show that we are offended; or if the offence be so great, as it cannot be dissembled and concealed, we must yet make it appear, that time hath sweetened and appeased it, yea and made us forget it: for chose seeming to bear and brook it impatiently, will occasion him to believe we still retain a desire of revenge; which perceived and known of him, who hath offended us; will again cause him upon all new occasions, to molest and indomage us as much as possible he can. 3 But we must especially beware not to menace or threaten, if it be not at the very instant that we are resolved to revenge our seluos▪ 4 For besides that by our threatenings, our Enemy is advertised to stand upon his guard, we do thereby as it were invite him (as I have formerly said) to seek and embrace all occasions to do worse, yea we are ashamed there of, which discovers our weakness and imbecility if we cannot make good, or bring our threatenings to pass. 5 I know that this mildness is not pleasing nor liked of, of all men, and far less of those who are vindictlue and revengeful, and who hold that we must never pack up a wrong or injury, without being sensible thereof: not only for the content there is in Revenge; but also that an injury silently digested and passed away draws on another, and therefore conoludes, that we must be irreconcilable towards those who offend us. But otherwise, they who are so irreconcilable endeavouring to make others fear them, do commonly remain alone without friends, and none will come near or approach them: for every one being subject to stumble and fail, through passion or want of heed, we fear to frequent their companies, lest if we should fail or trip in any point or respect, they will be angry with us; and those who haunt and frequent their company, perceiving that they have done some thing that is i● taken of them, will for ever withdraw themselves from them, and leave those irreconcilable fellows, as untained beasts in their solitariness, & well knowing that these, if they meet any occasion will not fail to molest us, they will thereby endeavour to prevent it. Wherefore that we may not engage ourselves in so many enmities, I hold it fit to take a contrary course, and so to show that we are tractable and reconcilable; yea in the greatest inluries and offences, the which we must distinguish according to the Motive of those who commit them and sometimes according to their own rank and quality. 6 For if transported rather with some sudden passion then with malice, they offer us any wrong which they should not offer us, the injury being not too impetuous or outrageous, we must make show that we are so far from being sensible thereof, as we think not thereof; and if it be too too violent and outrageous, as we must not seem altogether insensible to that which toucheth and concerns us, or our honour, so likewise we must not seem to be irreconciliable, but amidst the discontent which we discover to have received, we must always give some apparition and testimony of reconciliation, still leaving a door open to entertain a pleasing and mild satisfaction, complaining to their friends who have offended us, yea, making them judges of the wrongs we have received. 7 But if it be done in an out-braving or contemptuous manner, than this domineering impetuosity (if may be) must be suddenly revenged not so much for the consideration of revenge as to chastise and correct him who hath proffered us the injury, that thereby he may hereafter become more wise and respective as well towards us, as towards others, to whom he may address himself. 8 Notwithstanding, we must not show ourselves irreconcilable, but chose we must testify, that it is with much grief, that in the misfortune of this received injury we have gone so far, or that we are constrained to complain, and to seek and follow satisfaction, which being given us according to the quality and nature of the wrong we have received, we make it apparent, that we are again ready to enter into friendship, and so to become new friends. 9 But if we cannot have this satisfaction in some convenient time, or that he who hath offended us, do repent himself of it, or through submission do request our favour, we must then again forget our choler, and be newly familiar with him, taking his seeking of us for satisfaction, and thereby manifesting the need and necessity he hath of us who hath formerly so disdained and offended us. CHAP. XVIII. 1 Our first remedy against injuries offered us by Great men is to confer very respectively with them. 2 The second to dissemble patiently. 3 Considerations hereon. 4 5 Of those who are our Enemies, because we have formerly offended them. 6 Advice her●n, with consideration and means how to bear ourselves herein. 7 8 That commonly Fear, rather than Revenge more violently exasperates our enemy against us. 9 How to appease and prevent his Passion and Violence. 10 Another way is to assist our Enemies in their affairs▪ that thereby they may become our friend's Example of Agesilaus herein. 11 A common subtlety of Courtiers in this cause. 12 Another fetch and subtlety of Eutrapellus and what it was. 13 Another fetch against our Enemy is, to second him in his evil intents, thereby to ruin him. 14 That we must assist our Enemy if we cannot hinder or annoy him. 15 An excellent Example hereon. 16 An other Example and expedient, to prevent that he wrong us not. 17 Another means for us in plaguing our Enenemie is, to oppose one that is a greater Enemy to him then ourself; with a very pertinent ex●●●ote hereon to the same effect of Gerlac, Archbishop and Elector of Mentz, upon the election of Adolphus, Earl of Nassaw to the Empire. 1 ANd because injuries are commonly offered us by greater men than ourselves, the first remedy that we may not enter into those enmities, is to confer and converse with them, with all manner of respect, without being too familiar or troublesome, through our importunity to them, and if we find they be too averse and choleric, than not to frequent them at all, if conveniently we may avoid it. 2 The second, is patiently to dissemble the remembrance of the offence we have received, neither is it security or wisdom to present ourselves with defiance or threatenings, in any dispreportioned or preposterous quarrels: for the power of those whom we have injustly offended, may therein excuse our dissimulation. 3 I know that the threats and fears, which we give those that have wronged and offended us, may occasion them to resolve to seek to be reconciled to us, which indeed may move some base spirits to a feigned not a firm reconciliation, and yet if they can, will not under hand omit to wrong us, so as it being more difficult to secure ourselves from a secret than a known Enemy, it seems more for our advantage and profit that he reconcile not himself to us, but rather that he be induced thereunto through fear, I mean those who are not our Superiors, and whose companies we may well avoid. 4 For where the conceit of hatred, that some great one bears us, may much prejudice our affairs, and diminish our reputation, there a feigned reconciliation is far better than a public enmity. 5 If we are hated for wrongs we have done, if the wrong proceed from us, it is then fit for us to seek the means to repair it, either by ourselves, or by the mediation of our friends. 6 But to judge and distinguish which of our enemies may most annoy and endamage us, after we have considered their power, we must also be very careful, with what vehemency and passion, besides their hatred, they are provoked and incited to prevent us. 7 For some in regard of the hatred they bear us, are provoked through desire of Revenge, others through Fear, that if we once obtain what we seek, we will annoy and endamage them. 8 And although the desire of Revenge be very violent, nevertheless, Fear more passionately provokes our enemy to cross us, and it is far more difficult to divert him which is provoked with this last motion, than it is he which is stirred up with the first. 9 For the one by good offices, services, and satisfaction, we may persuade and compass; but of him who is fearful and doubtful, we can very difficultly be assured; therefore the best, nay the only way, is to reconcile ourselves; and so through frequenting him, and by friendship, to cause such spirits to engender and conceive a confident and good opinion of us, wherein we must discreetly husband and manage all occasions, sith we can prescribe ourselves no certain rules. 10 Ageselaus, desirous to be a friend to those who were his enemies, sought and researched the means, to advance them to some honourable Offices and great Commands. wherein in outward appearance, he obliged them to him; but because it is difficult for them in the execution of these great offices and dignities; so to content all the world, that they gave none occasion to complain of them: they were very shortly accused and constrained to have recourse to his favour, to secure them as well from danger, as disgrace: from which Ageselaus by his assistance and authority, acquitting and freeing them, he thereby linked them unto him, and so made them become his good friends. 11 And indeed it is a fetch and subtlety, but too frequent and common in Court, to put out our leg to make a man▪ fall, thereby to bind and oblige him to us, in succouring and lifting him up. 12 But there is another final subtlety and wile, whereof we must be careful to take heed; and that is that of Horace his Eutrap●ll, who would lend money to use, give trust and credit for brave apparel, and infuse Vanity and Courage to those whom he purposed to ruin. 13 Those that applaud and second our appetites, pleasures, choler, and expenses; who prize and repute us more than we are, making us (beyond all sense and reason) to undertake things above our strength and power; they for the most part do it rather purposely to overthrow us, then to delight and please us. 14 But to come to the means which we should observe, to reconcile ourselves to our enemy, if we see we cannot prevent him, from obtaining that which he intendeth and pursueth: we must then make show to aid and assist him therein, thereby to bind and oblige him to us. 15 Which subtlety, was indeed practised by Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who foreseeing he could not prevent the secret designs and purposes of Cardinal julian, who desired to make john P●●it (Son to Pope Alexander VI) a Cardinal, did then withal his power employ himself in favour of the said john, as he held himself more obliged to him for his Hat, then to julian, and so became his friend; and to say truth, it is wisdom to desire that which we see we cannot prevent, always prescribing and prefixing bounds to our will, according to our power. 16 And if we cannot by any means gain our enemies, or assure ourselves of them, by making them more flexible towards us: let us then consider in what degree of enmity we are with them, and if we know any one whom they more hate or fear then ourselves, we will propound it them, or cause some other to propose it in those things, where there is found a concurrence to make him go on with the same suit and business, to the end that in comparison and hatred of that other, either he will favour us, or not so much distaste, and envy us. 17 And very little different to this, was the manner of Gerlac Archbishop and Elector of Mentz, his proceeding to cause his Cousin Adolphus Earl of Nassaw to be elected Emperor, whereof the Electors themselves never dreamt; for understanding and seeing the discord that was among the Princes, who aspired to the Imperial Diadem and dignity, he broke with many of the Electors severally; giving Wenceslaus then King of Bohemia to understand that the Mayor voice of the Electors, tended to make his enemy Albertus, Duke of Austria Emperor: but if he would give his consent and letter of Attorney to nominate some other, he would do his b●st to exclude and prevent him; which W●nceslaus did, naming the Duke of Saxony; to whom he bore in hand that they would elect the Duke of Brunswick his Enemy: and to the Count Palatine, that they would likewise elect his Enemy Wenceslaus King of Bohemia: and so having extorted their suffrages, commission, and power: from all these Electors, by general promising them to oppose the election of their Enemies; he, as before, nominated his own Cousin Adolphus, who in the beginning had been absolutely excluded, if he had not been nominated. CHAP. XIX. 1 Of Envious people, the eight part of this Book, and how to bear ourselves toward them. 1 Remedies against Envy, to make common that which is envied or desired. 3 4 Another remedy to avoid Vanity and Superstition, and that which accompanieth it. 5 Considerations thereon. 6 To make ourselves entreated to receive that we wish and desire. 7 Example hereof in Cardinal Ximenes. 8 Considerations upon this Example, by another of Constantine the Mesopolitane. 1 COme we now to see how we must bear ourselves towards the Envious; for we must have much fortunacy & courage to surmount and vanquish Enute, which (as I have formerly said) is appeased in applying and enjoying that which we desire, but for as much as we would have that peculiarly for ourselves which we desire, it seems that that may be practised. 2 Which nevertheless I conceive may be effected, not only in making that common which we pursue; but in making them know, who desire and covet this good with us, that it being in our custody & possession, they may receive advantage, profit, assistance, and the increase of their hopes. 3 Now the means to effect and compass this, is to seek their friendship and familiarity, and what Envy or Malice we perceive or know they bear us; to show ourselves much affected to them in the place, rank, and quality we are, to the end they be induced to believe that our Fortune's increasing, it will be an increasing of means to serve and assist them; wishing them still that which we desire, if it be a thing pleasing and agreeable to them, and showing that woe desire it not, but to gratify and pleasure our friends, especially themselves. 4 It is also a remedy against Envy, to sly and avoid vain superfluity, as excessive expenses, Vanity in apparel, extraordinary and unseasonable mirth, and not to brave and flaunt it out too prodigally. 5 But these should chiefly take exact and careful heed to all those things who are descended of a low and mean extraction, and that if either the pleasure of their Prince, or the dignity of their own office, occasion them to do otherwise; it shall be then wisdom in them that they are not voluntarily addicted: but as it were enforced thereunto by their Master's authority. 6 Wherein the Cardinal Ximenes at the first rising of his Fortunes, bore himself very discreetly, who being of a base decent, although since many have reported and written, he was a Gentleman; howsoever being poor, he made himself a Fransiscan Friar and being observed by the Cardinal Mendoza, Archbishop of Iol●do that he was learned, and of a sharp and sound Wit; he upon his recommendation was made Confessor to Queen Isabella of Castille; and since (by the Council of the said Mendoza) Cardinal; to oppose him against the Grandoes of the Kingdom: and after the death of Mendoza, the said Queen sued and procured a Bull from Rom●, to make him Archbishop of Taledo; and being willing to confer it on Ximenes, he purposely refused it, foreseeing and judging, that if he accepted this dignity, it would incur and draw on him the envy of all the Grandoes of the Kingdom, and consequently he must needs faint under the burden thereof. 7 So as in that regard to secure himself, the Queen was constrained to cause him by many Great personages to be requested to accept thereof, which in the end after many refusals he did; but yet he deferred along time to augment either his train or expenses, notwithstanding that many instances were made him, that this Dignity required an alteration and addition of his pomp, so as it was requisite the Pope's authority and express command should interpose, whereunto in the end he obeyed, and so avoided the envy of a Great and Illustrious dignity, desired of all the Grandoes of Spain and the vanity of superfluous expenses, which not only equalled but exceeded that of many Princes. 8 But if this form of hypocritical proceeding may serve at the first rising of a man's fortune, yet it cannot always shelter him from envy, who hath formerly discovered in his inclination and behaviour, more Ambition than Simplicity, no more than it did in one Constantine a Mesopolitane, who being first expelled the Court of Isaacius A●gelus, and since that of Alexius, Emperors of Constantinople; and returning with the Empress Euphrosina, made show that he would no more intermeddle with matters of the Estate; and to the end to insinuate and persuade it more easily and smoothly, he made himself a Deacon, thereby to have some pretext and colour to excuse himself, and to make himself to be importuned and prayed; yea, he so ●unningly acted his part, that the Emperor himself sought a Dispensation for him from Xiphlin, Patriarch of Co●stantinopl● whereby he was again permitted and authorised to remain at Court and to manage the affairs of the Estate as before, notwithstanding the Decrees and Canons which forbade him, and then he introduced two of his brothers, who were always nailed to the Emperor's ears, whilst he was dispatching of affairs; but having heretofore discovered and bewrayed his Ambitious Nature, this his hypocrisy served him not long, for he was again banished, and after died far from Court. CHAP. XX. 1 Of Competitors or Emulators, who are less malitions than the envious. 2 That they are won and purchased, either through Honour or Vanity. 3 How to bear ourselves with them. 4 5 Public suits are odious. 6 Sure council and meane● one these suits. 7 8 We must not be an Emulator or Contendant with one more favoured than ourselves: Example of Lepidus and Sejanus hereon. 9 That justice usually is oflesse power in Court, than favour. 1 THe same course which we observe to secure ourselves against the effects of En●y, we may likewise keep to defend us against Emulation, which hath less than En●y, but more sharpness of Ambition, which produceth no less crosses and oppositions. 2 Nevertheless, those who are possessed hereof, are sometimes gained by vain respect and honour which we yield them, and to devert them from running the same race that we do, it will not be amiss or impertinent to give wings to their hopes, to observe & serve them, and to employ ourselves with our best skill, to imprint in their thoughts, that that which we pursue, is a thing unworthy of their deserts; and yet such, whereby we are constrained to begin, sith the wealnes of our power can attain and reach no higher; and withal chose to elevate & extol their power, sufficiency & merits, as those who may both hope and deserve a far higher forture. 3 But if we fear they will ourstrip and get the wind of us in any thing we seek, we must then entertain them with doubts and distrusts of that they enterprise, alleging reasons Pro & Con, so as nevertheless, that those things which are opposite to their designs, may still be most prevalent, and bear the greatest sway. 4 But if we can conceal, or dissemble out suit, and so make it sure, before our competitors know thereof, and thereby seek to cross and prevent us, it will be the very best and shortest way. 5 Those ambitious suits that are publicly followed, do sometimes offend us, who would aid and assist us, if we proceeded otherwise, who thereby prove more strange, and the issue thereof, being more incertain, and attended and waited on by En●ie, if it fall out according to our desires; or if the contrary, the refusal is more shameful. 6 It is therefore the surest way to imitate Rowers (or Whirry-men) who turn their backs to the place where they desire to arrive, as feigning quite contrary thoughts. 7 I hose likewise who have ambitiously pursued places of Command, have steered the same course, as seeming to be more desirous of rest, than Honour; (as Euripides his Agamemnon), and hereby have secured themselves against the crosses and oppositions which might have befallen them in their suits, if they had been discovered; yea, they thereby have warranted themselves from shame, which is often incident to those who are deceived, and come short of their hopes, and the issue coresponding their desires and wishes, hath been rather attributed to their merits, than their industry. 8 But of one thing we must be very careful, not to concur and meet in one and the same suit, with a greater and more eminent man, than ourselves, under colour of hoping to bear it before him, but rather herein to imitate M. Lapidus (whom as I have said, was held by Tacitus for a most judicious and discreet Courtier, who being nominated by Tib●rius, with junius Blessus Uncle to Sejanus) that one of them should by the Senate be elected Proconsul of Africa excused himself, by reason of his age, indisposition and children, and especially by reason that one of his daughters was shortly to be espoused, refusing herein to contend and wrestle with the power and greatness of Sejanus, who undoubtedly would have proved his enemy, if he had borne this dignity from his Uncle Blessus, as he might have done, had he not wisely excused himself. 9 And we should be far less importunate and obstinate in a suit against one, who is backed by a Prince, or Great Man, that is in favour and credit, and therefore of great power and reputation, although we have Law and Right of our side, because in the solicitation of this suit, Law commonly proves the weaker, as it fell out in the like, which Germanicus and Drusus made to have Platerius Aggrippa, Prator, who prevailed and bore it in Senate against the Law. CHAP. XXI. 1 The devison of this second Book, containing considerations upon the examples of those who have been disgraced at Court. 2 The c●●●se● of our fairer, and of the diminishing of our reputation in Court. 3 Off●●●r proceeding from a Courtiers own default. 4 Enterprises attempted by Favourites against their Prince, being the true and first cause of their ruin. 5 Advice and precaution for a Favourite to support himself. 6 The description of Courtier in the Example of Sejanus. 7 8 The issue of Seianush Ambition. 9 Considerations of his Ambition, and of Tiberius his proceedings, being ●ore subtle them himself. 10 11 Ambition is commonly rash and impudent. 12 Tiberius sounded the affections of his great ones, before he enterprised any thing against Sejanus. 13 The subtlety of Tiberius to entrap Sejanus. 14 15 Those who stand betwixt Hope and Fear, are more irresolute, and easy to be surprised. 16 The policy of Tiberius to ruin Sejanus. 17 18 19 The downfall and ruin of Sejanus. 20 21 Another Example of the downfall and ruin of Perrinis, being favourites to the Emperor Commodus. 22 The designs and machinations of a Subject against his Prince, very seldom take effect, how cunningly soever compacted. 23 The example of Boylas, being favorito to the Emperors of Constantinople, and his designs, etc. 24 25 26 27 A Subjects Pride is always odious to his Prince. 1 THese are the chiefest considerations which he must observe, who desires to advance himself in Court, and the remainder should proceed from himself, I mean, from his own judgement, Carriage, and Dexterity: & although these considerations may steed and serve him; nevertheless he may draw some fruit and profit from the Examples of those Courtiers; who are formerly fallen into disgrace, and in knowing that which hath crossed and afflicted others, thereby to make himself the more disposed, capable and ready, to avoid and prevent his own, or at least to be the better prepared and armed to encounter it, the last being no less necessary than the first; because the first commonly tends to an unprofitable effect, and the last to sweeten and diminish a fall, which many times is (almost) infallibly subject to those whom Fortune hath advanced and perched aloft in Court. 2 Disgrace, or the diminishing of our Reputation towards our Prince, proceeds either from our own default, the malice of our Enemies, or Emulators, the malicious or inconstant Nature of our Prince, or from his death. 3 The behaviour and actions of Courtier●, are full of defects and imperfections; but those are more subject to them, who esteem themselves far advanced and elevated above others, and who have purchased and obtained not only this point, that none dare oppose or contradict them: but also through their Greatness and Authorities, to enforce those who frequent them, to approve the faults and errors they commit. 4 All Enterprises against the Estate, or Prince, are Just causes of his Indignation, against him whom he hath admitted and advanced into his favour: because it proceeds of jusidelitie and Ingratitude, and consequently is the truest motive which he can have to ruin him. 5 Wherefore he whom Fortune hath advanced, must take great care and heed, that he bring not his Prince into this conceit and belief of him, and to this effect to avoid the research and seeking of plurality of Offices and Honours, which may give him some shadow, jealousy, and suspicion hereof. 6 Sejanus is (by Ualeius Paterculus) represented and reported to be one of the wisest, and most judicious Courtiers of Tiberius his Court, and indeed it was requisite for him to be so, thereby to maintain himself and bear up his greatness and fortunes, near a Prince so subtle, and withal so umbragious as was Tiberius. 7 He was (faith he) always in action, but so as it seemed he was still in tranquillity and repose, doing all things without pain or constraint, glorying in nothing, but effecting and compassing all matters, esteeming himself little, and far inferior to the opinion conceived of him, seeming could, and stayed in his visage and countenance, but of a vigilant and watchful spirit, not given to sleep, but in the end his Ambition bore him to seek Livia (the widow of Drusus) in marriage, to the end that hereby entering into the line of the Cas●rs, this marriage might s●rue him as a ladder to mount to the designs he had against the Estate; and although he endeavoured to make the Emperor his Master consent thereunto, yet he might apparently perceive, that this his suit was suspected of him, as well by the delay he demanded to advise and consult thereof, as by the speeches he gave him to dissuade him from it: But all this notwithstanding he loosed not his ambition and envy to authorize himself by other means to effect and compass it. 8 For seeing that Tiberius disliked his residence in the City, he endeavoured and resolved to make him withdraw himself to the Island of Caprea; hoping by this means to diminish the jealousy, which his Master might conceive of the flocking and resort of the Great ones to him in Rome, as also of the E●u●e borne him, and thereby to increase his reputation and power; sith all affairs were to pass through his hands; and all Letters through those of the Guard, over whom he commanded, it being in his power to give or deny entrance to whom he pleased; whereby in short time, under pretext to ease and comfort the emperor's age and weakness; he usurping and taking the charge and superintendance of all the affairs of the Estate, purchased as it seemed a firm and powerful authority. 9 But having to deal with a wise and prudent Prince the event showed, that his designs were more dangerous than profitable for him, the circumstances whereof I hope will not be impertinent here to insert, to the end that our Courtiers may be better advised, and experienced in the conduction of their Fortunes, and Princes more discerning and discreet in the dispensation and distribution of their favours. 10 Tib●rius supported the Actions of Sejanus, until by his art and policy, he was assured of Agrippina, Nero, and Drusus, wherein he employed himself more earnestly and willingly, because thereby he assured Tiberius against the suspicions he conceived, and by the service which he performed him herein, thought he had engaged himself deeper in his favour; and chose, that thereby his power was, and would become more formidable, and his hopes to attain the Empire more certain, there remaining none of the Blood of the Caesars, but young children, who were so far from hindering his ambitious designs, as they rather served for bridges and planks to pass on to the Soveratgntie, and so to establish himself by seizing of their persons, and under the veil and cloak of their names, to continue the managing of all public affairs, until he had provided and settled his own private. 11 But as most commonly Ambition is indescreet, inconsiderate, and rash; so he considered not, that the nearer he was his mark, he thereby gave and administered the more cause of suspicion to an umbragious and diffident Prince, and that to maintain himself in his favour, he ought rather seek to diminish then increase his power, which he omitted: for wanting nothing but the Title of Emperor, which some of his adherents and Partisans already gave him, and the power and authority of Tribune. which the Emperors had united to themselves (to the end under the Title of this dignity to make themselves Sovereigns) he more and more of all sides and hands sought to augment and increase his power, the which in the end made him seared of all men and apparently and vehemently suspected of his Master. 12 Tiberius seeing that Sejanus had not onelic gained his Guards, but also his Praetorian Regiments and Cohorts, and a great number of the Senators and chiefest Families of Rome, some by gifts, others by hopes, and others through fear, and that his own Followers and domestic Servants reported to S●ian●s all that he either spoke, or did, and none dared return or relate him what Sejanus did or spoke: he resolved before he undertook any thing, severally to sound the affections of his Nobles and Courtiers, to the end he might thereby know both whom, and whom not to trust, in that he was speedily resolved to perform and execute. 13 And the better to finish his plot, fearing lest Sejanus should suspect it, he made him Consul, styling and terming him his Companion and Friend, in all his Letters which he wrote either to the people or Senate; which continuing a while, he feigned himself dangerously sick, to the end he might thereby know who rejoiced or sorrowed thereat, but chiefly to observe the countenance and hopes of Sejanus and his confederates. 14 So, sometimes he wrote from Caprea, that he was reasonable well recovered, and that shortly he would be at Rome; in some of his letters praising, and in others dispraising him; in others preferring and advancing some of his servants upon his letters of recommendation, and then disgracing and slighting others, that he might hold him betwixt Fear and Hope. 15 Thus the honour and favour wherein S●ianus saw himself, restraining him to attempt any thing, which with one blow might solely ruin and overthrow his affairs, hoping that in a very short time he should be able to dissipate and deface these trivial discontents, and yet notwithstanding those who more narrowly considered T●b●rius his diversity and inconstancy in his opinions, and who were not so fast linked to ●●a●us as to his Fortune, began by little and little to withdraw themselves from him, and some to make less esteem of him then before. 16 But Tiberius fearing that this contempt would make this ambitious spirit, resolve to set on foot, and give fire to his pernicious designs and enterprises, gave out in all places, that he would give Sejanus t●e authority of Tribune, to the end he might surprise him with more case and facility; and a little after writes to the Senat● to constitute him prisoner; the bearer of which letters was Macro, Captain of his Guard, who as soon as he came to Rom●, before day imparted this business of the Emperor's command to M●mius Regulu●, than Consul (the other Consul being a Partisan of S●ianus) and to Gr●cinus Laco Captain of the Watch, who coming in the morning to the Palace, to present Tiberius his letters, he met with Sei●nus, who greatly troubled, demanded him, if he had any letters for him from the Emperor, who the better to assure himself of him, very secretly whispers him in the ear, that he had brought him the power of ●●●●; whereat Sejanus rejoicing very cheerfully enters the Senate, and Macro gave the Praetorian soldiers (who had followed Seianu●) to understand the command which he had from Tiberius, to cause them to retire to their Camp, showing them the letters, wherein there was some sums of money promised them; and so in their steads placed the Companies of the Watch: which done, he enters the Senate, presenteth his Letters, and then instantly again withdrew himself before they were opened, when having commanded Laco to keep a strong and vigilant Watch, to prevent that S●ianus should not escape, or stir up sedition, he trips away to the Praetorian Camp, to make good, and contain them in their duties. 17 The Letters which Tiberius wrote to the Senate were very long, thereby to give leisure to Macro, to take order for the execution of all that was ordained; yea, they were artificially penned and composed; the beginning spoke not of Sejanus, but of many other affairs; then followed a light and brief complaint against him; then they went on to other business, and again followed another complaint against Sejanus; nevertheless (as the former) very short and brief, then among other matters Tiberi●s commanded them to punish two Senators, who were Sejanus his friends; and lastly, that they should seize his person, without speaking or mentioning his death, to the end to give him hope to acquit and purge himself of those complaints and accusations framed against him, which notwithstanding in outward appearance were trivial, and seemed to be of small consequence and importance. 18 The letters being read, many of those present, and who had accompanied Sejanus to the Senate, seeing no mention therein made of the Office of Tribune, began to rise, and to environ him of all sides, that he might not escape, the which it is credible he would without doubt have done, if the letters had spoken more severely, but observing nothing th●rin, which might give him cause of fear, he remained firm in his seat, from whence Memi●s Regulus having twice or thrice assomoned and called him, he rose up, not (as Dion writeth) that through pride he refused to do it at the first, but because till now he was not used and accustomed to obey, and so was followed by Laco, Captain of the Watch. 19 When Regulus likewise rising, being accompanied with the other Senator's and Magistrate's led him forth the Court, and so conducted him to prison, where he was condemned by the Sena●e to be thrown down a high Rock, or Precipice, commonly called the Gemonien Ladders. 20 Here ye see the fall of one of the expertest and powerfullest Courtiers of elder times, wherein we must not attribute or impute so much wisdom and conduction to the Emperor Tiberius, (who nevertheless showed herein much circumspection) as to his power, who alone without all or any of these forms and fashions might easily have ruind him. 21 Which the Emperor Commodus (by far less cunning than Tiberius) showed in the person of Perrennis, who took the same course that Sejanus did, & who having to deal with an idle Prince, might have promised himself a better issue of his treachery and conspiracy. 22 I know that in such attempts and enterprises, every one thinks himself more subtle than his companion, and that he hath a particular art to accomplish his designs; yea, many have conducted it to the very last point of execution, as did Boylas under Constantine Monomaque, Emperor of Constantinople, who had very fortunately managed and conducted his enterprise; yet he had not escaped the punishment, which the like undertakers had under-gone, had he not met with a more gracious and mild Prince, who easily remitted and pardoned his offences. 23 This Example shall suffice to inform us, that in such perfidious actions, that which is hid from men, God reveals, by means whereof we neither think nor doubt; and what cunning soever a subject seems to have against his Sovereign in the like designs or enterprises, he nevertheless runs a sharp and dangerous hazard, not only to ruin his Fortune▪ but many times himself. 24 This Boylas was a man whom truly this Prince could not suspect, not only because he had obliged him to him, in respect of the former friendship he bore him, but also because he had many defects in him, which made him incapable of Ambitious attempts and enterprises; for besides that he was of a base descent, he could not speak without stammering; yea, and so grossly, that he could very difficultly be understood; and because he saw, that the Prince his Master delighted to hear him speak so, he aided this his imperfection, and so from thence very foolishly affected and practised it. 25 Through which folly of his, he became so familiar with the Emperor, that neither the place where his Concubines were penned up, nor his own Closet were shut to him: But in fine, being enriched and made Senator by the Prince his Master▪ he advanced and lifted up his hopes higher, and so most ungratefully and treacherously undertook to murder him, and to seat himself in his throne: the which he first discovered to those whom he knew hated the Emperor, giving them great rewards and promises who approved and adhaered to his designs, and who engaged themselves to assist and aid him: and to those who disliked his project, he highly praised them; showing them that what he had proposed them, was but to try and sound their sidelities towards the Emperor, whom he would not fail to acquaint therewith, and likewise exhorted them to persevere in this their loyalty and duty. 26 So managing his business in this manner, he was along time undiscovered of either parties, and those of his faction assured themselves that his plot would take effect, which if one of his confederates had not revealed it and caused him to be watched and taken with the manner, having his sword ready in his hand to strike his Prince, he had indeed perpetrated and finished his treason, when being surprised and taken, the Emperor caused some of his adherents to be punished, and contented himself only to banish Boylas. I should be very prolixious, here to relate all the Examples of Great men who have suffered shipwreck at Court, not only for the like enterprises, but for jealousy and suspicion of conceiving the like: I will therefore at present content myself with those few I have already alleged. 27 And will conclude this point, that in what sort soever, a Courtier shows his Pride against his Prince, either in Ambition, Presumption, Reproaches, Ill-speeches, Superfluious pomp, or Extraordinary train; he assuredly runs an imminent danger and hazard, to ruin and overthrow, both his fortunes and himself. CHAP. XVI. 1 The tenth division of this Book, containing the causes of disgrace, near the Prince. 2 The first cause is of boasting, and reproaching, our services done; with Examples hereon. 3 4 The second cause is, to reprove or complain of the Prince his actions. 5 The third cause is, to reveal a●d abuse secrecy, and to desire to make known we govern the Prince; Example of Thurinus, a seller of smoke, under the Emperor Heliogabalus. 6 The fourth cause is, not to contend with Nobles, or Great men, either through Pride, or Vanity; example hereon of Plantianus 7 Example of Enguerrand of Marigny. 8 The fifth cause is to be an Instrument of Division among the Nobles, with an Example thereon. 1 PHilotas and Clitus overthrew themselves under Alexander, for boasting and reproaching their services; And Craterns was not so welcome, nor beheld with so gracious an eye, as formerly he had been, for not containing himself within the terms and bounds of a Generous Modesty. 2 It is recorded, that Sylius tuined himself in this manner under Tiborius, and that sulla's, General of King Aggrippas' troops (as reporteth josephus) for reproaching his Master, lost the fruit of all his former services. Antonius Primus likewise overthrew his Fortune and Reputation through the same Vanity. 3 For Princes believe that thereby we diminish some part of their happiness, which they hold is united to their persons, and not to the valour, sufficiency, or merit, of their subjects. 4 It is Indiscretion proceeding from Arrogancy, either to reprove the actions of our Prince, or to complain too boldly to him. Eumenes complaining to Alexander, that Heph●stion with his rabble of Fools and jesters, took up the houses that should be given to Soldiers, and speaking too freely herein, went near to have been disgraced and discarded. 5 Likewise to abuse the private will and inclination of a Prince, and to delight to show that we wholly order and dispose his affairs, still savoureth of Pride, although some do it through Vanity, and others through Covetousness: as Zoticus under that monster Heliogabalus; who yet had better fortune than Thurinus under Alexander (the son of Mammea) as a Sergeant reported who was present and assisted at his execution; His History is thus: He made all the Court believe that he governed his Master, vainly attributing all affairs which the Emperor undertook or enterprised to his own advice and counsel: and selling liberalities; yea, those in the pursuit and purchase whereof he had neither share nor interest. 6 But to come to that sort of Pride, which is aimed and leveled to Princes and great Nobles, who are subjects to Sovereigns, one of the most remarkable examples for Audacity, Vanity, and infidelity, is that of Plantianus, whose impudent boldness was so great, and with all so sottish, as he slighted and maligned Bassianus the Emp●rour his Master's son, who had raised him to that greatness wherein he lived; yea, such was his Vanity, that passing the City, not only none dared come near him; but also he sent some of his people before, to make those retire from the places and streets where he should pass, and withal defending, that none should be so bold to look him in the face. But in the end, this vainc blindness brought him to Infidelity, which made him conspire against the Emperor his Master; for which treason, he lost his life. 7 We likewise know what danger and disgrace Enguer●and of Marigny fell into, during his Greatness under his Master King Philip the fair, for contending and opposing himself against Charles of Uallois. 8 Neither must we make ourselves Instruments and Incendiaries to sow sedition, or set fire, betwixt Princes, who always agree at the proper cost and charge of those who made them Enemies; and among other examples, we read one in the History of Bavaria, of Otho Crondofer, the Favourite of Raoul, Count Palatine of Rhyne, who having stirred up contention betwixt his Master and the Lady his Mother; they afterwards agreeing, in recompense of his Villainy, caused his tongue to be torn off, and his eyes to be put out. CHAP. XXIII. 1 That we must not contend with those who are more favoured in Court then ourselves. 2 The Council of Germanicus to Aggripina hereon. 3 A Courtier must know in what degree of favour be is with his Prince. 4 The Courtier who is linked to the will of his Prince, is better beloved than he who is wedded to his Interest, Dignity, or Reputation, Example hereof in the quarrel of Craterus, and Hephestion, and the wisdom of Alexander i● reconciling them. 5 Considerations upon the degrees of favour, which the Courtier hath in his Prince. 6 Our contempt of Favourites is more revenged them towards the Prince. 7 The Reason of this consideration yielded by Dion the Historiographer. 1 But it is not enough for us not to contend or contest with Great Noble men, but we must also take heed, not to offer it to those who are more in Favour at Court then ourselves, neither to tax nor repine at their advancement. 2 It was the advice and Council which Germanicus (on his deathbed) gave Aggripina not to provoke those Great men who are in Credit and favour, the which she not following, occasioned the ruin of herself and children. 3 Wherefore it is most necessary for a Courtier to know in what degree of favour he is with his Prince in comparison of others, and not to judge so much of exterior shows as by the causes of their favour. 4 Craterus and Hephestion for a time seemed to be equally in Credit with Alexander, who termed Craterus the King's friend, and Hephestion, alexander's: wherein notwithstanding Craterus might well observe, that Princes most commonly are more subject to their wills and inclinations, than they are for that which is requisite for the Dignity of their Office and Greatness, that he likewise who affects his Dignity, if he be beloved of the Prince, is yet less beloved of him then he who doth affect, & wholly tie himself to his Person which more nearly concerneth the Prince than his Dignity, and if in the quarrel of Craterus & Hephestion, which divided all the Court; Alexander bore himself as a Neutre, reproving sharply both the one and the other, and equally threatening to punish them, if hereafter they continued their contentions: it was rather a point of his Wisdom and judgement to quench this quarrel, and the slames which this division would have enkindled if it had continued then any way a witness of his equal affection towards them: publicly reproving Hephestion to diminish the Enuse was conceived against him; and Craterus privately, to avoid that the greatest part of the Macydonians who were for him, might not be incensed and offended, which indeed is the true rule and order that Princes should observe in the like accidents. 5 But to come to the consideration of the degree of favour which we are in under our Prince in comparison of others: it is observed, it was one of the first faults which Anto●●ius Primus committed (whereof we have formerly spoken) to emulate and contest against Mucianus, without considering and observing that he was more in favour and reputation with Uespasian, and whom Tacitus reporteth, it was more dangerous to disdain and discontent, than V●spasian himself. 6 And it is a matter apparently known in all Courts: that contempt conceived against the Favourites of Princes, are commonly more revenged than those we offer the Prince himself: whereof Dion gives reason and instance speaking of Se●anu●. 7 For as those, saith he, who enjoy some Dignity through their ow●e virtues and merits, they do not curiously affect & hunt after those vain respects and ceremonies, which are commonly used and yielded in Court towards Great Personages: so those who hunt after honours to over▪ veil their low descent and condition, do very impatiently bear, and esteem it an in●urie offered them, wh●n that respect is not given them, which the rank of the Prince's favour towards them deserveth: From whence it follows that it is more difficult to entertain and maintain friendship with these, then with the Prince himself; who in pardoning injuries, may increase and augment his reputation; whereas these believe, that in doing the like, it will be reputed and attributed to be fear and weakness in them, and that there is no better means to demonstrate and settle their power, then to pursue and chastise those who forget themselves and their duties. CHAP. XXIV. 1 Pride in the execution of an Office is odious to a Prince, who often punisheth it; the Example of Alvaro de Luna bereon. 2 The sixth cause of a Courtier's disgrace, is the hatred of the Commons, and the envy of Great men against him. 3 The examples of unfortunate Favourites who have been put to death. 4 5 6 infidelity is the seventh cause of a Courtier's disgrace. 7 It is very difficult to know the secrets of a Prince. 8 The censure of Phillipides, on those who reveal their Prince's secrets. 9 The opinion of Hieron, Prince of Syracush hereon. 1 PRide is not only insupportable towards Great men: but also, it very often overthrows these who practise it towards those of a meaner rank and condition: Alvaro de Luna, bastard of Arragon was so highly beloved and favoured of john King of Arragon, that this King, out of his own free will and pleasure, stole out of the hands of his Grandoes, purposely to commit his Person and Affaires solely to him, in the managing and conduction whereof, he bore himself so imperiously and insolently, that he caused a Gentleman to be thrown out at window, who from the King spoke some thing to him which he distasted; in recompense whereof, the King afterwards caused him to be beheaded, and so chastised the pride of this Ambitious Prince. 2 Another cause of a Courtier's disgrace, is when through his lofty carriage, he incurs the hatred of the Commons, or of the Nobles, either against himself, or the Prince his M●ster; for then either his Master is resolved to be rid of him, or other Courtiers to ruin and overthrow him. 3 Commodus was constrained to put Cleander to death, who governed all his affairs under him, to appease the fury of the Citizens of Name, against whom Cleander had armed the Emperor's guard. 4 Eutropius the Favourite of Arcadius, being the cause of the revolt of Tribigildus, was by his Master abandoned to his enemy's, thereby to pacifice them. 5 Commodus being hated for excessively loving & affecting Aternus; the Emperor's chiefest servants resolved one night, when this young man was returning to his lodging to surprise and kill him, as they did. 6 Infidelity in bewraying the secrets of our Prince, and to be of intelligence with his enemies, is also one of the most just and infalliable causes of a Courtier's ruin: and yet o●e of the most common delicts and faults, that is committed aswell through Levity, Indiscretion, and Vanity, as through Treachery. 7 For the first, I say, that the greatest point of Wisdom in a Courtier, is not to insorme himself of his Prince's secrets, and not to intru●e himself, or to be too busy to understand them, except in presence of others; because if it happen we are alone when the Prince acquainteth us therewith, and that through discourse drawn from the Condition or Estate of affairs, there run a report which in many points come near it, presently the ●●●● will suspect ye to have revealed it, and to be the Author thereof; or it may also happen, that the Prince having disclosed the same matter to another; either, whether he remember it, or whether he esteem the other to be more secret than yourself, although he, I say, do reveal it, yet the Prince may suspect you to be guilty thereof rather then the other. 8 Phillipides (the Comic Poet) being more favoured and beloved of King Lyssimachu● then any of his Courtiers, being on a time demanded by the said King, whereof he was desirous to have any part, made this answer: Of any thing you please, so it be not of your secrets▪ showing thereby that he who may avoid it, should not intrust and charge himself with those things that are so difficult and dangerous to retain: neither to be no more curious to know and understand them from those to whom the Prince imparts them, then from the Prince himself. 9 Hieron, Prince of Syracuse, said; that those who revealed the secrets of Princes, did not only wrong the Prince, but all others to whom they revealed them: for the knowledge of their secrets, offending them, as much for the regard of the one, as the other: Princes most commonly hate them both alike. CHAP. XXV. 1 Intelligence with his Master's Enemies, is the vl cause os a Courtiers disgrace. 2 Example of Cardinal Balue hereon, his descent and advancement. 3 Example of Cardinal du Prat, & his subtiliy. 4 Example of a Cardinal of the Emperor frederick's 5 Another example of Stilico. 1 THe fortunes have been no more firm and secure of those who either through Covetousness, or Ambition (or to make friends of all sides) have had intelligence with their Master's Enemies, whether domestics or Strangers. 2 The Cardinal Balue (who of a Tailor's son, was by Lewes XI. of France made Thresorer; of thresorer, Bishop, and since obtained a Cardinal's Hat of Paul two, which was granted him partly at the King's request, and partly to gain and prevent him that he should perform no bad Offices to his Master as formerly he had done) was discovered to have intelligence with the King's enemies: for which delict and crime of his, the King caused him to be imprisoned in the Tower of Loches, where he remained twelve years, and had not been freed from thence, but at the instant request and mediation of Pope Sixtus IU. 3 Cardinal du Pra●st, for the like enterprises and conspiracies in the time of Francis the first of France, falling into disgrace, ran the same fortune, and had not been released, but that the King feared the Pope would be offended if he had died of a retention of Urine; whereof he made all his Physicians believe he was dangerously sick, and yet only occasioned by drinking of his own Urine, which he performed so closely, that none could perceive it. 4 Peter De Uignes, chief Councillor to the Emp. Frederick II. escaped not so cheap: for being suspected to have Intelligence with Pope Alexander III, his master's enemy: his eyes were pulled out. 5 The death of Stilico is attributed to be not only for the design he had to seize the Empire of the East for himself, the execution whereof was yet far distant; but also for the strict Intelligence, he had with Alaric King of the Goths, with whom he had made a shameful peace for the Emperor, contrary to the advice of all his Council, especially of Lampidius, who then told him, that this Treaty was not a Peace, but an Indenture of slavery and servitude, sith the Emperor was bound to pay Tribute to the Goths under the title of a Pension. CHAP. XXVI. 1 The ninth cause of a Courtier's disgrace is, when he is the Author of pernicious Counsel. 2 The Examples of Stilico, and Olympius. 3 The Court-favorite should rather council Peace th●n Wait. 4 Example's hereon, and the subtlety of jovius to engage his M●st●r ●● War, and yet ●o free himself from Envy. 1 A Courtier must likewise be very cautious and circumspect in being the Author of a Council, the issue whereof is doubtful and dangerous: for although it succeed according to his expectation, yet it shall be then attributed to the Prince; or if the contrary, than he that gave the counsel shall be taxed and condemned, and not only by the Commons, who judge of all matters according to their Events; but also, by the Prince, who will be very glad to cast and retort the the aspersion and Envy of evil counsel which he hath followed, on him who gave it him. 2 Before and after the death of Stilico, the Peace he by his own advice) made with Alaric was taxed and blamed, which gave occasion to Olympius (who was the Instrument employed by Honorius to make away Stilico) to resolve to oppose it; and having then all authority in affairs, he caused the Peace to be dissolved and broken, notwithstanding many reasonable conditions proposed and proffered by Alaric, engaging by this means his Master in a wa●re, whose issue not answering his expectation, it was a matter both easy and pleasing to the eunuchs near the Emperor to accuse him, as being the Author of all the miseries where with the Estate was afflicted, in such sort as he was enforced and constrained to abandon the Court, and to fly into Dalmatia. 3 It is a Masters, yea, a Prince his Prize, either to resolve on War. or to break a Peace, and that which his subordinate Minister should perform, is to dilate and propose him reasons Pro & Con, without making choice, or preferring either, and if he be constrained thereunto, without great necessity, or an evident pro●it to the contrary, that of Peace will be always the more sure, sith their dangers and inconveniences are still smaller, and of less number. 4 In which consideration jovius succeeding in power and favour to Olympius under the Emperor Honorius, although he desired the continuation of the war against Alaric, thereby to make himself necessary to his Master (the frequent subtlety of the greatest part which profess this Art) made show to desire peace; and so speaking face to face with Alaric at Rimini he sent Honorius the Articles proposed of either side, and by a private Letter advised him to declare Alaric General of his Armies, to the end that being flattered and deluded by this offer, he might cut off a great part of his other demands. Whereunto the Emperor answering, that he held it not fit to give this command either to Alaric or any of his; he only authorised jovius to grant him his demand of victuals and pensions for the Goths, as he should conceive and think fittest. jovius read this letter to Alaric, who grew so choleric to see the small esteem the Emperor made of him, and his Nation, that he absolutely broke the Peace; and Io●ius likewise seeming to be incensed hereat, returned towards the Emperor his Master, swearing that he would neither make contract nor any thing with Alaric, and caused all his followers to take the same oath, among whom he was the foremost; and so by this manner of proceeding, discharged himself of the taxation and and aspersion of this breach, both on his Master and on Alaric, obliging Aleric by the demand he made to have him General of the Emperor's forces, & by the same subtlety and invention, engaged his Master to continue the wars, which made him more necessary, and thereby exceedingly settled and confirmed him in his authority and favour. I should make this discourse swell far greater, if I would here undertake to produce all those, who by their own particular faults and errors, have been dejected and put off their Prince's favour, and when I should here produce them, yet we may find out many other faults that may occasion the same effects, which because they are infinite, we must leave to the judgement and discretion of Courtiers to beware thereof, and how they should wisely bear, and carefully conduct themselves herein to prevent and annoyed it. CHAP. XXVII. 1 The eighth division of this Book, containing a Courtier's disgrace, procured and occasioned three manner of ways, by our Enemies, Enuyers, or Emulators. 2 First, by absenting him whom we would disgrace, which is effected many waie●. 3 To avoid quarrels without pretext of an honourable Commission: Example on this Pretext. 4 To avoid Envy and jealousy; Example of Tiberius, who withdrew himself ●● Rhodes. 5 Or of ourselves by the command of ex Prince. 6 Or when we will withdraw one from an Office who is far off. 7 Examples hereon. 8 9 To cause him to be sent far off. thereby more easily to calumniate him in his absence. 10 Or to cause him to be made away in some enterprise: Example hereon. 11 Another Example hereon. 1 LEt us speak of a disgrace, or of the diminishing and eclipsing of our reputation procured us by our Enemies, Enviers or Emulators, who commonly practise one of these three means, either to cause us from Court, under colour to employ us other where, to make us suspected and odious to our Prince, or else to solicit and persuade our Prince to enforce us from Court, and so to discharge us of our attendance. 2 We may be absented the Court, either by diverse means, or to different ends: for some have caused this absence to be approved, and liked of, by proffering us an honourable Office far off, or by some occasion, wherein we desire to be employed, thereby to assist and serve our friends, as that which was managed by Styppiota under the Emperor Emanuel Comnenus, to put off and expel john Hagiotheodorita his Companion and Colleague, from the managing of affairs, who had therein more reputation and authority than himself: for there arising a difference between Michael P●lcologus and joseph Balsamon, Styppiota, advised and persuaded the Emperor to send Hagiotheodorita (Balsamons' Brother in Law) with a power to govern Peloponessus, and by this means to appease their differences: whereunto Hagiotheodorita willingly condescended, and the sooner, because he desired to ay do and assist his Brother Balsamon, without considering, that in his absence Styppiota would usurp all the authority of affairs, and that hereafter he would accustom and inure the Emperor to pass without Hagiotheodorita. 3 There are others, who because of great quarrels and contentions which hath been risen against them in Court, have under pretext of some Commission, taken occasion to absent themselves, as did Agrippa, Son in Law to Agustus, who withdrew himself into Asia, under colour to give order to the Emperor's affairs, but purposely to dissemble and conceal the quarrel he had with Marcellus. 4 Tiberius during the reign of Caius C●sar, who hated him, retired to Rhodes, making show that he took delight and pleasure in studying; and the better to cover his voluntary exile, at the instant suit of his Mother he was thereof made the Emperor's L●eui●na●t. 5 But when tho●e pretexts fail, then to induce him whom we would absent, to pursue and seeko some occasions of his own absence, we cause him to be commanded in the Prince's name, to employ himself in some place or of●i●●, wherein we have already informed the Pri●●e, that none can more worthily serve him then himself. 6 In the same manner we may fetch away one from any good place, or Office, wherein he is in author it i● a far off, by drawing him to Court, in p●●rswading and insinuating him, he will be ●●ry necessary and useful near the Prince. 7 And this subtlety was used and practised by one termed ●●dpeli●s to take away the Government of Pel●●on●ss●● from Ta●rion, by assuring and persuading him, he was very necessary to assist and be present with the King in his wars. 8 Dariu● under pretext, and by the advice of Megabyzus, commanded Histe●●s near him▪ yet not there to make use of him, but rather to place and settle him among the jonians, with whom he was in great esteem and reputation. 9 Arbetio under the Emperor Constantius, to the end he might with the more facility callumniate Sylanus (General of the Infantry) who was in great favour and reputation near the Emperor; prevailed so far, that he procured him the dignity and Office to command the Gauls, thereby to oppose the Barbarians, who pillaged and ransacked these Provinces; where remaining, Arbetio very cunningly found the means to make the Emperor jealous and suspicious of the greatness and authority which Sylanus had purchased in those parts; yea, and so greatly he caused him to be incensed and exasperated against him, that at last he resolved to ruin and overthrow him. 10 ●rsicinus, General of the Cavalry under the same Emperor, purposely to be kept far from the Court, was sent unto the frontiers of Persia, where being detained for the space of ten years, Sabinianus (a man of small valour, and less experience) was sent to succeed him in his place, and upon the news which came to Constantinople, that the Persians were preparing for Wars, Eusebius the Eunuch, and Chamberlain to Constantius, nevertheless commanded Ursicinus to stay there, although he had neither authority nor power given him: but the designs of Eusebius and other Courtiers, who had conspired his ruin, was, that if the Persians by reason of his stay, desisted and retired, then to attribute the honour to Sabinianus; and chose, if they continued their march and progress, to impute the fault which might happen to Vrsicinus, as in the end it fell out, who at the Eunuch's solicitation was degraded of all Martial Dignity, and so called home, and consigned to his house. 11 Before which time under the same Constantius, Ruffinus (Uncle to Gallus) and General of the Praetorian Cahorts, was sent to appease the tumult and mutiny of the Soldiers, in hope that he should never return, but there be slain; and Clyitus being after sent into the Pronince of Sogdeane, complained, that Alexander sent him thither to the same end and purpose. CHAP. XXVIII. 1 The second means which our Enemies practise to disgrace and make us odions & umbragious to our Prince, consisting of two ways. 2 To collumniate us, and considerations on Calumny. 3 That calumnies are very powerful in Princes conceits. 4 How calumnies are made resemble on the other. 5 The effects of Calumny. 6 Why calumniators take occasion to calumniate. 7 Example on this occasion. 8 Subtleties to throw one into Despair that is calumniated, and an Example thereof. 9 Another Example thereon. 10 Other subtleties to that effect, and Examples thereon. 11 12 Another Example of the subtlety of Calumny practised by Sejanus to ruin Aggripina. 13 The subtlety of calumniators, by persuading friends to callumniate their Masters. 14 Examples hereon. 15 THe second means which our Enemies practise to disgrace us, is to make us suspected and odlous to our Prince; and to this effect they use two ways, which in exterior appearance seem opposites, and yet produce one and the same effect, and these are Calumnies and Praises. 2 In Calumnies, there are two considerable points; the first is, if the matters be powerful enough to cause our Prince to change his affection towards us, and the second if they likewise are true. That which may either move, or change the affections of our Prince to us, must be in●ged and considered by his inclination and Humour, and also by the Condition and Estate of his affairs. 3 But the Calumnies which have formerly ruind great Courtiers or Nobles, are those which have thrown the Prince into dissidence or suspicion of some enterprise either upon his Person or Estate, or being informed and made believe of the small esteem, or rather contempt, which he whom he hath advanced into favour makes of him, or through his disbedience, or small regard to his commands, or insolent, or indiscreet speeches, orderiding and mocking his words and behaviour. 4 ●●d these Calumnies may seem true, either by the indiscreet words and actions, as well of those who are calumniated as of those who depend of them, as Servants, Friends or Kinstolkes: either by supposition of false letters, by their reputation who report it, or by the distrust and jealousy the Prince hath already conceived of those who are calumniated. 5 The behaviour and speeches which are interpreted against those who are calumniated, proceed from themselues, either voluntarily without enforcement, constraint or persuasion of others (of whom we have formerly spoken) or else Calumniated are provoked thereunto by the subtlety of their enemies, enviers & copettitors, who herein use as much art & subtlety, as their malice & the occasions caninuent▪ 6 Some have counselled; or caused him whom they would calumniate, to be counselled a thing, which under pretence that it might be beneficial & profitable for him, hath proved his ruin, by figuring & enterpreting it to his Prince, for a pernicious & dangerous design. 7 Bafilius, Emperor of Constantinople) loved a certain Friar, being a Magician, named Santabarinus, whom Leon his Son hated; the which the Friar perceiving, endeavoured to insinuate himself into the Prince his favour, thereby to make him believe, that he honoured and affected him, and prevailed with him so far, that at last he persuaded him to wear a Poniard when he rid on hunting with the Emperor his Father, thereby to defend himself if any one should assault him; whereunto this innocent and inconsiderate Prince consenting, the Friar failed not to callumniate him to his Father, advertising him, that his Son had a design to murder him, and that to this effect he secretly wore a Poniard whereof the Prince being found seized, he was committed close Prisoner, and had not the greatest Nobles and Courtters solicited and mediated for him, his Father had put him to death. 8 Aetius under Valentinian III. desirous to ruin Boniface, Earl (or Governor) of Africa, who was in great favour and reputation with the Emperor, accused him to Placidia (Valentinians Mother) that he had a design to become Sovereign and sole Lord of Africa, and therefore counselled her to call him home to Court, and at the same time gave advice and intelligence to Boniface (as if he had been his intimate friend) that he was accused to the Emperor, and that he should be very speedily sent for to Court, and that he should stand upon his guard, and refuse to come, except he meant to lose his head; which Caveat made him resolve not only to disobey the Empress her command, but also to withstand and oppose those who were sent against him, and likewise to call to his assistance Gontarius and Genserick the Son of Gondarick, King of the Uandales, being in spain, who by this means surprised Mau●it●nta; since when this treacherous plot being discovered, and for the greater trial and clearing thereof, the Combat being by Placidia granted betwixt Aetius and Boniface, Aetius being vanquished, was in recompense of his treachery for ever after banished the Court. 9 Samonas being in some credit and favour with Leon, the Son of Basilius (because he had discovered the conspiracy of another Basilius, being kinsman of the Empress Zo) resolved to disgrace and ruin Andronicus Ducas, who (with Himerius Logothete, went against the Agareens, or Sarrasins) conspired, that a friend of Andronicus should advertise him, that Himerius had commission from the Emperor to pull out his eyes (a punishment much practised in those times, to make great Noble men and Commanders both unprositable and unserviceable) and therefore that he should look to himself: which Anaronicus believing to be true, (although it were a mere imposture and feigned invention of Samonas to ruin him) fled from Himerius, and surprised a Castle, whereon ●amonas took occasion to accuse and callumniate him to the Emperor, and prevailed so far with him, that there was an Army sent against him, which for his safety constrained him to fly to the Saracins, the Emperor's enemies. 10 Arbetio having made Constantius suspect Sylanus, and fearing that if he came to Rome upon the Emperor's command, he would sufficiently justify himself, made the letters to be given to one Apodemius, who being in Gaul, in stead of presenting them to Sylanus began to publish and brute his Estate and affairs to be desperate, and out of all hope; thereby purposely to make him revolt, as indeed he did: whereby he verified and confirmed Arbetios' calumny, which could never have been done by those letters that were falsified by Dynamius, and others, whom Marcel●s nominateth. 11 S●ianus to ruin Agrippina, plotted, that underhand her friends should elevate and enlarge her Hopes that thereby she might be the more suspected of Tiberius; & to make her soar the higher in the air of her ambition, he caused Domitius Afer to accuse Claudia Pulchra her Cousin, to the end to provoke Agrippina to complain to Tiberius in her behalf; which she did, but in words so conformable to her lofty and arrogant humour, that they incensed and offended the Emperor. 12 Another time he advised this Lady not to eat any thing that her Father in Law sent her, because he meant to poison her; which she soon believing, refused to eat that which the Emperor proffered her, and thereby more extremely incensed and exasperated him. 13 Since when, the Emperor appointing guards over her and her children, the same Sejanus procured some to persuade her to escape and to fly into the Germane Armies over whom her husband Germani●us commanded, or else to have recourse, and recover the Statue of Augustus, and then to call the Senate & people to her assistance, & all this purposely to procure & hasten the ruin of this Princess. 16 And before this time to make Tiberius' mistrust and suspect, that she had a design against his person and Estate, he resolved to make Titius Sabinus (a Roman Knight) enter into some such, or the like discourse: now four Romans▪ who had already been Praetors, and who by the favour of Sejanus hoped shortly to be made Consul● (whose affection could not be purchased but by some wicked and vicious Art) undertook this business, and it was concluded among t●e that La●aris, who was most familiar with S●binus should be the chief instrument and conductor hereof, and the other three should serve for witnesses: La●aris meeting Sabinus, began to utter and let fly some speeches tending that way, than he praised her constancy, in that contrary to others, she had not forsaken Germanicus his house in his affliction, seeming to take great compassion of Agrippina, whereat after that Sabinus had shed many tears, Latiaris joining his complaints, accused the cruelty, ●ride and designs of Seian●s yea, & not excusing or aquiting ●●eri●s himself in such sort, that their discourse & conference c●posed of matters prohibited to be related, began to make these four more familiar one with another, and so Sabinus sometimes meeting with La●iaris, went with him to his house, and there very freely vented such secrets, as he had in his heart. 15 ●he foundation of this treacherous project so laid, these four consult in what manner this discourse may be by them understood, thereby to fra●e an accusation: to hide themselves behind a door or hangings, it was to be feared they either might be se●ne, or at unwares hea●d ma●e some noise, whereby they might be disclosed, or else that Sabinus might mistrust something, if they approached near a do●e, which made them resolve to place themselves in an upper planked room, and there to listen through the chinks and holes, to understand what they said, which concluded Lati●ris meeting ●abinus, and making show to tell him something he had of late discovered, led him to his house, and into the very appointed chamber, where making him repeat all that had passed between them, which was overheard by the witnesses who lay harkening above, Latiaris being the Accuser, so Sab●●●s was condemned, and Agrippina and her children committed to the Emperor's Guards. CHAP. XXIX. 1 To induce others to do evil, thereby to have cause to calumniat him, Example herein of Firmius Catus against Lybo, allied to the house of the Caesars. 2 To induce others to speak evil of our Prince, purposely to accuse him, example on this Induction. 3 A means to make accusations & calumnies seem true, by falsifying and counterfeiting of Letters, and the Remedy of th●s Calumny. 4 Domestic Servants gained ●o be false witnesses, to make a Calumny seem true. 5 Examples hereon. 6 7 1 FIrmius Catus (a Senator) desirous by the ruin of Lybo (allied to the house of the Caesars) to insinuate and advance himself into Tiberius his favour; persuaded this young man (who was more vain than wise) to inquire after Soothsaiers and Magicians, if he might not one day attain to the Empire; and upon these hopes he counselled him to be free and bountiful in his expenses, and to borrow great sums of money: making himself his companion in all his delights and pleasures, and causing him to perform boldly and publicly, all which might serve or tend to the accusation which he purposed to frame and contrive against him, and when he had gotten witnesses enough of his actions, behaviour, and speeches, then by means of Flaccus a Roman knight, he accused him to Tiberius. 2 Stippiota, who (as you have heard) knew very subtly how to estrange john Hagiotheodorita his companion, thereby solely to manage all affairs under Emanuel Comnenus, had not yet wit enough, to beware and prevent a surprise (like unto that which ruined Sejanus) whereof Cameterus Logothera disgraced him, accusing him to the Emperor as a disloyal fellow, and an Impostor, in betraying the affairs of Cieslye; and to make his Calumnies bear the greater appearance of truth, he caused the Emperor to hide himself in a certain place of his house, where he might understand all that was spoken in another Chamber, wherein Camaterus lead Styppiota; who speaking of the Sicilian affairs very licentiously and freely, gave the reynes to his tongue in the relation of many discourses, the hearing whereof, made the Emperor enter into distrust and suspicion of him, and Cameterus not content herewith, adding subtlety to subtlety, caused some false letters to be scattered among Stypp●ota his writings and papers, which being found and read in presence of the Emperor, served to convict him, and so he was condemned to lose both his eics. 3 This Example will invite and occasion us to pass on to a second means, which many have used to make scandals and calumnies seem true, by falsifying and counterfeiting letters: which although it may in the end be discovered, notwithstanding, it hath had that force and belief, that the very suspicion thereof hath altered and alienated the good affection of our Prince, and constrained the party suspected, being advertised of this change, softly to retire himself from affairs, and as either fearing worse, or else thinking to retire himself from Danger. hath at last resolved on some irrigular and extraordinary course, which hath not only given and administered new matter for his Calumniator to work on; but also, hath confirmed his old accusation, and so occasioned his disgrace, and consequently hastened his overthrow, as it happened to Syluanus, whereof we have made former mention. 4 False witnesses may likewise make an accusation seem true; especially, if it be a matter of crime, in the vindication and sifting, whereof it is the custom to fortify and assist it with I●se Masestatis, or Treason; but more ospecially we add belief to this accusation, when the witnesses be either our Retainers, or Domestic servants. 5 Eutropius resolving to ruin Timasius (an old Captain belonging to the Emperor Arcadius) who had purchased much credit and reputation, used means to gain one Barous who was a retainer and intimate familiar of Timasius, and by him caused him to be accused, to have a treacherous design and enterprise upon the Estate which was the sooner believed; because it could hardly be persuaded, that a man whom Timasius loved so intimatly, and withal had so obliged him, would have accused him if it had not been true. 6 Whereunto having joined some counterfeit Notes and remembrances; this honest man, and also his son, were consigned and banished to the Island of Oasis, from whence neither of them ever returned. 7 Tigillinus desirous to disgrace and overthrow C. Petronius, who was esteemed fitter than himself to serve Nero in his delights and pleasures, corrupted and seduced one of Petronius his servants, to accuse his Master, for being of intelligence with Scevin who had conspired against the Emperor, and thereby disgraced and ruined him. CHAP. XXX. 1 The confidence a Prince reposeth in a Courtier, makes his Calumny seem true, Example upon this trust and confidence. 2 The bad opinion a Prince conceives of the accused, makes the Calumny seem true, and is the sooner believed. 3 Examples hereof. 4 5 The subtlety of the Arbetio, herein to withdraw Vrsicinus from Court, and then to oblige him. 1 LIkewise, the Trust and Confidence a Prince reposeth in him who is the Author of an accusation; makes that he the sooner beleenes it, which Sejanus well knew, when endeavouring to possess jabia, (the Mother of Tiberius) of the bad affection, which Aggripina (the widow of Germanicus) bore her, he gained julius Posth●mius the Confident of Livia, and the Favourite of Mutilia Prisca, (a Powerful and wise woman) to manage the affections and judgement of this Princess. 2 But accusations and Calumnies are far easier believed, when they are directed against those of whom the Prince is already suspicious, whereof some have made use, not only to disgrace those whom they Calumniate, but also to insinuate and work themselves into the favour of their Prince. 3 Uitellius his Courtie●s, calumniated not Blasus, till at the declining of his fortune, and when the Prince began to enter into suspicion of him, which again seemed to bear more probability of Truth, because they had engaged and employed Uitelius his brother to be his accuser. 4 Grapius (Caesar's Freeman) held and reputed by Tacitus to be an old and subtle Cour●●e) accused & Calumniated Cornelius Scylla, whom Nero suspected and mistrusted, thereby to conserve himself in the Emperor's favour, and the like did Tigillinus against Plautus and Scylla. 5 Arbetio did the like in accusing Ursicinus (General of the Caual●ye) whom the Emperor Constantius suspected, because he was allied to Gallus; nevertheless, his accusation being not proved, Arbetius made show that he desired to save him, deferring the judgement to another deliberation, and so leaving it undecided, he with one stone gave three blows to his own advantage; for thereby he seemed to oblige Vrsicinus who might fear the incertainty and iniquity of a sentence (such as were many given in those days) than he drew away from the Court and the affairs thereof, a more capable and honester man than himself, whereat he chiefly aimed; and lastly in participating and seconding the Emperor's jealousy and suspicion conceived against Vrsicinus, he thereby made him believe that he very carefully watched for his conservation. CHAP. XXXI. 1 The Reports of matters pretended to be true, seem true. 2 Example of Tiberius upon his reports. 3 4 5 The means how to reproxe a Tyrant for his wickedness. 6 The Conclusion on Calumnies. 1 THe reports of pretended scandals or calumnies spoken by some one, seem to be as true, as when we tax a man for speaking ill of the Prince, in a matter, which is after found and proved to be true. 2. C●pio Crispinus resolving to accuse and calumniate Granius Marcellus, for speaking ill of Tiberius, made choice of the greatest and worst vices which were reprovable in the life of this Prince, and accused Granius to be the author and reporter thereof, which was so much the sooner believed, because every one knew the Emperor was subject to all these vices. 3 Which fashion was followed by the most part of other Calumniators, who (without punishment) under colour to calumniate others, reproved this Emperor for his imperfections and vices, who otherwise would have refused to have given ear to them. 4 Nevertheless hating reproaches, and loving Calumny, not to hear the first in Senate, and yet to content his cruelty by the last, he in the end resolved to retire from Rome, and to reside in the Island of Caprea. 5 The only way safely to reprove a Tyrant for his wickedness is to tax and accuse another for reporting it, as did they who would reprove Nero for murdering his mother, by accusing some other to be the author and perpetrater thereof; not so much to punish him whom they accused, as to terrify and defame the Tyrant himself. 6 These are the frequent and ordinary ways to practise Calumnies, besides which we must have a careful and vigilant eye, to other fallacies and subtleties, which the malice of our enemies may invent, according to the disposition of affairs, and the inclination of our Prince; and now pass we on, and proceed we to praises, wherewith commonly our enemies no less disgrace and endamage us. CHAP. XXXII. 1 The second subtlety which our enemies practise to make us odious to our Prince, is their praising of us, whereby they dissemble their hatred. 2 How some have used Praises, Examples hereon. 3 4 Advise for Courtiers, that Princes use to Praise and flatter him whom they will ruin. 5 Examples hereon. 6 That there are some who praise others, to the end the Prince may be jealous and suspicious of them. 7 A notable speech of julian upon this Hypocrisy. 8 Another Hypocrisy to praise one, thereby to dispraise another. 9 Another to praise the dead, thereby to s●ame the living, as did Augustus. 10 Another subtlety to reprove, and excuses practised likewise by Augustus. 11 ●●●● and pr●m●n●tions against these subtlety and Hipocrisies. 12 The ●hird means which our Enemies and Competitors, use to disgrace and banish us from Court, and consequently to ruin us, is through Power, and Force, and how it is practised. 13 Examples of this third means. 14 1 SOme have (to this end) used and practised Praises, thereby to cloak and dissemble their Hatred, Envy, on ●●●● from him whom they desi●●●● to deceive with more facility and ●●●e. 2 F●bi●s (publicly before all the world) praised M●nlius Ual●ns, thereby the better to cover the ill Offices which he secretly did him towards ●●●● Arhe●●o (saith Marcellin) termed ●●●● to be dourng●ous and valiant, at the very same time when he taxed and accused him to the Emperor. 3 Alp●●●●s King of Arago● hearing a follower of his commend and extol his Companion more than accustomed, told one of his Courtiers near him, that all those praises tended to disgrace and ruin him whom he so praised: as afterwards it had fallen out, if this king had not diverted and rejected the accusation, which at the end of six months was exhibited him, by him who ● before had praised him: and Mucianus resolving to ruin A●tonius Primus performed the like, praising and applauding him in open Senate, a little before he disgraced and disarmed him. 4 Likewise our Courtier must be advertised, that not only those of his rank and condition, but also Princes themselves do sometimes praise him whom they purpose and resolve to ruin. 5 When Tiberius would put Libo to death, he made him Praetor, and graced him extraordinarily, and many times had him to his own table, without either in word or countenance showing him to be any way discontented with him; and the like he did towards Setanus: Dominan was never so much to be feared, as when in exterior show he seemed to be pleasant: and Niceness reported, that the praises of Anaronicus were the beginning of his injuries; his liberality a sign of consiscation, and attainder; and his mirth the Herald and forerunner of death. 6 There are some who have used flatteries and praises to make the Prince suspect those so praised, as those who applauded and praised julius Agricola, before Domitian; whereunto Tacitus attributed a great part of his father in Law's disgrace. 7 The Emperor julian writing to Basilius, sai●, he had no greater nor more dangerous enemies than his Court-flatterers; and indeed, he (as saith Mam●rti● in his Panegeg●rick) had sensible experience thereof: and Polybius termed it a new fashion and degree of Calumne used in his time, only in Princes Courts, where Envy playeth with her eyes veiled, and Flattery with hers open. 8 There is another degree of Praises, whereof we may serve ourselves to disgrace a man, as, when we praise one thereby to dispraise another: Plutarch accused Herodotas of this malice, who in praising the Athenians in that they opposed the Persians, intended thereby rather to blame the Grecians, then to honour the Athenians. 9 And Seneca saith, that this wile and practice is common to Kings and Princes, who use to praise the actions of the dead, thereby to shame the living▪ as Augustus did the fidelitic of Maecenas and Agrippa, whereat he grieved, when the vices of his own Daughters where discovered him, thereby to reproach those near him, of the small care they had of his affairs, and reputation. 10 The same Augustus aswell practised excuses, as praises, to reproach and accuse that which he found amiss, as he did towards Tiberius. when he caused him to give him the authority of Tribune, for writing of him to the Senate in terms enough Honourable, he added many things which were to be accepted against, the which excusing, he thereby secretly seem d to reproach him. 11 Whereby we may learn how to endeavour to know, aswell the interior of those who praise us, or make show to excuse us, as of those who scandalise and calumniate us. 12 The last means which our Enemies employ to disgrace us, is Power and Force. which is chiefly practised, when matters are disposed either to a popular revolt, or to a seditious mutiny of soldiers, for the discontent they may receive, either of our advancement, or behaviour. 13 The Eruptions and Emotions are well known, and notorious, which happened in Paris in the Reign of King john. during his imprisonment in England, and the Regency of his son, wherein many of the chiefest who managed the Estate, ran many eminent dangers to be ruined and overthrown. 14 And not many years since, the seditions of the ●anisaries, have with violence drawn out of the Turkish Emperors hands, their greatest Favourites and Courtiers: Stilico desirous to be rid of Ruffinus, who governed all matters under Arcadius, under pretext and colour to reinforce the Army, sent Gaines with some troops to it, with a secret command, that when R●ffinus accompanying. Arcadius should present himself before his troops, that then the soldiers at a certain signal, should surprise him and cut him in p●eces, which they did; Now a little while after, ●●●● being possessed of Ruf●inus place, and discontenting many of Arcadius' Noble. and chiefest Courtiers: Gai●es than caused Tri●igildus to revolt, who with his troops peeled and sackd Asia, until at the price and ransom of Eutropius head, the agreement by the mediation of Gaines was made with the Emperor, who purposely stayed at Court the better to act this Tragedy; and since that time the same Gains openly revolting, and joining with Tribigildu to make his capitulation and agreement with A●cadius, demanded that Aurelian S●t●●ni●, and Io●n, who then chiefly managed and governed his affairs, should be delivered into his hands to use them at his discretion, which was performed, and so contented himself to have them banished after he had made them feel the point of his sword. CHAP. XXXIII. 1 Of the disgrace of Courtiers, which proceeds from the evil inclination of the Prince, the ninth division of the second Book: Seneca a judicious Courtier. 2 An envious and suspicious Prince, is cause that oftentimes he is ill served, and how it comes to pass. 3 Examples of some Courtiers hereon. 4 5 The Authors judgement on this proceeding. 6 The means how to free ourselves from the jealousy of our Prince. 7 Examples hereon. 8 Envy and jealousy, is a sickness common to most Princes: but for less cause to one then to another. 9 Examples of such jealousy. 10 How Courtiers should bear themselves towards Princes of this Nature and Condition. 1 SOmetimes the evil inclinations of a Prince make the fortunes and prosperity of his Servants the shorter and less permenant: especially is he be Light; Inconstant, Vain, Suspicious, Envious, Covetous, Cruel, or Fearful; which imperfections most commonly surpasle the Art and Wisdom, that a man can invent to support and maintain himself in favour: seneca, who although in some matters free enough of his speeches towards his Master, was nevertheless reputed and held, a wise Courtier, & a judicious Counsellor: but the perverse and vicious nature of his Pupil Nero. exceeded, and surpassed the vivacity of his Art and judgement, and who could not prevent, but that his Eloquence and W●al●●, were maligned and envied at, and whereby through the pernicious speeches of his Enemies, he was constrained to lose first his authority and reputation, and then his life. 2 Many Courtiers have so much apprehended and feared the distrust and Envy of their Prince against them, that they have sought rather to diminish their own reputation, to the prejudice of their Master's service, then to increase it by doing well, for fear of ruining their fortunes, and hazarding their lives. 3 Ventid us fearing the ●nuie of Antonius, under whose authority he waged war, contented himself to have enforced the Parthtans in three battles he gave them, to retire as far as Media and Mesopotamia, without chase them farther, although it was in his power and pleasure to do it. 4 Ag●thias said that B-lisarius under ●ustin, performed the like, contenting himself to chase his enemies, without pursuing them far, for fear that increasing the reputation of his exploits, the malice of the chiefest Courtiers would stir up and incite that of the Prince, which might have increased, and grown the more dangerous, through the public applause and rejoicings of the Commons. 5 Which indeed is to betray both his own Honour, and his Master: but this fault ought rather be imputed to the Master, than the Servant: for which respect Mecanas counselled Augustus not to impute the ill success of his affairs to his public Ministers, nor yet to envy in them the good, to the end that without fear they might cheerfully employ themselves in his service: for many of those (quoth he) who have the managing of affairs, fearing to throw the Prince their Master into jealousy or suspicion of them, have oftentimes rather chosen to do ill, then good service; thereby preferring the security they find in the first, before the reputation which they might have purchased by the last. 6 Nevertheless, I more approve their proceeding, who to free themselves from the controversy of a great, or famous exploit, have left and conferred all the honour to their Prince, whether present or absent. 7 Agrippa (Nephew to Augustus) caused and counselled others to undertake dangerous exploits and enterprises, but to leave the happy issue thereof to the Prince: so did Ioa● (as Iosep●●●● reporteth) at the siege of Ra●a●lia who deferred the taking thereof till the King's arrival to the Army: so did Crat●rus in the behalf of his Master Alexander, who attended and waited his coming to receive Arte●●nas capitulation; and Agricola attributed to his Captains all the good fortune of his exploits. 8 This Envy or jealousy (for in this respect both the one and the other produce one and the same effect) is a sickness subject and incident to all Princes; yea, and the most generous and valorous (as Philip and his son Alexander) have been pestered and afflicted therewith ●ut there are some who rush & run hereunto upon less & smaller occasion than others. 9 The Emperor Theodosius II. having given to one Cyru● the conduction and super-intendancy in the building of a Wall of the City of Constantinople, from one Sea to the other the ended it in threescore days; which brevity and beauty performed in this work ●●●●●●●● the people, that he passing the Streets, they cried with many loud acclamations, Constatine built this City, & C●rus hath renewed him: which the Emperor understanding, he presently disgraced him, and forced him to turn Friar; and this was the recompense he had for so speedily executing that which was commanded him. 10 With Princes of this nature there is more difficulty how to behave o●r selves, then if they were more considerate, firm and constant in their judgements, and permit themselves to be less carried away with their fears and imaginations. Wherefore our Courtier must strive with his best Art and Ingenuity, to know and penetrate into his Prince's motions and passions, thereby if possible he can) toward and defend himself against them, or if he cannot, he shall at least have this comfort and consolation to have forgotten nothing which Courtship could afford, or Dexterity invent. CHAP. XXXIV. 1 The last cause of a Courtier's dis-favor or fall who was great in Court, is the death of his Prince. 2 The Prince who succeeds to the Estate many times sooner advanceth his own servants, than those of his Predecessor. 3 A Courtier is continued in favour after his Prince his death, either by making himself fit for affairs, or in obliging his successor by some especial action, or agreeable service: Example hereon. 5 Good advice and council upon these considerations, thereby to avoids the Prince his ill will: That Humility is necessary to maintain great men in their greatness. 6 We must with a vigilant eye observe the praises given us. 7 The common foundations of Calumnies, and how to remedy them. 8 How to reform those defects whereof we are taxed and accused, whether it be in discreet speeches, or by clearing & interpreting that which may be ill taken. 9 Not to absent ourselves from him, who we fear will scandalise us. 10 To make friends in Court, to defend us against all Calumnies and false reports, that in Court every one seeks to depress or duck his fellow. 1 WE repute him happy in Courtfavor whose authority and reputation suruines the Prince who advanced him, & is continued him by his Successor, a thing indeed very rare, it often falling out, that those who are advanced to this degree, may, whilst they enjoy the same, in some occurrences contest or oppose the presumptive heir of the Prince, who is sometimes suspected of him that reigneth so as instead of being beloved, he is often hated of him. 2 And if this happen not he who succeeds to the Estate having many servants, whose capacity and affection are known to him: either he resolves rather to advance them, than those whom his Predecessor hath favoured, or else his own servants study how to disgrace them, that thereby they may enjoy their places and Offices. 3 And yet there are some who have subsisted and maintained themselves in their places and favours, being aided and friended herein, either by the event and disposition of affairs, wherein their service is held profitable; or in gaining the Successors favour by some agreeable service, in adoring (as we say) the Sunrising. 4 Macro neither respected, nor spared his own wife, thereby to gain Caligula● favour, to whom as it is said, he performed this acceptable service, purposely to hasten the death of Tiberius: and Arbetio became so officious and necessary, that the Emperor julian knowing him to be a factious and turbulent fellow, and who indeed loved him not, continued him in reputation and authority, and since was again called by Valentinian to oppose Procopius. 5 By the consideration of all those examples, it will be easy for us to recollect a part of that which we should avoid, to the end we all not into disgrace with our Prince: but the wholsomest council which I can give to a Courtier that is in reputation and authority, is, that he stoop as low as he can to his Master, measuring that which he ought do, more by the condition of his Prince whom he serves, then of his own fortune that he perform nothing through ostentation, but through obedience, and as accustomed, and still delighting to eschew ●nuie. There being many great men, who for this consideration have made show to addict themselves to mirth and good fellowship, and others at studying thereby to make it appear, that they were far from thinking of any matter of Estate; and so did Domitian and Galb● for a time, to idleness in the Reign of Nero: likewise if they perform any action of remark or fame, they should still give the honour thereof to the Prince their Master. 6 But above all (without being lulled a sleep with praises and exterior shows) we must still have our eyes fixed upon our Enemies, Enviers and Competitors, thereby to divert their calumnies and subtleties, whether towards the Prince, or others, who may offend or disgrace us. 7 calumnies are commonly grounded either upon some defect pretended to be in us, upon some word ill placed and spoken, OF purposely to offend, or for some error and fault, we have committed against another. 8 The defect presupposde in us, must be either repaired, or excused by us, or supplied by some other benefit and remedy; & aswell in our words, actions and behaviour, we must be so cautious and circumspect, that we neither do, nor speak, any thing that may be differently interpreted by the hearers, whose intents we should first sift and sound, before we disclose either our secrets, or selves to them; and whereas some words for want of heed hath escaped us, we must endeavour by some office or discourse pertinently framed to the contrary, that our intent was good towards him, who could be offended thereat. 9 We must also not absent or estrange us (but the least we can or may) from him by whom we fear to be taxed and calumniated: for besides that, Absence and Time deminisheth the heat of affection which a man may bear us, we thereby likewise give him time to frame and imprint a Calumny, the truth whereof we cannot so soon find out, vindicate, and clear; and finding nothing to the contrary, men are as it were, enforced to believe it; or if they believe it not, their opinions and conceits will be equally affected and divided, and yet both will agree to rest doubtful, especially when the Calumniator vehemently affirms and assures it, what disposition soever he have to the contrary; and if it arrive to the understanding of the Prince, to whom by flatterers, reports are secretly and insensibly carried, then is suspicion and distrust engendered, which hindereth him any farther to inquire out the truth thereof from whence it comes, that it degenerates into strangeness, and after into enmity and hatred. 10 He then who is absent, must chiefly and necessarily be provided of one (or rather of more who may perform him the office of a true friend, to defend him against all false & scandalous reports, and to make choice of such as are of reputation, and may have admittance into those places, where they may assist their friend in this degree of charity. A thing I confess very difficult and rare to be found in Court where every one rejoiceth (as we have said) to depress or duck his Companion, or to see or hear him to be ducked or depressed. Nevertheless, sometimes we may meet some Courtier, who either out of the obligation he owes us, or out of the desire he hath to oblige us, or through Envy or Malice that he bears our Calumniator, may perform us this duty. CHAP. XXXV. 1 To fly Pride and Ostentation, for fear lest our Prince grow ie●lo●s of us. 2 Example of Cardinal Spinosa for his Ostentation. 3 The Courtier must not defer to rule and moderate himself upon the declining of his Greatness, but chose to begin in time to conform himself to modesty Examples of those who have done the contrary. 4 5 A Courtier must make as many friends as he can, and why. 6 Consideration on this point. 1 I Have formerly said, that a Courtier must do nothing through ostentation the which I again repeat; not only to avoid the Envy of our fellows, but also that our Prince grow not jealous of us. 2 It is recorded in Spain, that one of the means whereby the Courtiers of King Philip II. made use to disgrace the Cardinal Spinosa, was in generally following, observing, and attending him; showing thereby, that they depended of him: yea, they were so officious and obsequious herein, that the Kings own domestic servants did nothing but that which he commanded; which the King perceiving and understanding, he commanded and estranged him from Court, and by this subtlety within the space of two years his favour and fortunes were ruined. 3 From whence a Courtier may learn how to have his train composed of few, and according to the quality wherein the Prince is pleased he shall continue, and bear himself; yea, or rather below it, for he must not at the ebb of his fortunes attempt to diminish his train. It availed not Senoca after he had lost Nero's favour, to retire himself to his house, under colour to follow his studies, or to feign himself sickly, and to cause his doors to be shut up against those, who were wont to flock thither, as to the Court; neither did it steed Agricola under Domitian, not to go abroad but at night, and then to be followed but by few. 4 Wherefore our Courtier must in time compose and fashion himself to modesty. 5 Nevertheless, he who is in reputation and credit at Court, must not omit to purchase many friends, and to oblige and bind as many as he can to him; not through vanity to be well followed, but to the end that his fall be the less and more silent, and that he may find those who will receive and entertain him. 6 For although it be very difficult to make friends at Court, who will assist you in your disgrace; nevertheless, in so great a number we may chance find out some one, who, if it be not for the consideration of Friendship, at least fo● his own proper interest, in requital of the access he hath had to you, and the hope which he might have had, to have reaped some benefit and profit by you, who will lament and pity your misfortune, and so both endeavour and enforce himself to assist you. CHAP. XXXVI. 1 The Courtier who is beloved and favoured of the Prince, must be discreet in the demands and requests he makes him for others, and the reason thereof. 2 The quality and nature of his demands and requests he makes to the Prince. 3 Not to boast, or vaunt of his Reputation. 4 How to bear himself in the execution of his Prince's commands. 5 A Courtier must refuse no Command or Commission from the Prince: how Princes measure and esteem the Greatness of their commands. 6 A Courtier must still be near his Prince, for fear to be surprised. 7 How he must bear himself towards those who are discontented. 8 To speak soberly and modestly of the Prince and his Servants. 9 Advice not to break, or contest with the Prince. 1 But as it is most profitable for the diminishing and sweetening of our disgrace, in having obliged many, whilst the Sun shine of our Prince his favour lasted, by mediating and soliciting for them: so I will advise our Courtier to bear himself discreetly herein: for the greatest part of that which our Prince grants us for others, he puts it to our own account, wherefore let us reserve those favours for our s●lues, and not intercede and solicit for others, but very rarely, & upon good ground; yea, and in those suits and matters which the Prince already understandeth, to the end we be not answerable for other men's faults. 2 We must also be careful, that the requests we make to our Prince be just, fitting to the ●ime, and commonly granted, and if it may be correspondent to his Honour, Profit, or Pleasure, so if he grant our requests, we must make great esteem thereof; and if he refuse us, we must yet endeavour by all sorts of demonstrations to make him believe we are not displeased or discontented thereat. 3 Notwithstanding, we must not boast or make show to others, in what reputation and favour we are with the Prince, much less vaunt as some have done, that we rule and govern him; ●ith Princes still desire to make it appear to the world, that what they do, is of themselves, without the aid or a sistance of others, much less of any of their subjects, and commonly such boasters fell wind and smoke at a cheap rate. 4 If our Prince command us any thing, or give us any Commission, if possible we can, we must cause it to be put in writing with all its circumstances; yea, we must remove all the difficulties which we foresee may fa●l out in the execution thereof; and if it be a matter not subject to the pen, or a thing secretly commanded us, let us then relate and repeat it often to the Prince, thereby the better to conceive his intents, that by this repetition he may hereafter more perfectly remember what he hath commanded us 5 We must not refuse any Commission or Command from our Prince, though never so small; for sometime a small beginning to a great and eminent fortune; and Princes judge the greatness of their Commands, not by the importance thereof, but by their own proper greatness; and hold themselves as much wronged in the denial of their small commands, as in the refusal of those of greater weight and consequence, and which nearer concern them. 6 Being near and resident with our Prince, we must be still watchful, and in guard, that none surprise us: we must narrowly foresee such affairs as we may be employed in, and prepare ourselves for those which are already a foot and in question: we must speak little and only of that which we well know, we must be attentive when the Prince speaks, and make it appear to him that we think on nothing else; and we must not show ourselves either sad, sorrowful, or pensive, lest he interpret it to contempt and discontent in us. 7 If any Mal-content come to us to bewray us his secrets, and to reveal us his heart, we may for once hear him, and seem to have a feeling of his disgrace, and so encourage him to hope for better; yea, we must diminish and extenuate the wrong which he pretendeth is offered him, and so excuse our Prince, exhorting him to be silent herein, and to brook it patiently: but especially and above all, let us take heed what offers we make these sort of people: for many purposely feign to be malcontent, as desirous to draw from us some speech or demonstration of our bad inclination and affection to our Prince, thereby to ruin us; or if they are malcontent, commonly passion so transsports them, as they cannot conceal that which is delivered and told them. 8 Great men and Courtiers must also command their servants and retainers to speak modestly and soberly, both of our Prince, and of those who are near him: for it many times falls out, that the Master is accused for the servant's speeches. 9 But the chiefest point of wisdom in a Courtier, is by degrees to foresee the disrespect and coldness of the Prince's affection towards him, and so very softly to unrip but not to rend our Fortune, to the end that our Prince reconsidering hereof, we may always have a gap and back door open to reenter into his favour, and yet without any way making the least shadow or show, either to be discontented or offended with him, or that we have once conceived or suspected the declination of his grace and favour from us. CHAP. XXXVII. 1 Advice upon the continuance of a Courtier's advancement and reputation being the thirteenth division of this second book. 2 From whence proceeds the favour of our Prince towards us, and of the causes that induce a Prince to lo●e a Courtier. 3 That favour l●st●th not long which only proceeds from the Grace and comeliness of our Person. 4 Of the conformity of Humours in the Prince and his Favourites, that the privileges and advantages which a Favourite enjoys hereby, should cause him to make good use of his time, and so to settle his fortune thereby. 1 But, to the end that a Courtier may judge of the continuance and subsistence of his prosperity, besides that which he may conjecture by the inclination of his Prince, and by the favour which his friends or enemies may have near him, he must also consider the cause why his Prince affecteth him, for that once failing, or finding the like or a more powerful in another, without doubt his affection and favour will then diminish towards us if not absolutely dissolve. 2 There are many favours, whose causes are difficultly found out and known, and many will be much perplexed and graveled to know the reason of their own happiness and good Fortune: notwithstanding, to speak as it commonly falls out, the favour and affection of Princes proceeds either of a conformity of humours, grace, or comeliness, which delight and please them, from the obligations of their Favourites services; or because they know those whom they will favour, to be fit Instruments to second their wills and commands; or else that they are endued with some rare Capacity or perfections beyond the vulgar. 3 The favour which proceeds from personal grace and comeliness, although it seem to be doubly united; yet, it is that which is soon dissolved and dissipated there being nothing so inconstant as men's humours, which not only change (as we have formerly said) through age, but also by some small occasion or accident which may arise, whereunto we may add that it is impossible for two so to correspond or be conformable in humours, that either of the one or other, there be not some particularity which makes them different, and which being provoked or contested, doth futurely more estrange and separate them then they were formerly strictly united. 4 Notwithstanding, I affirm that where this conformity is most found, that there, in the Prince it produceth more effects of his favour then any other cause; but he who is advanced in the favour of his Prince, must providently manage and husband his time, thereby to make the best use thereof that he can; and as if he already foresaw the approaching tempest, he must hasten his pace to recover a place of safety and shelter. CHAP. XXXVIII. 1 Of the favour of Princes towards Women. 2 How they bear themselves to subsist in reputation near the Prince. 3 Example of Poppaea towards Nero. 4 The affection of some Princes hath been retained, more through subtleties for fear of being wronged and defamed by women, then by enjoying them. 5 The favour which proceeds of Pleasures and services done us, is not of long continuance and why. 6 7 A Prince is angry if we believe he is indebted to a subject for any great or singular service, and therefore refuseth to see him; considerations hereon; and that Princes are many times forgetful in rewarding their servants. 8 Considerations hereon, it is better for us to be obliged to our Prince then ●e to us. 9 Of the favour of those who second the inclinations of the Prince; and considerations on his inclinations. 1 Such favours towards women, are by so much the more violent, in that the pleasure of a Prince, and the fury of his desires do inwardly entermixe and combine. 2 But if the ill behaviour and conduction, that is commonly in such women, do not disgrace them; satiety, or a more pleasing beauty than themselves will assuredly perform it: wherefore those women who are Ambitious, to maintain themselves in the favour of a Prince do still endeavour to withdraw themselves from all other companies, and to divert them from the sight of purer beauties, which may make them change their affection, others have used dissembling, and practised feigned refusals, and some more bold and impudent, knowing that they are as it were linked and tied to them, have rebuked and checked them. 3 It was an artificial trick which Poppaea used towards Nero, after she had alured him to love her, when she feigned to retire and live with her husband Otho; to whom she said, she was engaged and bound, aswell for marriage, as merit, and preferred him before N●ro; who (quoth she) forgot and debased himself so much as to use and entertain poor Chambermaids. And again, after thus, N●ro deferred to put away Octavia, for fear lest Agrippina should distaste it, and in mocking him, should call him Pupil, which was, not only, not to be Emperor, but also, not to be a freeman. 4 Of this humour there are many Princes, who by such like subtleties and fetches, are rather won and retained, then by dalliance and facility in enjoying that which they desire and seek; all which, notwithstanding their vain conceit of pleasure, and chiefly their inconstancy and levity, many times carries them away to others. 5 The favour which proceeds from good Offices and services already performed to our Prince, should seem to be more lasting and durable than any other, as being purchased by the best title: and again, which may stir up many others to be zealous in his service. 6 But chose, we see none of less continuance, and it falls out very often, that great services which cannot be rewarded, or recompensed, do rather purchase us contempt then favour from our Prince. 7 It is the custom of Princes to desire to be discharged of all debts: for this burden is still irksome and troublesome to them: but it more sensibly angers them, when they believe they are indebted to one of their subjects, for some special or singular service done them; yea, they then apprehend to see them, thinking that their meeting will reproach them of shame and ingratitude; and commonly there are none so hindered, (and I speak with grief) so unfortunate, as these sort of servants: for respecting their honour, they will not as soon as they have done the Prince service, expect to be rewarded, for fear they should be held, rather to sell their service, then to perform it liberally and freely: whereas chose, the most part of Princes are forgetful and careless to recompense these their Servants, and although some acknowledge they ought to do it, yet they defer it to other times and occasions, that thereby these services may wax old in the memories of those who are witnesses thereof, and so by little and little, at last absolutely forget them. 8 Which occasioneth some to strike whiles the Iron is hot, and foreseeing that they must be necessarily employed in a business, willing to take advantage, and to husband this occasion, they before they were sought unto, have received and drawn some profit and benefit from the Prince. The Hope of a Servant being more powerful in Princes then the fruit of a service received; and many are of opinion (as I lately noted) that it were better for us to be bound to our Prince, than our Prince to us: the Prince always regarding those with a more gracious eye whom he hath obliged as believing they have more cause to affect him then those to whom he hath done small or no good, and that they having deserved a reward and not received it: he knows they have small cause to affect him, and this indeed, saith Philip De Commines▪ was the opinion of Lewes XI. 9 The favour of those likewise who second the Prince in his inclinations and passions, should seem to last and continue long, as commonly it doth; at least, as long as the Prince possesseth and retains the same passions; but as he falls from one Passion to another, so he changeth his Instruments and Favourites: and sometimes turning himself towards the duty of his charge, he begins to distaste the passions which oppose it, and so hates and maligns those who have served him. 10 Nevertheless, as Passions are more durable one then another, so those who serve him, continue longer in favour one than another, according to the Passion which they observe and subject themselves to. CHAP. XXXIX. 1 Of the exorbitant pleasures of Princes, and of three sorts of excess whereinto they run. 2 The first is Love, and of those who serve them in their loves. 3 The second is cruelty. The Envy of Cruelties returned and thrown on his head who caused them to be executed, Example of Caesar Borgia. 4 Considerations on this Example, and that those who make themselves the instruments and actors of Princes cruelties, do it not long, because they are quickly ruined. 5 Example of Nero. 6 Of the Covetousness of a Prince, and the effects thereof, the favour of those who serve and second Princes in this excess, is durable, provided that they moderate their carriage and actions, and not excessibly enrich themselves. 7 Consideration upon the carriage and demeanour of such servants. 8 Examples drawn from our France, as of Peter de la Berche, in the ●i●● of Philippe the fair, of Enguerrand de Marigny, Mons. de Gyac, and others. 9 10 The Author his advice upon such Servants and Courtiers, and how our Courtier must bear hi●se●fe, that he serve not unprofitably in his charge and place, but rather in great honour and reputation. 1 I Will not here speak of many pleasures, whereunto Princes are often subject and addicted, because they very seldom serve for a firm foundation, whereon to erect and build a great Fortune; only I will mention those three excesses, whereunto they often permit themselves to be transported and carried away; as, Love, Cruelty, Covetousness. 2 As for Love, the more violent, the less permanent it is, and although this passion may surprise a Prince, yet it continues not long in one and the same object: Nevertheless, many Courtiers have built the foundation of their favour with their Prince hereon; yea, so far as to prostitute their own wives: So did Otho, and yet he fedged not well with Nero; for that was the proper and efficient cause, that he was estranged by him thereby to free himself from his jealousy. 3 Others have believed that they may oblige their Prince, to maintain them in his Grace and Favour, in making themselves companions, witnesses and Actors of a thousand vices and impudicities, as did Tig●l●nus without considering that the Prince is always enough powerful to defend himself from the Hatred and Envy which such actions may stir up and procure him in abandoning and sacrificing them to the Commonweal, which in this cause may be practised, as well as Caesar Borgia made use thereof to free himself from the Cruelty which he had caused Remiro de Orco to commit, whom he put to death, and so relected all those faults and crimes on him. 4 But what is one Example to teach us that the favours of those who make themselves the Instruments and Executioners of Princes cruelties, are not only of short continuance; but also shortly cause the ruin of those who practice and profess it: For not only those cruelties represent themselves to the eyes and remembrance of the Prince, but he also entereth into jealousy and distrust of him who so voluntarily became the executioner thereof. 5 N●r although confirmed and obdurated in cruelty, made good and approved the same; for when Anicetus by his command had ●ill'd his mother, he very shortly after would no more see him, because his presence still reproached him of the Parra●yd he had caused him commit. 6 Cou●tousness lasteth longer, for neither Age, nor diversity of Objects can change it, as it doth love: chose, it grows with the Age of our Prince, and although it be as odious to the people as Cruelty; nevertheless they longer support it, because of the pretext of the Public good and necessity, which is accustomed to be borrowed, for the procuring and gathering of moneys into the Exchequer: so as it seems that those who herein assist the Prince, for the most part continue longer in their reputation, and greatness: provided that they bear themselves temperately and modestly, and not be too lofty and imperious in their proceedings (a virtue rarely found in these sorts of people, who commonly, to their answers and refusals, add injuries and reproaches) and withal not to become too excessively rich. 7 The first, usually incurs and draws hatred against themselves, which in the end, the Prince fearing he shall feel, is constrained to give him his Cenge, and Far w●ll, if not worse measure; and the other doth not only purchase the envy of the Commons, but also sometimes that of the Prince himself, who being truly covetous, it is to be feared, he will not content himself as Uespasi●n did, to wring and depress the sponge; but that herein he will use them as Country people do their Hogs, who after they have made them fat, eat them. 8 Our France hath seen many of this Condition, as some for their insolent carriage, and others for the Envy of their excess siue wealth too speedily gotten, have at one blow been disgraced and precipitated from a great fortune to a miserable Estate. 9 In the reign of King Philip the fair, Peter de la Berche his High Chamberlain and superintendent of his Exchequer was strangled and hanged at Paris under Lewes son of the said Philip Enguerrand of Marigny, met with no better fortune under Charles VII: Monsieur de Gyac being likewise High Chamberlain, for the same crime was clapped into a sack and drowned, after whom Camus the Beulieu, entering into his place was killed at Po●cters; and under Philip I: Peter de Essarts was in danger of the same fortune, but in the end he was freed for one hundred thousand Florins. 10 I will silence and pardon the memory and names of some others which I might hereunto adjoin, and will now content myself to say, that as we must avoid too much facility in executing Offices and Commissions for the good of our Prince's affairs; so we must also detest and eschew Presumption and Insolence, if we will defend and free ourselves, from the Envy and Malice which follows and attends it: and as it is not prohibited us to reap some profit of our services: so we must carefully avoid excess herein, at least if we mean to secure and shelter ourselves from Envy and Danger, and consequently to continue our Authority and Greatness in Court. CHAP. XL. 1 Of favour, proceeding from some Capacity and Sufficiency beyond the vulgar: and what we must consider therein. 2 Our Courtier must not make himself a Competior, nor contest with his Prince for sufficiency, in that wherein he desires and pretends to excel. 3 Examples hereon. 4 5 Not to show himself too wise before the Prince; The advice of a wise Ancient, to show ourselves in all things inferior to our Prince. 6 Conclusion upon the inconstancy of Court - favour. 7 Whereunto our Courtier must address and prepare himself. The Author his advice hereon. 8 The Author his advice to our Courtier, to retire and withdraw himself from Court, before the declining of his Fortune. 9 Considerations on the fortunes of Courtiers. 10 The conclusion, and the Author his Excuse, taking his instruction, and wishes from some Latin verses out of Seneca, which he allegeth to pass the remainder of his days, in Tranquillity, Peace, and liberty. 1 IN the favour which proceeds from a more than vulgar sufficiency or Capacity; we must consider if it be pleasing to our Prince either because it is necessary for him: or because he himself delights and takes pleasure in the same subject: for first we need not doubt but that as long as this necessity lasteth, his favour will continue though peradventure more by constraint (that is to say for need) then for friendship. 2 And if the Prince give and addict himself to the same subject: wherein our Capacity and sufficiency is admired, we must believe that as soon as he knows, that we surpass and excel him therein, he will begin to look on us with a frowning eye: for it is both natural and common aswell to Princes as to all other men, not to be seen inferior to any in that which they profess: much less will not a master, and which is more, a Prince, have any one know that his servant is more skilful than himself. 3 Some one encouraging Asintus Polio, to answer certain verses which Augustus had made of him: replied, that he would take good heed, and not out of F●●u●e or Emulation turn Scribe against him, who had all authority to prescribe. 4 And the Philosopher Favorinus being fallen into dispute and contention with the Emperor Adrian, about a certain word, yielding it lost, made answer to some of the Auditors his friends, who reproved and blamed him thereof, that he was not ashamed to be found less learned than one who commanded Thirty Legions. 5 In which respect a wise man admonisheth us not to seem too learned before our Prince: for there is no remedy, but in this we must betray our own sufficiency and honour to handsel and gratify our master, especially if we think and resolve to be welcome to him: and it sufficeth not to stoop and yield to him in words: but we must likewise in effects and deeds make it appear, that in all things we are inferior to him: yea, and in plain earnest, do something grossly and slightly, so it may please him: provided always, that it be not either to the blemish or prejudice of our Honour and Reputation. 6 By which we may imagine the mutability and inconstancy of all sorts of Court advancements: and sith the favour and preferments of the Court are so variable and incertain: The chiefest consideration which a Courtier must have, who sees himself so highly favoured and graced of his Prince, is to dispose and prepare himself to descend and strike sail, It is indeed valour and courage to fight as long as we can, but if in fight there is more to be lost then gained: it will be wisdom to provide for our retreat: or to follow and imitate the Parthians who retire in fight. 7 It is far more honourable to descend silently and peacefully by the stairs and door, then to stay till we are enforced out of window: and fair more shameful to be banished, then orderly of ourselves to take our leave of the Court, under some honest pretext and colour. 8 Those are esteemed, and reputed happy, who die in the midst of their felicities; and I hold that Courtier happy and fortunate, who knows how to retire in the midst of his prosperities: those who are ignorant hereof will affirm, that these are unworthy and incapable of their Fortunes, who abandon and forsake the Court in the midst of their coarse: but we must give them leave to speak, and withal we ourselves must remember, that in all games or Lotteries, it is far better to return a gainer then a loser, and not to hazard the certain for the incertain. 9 We ascend to those Great and Eminent fortunes of the Court by degrees and steps; but when we are mounted, and have attained the top, than we find neither steps nor degrees whereby to descend; and the least dasling of our eyes (which commonly befalls those who are elevated so high) makes us lose our footing, and in one moment and blow precipitates, and throws us down headlong. 10 Lo, this is it which is fallen within the power and reach of my pen, and which I have here collected and gathered more to satisfy your desire, then for mine own particular use, as being contented to take for my instruction and wishes these Verses of Seneca. Stet quicunque volet Potens Aule Culmine lubric Me dulcis saturet quies Obscuro positus loco Leni parfruar otio Nullis nota Quiritibus Aetas per tacitum sluat Sic cum transierint mei Null● cum strepitudies Plebeius moriar senex Illi mors gravis incubat Qui notus nimis omnibus Ignotus moritur sibi. Denis, de Refuges. FINIS. A Table of the Contents of the Chapters of the second Book. CHAP. I. IN all our actions we must chiefly consider where●t they aim. 2, 3. The ends and intents are very different of those who throw themselves on the Court 4. The favour of the Prince is the General aim of Courtiers, and the first Head of this second Book. 5. Favour anticipates and presupposeth the knowledge of him that is favoured and the approbation of his Actions. 6. How to make himself known 7. The Continuance hereof. 8. Great men are not commonly so strictly linked to their Prince, as those of inferior rank and condition. 9 To what Princes these things a 'bove proposed and mentioned, properly concern. Fol. 1. CHAP. II. 1. Two ways to advance a Courtier. 2. The seeking of Offices and dignities. 3. The following of the Court. 4. The last is the shortest way. 5. Examples and conside rations hereon. Folly 5 CHAP. III. 1. diverse means how to make ourselves known of our Prince, as by especial action or service, or by the assistance of Friend's. 2. What the Prince is above all, as w●ll the great as common people. 3. The example of one, who would make himself known to Alexander. 4. A consideration upon this Example. Fol. ● CHAP. IV. 1. The second Head of this Book, the Courtier must consider the inclination of the Prince, his domestic servants and Officers, as also other Courtiers. 2. What the inclinations of a Prince are, and the reducing thereof, either to that which concerns his greatness, or his pleasures. 3. Wherein the greatness of a Prince consists. 4. Of the vicious pleasures and inclinations of a Prince. 5. Princes willingly love those, who serve them in their pleasures. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. Examples hereon. Fol. ●. CHAP. V. 1. He that will be welcome to a Prince, must second and follow his inclinations. 2. How to ba●ish an honest man from the Court. 3. The proper definition of the Court. 4 5, 6. Examples on the corruption of the Court. 7. A Courtier must sometimes wink to see the wicked do what they please. 8. It is very difficult for an honest man to live and maintain himself in Court. 9 An honest man may live, and be patient in Court for a time. 10. How we must understand this. 11, 12, 13. How to divert the Prince's evil inclinations: Examples of Seneca and others hereon. Fol. 13 CHAP. VI 1. Not to oppose ourselves unprofitably against the will and pleasure of our Prince, and not to subject ourselves to any base servitude. 2. Examples on the consideration hereof. 3. That an honest man is ●itter to serve a Prince than any other. 4. Advice for Princes rather to take an honest then wicked servants, and that the Court participates more of evil, then good. 5. Why vicious men are favoured of some Princes. 6. Examples hereon. 7. That we seem honester in being compared with a wicked man: The Example of Augustus and Tiberius. 8. Advice that we speak not too freely and liberally of Princes. 9 Examples hereon. Fol. 1● CHAP. VII. 1. Of that sort of flattery which is most pleasing to Princes, and chiefly of that which favoureth of sreenes. 2. Of too much flattery, and the advice of Plutarck and Eschynes thereon. 3. Examples on the same subject. 4. Who first used free flattery. 5. Another example on the same flattery. 6. Advice thereon, and wherein, and how, we must use it. Fol. 22 CHAP. VIII. 1. The third Head of this second Book, we must not attempt to advise a proud Prince: how Princes demand council to have their own opinions approved, and sometimes to sound the affections of their Counsellors: Examples hereon. 2. 3. Princes make many propositions, rather to have them approved, then consulted; together with Examples tending to that effect. 4. Before we advice a Prince, we must endeu●r to know his intent. 5. How to bear ourselves selves to a choleric Prince, that demands our advice. 6. 7. Advantages for a Councillor, whereof he must make use, when his advice given to his Prince proves contrary to his expectation. 8. In unlawful matters the best way is to de●erre, and to take time to give Council. 9 An example hereon. 10. How we must practise the said example. Fol. 5. CHAP. IX. 1. Remedies against the rashness and forwardness of a Prince, upon deferring to council him, and to know how to abound in expedients. 2. Princes do usually rather ask council to bring their purposes to pass then to know what is necessary and expedient to do. 3. Consideration upon the means, taken from the protracting of time 4. Upon the brevity of time. 5. What expedients the Prince most commonly chooseth: Consideration upon the tediousness; brevity, and difficulty of a business; together with the Author his advice upon those that are most wholesome and necessary for a Prince. 6. We must rather impose and retort the execution of a wicked fact upon a wicked and vicious person, then engage ourselves therein. 7. Examples of Burrhus and Anicetus to that effect. 8. The Author's opinion on his examples. 9 Advice how to divert the Prince his vicious resolutions. 10. To use the pleasant and most respect ●ullst demonstrations and considerations hereon. 11. As to break a jest herein that may steed us. 12. Considerations Upon this advice, with the Examples of Tiberius and Domitian in the like cause. 13. Other means and advice not to rush and oppose ourselves against our Prince in his evil inclinations, and from whence they are derived. 14. A remedy to assault and fight against his wicked inclinations, and what we oppose against them. Fol. 31 CHAP. X. 1. Consideration upon the Prince his humour, which hath reference to. 2. The Manners and Conditions of a choleric Prince. 3. How to behave and govern ourselves with this humour, and that Princes are ●ame Lions. 4. The manners and condition of a Prince of a sanguine complexion. 5. How to bear ourselves towards one of this humour. 6. Of those who properly please Princes of this complexion. 7. The manners and conditions of a melancholy Prince. 8. How to bear ourselves with this humour. 9 Of an angry and froward humour, and of his other imperfections. 10. The manners and conditions of a phlegmatic Prince. 11. How to behave ourselves towards th●s humour. Fol. 38 CHAP. XI. 1. We must never tie ourselves to the humours of that Prince, who changeth according to his age, conversation, and other incidents. 2. A Prince is of one nature in war, and of another in peace. 3. He is subject to change his inclination, and to settle his affection on others. 4. Examples hereon. 5. The cause of these alterations. 6. T●ypl●ns humou● alleged hereon. 7. Another Example of Agamemnon in Euripides. 8. From whence proceeds the ordinary faults of Princes. 9 Greatness and power often bewitcheth our understandings. 10 Examples of the wise men of Greece hereon. 11, 12. Notable examples of the Pythagoriciens to the same effect. Folly 47 CHAP. XII. 1 That the suggestions and applause of vicious Persons near Princes, serve greatly to change their humours, and consequently to debosh them. 2, 3. Examples of Princes who have permitted themselves to be led by these sorts of men; together with the blindness and stupidity of some Princes, upon the ends and intents of those vicious fellows. 4. Wow the Prince is betrayed by these sorts of flatterers. 5. Examples to this effect of old Clodion. 6. Of Sejanus. 7. Of Perrini●. 8. Of Bardas. 9 Advice for Princes not to hear, or regard these flatterers. Fol. 51 CHAP. XIII. 1. Considerations upon a Prince his domestic seruant●; and how we may reap profit by them. Princes bear themselves differently in private or public, and they more willingly discover themselves to their servants than others. 2. 3. 4. Examples hereon. 5. In this point it is very difficult for a Prince so to hide and conceal his intents and motions that his servants discover them not. 6. In Court we seek all sorts of men to effect our affairs. 7. In Court there are no great friends, nor small enemies. 8. In Court we must seek to make the Prince his servants our friends. Fol. 55 CHAP. XIV. 1. Of the great ones in Court, the sixth Head of this second Book, and that they are of diverse parts and degrees. 2. Of those who are of a Noble blood and house, and yet not in credit and reputation at Court, and how we must bear ourselves towards them. 3. Considerations of them, and what their power i●. 4. The examples of Arch●laus upon these considerations. 5. Other considerations upon the same. 6. How the Prince his favourite m●st bear himself in opposing great men. 7. 8. The profit which redounds to him thereby. 9 Wholesome advice and council for a favourite. 10. How it must be understood when we say, we contest and contend with a great man. 11. What it is for a Favourite to oppose the enterprises of great men. 12, 13. The Example of Cardinal Ximenes, Favourite to Isabel Queen of Spain upon the subject, with a brief abridgement of his life. 14. 15. Another example upon the lamentable end of Simon●ra, Favourite to Francis Sforza Duke of Milan. Fol. 59 CHAP. XV. 1. Of Great-men who are familiar with the Prince, without having any authority or command in the affairs of Estate. 2. Of their Power, and how we must seek them, and reap profit by them. 3. 4. Of Great men who have authority in affairs, and yet small access nea●e the Prince: of the inclination of Princes under whom these great men are. 5. Of Princes who give all the command of their affairs to one or two, and of the corbe or reign, wherewith they commonly restrain them, thereby to fashion them wholly to his will and pleasure, without leaving them power to do otherwise, and to dispossess them off his favour and their greatness when he pleaseth. 6. 7. How to bear ourselves towards these great men. 8. 9 Of great men who are in favour with the Prince, and have authority in the affairs of the Estate, and how we must seek and observe them. 10. 11. We must examine the degrees of greatman's favours, from whom we may expect assistance. 12. And when we cannot make ourselves known of great-men, we must seek those who have some interest or power in them, or are familiar with them, and so make ourselves known to them. Fol. 66 CHAP. XVI. 1. The seventh Head of this Book: of those who are under great men of whom there are two sorts, one which may assist us and how. 2. Considerations upon both; and how to purchase friends in Court. 3. Of those who may cross and oppose us, who are of three sorts. ●. Of those who hate us, and are our enemies. 5. It is a difficult thing to be a Neuter in Court; and of great faction and partialities in the Courts of Princes. 6. How some have withstood and prevented such partialities, and how they very profitably made use of neutrality. 7. 8. Examples upon the wisdom of this neutrality. 9 Solon his law against neutrality. 10. How and wherefore Friendships must be conserved among different parties. Fol. 72 CHAP. XVII. 1. Of enemies who hate us, because they have former lie offended us. 2. A remedy against such enemies, and how to beware of them. 3, ●. That threatenings do more offend then profit those who practise them, and that they procure us shame and weakness if they take not effect; those who practise them, and that they procure us shame and weakness, if they take not effect. 5. A discourse against revenge. 6, 7, ●. How to bear ourselves when we receive injuries, and how to seek the means of reconciliation and friendship, whether the injuries be fierce and outrageous or no. ●. O● injury done us in an outbraving and daring manner, and of the revenge thereof. Fol. 77 CHAP. XVIII. 1. Our first remedy against injuries offered us by great men, is to confer very respectively with them 2. The second, to dissemble patiently. 3, 4. Considerations hereon. 5. Of those who are our enemies, because we have formerly offended them. 6, 7. Advice hereon, with consideration and means how to bear ourselves herein. 8. That commonly fear rather than revenge more violently exasperates our enemies against us. 9 How to appease his passion and violence. 10. Another way is to assist our enemies in their affairs, that thereby they may become our friends: Example of Agesilaus herein. 11. A common subtlety of Courtiers in this cause. 12. Another fetch and subtlety of Eutrapelus, and what it was. 13. Another fetch against our enemy, is to second him in his evil intents, thereby to ruin him. 14. That we must assist our enemy, if we cannot hinder or annoyed him. 15. An excellent example hereon. 16. Another example and expedient to prevent that he wrong us not. 17. Another means for us in plaguing our enemy, is to oppose one that is a greater enemy to him, than ourself, with a very pertinent example hereon to the same effect of Gerlac, Archbishop and Elector of Mentz upon the election of Adolphus, Earl of Naslaw to the Empire. Fol. 81 CHAP. XIX. 1. Of envious people, the eighth part of this Book, and how to bear ourselves towards them. 2, 3. Remedies against envy, to make common that which is desired or envied ●. Another remedy to ●●oyde vanity and superstition, and that which accompanieth it. 5. Considerations thereon. 6, 7. To make ourselves entreated to receive that we wish and desire. Example hereof in Cardinal X means. 8. Considerations upon this example by another of Constantine the Mesopolitan●. Fol. ●● CHAP. XX. 1 Of Competitors or Emulators, who are less malicious than the envious. 2. That they are won and purchased, either through honour or vanity. 3, 4. How to bear ourselves with them. 5. Public suits are odious. 6, 7. Sure Council and means on these suits. 8. We must not be an Emulator or Contendant with one more favoured than ourselves. Example of Lepidus and Sejanus hereon. 9 That justice usually is of less power in Court then favour. Fol. 92 CHAP. XXI. 1. The ninth division of this second Book, containing considerations upon the examples of those who have been disgraced at Court. 2. The causes of our favour, and of the diminishing of our reputation in Court. 3. Of favour proceeding from a Courtiers own default. 4. Enterprises attempted by Favourites against their Prince, being the true and first cause of their ruin. 5. Advice and precaution for a Favourite to support himself. 6. 7. The description of a Courtier in the Example of Sejanus. 8. The issue of Sejanus his ambition. 9, 10. Considerations of hi● Ambition, and of Tiberius his proceedings, being more subtle than himself. 11. Ambition is commonly rash and impudent. 12. Tiberius' founded the affections of his great ones, before he enterprised any thing against Sejanus. 13, 14. The subtlety of Tiberius to entrap Sejanus. 15. Those who stand betwixt hope and fear are more irresolute and easy to be surprised, 16, 17, 18. The policy of Tiberius to ruin Sejanus. 19, 20. The downfall and ruin of Sejanus. 21, Another example of the downfall and ruin of Perrinis, being favourites to the Emperor Commodus. 22. The designs and machinations of a subject against his Prince very seldom take effect, how cunningly soever compacted. 23, 24, 25, 26. The example of Boylas, being favourite to the Emperors of Constantinople, and his designs, etc. 27. A subject's pride is always odious to his Prince. Fol. 96 CHAP. XXII. 1. The tenth division of this Book, containing the causes of disgrace near the Prince. 2, 3. The first cause is of boasting and reproaching our services done, with Examples hereon. 4. The second cause is, to reprove or complain of the Prince his Actions. 5. The third cause is to reveal and abuse secrecy, and to desire we make known we govern the Prince. Example of Thurinus, a seller of smoke under the Emperor Heliogabalus. 6 The fourth cause, is not to contend with Nobles or great men, either through pride or vanity, Example hereon of Plan tianus. 7. Example of Enguerrand of Marigny. 8. The fifth cause is, to be an Instrument of division among the Nobles, with an example thereon. Fol. 110 CHAP. XXIII. 1. That we must not contend with those, who are more favoured in Court then ourselves. 2. The council of Germanicus to Aggrippina hereon. 3. A Courtier must know in what degree of favour he is with h● Prince. ●. The Courtier who is linked to the will of his Prince is better beloved, than he who is wedded to his interest, dignity & reputation, Example hereof in the quarrel of Craterus and Hephestion, and the wisdom of Alexander in reconciling them. 5. Considerations upon the degrees of favour which the Courtier hath in his Prince. 6. Our contempt of Favourites is more revenged, then towards the Prince. 7. The reason of this consideration yielded by Dion the Historiographer. Fol. 114 CHAP. XXIV. 1. Bride in the execution of an Office is odious to a Prince, who after punisheth it, the Example of Alvaro de Luna hereon▪ 2. The sixth cause of a Courtier's disgrace, is the hatred of the Commons, and the envy of great men against him. 3, 4, 5. The examples of unfortunate Favourites, who have been put to death. 6. Infidelity is the seventh cause of a Courtier's disgrace. 7. It is very difficult to know the secrets of a Prince. 8. The censure of Phil lippides on those, who reveal their Prince's secrets. 9 The opinion of Hieron Prince of Syracuse hereon. Folly 11● CHAP. XXV. 1. Intelligence with his Master's enemies, is the eighth cause of a Courtier's disgrace. 2. Example of Cardinal Balue hereon, his descent and advancement. 3. Example of Cardinal Du Prat, and his subtlety. 4. Example of a Cardinal of the Emperor Frederick. 5. Another example of Stilica. Fol. 121 CHAP. XXVI. 1. The ninth cause of a Courtier's disgrace is when he is the Author of pernicious counsel. 2. The examples of Stilica and Olympius. 3. The Court Favourite should rather council Peace than War. 4. Examples hereon, and the subtlety of Jovius to engage his Master in War, and yet to free himself from envy. Fol. 124 CHAP. XXVII. 1. The eighth division of this Book, containing a Courtier's disgrace, procured and occasioned three manner of ways by our Enemies, Enviers, or Emulators 2. By absenting him whom we would disgrace, which is effected many ways. 3. To avoid quarrels, without pretext of an honourable Commission, Example on this pretext. 4. To avoid envy and jealousy. Example of Tiberius, who withdrew himself to Rhodes. 5. Or of ourselves by the command of our Prince. 6. Or when we will withdraw one from an Office, who is far off. 7, 8. Examples hereon 9 To cause him to be sent far off, thereby more easily to callumniate him in his absence. 10. Or to cause him to be made away in some enterprise. Example herein. 11. Another example hereon. Fol. 127 CHAP. XXVIII. 1. The second means which our enemies practise to disgrace us, and to make us umbragious and odious to our Prince, consisting in two ways. 2. To callumniate us, and considerations on Calumny. 3. That calumnies are very powerful in Princes conceits. 4. How calumnies are made resemble on the other. 5. The effects of calumnies. 6. Why calumniators take occasion to calumniate. 7. Examples on this occasion. 8. Subtleties to throw one into despair that is callumniated, and an example hereon. 9 Another example thereof. 10, 11. Other subtleties to that effect, and examples thereon. 12. Another example of the subtlety of Calumny practised by Sejanus to ruin Aggrippina. 13. The subt●ltie of calumniators, by persuading Servants to callumniate their Masters. 14, 14. Examples hereon. CHAP. XXIX. 1. To induce another to do evil, thereby to have cause to calumniate him. Example herein of Firmius Catus against Lybo, allied to the house of the Casar●. 2. To induce others to speak evil of our Prince purpose'y to accuse him▪ Example on this induction. 3. A means to make accusations and call●mnies seem true, by falsifying of letters, and the remedy of this calllumn●. 4. Domestic servants gained to be false witnesses, to make a calumny seem true. 5. 6, 7. Examples hereon. Folly 141 CHAP. XXX. 1. The trust a Prince conceives in an accuser, ma●es his calumny seem true: example hereon. 2. The badopinion the Prince conceives of the accused, makes the calumny seem true, and is the sooner believed 3, 4. Examples hereof. 5. The subtlety of Arbet●o herein to withdraw Vrsicinus from Court, and then to oblige him. Fol. 145 CHAP. XXXI. 1. The reports of matters pretended to be true, seem to be true. 2, 3, 4. Example of ●iberius upon his reports. 5. How to reprove a Tyrant for his wickedness. 6 The Conclusion of calumnies. Fol. 147 CHAP. XXXII. 1. The second subtlety which our enemies practise to make us odious to our Prince, is their praising of us, whereby they desen●ble their hatred. 2, 3. How some have used Princes: examples hereon. 4. Advice to Courtiers, that Princes use to prause and flatter him whom they will ruin. 5. Examples hereon. 6. That there are some who praise others, to the end the Prince may be jealous and suspicions of them. 7. A notable speech of Julian upon this Hypocrisy: 8 Another hypocrisy to pray●e one, thereby to dispraise another. 9 Another to praise the dead, thereby to shame the living, as did Agustus. 13. Another subtlety to reprove and excuse, practised like wise by Agustus. 11. Advice and premonitions against these subtleties and hypocrisies. 12. The third means which our enemies and competitors use to disgrace, and banish us from Court, and consequently to ruin us, which is through power and force, and how it is practised. 13, 14. Examples of this third means. Fol. 149 CHAP. XXXIII. 1. Of the disgrace of Courtiers, which proceeds from the evil inclination of the Prince, being the ninth division of this second Book. Seneca a judicious Courtier. 2. The envy and suspicion of the Prince is cause, that oftentimes he is ill served; and how it comes to pass. 3, 4. Examples of some Courtiers hereon. 5. The Author his judgement on this proceeding. 6. How to free ourselves from the jealousy of our Prince. 7. Examples hereon. 8. Envy and jealousy is a sickness common to most Princes, but for less cause to one the another. 9 Example of such jealousy. 10. How Courtiers should bear themselves towards Princes of this nature and condition. Fol. 155 CHAP. XXXIIII. 1. The last cause of a Courtiers disfavour or fall is the death of his Prince, of him who is esteemed happiest in Court. 2. The Prince who succeeds to the estate, doth sooner advance his own servants then those of his Predecessor. 3▪ 4. Favour is continued us after our Prince his death, either in making ourselves fit for affairs, or in obliging his successor by some special action, or agreeable service. Example hereon. 5. A notable advice and council upon these considerations, thereby to avoid the ill will of the Prince. Humility is necessary to maintain great men in their greatness. 6. We must with a vigilant eye observe the praises and dispraises given us▪ 7. The common foundation of calumnies, and the remedy which we must thereunto apply. 8. To reform those de●ects whereof we are taxed and accused, whether it be in discreet speeches, or by clearing and interpreting that which may be ill taken. 9 Not to absent ourself from him, by whom we fear to be slandered. 10. To make Friends in Court, to defend us against all Callumnio● and false reports; and that in Court every one seeks to depress and duck his fellow. Fol. 159 CHAP. XXXV. 1. To sly Pride and Ostentation, for fear jest our Prince enter into jealousy of us. 2. Example of Cardinal Spinosa for his Ostentation. 3. 4. The Courtier must not defer to rule and moderate himself upon the declining of his greatness, but chose to begin by times to conform himself to modesty. Examples of those who have done otherwise. 5 The Courtier must make as many friends as he can, and why. 6. Consideration on this point. Fol. 165 CHAP. XXXVI. 1. The Courtier which is beloved and favoured of the Prince, must be discreet in his demands and requests which he makes for others to his Master, and the reason thereof. 2. The qualit●e and nature of the demands he makes to his Prince. 3. Not to boast of his reputation. 4. How to bear himself in the execution of his commands 5. Our Courtier must refuse no Command or Commission from the Prince: how Princes measure and esteem the greatness of their Commands. 6. Our Courtier must always be ready near the Prince for fear to be surprised. Precepts hereon. 7. How he must bear himself to those who are discontented. 8. To speak soberly and modestly of the Prince and his servants. 9 Advice not to break or contest with our Prince. Fol. 167. CHAP. XXXVII. 1. Advice upon the continuance of our Courtier's advancement and reputation, being the thirteenth division of this Book. 2. From whence proceed● the favour of Princes towards us, and of the causes that induce a Prince to love a Courtier. 3. That favour lasteth not long which only proceeds from the grace and comeliness of his person. 4. Of the conformity of humours in the Prince and his Favourite, that the privileges and advantages which a Favourite enjoyeth, ought cause him make good use of his time, and to settle his fortune thereby. Folly 172. CHAP. XXXVIII. 1. Of the favour of Princes towards women. 2. How they bear themselves to subsist in reputation near the Prince. 3. Example of Popea towards Nero. 4. The affection of some Princes hath been retained more through subtleties, for fear of being wronged and defamed by Women, then by enjoying them. 5, 6. That favours which proceed of pleasures and services done, is not of long continuance, and why. 7. A Prince is angry if we believe he is indebted to a subject for any great or singular service, and therefore refuseth to see him. Considerations hereon. Princes are commonly forgetful in rewarding their servants. 8. Considerations hereon, it is better for us to be bound to our Prince, than our Prince to us. CHAP. XXXIX. 1. Of Prince's pleasures, and of three sorts of excess, whereunto they run. 2. The first is Love, and of these who serve them in their loves. 3. The second is cruelty, the envy of cruelties returned on the Master's head, who caused them to be executed. Example of Caesar Borgia 4. Considerations on this example, and that those who make themselves the executioners of Princes cruelties do it not long because they are quickly ruined. 5. Example of Nero. 6. Of the covetousness of a Prince, and the effects thereof, the favour of those who serve and second Princes in this excess is durable, provided that they moderate their carriage and actions, and not excessively enrich themselves. 7. Considerations upon the carriage and demeanour of such servants. 8, 9 Examples drawn from our France, as of Peter de la Berche, in the time of Philip the Fair; o● Enguerrand de Marigny, and of Monsieur de Gyac, and others 10. The Author's advice upon such servants, and how our Courtier must care himself, that he serve not unprofitably in his charge and place, but rather in great honour and reputation. Fol. 179 CHAP. XL. 1. Of the favour proceeding from some capacity and sufficiency beyond the vulgar, and what we must consider therein. 2. Our Courtier must not be Competitor, nor contend with his Prince for sufficiency in that wherein he pretends, and desires to excel. 3, 4. Examples hereon. 5. Not to show himself too wise before the Prince. The council of an Ancient wise man, to show ourselves in all things inferior to our Prince. 6. Conclusion upon the inconstancy of Court favour. 7. Whereunto our Courtier must address and prepare himself. The Author's advice hereon. 8. The Author's advice to our Courtier, to retire from Court before the declining of his fortune. 9 Donsiderations on the fortunes of Courtiers. 10. The Conclusion and excuse of the Author, taking his instructions and wishes from some Latin Verses of Seneca, which he allegeth to pass the remainder of his days in tranquillity, peace and freedom. Fol. 184 FINIS. THE FRENCH STATIONER TO the Reader. FRiendly Reader, here I give thee the third Edition of this excellent Treatise of the Court, sith I have found it very pleasing and agreeable to thee, except only to some who found fault, that they were frustrated (as they say) of the Marginal Quotations in the second Edition, which indeed the Author himself had carefully and diligently inserted, rather by grave Authorities to confirm his opinion in the matters he alleged and treated of, then that it was otherwise needful. Wherefore to content both the wise and curious, I have imprinted and annexed them by themselves at the end of the last book inform of Annotations; assuring myself, that if thou pry narrowly into them, thou shalt find them more corrected and reform, and better ranged and ranked in their proper places, with their true collations of passages, than they were in the first Original which I recovered, and also in many places augmented and illustrated far richer, then in any of the precedent Editions, whereof I thought good to advertise thee, that thereby thou accept and take in good part the care and diligence which I have had to please thee, and to give, thee full satisfaction in all points which concern myself. Farewell. The Quotations of the First BOOK. PAg. 2. l. 30. There is more hazard and fortune than ●ar●age and conduction. Dubitare cogor, f●to & sort nascen li, ut ●ae e●a, ●ta principi●● i●cli●atio in hos, ●ff●nsio i● illos: an si● aliq●id in ●ostris consilijs ●iceatque inter abruptam con●u naci●m, & defor●e obs●quiu●, pergere iter ambitione ac periculis vacuum. So Ta●●tus lib. 4. de Annal. Pag. 3. l. 13. In that he h●● not formerly ●asted the fruits and enjoyed the effects of his liberality. jam reclusa pixide ai●bat Caesar videri palam non suam voluntare●, sed ipsius fortu●am obstitisse q●o minus hactenus beneficiu● sit consecutus. So Carrion lib. 3. in Chron. l. 25. But the whole course of our life is the same: Vitam regit fortuna, non sapientia. So Cicero. Pag. 10. l 25 By that decency and gravity: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the Grecians. Pag. 13. l. 5. Or into a reproach of any shameful truth. Quam multam, ex vero trahunt, acre● sui memoriam relinquunt. l. 11. Great men are subject a long time to remember those of this nature. Qui gratia Augusta sloveras, aptus allicendis feminatum animis, dicax idem, & Tyberium accerbis facietjs irridere solitus, quarum apu● praepotentes in longum memoria est. So Tacitus lib. 5. de Annal. speaking of the Consul. Fusius. l. 20. Rather than through ab●tteriest or sharp reply: M●lidictum interpretando facies acrius. So Publianus Mimus counselled. Pag. 14. l 3. As ●●aues and fools use to do: Histrionem & Philosophum nihil amplius quam urbe, Italiaque summovit, vel contemptu omnis infamiae, vel ne faciendo dolorem irritaret ingenia. So Suetonius in Vit. Nero. l. 8. Nor jest at those who are miserable: In calamitoso risus etiam i●iutia est. So Publianus Mimus. Pag. 18. l. 28. So as we thereby disesteem and undervalue his worth: Licet ita largiri ut unusquisque etiam si cum mult●s accepit, in populo se esse non putet. Nemo non habeat aliquam familiarem notam, per quam speret se promptius admissum. To this purpose Seneca in lib. 1. De Benefic. Pag. 20. l. 26. Is to perform it in that manner▪ Nullum beneficium esse duco, id quod quibusfacias non placet; So Plato: &, videamus quod oblatum maximè voluptati f●turum sit habenti, ne numera superuacua mittamus. So Seneca in his lib. 1. De Controuers. Pag. 21. l. 10. Others are profitable: Quaedam beneficia pulam danda, quaedam secreto, quae consequi gloriosum est ut militaria dona, & honores, ut quidquid aliud notitiam pulchrius fit rursus quae non producunt, nec honestiorem faciunt, sed succurrunt infirmitati, egestati, ignominae tacit; danda sunt, ut nota sint solis quibus prosunt. lib. 2. De Benefic. l. 22. With submission and bashfulness: Molestum verbum est onerosum, & demisso vultu est dicendum rog●. So Seneca lib. 2. Pag 22. l. 5. Then to a Usurer who lends forth his money to receive it again with interest: Turpis foeneratio est beneficium expensum far. So Seneca lib. 2. De Benefic. l. 13. He did it purposely: Grave est homini pudenti petere aliquid magnum ab eo de quo se bene meritu● putet, ne it quod petit, exigere magis quam rogare, & in mercedis potius quam beneficij loco numerare videatur. So Cicero in Epist. ad Curionem. Pag. 25. l. 13. For those are always best welcome: — Acceptissima semper. Ouid. Munera sunt author quae pretiosa facit. lin. 19 And to whom we would be no way engaged: Grave tormentum est d●bere eui nolis, contra iucundum est ab eo accepisse beneficium quem amare etiam post iniuriam possis. So Seneca. Pag. 26. l. 6. They reward them with contempt: Adeo in contrarium itur, ut quosdam habeamus infestissimos, non post beneficium tantum, sed propter beneficia. So Seneca: & beneficia ensque laeta funt que videntur exolui posse vbin u'tu●n antecedere pro gratia odium redditur. So Ta●itus in Annal. lib. 4. Pag. 29. l. And so likewise are pur▪ men: Grande dolorem ingeni●●m est, miserisque ●e●tsol●●●ia rebus. And another said, lugeniu●, mala sepe n●ouent, Et v●xatio dat Int●ll●ctum. So Salo●●op. Pag. 31. l. 25. S●●a they be more imaginative: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So ●●●● in Diol. 16. Pag. ●6. l 2. It is a miracle: Nullu●●●●● in●er●n side mixtur a demeni●●●, Of which ●●●● ion is Seneca. l. 13 Some by wine: Nunquam nisi potus ad a'ma profili●e di●●n la. So ●●●●. Pag. 43. l 10. Whereof Seimus took his advantage. So G●a●u p●as●●orem & insidijs magis oportun●u●●. Tacitus. Pag. 45. l. 10. Mas●●nius the Philosopher was l. ●●●● all: Miseuaer s● l●●●●ais ●●●●●●●●, Equ●●●sitis oldinis, st●●●m Philosphia ●●. pl●●c●●a St●●●●●●●●. C●ptabatque ●●●● us mamp●li●, bo●● p●●is a● b●lli dis●●i●●na diss●●●ns, ●●●●●●●●. ●●●● pl●●risque ●●●●●●●●●●●● us ●●●● n●●●●nt qui pro●● c●●●● que & aliis ●●●●, omisis●ct n●●n ●●●●●●tiam, So Tacitus Annol. lib 2. Pag. 48 l. 7. So vain and talkative: Laetitia I●quax tesest, atque ostentat●ix sui. So Symaceus. Pag. 62. l. ●. Saith Lucian: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pag. 64. l 18. Which m●y s●●●e up hop● in us: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the ●●●● ●●●●●●●●●●cuippe lib. 5. Et 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Si●●sius. Pag 69. l. 3. But difficulty forgets an ill one: Altius iniuriae quam merita ●●●●. So Sen. Pag. 71. l. 12. When they are on the point to reu●nge or prejudice us: Ira quae ●egitur nocet, prof●ssa perdunt odia, vindicta locum. Nam ij sunt inumici pessimi, front, H●●ro, cord tristi, quos neque ut ●●●●, ●eque ut mittas, sciat. So Cecillus in Aul. Gel. Pag. 77. l. 27. The wrong and evil that is done us: Gravissima est probihominis ita cundia. So Publicanus Mimius. Pag 78 l. 24. And seek folks: Prudentes dicu●t iram nasci ex mollitie mentis consu●u● id afferentes argumento probab●l● quod iracundiores sunt in clunibus languidi, & foemina, n arbus & invenibus sends, & felicibus aerum●esi. So Ammian. lib. 17. l. 30. More polished and civilised: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Menand●s in Scolds. ●●●● asperisque regi●ui●us diutivae nives haerent, hast ubi ea aratro, domo facta ●chus nitec, dum loqueris levis pruina delabitur similiter inspectoribus ira concidit, feras quidem mentes obsidet, eruditas prelabitur. Petronius. Pag. 86. l. 11. Although he be our Parent: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Aristot. Pag. 93. l. 15. As they do of evil: Iners malorum remedium ignorantia. So Seneca in Oedip. Pag. 97. l. 12. There being no reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Greek Proverb. Pag. 99 l. 23. For the future performeth likewise as much: Non est paruum tormentum adversum aliquid formidare venturum: dum semper gravius aestimatur emergere quod timetur. So Cassiodorus. Pag. 105. l. 22. We shall not then heap up. desire upon desire: Ante omnia necesse est seipsum aestimare quia ferè plus nobis videmur posse quam possimus. Aestimanda sunt deinde ipsa quae agtedimur & vires nostrae cum istis quae tentaturi sumus comparandae. So Seneca in lib de Tranquilitatis. And Dulcis in expertis cultura potent is amici Expertus metuit. So Horace in Sat. Pag. 107. l. 4. We must frame our wills to perform that which we can: Quoniam non potest sieri quod vis, id velis quod possis. So Terence. Pag. 108. l. ●. To foresee good or evil: Namque haec audita à docto meminissem viro; futuras mecum commentabar miserias, aut mortem acerbam, aut exilij moestam fugam, aut semper aliquam molem meditabar mali: ut si qua invecta diritas casu foret; nemo imparatum cura laceraret repens. Cicero in Tuscul. ex Vrip. l. 20. Premeditated dangers always lest prejudice and hurt us: ●ela praevisa minus feriunt. A latin Proverb. Pag. 112. l. 11. What in a word we term Affability: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alexius Stobbeus. l. 13. Degenerates into flattery: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Anaxander in Athene lib. 6. l. 19 As towards particular Persons: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Theoguis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Appollodorus in Stobbeus. Pag. 122. l. 9 But having overpast the violence and impetuosity of our sorrows: Quid, quod adulandi gens prudentissima laudat Sermonem indocti, faciem deformis amici, Et longum invalidi collum ceruicibus aequst Hercul●s, Anteum procul a tellure tenentis? Miratur vocem angustam, qua deterius nec Ille sonat, quo mordetur gallina marito. Natio comoeda est, rides? maiore cachinno Concutitur; flet, si lachrymas conspexit amici Nec dolet: igniculum brumae si tempore poseas Accipit Andromedem: si dixeris, astuo, sudat. So juvenal in satire 111. Pag. 132. l. 20. Noble men and Gentlemen: Et quanquam virtus gloria, atque alia. optanda bonis suberabant tamen met at contemptor aui● us, & sup●rbia commune nobilitatis malum. ●o Sallust. de Metell. l 27. They not only contemn: Verum ita sunt omnes nostri divites: si quid beneficias levior plu●r●a est gratia si quid p●ecatum est plumb as iras gerunt. So Plato ●● Pe●ulus. Pag 132. l 15. They are Arrogant: Non est quod putes omnibus divitias co● ueni●e. Nihil est irso●entius nonitio divite. So R●ffinus ad V●b. Pag 134. l 2. Those who are powerful: Non vides ut ma●orem quamque fortunam major ira co●●itatur? in divitibus Nobilibusque & Magistratibus precipuè apparet, cum quid leave & mane in animo ●rat, secunda se aura sustulit: felicitas i●acundiam nut●it, ubi Aves superbas assentator & tuiba circumtent. So Seneca lib 3. In Ira. Pag. 162. l. 13. That we should rather praise then d●●praise: Sive plus, sive ●inus▪ sive idem p●aestas, lauda vel infe●iotem vel superiorem, vel parem, superiorem quia nisi laudandus ille, non potest ipse lauda●i; inferiorem aut parem, quia per●inet ad tuam gloriam, quam maximum vide●i quem praecedis vel ex aequas. So Pliny ●●●●●●●●●st. 17. Pag 164. l. 23. Then to blame himself: Omnis quippe oftentatio non caret suspicione m●ndacij. Quia quicquid assumitur proprium non p●tatu●: de hinc iactantia avara laudis multum de coquit de pudore. So Symmachus. Pag. 165. l. 9 Seeming rather desirous: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Elb●nus in Stol b●us ●er. 80. Pag. 168. l. 25. To manage and conduct his Ambition: Ambitio mult●s mortales falsos sie●i sub ●git, aliud clausu● in p●c●oie, aliud in hugua pion ptum habere. And ●●●● where. An icitias in imitiasq●e non ex re sed ●x commodo estimare, magalque vultum quam ingenium bonum habere. So Salust●. Catalinar. Pag 169. l. 10. Which may prejudice either ourselves or friends: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Euripid. in Trag. Ocdip. l 23. Seeming in their countenances not to know: Ne dissimulans suspectior sieret. So Tacitus. Pag. 170. l. 1. Val●ns not able to punish his mutinous Soldiers: Quibus unus metus si intelligere videre●tur. Solum remedium insidia●um si non intelligerentur. So Tacit. And likewise, Si intelligere credetetur, vim metuens. Tacit in A●mall. de Archel. Pag. 171. l. 12. Discovers his Master's secrets: Reges dicuntur multis vigere culullis Et torquere mero, quem perspexisse laborant. An sit amicitia dignus. So Horace, in Ar. P●. l. 14. Whereof we after repent: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Stob. l. 15. How we bear ourselves in our Choler: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Euenus Ap. Stob. l. Ibid. Prosperity and Adversity: Ingenium res aducrsae nudare solent, Caelare secundae. So Horace. l. 18. Who have used play: Ludimus incauti, studioque aperimur ab ipso, N●daque perlusus pectora nostra patent. So Ouid. l. 23. But this will crave time: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Greek Proverb. Pag. 175. l. 28. The answer of Mucianus: Namque Mucianus tam celeri victoria anxius, & in praesens urbe potiretur expertem se belli gloriaeque ratus, ad Primum & varum media scriptitabat instandum coeptis aut rursus contandi utilitates edisserens: atque i●a ita compositus ut ex eventu rerum adversa abnuerct, vel prospera agnos●eret. So Tacit. in Anall. li. 3. Pag. 176. l 26. Every one persuades himself his demand is just: Pars beneficij est quod petitur, si bene neges: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Halycarn. Pag. 177. l. 6. As said Aulus Sempronius: Nihilaeque amarum quam diu pendere, aequiore quidem animo ferunt praecedi spem suam quam trahi: plerique autem hoc vitium est ambitione prava differendi promissa, maior sit rogantium turba, qualis regiae potentiae ministri sunt, quos delectat superbiae suaelongum spectaculum, minusque se iudicant posse, nisi diu multumque singulis quid possi●t ostendant, nihil confestim, semel faciunt, injuriae illorum precipites lenta beneficia sunt. So Senec. Pag. 178. l. 20. This refusal will be taken: Minus decipitur cui negatur celeriter. So Pub. Mimus. Pag. 179. l. 22. In supporting injuries patiently: Notissima vox est eius qui in cultu regum consenuerat, cum illum quidam interrogaret quomodo rarissimam rem in Aula consecutus fuisset senectutem; iniurias, inquit, serendo & gratias agendo, saepe adeo vindecare iniuriam non expedit, ut ne fateri quidam expediat. So Sen. lib. 2. in Ira. Conformable whereunto is this: pertraxere ad Domitia●um, qui paratus simulatione in arrogantiam compositus & audijt preces excusantis, & cum anui●set, agi sibi gratias passus est: n●c erubuit beneficij invidia. So Suet. And si sapiens iniurias fortunae moderatè fert quanto magis hominum potentium quosscis fortunae manum esse. So Seneca. And Lysimachus aequo animo Regis veluti parentis contumeliam tulit. So justin. Pag 182. l. 12. Through their headlong impatiency, have shipwrecked their Fortunes: Nonnunquam parua res praebuit materiam adipescendi favoris. So Seneca. But the example which he gives to Brutidius to this purpose is Excellent: Brutidium artibus honestis copiosum & sirectuiter pergerer, ad clarissima quaeque iterum, festinatio extimulabat; dum aequalis, de insuperiores, postremo suas-met-ipse spes anteire parat, sp●etisque quae tar●a cum secu●itate, ●rae● atura vel cum exitio properant. Ibid. The Quotations of the Second Book. PAg. 6. l. I. Salustius near the same Emperor: Salustius quam prompto ad honores cap●ssendos a ●itu, Moe● n●tem aemulatus sine dignitate Senat●●ia ●ul●os triu●aphalium, consula●iumque po●●ntia anteijt, diue●s ●s is a v●terum instituto, per culium & munditias copiaque & affl●entia, luxu propior. Sube●ar tamen vigor ani ●●●● i●gentibus negotijs par, co acrior quo som●um & incitiam ●agis ostentabat. So Tacit. in Anal. lib. 3. l. 4. Tacitus reporteth that Mella: Mella quibus Gallio & Seneca parentibus natus, petitione ho●orum abstinue●at, per ambitionem praeposteram, ut l'ques Romanus consula●ibus potentia aequaretur. simul acquirendae pecwiae brenius i●er credebat, per procurationes administrandis Principis negotijs. Ibid. Pag. 11. l. 6. Taci●us de●aints Sejanus to be: Co●pus illi laborum tolera●s, animus audax, sui o●tegens in alios criminator iuxta adulatio & superbia, palàm compositus pudot, in●us su●●ia apisceudi libidio, So Tacit, in Anal. lib. 4. l. 11. As Tiberius did P. Flaccus and L. Piso: Postea Princeps in ipsa publicorum morum correptione cum Pomp●nio Flacco, & C. pisone ●octem. continuumque biduum epulando, potandoque consumpsit: quotum alteri praefecturam urbis confestim detulit codicillis quoque incundissimos, & omnium honorum amicos professus. So Suetonius chap. 42. l. 20. The same Emperor: Ignotissimam quaesturae candidatum nobilissi●is ante posuit, ob epotam in convivio, propinante, vim amphoram. Ibid in Ibid. l. 29. Made him choose Tigillinus: Ualidior Tigillinus in animo Principis ex intimis libidinibus assumptus. So Tacitus in Annal. lib. 14. l. 30. Drew near him C. Petronius: C. Petronius Arbiter elegantiae inter paucos familiarium Neroni assumptus est, dum nihil amoenum, & molle affluentia putat, nisi quod ●i Petronius approbavisset. Ibid. in Annal. lib. 16. Pag. 12. l. 25. Such a one as is usually put in the execution of the like charge: Homo rudis & asper. Procuratorem vultu qui preferat ipso. So ●● Antient. l. 31. The Statutes and Laws of his Prince and Council: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Nicetas. Pag. 41. l. 3. To second their inclinations: Nemo suos (haec est Aulae natura potentis) Sed domini mores habet. Martial. l. 11. He indeed: Malus est minister regij imperij pudor. Haud est facile mandatum scelus audere, verum iusta, qui reges timet deponat aut pellat ex animo decus. So Seneca. And Aude aliquid brevibus Gyaris & carcere dignu, Si vis esse aliquid,— So juvenal. Pag. 15. l. 1. Committed many cruelties: Sed cum impiè peremptus exequijs suffragantibus ad praefecturam venisse hominem comperisset immeritam, exorsit ad agenda sperandaque similia, & Histrionis ritu mutata repente persona studio nocendi concepto incedebat oculis infestis & rigidis praefecturam autu nans adfore propediem, si ipse quoquese contaminasset insontium poenis. So Amm. Marcell. lib. 23. Pag. 17. l. 11. Burrus and Seneca: Afranius Burrus, & Anneus Senneca rectores imperatoriae iuu●ntae, iwantes inu●cem, quo facilius lubricam principis aetatem, si virtutem aspernaretur, voluptatibus concessis retinerent. Et delapso Nerone in amorem libertae, metuebatur in stupra feminarum illustri●i prorumperet illa libidine prohiberetur. Atque ex Sen●c● familiaribus A●naeus Serenus simulatione amoris adversus eandem libe●tam primas adoleratis cupidines velaverat, praebueratque nomen, ut quam princeps furtim mulierculae tribuebat, ille palam largiretur. So Tacitus, lib. 13. in Annual. Pag. 19 l. 16. Whom Tacitus represents: Hunc ego Lepidum temporibus illis gravem & sapientem in virum comperio. Nam pleraque ab sevis adulationibus alio●um, in melius deflexit: neque tamen temperamenti egebat, cū●aequabiliauctoritate & gratia apud Tyberium viguerit. So Tacit. l. 11. Made himself agreeable and pleasing to his Prince. Namque ill● aetas duo pacis decora simul tulit; sed labeo incorrupta libe●tate & ob id fama celebration, Capitoni oblequium dominantibus magis probabatur, So Ibid. in Anal. lib, 3. And Pessimus quisque aspe●ri●●e rectorem patitur. So Sallust. And ●acile est impe●ium in bonos. So Dion Cassius. Pag. 20. l. 9 It was likewise the advice of Sallust. So Arist. in Poll. lib. 12. l. 29. Believe they are more secure: Plerique terum potentes peruerse consulunt, & eo se munitiores putant quo illi quibus imperitant nequiores fuerint. So Sallust. Pag. 21. l. 9 By comparing themselves with those who are worse: Habuerunt nounulli alij principes devotam & amantem sui cohortem sed alio quodam modo. Primum quod imperiti ac rudes indoctissimum quemque in consiliu● deligebant, seilicet ut ipsius prudenti● in vulgus aliquatenus emine●et. Ita cu● vilis●imus quisque honorum & divitiarum potius feret sua co●rno●la, & vitia Principum diligeba●t, Ab his optimus quisque ab●gebatur procul, cu● suspecta esset probitas & invisa, & quento quisque honestior tanto imporru●ior turp●u● arbiter, vitaretur. So Mamertin in Paneger ad jul. l. 15. Augustus' ha● this disione: Ne Tyberium quidem carirate, aut Reipu●. cu● a succ●storem acscitum sed quomam arrogantiam saevitiamque eius intrespexe●it, comparatione deterrima sibi gloriam quaesivisse. So Amm. Marc●l. l. 18. Pag. 23. l. 1. That bas● and humble s●●●●ry was despleasing to Tiberius: Caet●rum tempora illa adeo infecta & adulatione sordida f●ere, ut non modo consuleret, magna pais co●um qui p●aetuia a functi, multique e●ia● pedarij senatores certatim exurgerent, foedaque & ui●●a censerent. Memory proditur Tyberium quoties cu●ia egrederetur, G●aecis ve●●is in han● modum eloqui solitum O ho●ines ad ser●iturem paratos! seilicet e●iam ill●m, qui libertatem publicam nolletur tam p●oiectae patientiae sedeba●. So Tacit. in Annal. lib. 3. l. 7. For he whom we so flatter: Arduus re●um mo●o ne có●umax silentium, ne suspecta libertas, ne diffidere dubijs, pa●ugaudere prosperis videantur. Adulatio perin●e anceps sinimi● ac si nulla est. Ibid. And Xiphl n Peaking of Di●ius Iulia●us saith thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l 14. To maintain our reputation the firmer: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●o Esch. ●pist. 6. Pag. 24. l. 3. Vale●ius M●ssala began first: Addebat Messala Valerius, iter●nandu n per annos Sacramentum in manus Tyherij, interrogatusque a Tyberto, an se mand●nte ●am sententiam promisisset, sponte dixisse e●p●ndit; neque in ij● que a● Re ●publicam pe●tinerent, consilio nisi sno vsuru●, vel cum p●riculo offensionis ca sola species adul●nd●i ●upererat. So Tacit. in Annal. lib. 1. l. 16 Since when Aetius C●pito: Palam aspernante Aetio C●pitone quasi li●●rt●tem, non d●bare eripipatribus vini statuendi. Ibid. Pag. 28. l. 28. And this Tiberius commonly practised in the Senate of Rome: Postea cognitu●nest ad intro piciendads' etia● P●incipum volunt●tes, inductam du●itationem. Ibid. Annal. lib. 1. Pag. 29. l. 16. Which retains Great men from changing their resolutions: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. So Eurip●●es in And●om. Pag. 30. l 15. If it were found she had attempted that whereos she was accused: Nero Trepidus ● intersiciendae matris avidus, non prius disse●●i potuit, qu●m ●arrhus nece● eius promitt●ret, si facinoris coarguertur. So Tacitus in Annel. ●●●●. 1. l. Pag. 35. l 4. Burrus and Seneca; which cruclise is will recorded in these words: Igitur B●rrh● & S●n●ca longum silentium ne ir●iti dissuaderent, etc. Ibid. in Ibid. Pag. 36. l. 31. That the Prince conceive not this rest to be purposely contrived or directed him: R●p●ries qui ob similitu linem m●●u● aliena male facta sibi object a●rputent. Ibid. in Annal. lib. 4. Pag. 37. l. 1. As Tiberius imagined: So Dion. lib. 58. l. 3. Occidit Helnidin qd quasi scenae exordio sub Paridis, & oenones divortium suum eum uxore ●ractasset. So Sueton. chap 10. De Domitia. Pag. 38. l. 2. And to prevent that he joined not with Cerialis: Intellig●bantur a●tes Muciani quid novi tentaret Domitianus, sed pars obsequij n● in Muciano depr●hend●retur. So Taci●us in Annal. lib. 4. Pag. 40. l. 20. Agreeable to him that is in choler: Ful●en est ●●●● po●esiate habitat iracundia. Pub. Mimus. Etgravis i●a Regum est semp●r. Sense. Trag. in Medea. Pag 43. l. 4. Phillippe King of Macedon on a time: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Athene ●●●●. 10. Pag. 48. l. 9 Tiberiu● was of one inclination under Augustus: Mo●●● qnoqu● temporailli diue●sa: egregium vita famaq●e qu●ad privatus, vel in imperijs sub Augusio fuit, occul u●n ac sub dolu● fingendis v●●tutibus d●n●e Germa●icus ac Drusus supeisere idem inter bona malaque mixtus, incolumi matre in tellabilis saevitia, sed ob●ectis libidinibus, du● Sei●num dilexit, timuit me. Postremo i● sc●lera si●ul ac dedecora prorupsit, postquam remoto pudo●e & metu, suo tantum ingenio utebatur. So Tacit. in Annal. lib. 6. l. 14. And as Passienus reporteth: Vndemox Passieni dictum perer●bius, neque meliorem unquam seruum, neque deteriorem dominum fuisse. So Tacitus in Annal lib. 6. l. 19 Of alterations in the manners of Marius and Scylla. So Plutarch in his lives, lib 22. Sec. 5. l 28. As Leo●tius said of Zeno: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Suidas. Pag. 49 l. 17. Must not alter his fashions and manners: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Eurip. l. 9 As Seneca writes: Postea promotus amplissimas promosiones nulla occasione corruptus ab insito abstinentiae amore deslexit, nunquam secondis rebus intumuit, nunquam officio●um varietate continuam laudem infregit. l. 24. Which makes them more difficult to receive Council: Ne me fugit quam du●us ac verè insolens ad r●cta flecti Regius tumour. So Senec. Trag. in Hypol. l. 31 Without disparaging or diminishing their authority: Vbicu●que omnia honesta dominanti licent, quod non potest, vult posse qui nimirum potest. So Seneca. Pag. 50. l. 6. Which is permitted to the Commons: Ignota tibi sunt iu●a regno●um haud ●oua, maligni iudices, id ●sse regn● maximum pignus putant, si quid quod aliis nonlicet nobis so●is licet. Ibid. l. 9 And n●t for themselves: Sanctitas, pietas, fides, privata bona sunt ad quae iwat rege ' cant. Ibid. l. 14. Power sometimes enchanteth the best Wits and judgements: Erat Dario mite & tractabile ingenium nisi suam naturan plerum que sortuna co●rumperet. So Q Cu●t. in Rex Dar. l. 21. Appian speaxing: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So App. in ●ut. Mithr●d. Pag. 51. l. 1. And if we will b●le●ue Aristophanes: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Aristoph. Ath. de Dipnos. lib. 4 Pag. 52. l. 14. Vespasian learned it in the Schools of the like Masters: Tributa gravia atque intoleranda. sed nece●sitate armorum excusata, etiam in pace mansere. Ipso Vespasiano, inter initia impe●ij, ad obtinendas iniquitates haud perinde obsti●ato: donee indulgentia fortunae, & pravis magistris, diduit aususque est, Tacit. in Annal lib 11. l. 22. Ignorant of the duty of their charge: Et quaeritur quidem quem res malos principes faciat, iam primum nimia licentia, deinde rerum copia, amici praeterea improbi, satellites detestandi, Eunuchi avarissimi, Aulici vel stulti, v●l derestatiles, & (quod negari non potest) rerum publica●um ignorantia. So Vopis. in vit. Aurel. Pag. 56. l. ●2. They dare not reap profit hereby: Plerique principes cum essent Civium domini libertorum serui e●ant, per hos audiebant per hos loquebantur, per hos & p●aeturae & sacerdotia, imo consulatus ab his petebantur. So Pliniae. Pag. 56. Sect. Pallas and Narcissus; The freewoman of Claudius: Of whom speaks Tacitus in Annal. lib 11. 12. 13. l. 13. Was in danger to lose his life: In comitatu dugusti circumlatrabat Arbitionem invidui, velut suaima mox adepturum, decord cultus imperatorij praestruxisse: in●●abatque ei strepens in manica co ●es ve●issimus nomine, sed cubicularij● suffragantibus, ut loqu●batur pertinax tumour, v●nculis sunt exu●ae personae quae st●ingabautur ut consciae, & Dol●s eu●nuit, & verissi ●us ilico ●a●uit etc. So Ammian. Marcel. in Hist. lib. 16. Pag. 58. l. 20. Who were doorkeepers to Sejanus: Etiam Satrium atque Po●ponium veneraba●tur: libertis quoque ea ianitoribus eius n●i●scere pro magnisico accipiebatur. So Tac●tus in Annal. lib 6. Pag. 61. l. 5. Archelaus King of Capadocia: Rex Archelaus quinquagesimum annum Cappa locia potiebatur, invisus Tiberio, quod cum Rhodi agentem, nullo officio colu●sset, nec id A●ch●laus per superbiam omiserat, sed ab intimis Augusti monitus, quia slo●●nte C. Cesare missoque●ad res Otientis intu●a Tyberij amicitia credebatur. Ibid. lib. 2. Pag. 63. l. ●5. Which sort of men commonly make no good e●d: So as Antie●t ●●●●. Pag. 77. l. 2. Of enemies who hate us: Odij c●usae acriores quia inique; proprium humani ing●n jodisse quem laese●it. So Ta●it. And Ho habent p●●simum animi magna fortu●a insolentes, quos laeserunt, odeiunt. So Seneca. l 26. We must make no show to be offended: Optimum remedium instidiarum si non intelligantur. So Tacit. And Potentiorum iniuriae Hilari vultunon patienter tantum ferendae: sacient iteru● iniuriam si se secisse crediderint. So Sense. Pag. 78. l. 8. Will cause him upon all new occasions to molest and endamage us: here remember that which was sormerly spoken of Arch laus, and hereunto add: Archelaus ignarus dolived si intelligere crederetur vim metuens, in urbem properat: clapsusque in●miti à principe & mox accusatus in senatu, non ob crimina quae singebantur, sed angore, simul fessus senio & quia regibus aequa nedum insima insolita sunt, sinem vitae sponte an fato i●pleuit. So Tacitus. Pag. 83. l. 2. Without being too familiar or troublesome through our importunity. Si vitare velis acerba quaedam, Et tristes animi cavere morsus, Nullis te facias nimis sodalem, Gandebis minus & minus dolebis So Martial. Pag 86. l. 2. And infuse vanity and courage to those whom he purposed to ruin. — Eutrapelus cuicumque▪ nocere volebat, Vestimenta dabat praetiosa, beatus enim iam cumpulchi is: unicis sumet nova consilia, & spes: Dormiet in lucem: scorto post pon●t honestum Officium animos alienos poscet: ad imum Thraxerit, aut olitoris aget mercede Caballon. S▪ Horace, ●. 1. Epist. 18. Pag. 88 l. 28. We must have much fortunacy and courage to surmount c●use. Inuidium ferre aut foelix aut fortis potest. So Pub. Mim. And ●nuidiam qui habet non solet esse d u. S● Prope●cius. Pag. 94 l. 28. As seeming more desirous of rest then ●●nour Certissima est regnare cupienti via, laudare modica, & otium ac somnum sequi, ab inquieto saepe simulatur quies. Sense. in O●dip. Pag. 95. l. 13. Herein to imitate Marcas Lepidus, whom as I have said, was reputed. Tiberius' per litteras M. Lepidum & junium Bl●sum nominat: ex quibus proconsul Africa legeretur Tum audita amborum verba, intentius excusant se Lepido, cum valetudinem corporis, aetatem liberam nubilem filiam obtenderet: intelligereturque etiam quod solebat Anunculum esse Seians Blasam atque eo praevalidum. So Tacitus in Annal, lib. 3. Pag. 26. l. 6. Who prevailed and bore it in Senate against the Law. De Praetore in locum Vipsanii Galli, quem mors abstulerat, subrogando, certamen incessit. Germanicus atque Drusus Haterium Agrippam propinquum Germanics fovebant: contra plerique nitebantur, ut numerus liberorum incandidatis praepolleret, quod lex iubebat. Laetabatur Tiberius, cum inter filios eius & leges senatus disceptaret victa est fine dubio lex, sed neque statim, & paucis suffragiis: quomodo, etiam cum valerent, leges vincebantur, Ibid. Pag. 98. l. 11. To sweeten and diminish a fall in Court. Fortunam citius reperies quam retineas. So Publianus Minogr. And to this effect. Summum ad gradum cum claritatis veneris consistes aeque, & potius quam ascendas decides, cecidi ego, cadet qui sequitur, laus est publica. So Laberius. Pag. 99 l. 14. Sejanus is represented by Valleius Paterculus. Actu otiosis simillimum, nihil sibi vindicantem, eoque assequentem omnia, semper infra aliorum aestimationes se metientem, vultu vitaque tranquillum, animo ex somnem. Which words are eloquently translated and alleged by our Author, S●ct. 7. Pag. 100 l. 11. As by the speeches he gave him to dissuade him from it. Tiberius' laudata pietate ●●●●, suisque in eum bene●icus modice percussis, tempus tanquam ad integram consultationem petivit. And l. 21. And it being in his power to give or deny entrance. Rursum Sejanus, non tam de matimonio Liviae, sed altius metuens tacita suspicionum: vulgi rumorem ingruentem invidiam deprecatur. Ac ne assiduos in domum coetus arcendo, infringeret potent●am, aut receptando, facultatem c●iminantibus pr●beret, haec flexit, ut T●b●rium ad vitam procul Roma, amoenis locis degendam impelleret. Multa quoque providebat, sua in manu aditus, litterarumque magna ex parte se arbitrum fore, cum per milites commearent: mox Caesarem urgente iam Senecta secretaque loci mollitum, muniae imperii facilius transimislurum, & minui sibi invidiam, a dempta salutantum turba, sublatisque inanibus, vera potentia augere, etc. So Tacitus in Annual. lib. 4. Pag. 102 l. 5. But as ambition is indiscreet, inconsiderate and rash. Omnis ambitio praeceps. S. Seneca. Pag 107. l. 5. Here ye see the fall of one of the expertest and powerfulst Courtiers. Where our Author hath been pleased to particularise the favour of Sejanus, and hath briefly and eloquently translated his life, reported by Tacitus Dion, and Valleius Paterculus. In which Authors the Reader may find them. Pag. 111. l. 23. Antonius Primus ruined his fortune. Ind paulatim levior viliorque haberi, manente in speciem amicitia. So Tacitus in Annall, lib. 4. l. 26. For Princes believe. Destrui Casar per haec fortunam suam, imparemque tanto merito tebatur. Ibid. Pag. 115 l 2. Nor to take, nor repine at their advancement Non est nostrum aestimare, quem supra caeteros, & quibus de causis extollas Tibi summum rerum iudicium dii dedere, nobis obsequii gloria relicta est. So Marc. Teren. ●● Tib in Tacitus, Annall, lib. 6. Pag. 116. l. 15. Whom it was more dangerous to continue and disdain, than Vespasian himself. Nihil adventantem Mucianum veritus, quod exitiosius erat quam Uispusianum sprevisse. Ibid. lib 3. Pag. 117 12. Esteeming it an injury offered them. Asperius nihil est humily tum surgit in altū●ūcta ferit dum cuncta timet, d●saeuit in omnes, Vt se posse putent. — So Claudian, l●b. 1. Pag. 119. l 29. Commodus being hated. Cum praefecti praeterio vidissent Commodum in tantum odium incidisse obtentur Anteri cuius potentiam praefecti pretorit ferre non poterant, v●bano Anteru eductum è palatio sacrorum causa & redeuntem in hortos suos per frumentarios occiderunt. So Lampridius. Pag. 120. l 3. Bewraying the secrets of our Prince, and been of intelligence with his Enemies. Has conditiones quamquam ipse in secreto volutaverat cum amicis, vulgo tamen omnes fame ferebant: vanis ut ad caeteram fidem sic ad secreta tegenda satellitum regiorum ingeniis. So Tit. Liu. in vit Nabd. Pag 130 l. 1. To conceal the quarrel he had with Marcellus Agrippa sub specie ministeriorum principalium profectus in Asiam ut fama loquitur ob tacitas cum Marcello offensiones praesenti se subdux erat tempori. So Vall. Paterc. l. 3. Tiberius' retired to Rhodes. Remansit ergo Rhodi contra voluntatem: vix per matrem consecutus, ut ad velandam ignominiam quasi legatus ab Augusto abesset. So Sueton. in Vit. Tib. chap. 12. l. 24. And this subtlety was practised by Appelles. So Pollyb. lib. 4. l. 30. Darius by this pretext. So Herodot. lib 5. Pag. 131. l. 7. With more facility callumniate Syluanus. Syluanus pedestris militiae rector, Arbetione id procurante in Galliam mittitur, ad corrigenda mala quas Gallis a Barbaris inferebantur ut absente aemulo, quem quietum esse ferebatur periculosae molis onus impingeret. So Am. Marcel lib. 15. Pag. 132. l. 3. But the designs of Eusebius. Quodideo per molestos formatores imperii ●truebatur, ut si per se frustra habit● redissent ad sua, ducis novi virtuti facinus assignaretur egregium: si fortuna sequior ing●uisset, Vrficinus reus proditor Reipub. differretur. Ibid. lib. 18. Pag. 136. l. 15 Aetius under Valentinian. This Historse is wholly reported by Theododoret in Vit Paul Deacon. Pag. 138 l. 3. Arbetio having made Constantius juspect Syluanus. This is fully expressed by Am. Marcell lib. 15. l 17. Plotted that under hand her friends. Agrippinae quoque proximi inficieba●tur pravis sermonibus tumidos spiritus perstimulare. So Tacitus in Annall, lib. 4. l. 27. Another time. Sejanus maerentem & improvidam altius perculit, immissum qui per speciem amicitiae monerent, paratum ei venenum, vitandas soceri epulas. So Ibid. in Ibid. Pag. 139. l. 15. Titius Sabinus. Vtque augeatur suspicio insidiae s●mul & exitium paratur T●tio Sabino equiti summo Germanici amico. Whose falln● read in Tacitus, in Ibid. Pag. 140. l. 7. Began to make these four more familiar one to the other. In sermons, tanquam vetita miscuissent, speciem arctae amicitiae facere. Ibid. Pag. 142. l. 7. Making himself his Companion in all his pleasures. Quo pluribus iudiciis in ligaret. All this is drawn from Tacitus in Annall, lib. 2. Pag. 145. l. 22. He gained julius Posthumius: Atque haec callidis criminationibus inter quos deleger●t julian Post-humium per adulterium Mutiliae Priscae inter intimos aviae, & consilijs suis peridoneum, quia Prisca in animo Augustae valida. Ibid. lib. 4. Pag. 147. l. 5. Against those of whom the Prince is already suspicious: Aulici acriter principum offensa speculantur. Ibid. l. 17. Grapius Caesar's freeman: Suspectabat maximè Cornelium Syllam, suorum ingenium eius in contrarium trahens callidum & simulatorem interpretando. Quem metum Grapius ex libertis usu & senecta à Tiberio usque domum Principum edoctus tali mendacio intendit. Ibid. l. 22. And the like did Tigill. Ualidior in dies Tigellinus, metus cius rimatur, compertoque Plautum & Syllam maximè timeri, nuper amatos, etc. Ibid. in Annal, lib. 14. l. 23. Arbetio did the like: Arbetio consilio in leni●udinem slexo facinus impium loesae Maiestatis quo Ursicinius accusabatur ad deliberationem secundam deferendum persuasit, contentus exturbasse collegam, quam hacratione sibi devinxisse existimabat. So Am. Mucel. li 15. Pag. 148. l. 9 Which was so much the sooner believed, because every one knew: Et quia vera erant etiam dicta credebantur. So Tacit. l. 21. To reside in the Island, of Caprea: Tiberiunperpulit ut vitandos crederet patrum coetus v●cesque quae plerumque verae & graves coram ingerebantur. Ibid. in Annal. lib 4▪ l. 30. To territie and defame the Tyrant: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Xiphlin. Pag. 150. l. 19 Thereby to co●er the ill Offices he did him towards Vitellius: M●nlius Valens quamquam de p●itibus me●i●us nullo apud Vit●llium honore fui●, s●cretis cum criminationibus infa●aue●a● fabius' ig●ar●um, & quo intautior decipetet● p●●l●● lauda●um. ●o Ta●●ius l. 1. l. 21. Arbetio learning V●sici●us: In pugnaba● Ursicinum perfectae benig itatis ill●● bras Arbetio, & viru●n fortem propalam saepè app●llans, ad invectendas letales i●si ●ias vitae si●plici p●r quam callens, & ea tempestate nimium potens. So Am. M●rcell lib. 15. Pag. 151. l. 5. Mucianus to ruin Antonius; P●imus did the like: Igitur Muctanus. quia propalam opp●imi Antonius n●quibat multis in se●atu laudibus cu●●ulatum, secret●s promissis onerat, ●iteriorem Hispaniam ostentans, dis●●ssu sla●ij Rusi vacu●m. So Tacitly Annal. lib. 4. l. 21. And N●c●tas reported: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pag. 152. l. 4. The Emperour ●ulian: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 7. As saith Mamertin in his Panegericke: Callido nocendi artificio accusatoriam dicacitatem laudem titulis peragebant in omnibus conventiculis quasi per benevolentiam. l. 9 And Polybius termeth it: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So. Polib. lib. 4. l. 12. Flattery with her eyes open: Invidia in occulto, adulatio in aperto erat. So Taci●us. l. 16. Thereby to disprasse another: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Chrysoft. Ho●. 11. chap. 1. ad Corinth. And to this purpose: Regalis ingenij me● est in presentiam contumeliam amissa laudare & eye virtutem dare vera dicendi à quibus audiendi periculum non est. So Seneca. Pag. 153. l. 4. For writing of him to the Senate: Quaedam de habitu vultuque & institutis eius iacuerat, qua velut excusandum exprebaret. So Tacitus. Pag. 155. l. 27. If he be light, inconstant, vain: Nullum tam infidum mare, quam Blanditiae principum illorum quibus tanta laeviras, tanta fraus, ut satius esset iratos quam propitios habere. So Pliny. Pag. 156. l 28. To have enforced the Rarth●ans. See all this in Appian. in Parthe●i●. Pag. 158. l 2. Have left and conferred all the honour to the Prince: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So Dion lib. 49 Agricola attributed all good fortune to his Captain: Nec umquam in su●m ●amam gestis exultault, ad authorem ducem minister fortunam referebat. So Tacitus. Pag. 161. l. 1. Who is sometimes suspected of the Prince: Suspectus dominantibus quiproximus destinatur. Ibid. l. 22. Purposely to hasten the death of Tiberius: Macro intrepi his, opprimi senem iniectu muliae vestis, discedique ad limine. Sic Tiberius sinivit. Ibid. in Annal. lib. ●. l. 27. Continued him in repatation and authority: A●betionem semper ambiguum & prat●●idum, quempiam omnium, salutis suae ●ouerat obiectum praefecit questionibus. So Am. Marcel. l. 29. To oppose Procopius: Arbetionem ex consule agertem iamdudum in otio ad se venire hortatus est; ut Constantini ducis verecundia truces animilenirentur. Ibid. Pag. 162. l. 6. That he stoop as low as he can ●o his Prince: ●rimoribus clarit●●o fua obsequijs prosequenda est, adeoque iis minus sordida adulatio videtur quia nec●ssaria est. So Tacitus l. 18. So did Galba: Pa●lati● in desidlam, fignitiemque conversus est, ne materiae preberet Neroni, & ut dicere sole●●●, quod ●emo rationem otijsui reddere cogeretur. So Suetonius in Vit. Galb. In which respect Tacitus saith that his indlenesse in those dates, was termed Galbus Wisdom, because Idlers are least suspected of their Prince: Vt quod illi segnitia erat, sapientia vocabatur. So Tacitus lib 1 in Anual. Pag 167. l. 1. For although it be difficult to make friends at Court: Nulli sides ubi iam melior fortuna ruit. So Seneca. Pag. 168. l. 24. That we be not answerable for other men's faults: Qualem commends, etiam atque etiam adspice ne mox Incutiant aliena ●ibi peccata pudorem. So Horace lib. Epist. 18. Pag 173. l. 7. Many will be perplexed and gravelled to know the reason of their own happiness: Subijciet aliquis ista quidem adeptus est, sed effare quo merito: quid me oneras, sisciter? tationem foelicitatis nemo reddidit, Deus est qui Deo proximus tacito mun●ra dispergst arbitrio, & beneficiorum suorum indignatus per homines stare iudicium mawlt, de subditis dedisse miraculum. So Auson in Paneger. de Grat. Pag. 176. l. 2. Knowing that they are linked to them, have rebucked and checked them: Sed accepto aditu, Popea primum per blandimenta & arts valescere, imparem cupidinise, & forma Nero● i● captam simulans: mox acri iam principi● amore, ad superbiam vertens, si ultra unam alterainque nocte mattineretur, nuptam esse se dictitans, nec posse matrimonium amittere, devinctam Othoni per genus vitae quod nemo adaequarct. Illum animo & cultu magnificum: ibise summa so tuna digna visere. At Nerone●● policy ancilla, & assuetudine Actes devinctum, ●il é contubernio seruili, nisi abiectum & sordidum traxisse. So Tacitus in Annal. lib. 13. l. 15. And in mocking him, should call him Pupil: Nero slagrantior in dies amore Poppaea quae sibi mat●imonium, & dissidium Octaviae incolu●i agrippina hanc sperans, crebris criminationibus, aliquando per facetias incusare princ●pem, & pupillum vocare, qui inssis alienis obnoxius non mo●o in p●rij, sed libertatis etiam indiger●t. Ibid. lib. 14. Pag. 177. l. 6. Do rather purchase ut contempt then favour: Argumentum nihil debentium odio querunt. So Seneca. l. 30. That these services may wax old in the memories: Haec est consuetudo vestra, nempe donorum, tandiu vobis cordi sumus quamdiu usui. So Seneca in Controuers. Pag. 178. l. 14. Then o●● Prince to us: Sed in principe ratum ac prope insolitum est, ut se putet obligatum aut si putet, amet. So Pliny ad Traian. Pag. 182. l. 8. Because his Presence still reproached him of the Parrasydy: Anicetus levi post admissum scelus gtatia, dein graviore odio: quia graviorum facinorum ministri quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. Tacitus in Annal. lib. 14. Pag. 186. l. 6. A wise man admonisheth us: Co●am Rege noli videri sapiens. Pag. 188 l. 9 Then to stay till we are enferced out of Window. Quid fatigate foelicitati molestus; ei? quid? expectas donec castris eiiciaris? So said an old Roman. l 14 Those are esteemed happy. Felicitas, in ips● foelicitate mori. So Seneca. Pag 189. l. 11. More to satisfy your desire. Ego fungar, vice cotis acutum Reddere quae ferrum valet, ex sorsipsa secandium. FINIS. Errata. In the first Book. P. 2. l. ●. for distatfull, read dista●lefull. P. 4. l. 23. for strange, r. straying. P. 30. l. 15. for must, r. most P. 95 for Chap. 14 r. Chap. 24 P. ● 20. l. 14. for those whose humours, r. those humours P. 137. In the Argument of Cham 20. and Head 14. for the sac●●ie of a business, r. the facility or difficulty of a business. p. 136. for other, r their. In the second Book. P. 45. l 21. for so is this, r so as this. p. 64. l. ●. for immited, r. imitated. p. 131. l 7. 16. for Sylanus, r. Syluanus. p. 110. for Chap. 16. r. Chap. 22.