A REMONSTRANCE OF THE DIRECTORS OF THE NETHERLANDS East India Company, presented to the Lords States General of the united Provinces, in defence of the said Company, touching the bloody proceed against the English Merchants, executed at Amboyna. TOGETHER, With the Acts of the Process, against the said ENGLISH. AND The Reply of the English East India Company, to the said Remonstrance and Defence. Published by Authority. Printed at London by john Dawson, for the East India Company, 163●. ¶ To the Reader. Gentle Reader, THe Remonstrance of the Netherlands East India Company, hereafter in the first place following, was by the same Company presented to the Lord States General, of the united Provinces: in November, Anno 1624. for Answer of the Relation of the English East India Company, touching the , cruel, and barbarous proceeding against the English at Amboyna, and for justification of that infamous process, the Copy of which Remonstrance being imparted to the said English Company, they forth with writ the subsequent Reply, and sent the same to be presented to the said Lords States General, for a counterpoison against the said Remonstrance: At that time the English Company intended not to have published it in Print, thereby to make so many judges of the cause as now they must, but upon fair hope then given them out of the Netherlands trusted (by the justice of the Lords States General, joined with that of their own Sovereign) to obtain an issue of this cause, according to the merits thereof. But the Ambassador of the said Lords States being here in England, in june 1625. and moved by his Majesty for satisfaction for the lives of his subjects, that were so treacherously but cheered by theirs at Amboyna, as also for restitution of their goods so made forfeit, and recompense for the damage of the English Company, by this and other actions, used such excuse and colour (as it seemeth out of the ground of this Remonstrance: (which after many provisional disputes finally concludeth for delay of trial) that at the last, in September the same year, they obtained of his Majesty a respite of 18. months for the calling home of the Governor Harman van Speult, and the rest of the judges in the said bloody process, from out of the Indies, to answer the matter here themselves, and for satisfaction of all the other Complaints of the English Company. To whom although this respite was irksome, having already borne so long delay, in a cause of such impatient nature; as also having a suspicion of the sinister intent of the Dutch Company: in this new respite; nevertheless considering, that this was a favour craved by the said Lords States in their first Ambassage to his Majesty, and their very congratulations of his happy success to his rightful Crowns, they held it their duty to conform themselves to his Majesty's grace herein. As also the same English Company having confidence in the sincere dealing of the Lords States General, whose Letter of the 31. of December. 1624. for calling home of the said bloody Governor and others, was committed to their conveyance, and by them sent into the Indies, hoped that their remedy though slow and long, would yet at last be sure, and serious▪ and so they put on a new patience, and expectation of some issue of this likely course. But having waited out this respite, which expired, some years now past, they find all things fall out contrary to their hope so grounded upon the Lords States promise and Letter, but altogether verifying their suspicion of the drift of the Netherlands Company before mentioned. For the said Letter of the Lords States being by the English Precedent at jacatra, safely delivered to Carpentier, Governor General of the Dutch, in the Indies, he (when Harman van Speult the late Governor of Amboyna, and head of the bloody treachery against the English there) arrived at jacatra) received him with great honour, yea with triumph, and instead of sending him for Europe, to answer the complaints of the English, according to the direction and commandments of the Lords States, by their said Letter; made him chief Commander of a fleet of ships, sent from thence to Surat, and other Northern parts of the Indies. The English Precedent and Council at jacatra, in vain protesting here-against, and urging his remission to Europe, in consequence of the Letter of the Lords States aforesaid. Neither have the Officers of the said Netherlands Company in the Indies, in all that respite of 18 months, nor in all the time since, made any restitution or reparation to the English as was promised and pretended, nor any preparation thereunto, but rather have added new grievances. So that it now plainly appeareth, that the said Netherlands East India Company, in their earnest suit to the Lords States, to procure his Majesty to give respite for the due trial of the cause of Amboyna, inserted in the latter end of this ensuing Remonstrance; intended nothing less than such a true trial, but a cooling and blunting of the edge and zeal of the English Company, in pursuing of their due remedies, hoping (as it is in the fable of him, that undertook to teach the Ass to speak) that in long delay and respite of time something might happen, utterly to elude and frustrate the real performance: In the mean time, besides the goods of the English that they detain, they enjoy the whole trade of the Mulluccoes, Banda, and Amboyna, the true, though wretched motive of their abominable process, against the Innocents', and have raised the Nutmegs, Maces, Cloves, (being by this means solely in their own hands) to more than double the price of that they were at, in these parts, when the English had their share in them. Whereby it appeareth how sincerely this following Remonstrance slighteth this matter as a poor end, though it so much enrich the Dutch Company; as likewise how much, not only the whole Realm of ENGLAND, but even all the Kingdoms and Common wealths in Europe, that are thus served with those Spices at such high rates, are interessed in this cause. And yet besides all the premises, the English Company find another and more proper cause of their recourse to the press at this present, otherwise for all the rest they could perhaps attend other remedies. But they find that in this Interim, of the cause and motives whereof the world could take no notice, many not only of the Dutch, but English also, begin to conceive worse of the English cause: presuming that if it had been such as the discourses formerly published in this argument imported, they think certainly, ere this, to have heard of some exemplary punishment upon so execrable a fact, or at least of some serious preparation thereunto. In particular the English Company understand, that some of the bloody College of judges, being returned into the Low Countries, and living free, and well countenanced there, have of late, upon confidence (as it seems) of the effectual working of their elusory Artifice, craked and vaunted, that they will justify their process of Amboyna, even to the face of his Majesty, (which are their own facing words) although the same parties at their first arrival in Holland; kept themselves close, and were not ●owne where to be found, when the Ministers of this state sought after them. Which bold face being put upon this bad matter, hath so fare countenanced the same, as that some of our own Nation there, allied to the Dutch, ●●ue in private stepped up in defence of the said barbarous butchery, and seem at least to think the matter aggravated above the true desert, Wherefore least the poor innocent English that have already suffered so many and so grievous ●●rtures, and afterwards a reproachful death, should now ●●aine after death, suffer in their good names also, which is, or aught to be, dearer than life itself, lest also the English East India Company, that have likewise suffered too many indignities, and such damages from the Dutch, should seem to have made a great cry without as just a cause; They now find it high time to vindicate their own reputation, and the fame of their innocent servants and Countrymen, by accquainting the world with the true state of the business, as also to defend and maintain their former true relation from the exceptions taken against it, by 〈◊〉 following Remonstrance of the Dutch; And because the Acts of the process of Amboyna, are often mentioned, as well in this Remonstrance, as in the Reply thereunto, the same also are inserted between both, to clear the relative passages on both parts. (⸪) A REMONSTRANCE of the Bewinthebbers or Directors of the Netherlands East India Company lately exhibited to the Lords States General in justification of the proceed of their Officers at Amboyna against the English there. Translated out of French. High and mighty Lords: THE Directors of the united Company and Society of the East-Indies did in the month of july past, present unto your Honours a Deduction concerning that which was passed in the Province of Amboyna, and of the execution there made in March 1623., with a provisional answer of the Objections which then were made and known against it: But where this Cause by that means could not be ended, and for as much as daily there are found & spread abroad great Bruits against that which is mentioned in the Deduction aforesaid; therefore the said Directors in regard of their charge and office, as also for the defence of their Servants, so fare as reason permitteth, and not to be thought destitute and naked of good defence, yea that they may not leave the matter for condemned, as diverse have spread abroad, and gladly would make the world believe, cannot forbear to make, after due reverence, this more particular Instruction in form of Remonstrance unto your Honours. In the first place then, the Directors do yet persist in their said Deduction, because the same may serve to give light to the whole cause: And considering the weighty and infallible Inditia and evidence that preceded this discovery of the Treason of certain English, yea the same being notorious, as also the proceed which have legally and according to Law passed against the Confederates, as appeareth by the judicial Acts (signed as well by those which were examined, as by the Council of Amboyna which is a College admitted and sworn) and against which no proof, much less any vain and frivolous suspicion should be admitted, They the Directors absolutely believe (so long as they see no more to the contrary) that the said English Conspirators and other Confederates which were in our service, were well apprehended, and the fact (in our opinions) so well proved according to Law, and the use & custom in such case observed, the proceed have been leg all, & in pursuir thereof the punishment which they have sustained was inflicted according to the common Law, with good moderation of the rigour of justice & with clemency. Notwithstanding there have been many Writings and Deductions, as the Directors until this time perceive and discover, sowed and spread against this cause as well in England as in these parts: among which (for as much as we know) the first is a summary of News out of Letters dated the 10 of june 1623., written by the English Factors at Batavia, which immediately will be judged by every one who never so little and superficially shall read the same, to be full of passion contrary to the Truth, and without any proof: For first the proceeding by the justice at Amboyna upon the Confederates there, is blamed therein, and by preiudication called an unjust Murder, wicked and barbarous, the fashion and manner of the rack or torture likewise described and exaggerated with great vehemency and passion: And also it is not true that therein is said, that the other Indians (besides the English) confederates in the fact were Servants of the English Company, whereas it appeareth otherwise, to wit, that the Indian confederates were Servants of the Dutch Company, as is well known to be true; and yet this writing hath taken great place amongst great and small, and hath been showed as a pattern or model whereupon the other griefs have been form against the said justice of Amboyna. Upon which incontinently followed a more large and ample Writing called The true Relation of the cruel and barbarous torture and execution committed by the Flemings upon the English in Amboyna. In the Introduction whereof proceedeth impertinently a description of Amboyna, and of the Garrison and force of the Dutch in the same place, and this only to the end, as appeareth, to show thereby that there is no appearance that the English should consult of the taking of the said place as a thing impossible; As if, by reason of the small understanding and simple foundation which the Conspirators had to put their design in execution and in effect (omitting all other accusations) they had not in any kind merited and deserved any punishment: the contrary whereof appeareth to be practised daily in the like crimes; And to cite this presumption unto the annihilating of a truth so notorious and proved, and against the proper confessions of the executed and other Confederates, against the conscience and testimony of so many honest men and of credit, which have been employed in the cause, and against a College of judges public and sworn, this cannot in any manner be admitted, received, nor had in consideration by such as have understanding in these affairs. But to the contrary and beside all the reasons aforegoing, the Dutch Company hath made it to appear by good proofs, that the English to the end to divert and get forth of the Castle the forces of the Dutch, had in the Countries and Lands thereabouts stirred up, induced, and caused to rebel, all the Ternatanes, Ceraniens, and the Indian nations bordering there, openly and by public violence to make such unaccustomed outrages upon the Subjects of the Castle, that the Governor might be constrained to go forth from thence with all his forces for to appease and quiet the said Rebels, and to bring them to their ancient obedience. And thereupon the English should have assailed and invaded the Castle and the Town (as being destitute by the retiring and departure of the Army) than when the Dutch should be most feeble and in their greatest necessity as well of men as of Dutch ships, which should have been employed in this voyage. And concerning the force of the English which were in Amboyna, they alone would not have enterprised the attempt, but would unto this purpose have called unto them all the slaves which they had in great number in their Factaries: Neither would they have begun the same before the arrival of certain English Ships in Amboyna: The people whereof they would also have set on work and employed to the attempt: The retinue also, which daily the complices did underhand procure (as Gabriel Towerson Cape Merchant of the English had ordered) should have been much augmented, the rebel subjects of the Castle should have weakened the force of the Dutch and augmented the force of the conspirators; And further (which is the principal point) the end and design of the Conspirators was not to force and constrain the Castle (only) by violence, open war, or siege, (to which purpose all these imagined fortresses of the Castle, and the power of the Dutch, might have their consideration) but the plot was, to invade the Castle by Treason, and with the aid and assistance of the japonian Soldiers which were then in the service of the Dutch at Amboyna aforesaid: which small number of japonians were not slightly to be regarded, in respect of the valour and prowess of that Nation, and their extraordinary resolution in hazarding their lives in any dangerous enterprises; Insomuch as a certain small number of the japonians only of themselves and without any aid or support have undertaken and accomplished the most great attempts and designs in places of the greatest and most puissant government in the Indies. As among other things it appeareth by that which passed in the kingdom of Patany: where certain japonians forced and pillaged the Town, afterwards made their retreat in good order and with good composition. And in the Kingdom of Siam in the Town called jodea, full of thousands of persons, the King whereof himself can in a short time bring into the field above one hundred thousand men of arms, and heretofore obtained great victories upon many great Princes his neighbours, who then were and as yet are of great power; in that town (I say) which is the capital Town of the Kingdom, certain japonians surprised first the Castle and Royal Palace, and being entered thereinto by force, afterwards they took the King in person prisoner, they kept him in their custody, and being wholly become masters of the said Castle, they made by means of threatenings (as to put the King to death, and otherwise) an honourable and advantageous composition: By which the said small number of japonians went away & departed without any damage out of the Kingdom of Siam, with great glory and magnanimity, and very great riches. Which exploits are without comparison much more great and dangerous than the said attempt of Amboyna against an open Town and a Castle empty and naked of forces, into which also the japonians might have their daily access with the English who were held and reputed for friends: So that whatsoever is mentioned in the Deduction of the English upon this presumption, to draw into a doubt all the actions of the Confederates, is altogether without foundation, in a Cause so notorious and publicly convinced. Of the like force and efficacy is that which is set down before in the said English Deduction, as if the Dutch had no other design by this imputation of Treason but to thrust forth the English out of Amboyna, and to remain sole Masters of the Trade in those quarters: But if such had been the intention of the Dutch Company, they might easier and with more appearance and pretext have forborn to receive and admit the English at the beginning in Amboyna in the year 1620, then have thrust them forth in such a manner: and God forbidden that any one should undertake to perform or effect such a thing by such unjust and malign proceed, and with such effusion of blood, only to thrust forth the English from Amboyna. And concerning the Dutch Company here in Europe, never any such thing came into their thoughts, nor did they ever give any Commission for the putting forth of the English, by warrant whereof the Officers of the said place in general might have had ground to begin any thing to such an end. And concerning the Officers themselves, they are by those that know them esteemed and reputed to be honest and worthy men: who in like manner would no ways entertain a thought of such an Action. And to say the Truth, why should the Officers with such feigned wrong accuse and put to death the English and the Confederates being innocent: seeing that (as aforesaid) they had no Commission, and if they had any given them (which cannot be well imagined) yet the Governor and Counsel of Amboyna are such people as would not have yielded or given obedience thereunto. And the same Governor nor other judges which are fourteen in number, could not have drawn any profit or advantage by their so doing. For admit it were so that the English came in this regard for to leave Amboyna, this could no ways advantage them in their particular; but to the contrary, returning unto Europe, they themselves should be (besides the burden and remorse of their own Consciences) charged and aggravated with great blame and infamy, hatred and malice, and put in great danger of their persons; So that, of such a thing they could not expect otherwise then detriment, disadvantage and disgrace, yea punishment and chastisement upon themselves. Now if this be not so, then may not this presumption of the English be true, nor in any wise admitted and received, who maintain and inhumanely say, that this molestation and destruction was offered and done to the English, to the end to deliver and free Amboyna of them, and to retain it only by the Dutch. For the Dutch Company do declare the amity of the English Company to be unto them of chief and special importance; and they desire for to enjoy the same with all confidence: And furthermore we could produce and allege many reasons why we yet desire that the treaty being religiously and piously observed from the one part to the other, we could willingly and gladly be content to give way to the rate and portion in Trade permitted to the English Company by the Treaty 〈◊〉 the year 1619. without by exclusion of the English (the Treaty being by them observed) to acknowledge or think of any profit or advantage in general or in particular. We undertake further for our officers of Amboyna (〈◊〉 also it is true) that the beginning and entrance of this proceeding began upon vehement and well grounded suspicions against the first japonian in our service, who walking at undue hours upon the Bulwarks of the Castle, and enquiring very curiously of the force and constitution of the Garrison and setting of the watch, was apprehended, and presently the clew of this great and execrable conspiracy was opened and discovered, as the English Deduction itself confesseth. And if the Dutch had designed and undertaken (as most calumniously it is suspected and reported) to thrust the English out of Amboyna by the unjust report and accusation of their servants there, without any appearance of any true conspiracy: why did this japonian come upon the walls and so curiously inquire, and also being apprehended and examined so pertinently speak of the conspiracy? If this japonian had been a person suborned for to charge and accuse the English, the Dutch would not have executed him; which yet legally followed, whereby it appeareth that his declaration and testimony was true, as well in accusing the other japonians his fellows which were in our service, as in the charge of the other English, and of himself: why also were the other japonians indicted and executed, if the Dutch sought it but only upon the English, as is without colour pretended? for the japonians have ever been in good esteem with us, and have always been much trusted, and not having any occasion of malice, or rancour, or fear of them, or against them; where now to the contrary by this transgression it behoveth our nation to be always in mistrust of the japonians, and not so confidently to use or be served of them as before. And it ought not to seem strange that during this Examination of these japonians (which as aforesaid, was begun and ended before any thing was done to the English) that the English for the space of three or four days (although herein they spare the truth) were so forward and so bold as to go in and out, to and from the Castle: For they thought that it would tend and serve unto their conservation, to the end they might give the less suspicion: for if they had fled away, & hidden or concealed themselves; in such case they had been publicly discovered. And if they had thought or would have attempted to fly, it was impossible for them so to do, for the Governor and Council had given order all about for the assurance of the place, and of all persons which frequented and had any intercourse of Merchandizes in Amboyna, of which the English complices could not be ignorant; so that they were constrained to put on a good face, cheer, and countenance, the better to shun the peril and danger. But it further appeareth that that which the English maintain is abusive and erroneous; that they had continued three or four days in going to and from the Castle after the said imprisonment, and during the examination of the japonians: For they began to examine the japonians the 24 of February, and the 25 the English were arrested, so that there was but one day between them both, and therefore that which is mentioned in the English Deduction is not true. Also for the confession of the first japonian, as likewise of all the rest of the japonians unto the number of twelve, they do not only accuse the English, but themselves also; so that there cannot be any suspicion or doubt of false accusation, seeing that they themselves could not have any advantage in the preservation of their own persons; as otherwise there can be no suspicion of calumny: which in such a case could not be nor happen in any fashion or manner. That which is contained in the English Deduction, to wit, that the English had never kept any conversation with the japonians, appeareth to the contrary by the Acts of the Process and the confessions of all, and particularly of Towerson, made without Torture or Fetters, long after his examination. So that from these contrarieties and dissimulations are discovered, many other signs and tokens for to believe that the English Deduction doth wander and stray very much from the truth, and that all which may be construed to the contrary is true, in consequence of that which the Dutch Company of the East Indies do sustain in the just defence of their Officers and Ministers. But that whereby the said Deduction is enlarged and amplified, is to make mention and discover many particularities which in time hereafter shall be refuted and proved to be matter merely feigned in the most part of the most important and substantial points: as also in that which they speak of the rack and torture given to the English, which is described in particulars contrary to the truth, thereby to move the Reader to pity. But when they have said all, it is but a bare and naked Discourse without proof, that the English have been tortured and racked: for to give the torture when the case so requireth, is no fault of the judge, but it is a thing customable throughout Europe, and so in the Low-countries; And if such torture hath been given to some of the English, it was surely done upon good and pregnant evidence, and weighty proofs, and confessions of others, whereof some may have been brought to a more rigorous examination, according to the exigence of the case, without doing or executing any injustice. If also the judges of the Dutch would have wrongfully pressed and constrained the English to confession by torture, wherefore did they not press and constrain them all to confession: which nevertheless appeareth by the Deduction of the English not to have been done, and that many were let pass without torture; yea many of them which the English Deduction abusively affirmeth to have been tortured: it being not reasonable to proceed against them as against others which were charged with more great and vehement suspicions and proofs. And if they proceeded herein with such excess, how cometh it then that the judges pardoned and discharged some (as faulty as the rest) but only to give testimony of their proceed, and that the justice thereof might fully appear to all whomsoever? which otherwise they were not bound to do nor would have done in all likelihood. But to win the Reader by compassion the manner of the torture is there very finely and prolixely set down: but who knoweth not that the manner and fashion of the extraordinary question is in itself rough and harsh, and specially must seem so to the English in England (where there is no such kind of torture used, unless it be in case of high Treason,) how moderate and gentle soever it be, as the pain of the torture of the water, which is much more civil and less dangerous than other tortures of stretching or pressing, which is in diverse manners used in Europe: for such torture and pain of water doth but cause and produce an oppression and anxiety of breath, and respiration, and not the swelling of the body of the Patients (as is abusively mentioned in the English Deduction) and is without fraction, bruising or mutilation of the members which others are subject unto: So that all which is comprised and contained in the same description is only set down for the embellishing and adorning of the said Writing, to the end only to move the Reader to compassion, to make him insensibly to draw in and swallow all the other errors and untruths under these close conveyances, and give them credit to the advantage of the drift of the said Deduction: But he which to the contrary will sound and search out the truth, and whether that which is therein declared and related be proved, and aught to be admitted and received or not, let him be pleased further to observe, as followeth. That all which is said therein is without proof, and if that any proof be found therein, it is of very few persons, yea such as in a cause that concerneth themselves, and wherein they were once judicially convinced, may not be admitted for witnesses against the judge and the proceed past against themselves, nor against the legal confession which they once and oftener made and confirmed with their own subscription, which now by other depositions or particular declarations, cannot be made vain and elusory against the testimony and certificate of fourteen judges, who were present in and at all passages, whose reputation and wisdom is so well known, that such wicked, unorderly and unjust proceed as the English pretend, may not be in any sort or manner charged or imputed upon them. Lastly, concerning certain Declarations and Writings of the condemned English before their death, whereby they have protested their innocency, and that they were judged wrongfully, whereupon by presumption is inferred that it must be true, because it is not to be believed that any one was so wicked and impious as to dare to feign and dissemble at the hour of his death, etc. This Argument maketh little in the cause; for first it ought to appear that there are indeed such Declarations and Writings of the English: But the truth can be testified by them which were present, and about them at all times, that there is no such thing; much less that which is said concerning certain pretended miracles which had happened in witness of the innocency of the executed, so that there should have seemed that they had moved heaven and earth to hide and conceal this detestible deed: but howsoever it be, who would presume that honest men of reputation and wisdom known and public would have shown themselves so impious and unhuman, as wrongfully and innocently to accuse the persons executed: and much less it cannot be presumed unto the charge of a College established and sworn. And although that which is aforesaid appear and be known first by the truth of the thing, as it is carried by the Deduction aforegoing, presented in july passed unto your Honours; and that secondly it is credible that by this writing here were broke and decided all objections and difficulties inferred by the English, as also some deeds alleged, which in regard of the English might be produced and alleged against that which is aforesaid, and against the Legality of the proceeds in Amboyna, in such manner that more cannot be required in justification of the behaviours of the Dutch Officers: So it is that the Directors notwithstanding find it necessary (although superfluous) to repeat and make mention here of many particularities which much more fully and all at a blow do show that the reports spread and sworn with such vehemency by the English against the truth do contrary the one the other, so that nothing more can be had nor rest of suspicion, whereby the proceed and executions at Amboyna may be accused, much less condemned, and in consequence likewise, which the great haste and assidual precipitation used herein, hath been wholly done in post, for to learn and show the world the truth of the discovery in the business; as hereafter shall appear more clearly and evidently. In the first place then, so it is that the Company after the first Deduction of july, have further understood by the last Ships out of Battavia arrived here in September, and that by Certificate or Attestation deposed by Mr. Frederick de Houtman, chief Counsellor of the Indies, and ancient Governor of the Isles of Mulloques; that it was firmly and undoubtedly believed in Amboyna thoughout and of every one, yea by himself as he yet doth believe, that the English of the said place, and the japonians, had truly and really conspired to invade the Castle of Amboyna at their best opportunity; so that none ought in any wise to doubt hereof. Secondly, for strong proof of that which is aforesaid, the said Governor de Houtman coming from the Molucques to Hitto in Amboyna in the month of April, anno 1623., a certain Englishman called George Sharock, Assistant, (which before had been also prisoner, and examined upon the said conspiracy, and by favour released and pardoned by the Governor and Council of Amboyna, notwithstanding that the said Sharock was a good while privy to the said Conspiracy, and had promised his assistance) kneeling down upon his knees and prostrating himself before the feet of the said Governor de Houtman, (who looked for no such matter) declared with great zeal and good affection, that he was and should be all his life time bound and obliged unto the Dutch Company, because (as he then again confessed) that favour had been done to him, and he was left unpunished for the fault and offence which he had committed and perpetrated; and this was spoken by the said George Sharock, to the said de Houtman, about the 20. of April 1623. when he was already absolved, released, freed, and out of all fear to be any more molested, or questioned for the said fact and offence committed as aforesaid. Thirdly, the said Governor de Houtman being at Batavia, and being present when john Beaumont English Merchant, (who also was a confederate in the said conspiracy at Amboyna, and obtained his pardon) being sick, was brought before the Governor general; and the said Beaumont being come in the presence of the said Governor general, and of the said M. Houtman, confessed his fault before made and committed, and implored, and most humbly desired mercy and pardon of the said General, which having obtained, he humbly thanked them. In the fourth place, That many people at Batavia, yea he the Deponent himself had by good information and knowledge, certainly understood, that the said john Beaumont being afterwards come before the English Precedent and English Merchants resident at Batavia, he the said Beaumont recited and confessed the whole business and conspiracy: But when this pleased not the said English, the Precedent of the English aforesaid, for to obscure the cause, and to shun the dishonour of the Treason, seeing the free confession of Beaumont which much astonished them, he caused him for this cause to keep close and not to speak to any body, because that the thing by the voluntary confession of the said Beaumont against the intent of the English principals, should not further be discovered and confirmed. Fiftly, concerning the persons which were employed as judges in the cause of Amboyna in the matter of the condemned, and specially the Governor Van Speult (because he is best known) they are such, that there cannot be any the least suspicion or doubt of them, that they had wrongfully or without sufficient ground caused the English to be accused, or ill handled, or much less to be put to death, if they had not been found really in fault, worthily to have deserved the punishment: the Governor Van Speult being held for an honest man, of credit, and fearing God, by all those that have conversed with him: and by consequence, there may not be admitted such a contrary suspicion of his impious and malign proceed. In the fift place, concerning the Torture of Water, which the Dutch have always used in the Indies, as the most assured and civil: which is not a torture so rough and dangerous as the tortures which are ordinarily used in this Country, and throughout Europe, which are fare more severe and dangerous then that of Water; whereby the health of the person cannot any way be offended, nor the membrs lamed or bruised. All which things aforesaid, in representation and maintenance of the truth in this case, and which further might be in conformity of what is aforesaid, represented by the coming and arriving of many other persons out of the Indies, who also have knowledge of that which passed at Amboyna: May it please your Honours to take into consideration, and to consider whether there be not sufficient matter and cause given to the English East Indian Company, for to leave and remit the fault unto them, who were the authors and practisers of this abominable conspiracy, & of their own misfortune, which they thus drew upon themselves, and not to defend them, and aggravate against the judges of the Dutch: to which end the Directors in defence and maintenance of their Officers, and unblameable Ministers in the East Indies aforesaid, cannot omit to beseech your Honours, that the cause may not be precipitated, but that convenient time might be given and granted for a more exact research, (if need be) of the truth, yea in all to grant them such protection, as all good Subjects and Patriots of the United Provinces are to attend from your Honours in equity and justice. For now can this business be so inverted, that in stead of the dishonour and blame which ought to dwell upon the Confederates, on the contrary now, they will blot and smother the truth of the thing, and to accuse and charge the Dutch Officers, as if they had had no honesty or conscience: which cannot be presumed of substantial people, of good renown, upon any either voluntary (though not true) or suborned and false deposition, of such as may not be admitted to testify in their own cause against the judicial Acts of a College of judges, sworn, and in so great a number, which have of a long time been so employed; when it appeareth not otherwise by any other legal proofs. The intention of the Directors never was, nor yet is to maintain any injustice, outrage, or imposture, if in these proceed there were any used: but as long as it appeareth not clearly (as it ought in this case, against a College, and against a cause judged) nothing else, under reverence, can be done in the business, but to grant time for to make more exact and serious search (if need be,) and that by the authority and intervention of your Honours (as it shall appertain) all misunderstanding, contrary Deductions, and ill expositions, griefs, and designs, may cease and be surpressed, until such time as the contrary may (if need be) appear. The said Defences are such (in our opinion) as under reverence this aught to be done. And although it were so, that the cause of the English against the judges of Amboyna, seemed wholly to be clear and proved, (which hitherto hath proved to the contrary) nevertheless the proceed of the said judges may not in any wise be condemned (as touching the substance thereof▪) without hearing the judges themselves, whom the cause properly toucheth and concerneth, and not the Directors; who only mediate, for as much as according to the information and knowledge which they have of the cause, it seemeth to them to be in effect just and fair, and therefore the humble remonstrance or representation and prayer of the Administrators, or Directors, have ever been, that it would please yours Honours to give and grant convenient time for the inquiry, information, and re-search of the business, until such time as the ships of Batavia, shall be arrived here; to the end that the matter may more plainly and truly be discovered and known; and without doubt there will come, and be transported therein from thence, some that will neutrally and in such sort maintain unto your Honours, the particular informations of the proceed passed in Amboyna, that they may be wholly believed and received: as at this present there is come, and fallen out by the coming and return of M. Frederick de Houtman, chief Councillor of the Indies, and ancient Governor of the Isles of Molucques, who hath deposed and by oath testified the points in manner as they are recited and related in order as above, which bringeth not a little light in this cause, but may wholly tend and turn to the overthrow of all contrary expositions and calumnies, which heretofore have been used and set forth, with such differences and vehemency, whereby we hope that your Honours will in all points, and that with equity, right, and reason, give and cause to be given such content, that all discontent (at least by provision) may cease, until such time as the whole truth may more and abundantly come to light, by advice from the Indies, to the full satisfaction of those whom it toucheth or concerneth. For may it please your Honours to know and understand, that the best and most pertinent and true knowledge of the business, must come from the Province of Amboyna to Batavia, and from thence hither. Notwithstanding, so it is, that since the departure of the Pinnace called the Hare from Batavia, which was in the beginning of january, 1624. (by which the first notice of the execution was brought) until the departure of the last ships which also came from Batrvia, there is not, nor cannot have come any news from Amboyna to Batavia, concerning this business, because the wind called the Western Moussons blow continually from November until April. And for to come from Amboyna to Batavia, an Eastern Mousson is necessary; and that beginneth first in May: so that without that; it is a thing impossible to send or get any advice or ships from Amboyna to Batavia. We hope also that your Lordships will find this reasonable, and that due and reasonable time required shall be granted and permitted in justice, for the more ample search and information of the cause, (if need be) and we cannot conjecture, (being a thing incredible) that any one will condemn any cause or persons, without first hearing the justification of the parties, which always hath been held and observed inviolably of all nations, which would judge according to right and equity. Therefore we hope that it will be thus granted; yea it is not reasonable that any reparation should be required, before the due defences and informations of the business be made and taken, and the same aught to be made and taken by and from the persons whom the cause concerneth, appertaineth, and is known, and who also pertinently know how to refute the objections and circumstances alleged, and heretofore urged to the contrary: which unto us is impossible to do, not having been present: but only for the defence of our Officers, for so much as is just and reasonable, we can allege that which they have written unto us from the Indies, and what else we have certainly perceived and understood. Also we cannot in the mean time conceal from your Honours, that the fact of this conspiracy is so notorious in the Indies, and that thence may be drawn so strong and vigorous proofs, that the Truth shall fully and sufficiently appear to the full discharge of the innocents, and the confusion of those which will defend and maintain a bad cause; And this may be proved there besides the points above alleged. First, that all the japonians, complices in the conspiracy have signed each with their own hands their confessions, and afterwards jointly and all altogehet have persisted therein after the end of the examination, without torture or fetters, at many sit and full assemblies of the Council at Amboyna, without revoking any thing, or desiring to diminish or augment any thing from or to their said confessions. In the second place, That the English Complices at sundry times of their own accord, without pain, irons, tortures, or menaces, ratified the same, and respectively signed their confessions: upon which confessions, they were afterwards again examined three or four times, and re-examined in a full Council and Assembly; and after their examination have persisted therein, without revoking or changing any thing. Thirdly, that the Governor of Amboyna (after that all the complices had respectively four or five times ratified their confessions, and persisted therein a little before the execution, seriously remonstrated, exhorted, represented, and demanded, of the said complices (as before had done unto them in particular) That in case any one of them had by apprehension of justice, fear of menaces, or terror of pain, said, confessed, and signed any thing, by which he was surprised and made guilty, and whereby others might come and fall into danger or hazard, that he should speak and manifest it openly, that he might discharge the party thereof. For the Governor protested that he was not desirous of the destruction and death of any that was not guilty. Upon which proposition every one of them shrunk up their shoulders and said, that what he had confessed and signed particularly was true, and therefore he persisted therein. In the fourth place, One of the complices called William Webber, in his last examination confessed, that he had received a Letter from john Clarke, by which he was advertised, that something of great weight and consequence was handled amongst the English; hut he could not understand what it might be▪ the which letter containing as aforesaid, the said Clerk confessed also in the absence of Webber, that he had written it. Fiftly, that Edward Collins being examined, and making his confession without any torment or torture, (as appeareth by the Acts) offered to confess all of his own freewill: yea he declared the same before Gabriel Towerson and all the other English, and that he did not think that the said Towerson and all the rest which were there faulty would dare to deny it, but would presently confess it, as also the said Towerson being brought to Collins (and the said Collins falling upon his knees and requiring mercy and pardon) he said, and told it him to his face, admonishing the said Towerson that he would presently declare and confess all as he had done, saying, I must speak and confess the truth, and I mean not to suffer or endure any pain for the love of you. In the sixth place, That Emanuel Tompson two days after the examination finished and ended, and when he was free and at liberty, being inquired by the Commissioners which had assisted in the same examination, wherefore he had so long persisted in his denials and endured the severe examination, said, the reason was because Captain Gabriel Towerson had oftentimes reprehended his drunkenness, saying, that he should take good heed that thereby the matter should not be discovered; For which cause he said Tompson did by a great oath swear to himself, that howsoever it went he would not be the third nor the fourth by whom the matter should be known, whatsoever pain (in his opinion) he could have been put unto. Seventhly, the said Emanuel Tompson certain days after his examination being visited by certain Commissioners said unto them that he was very glad that God had caused the business to be brought to light, because much innocent blood would have been spilt, and although he confessed that he had deserved once, yea twice to dye, he asked mercy seeing that he was a man of about fifty years, etc. And so after so much favour was given to the said Tompson for to draw a lot with Coulson and Collins which of them three should be released and freed. In the eight place, that two or three days before the execution, Captain Towerson being in the Hall with other the convict English, said in the presence of the Governor and all the Council, and to the rest of the English in general by reproach, that their ill and disordinate lives, their whoredom and drunkenness was the cause that it pleased God that they should not keep secret the intended enterprise; and that by reason thereof they were now fallen and brought to such misery. Ninthly, that Gabriel Towerson author of this conspiracy, in his last extremity prayed the rest of his complices to pardon him, because that by him Towerson they were instigated and brought unto the said enterprise, and were reduced to that case, and that the business was come to be discovered by the all seeing God, and that he must of necessity dye, and therefore having brought them into this danger and ill chance he prayed them to pardon him, as they also did. In the tenth place, The said Towerson a little before his death writ a Letter to Samuel Coulson, which letter is yet in the hands of the Governor of Amboyna Herman van Speult, by which the said Towerson said and alleged unto the said Coulson, that he the said Coulson was the first and principal cause which had made the agreement and condescending unto the act of invading and making of themselves masters of the Castle, but notwithstanding at the present he pardoned him. Eleventh, that the ship called the Unicorn saying from Amboyna to Batavia, the two English Merchants Edward Collins and john Beaumont which were pardoned were transported therein, unto the end to ●npetrate and obtain their full pardon in Batavia aforesaid, and they two English Merchants being requested by the officers of the ship to come sit down and eat at the Table of the Commissioners, during the said voyage; the said Collins said, excusing of himself, that they were not worthy to sit by the said Commissioners, because that the said English had had such an ill purpose and design against the Dutch, and yet they were by them in that fashion entertained, and were exempted of the punishment: and therefore they could very well eat apart: which excuse notwithstanding was not received nor accepted by the Commissioners of the Dutch. In the twelfth place are adjoined and annexed the report and depositions of the said Governor de Houtman concerning the confessions of the said two English Merchants made before the Governor himself, and afterwards before the Precedent and principal English, and that which further may be declared at Batavia, whereof diverse persons there have notice. In the thirteenth place, concerning the torture in the proceed used at Amboyna, they can give certain proof of the truth itself, that many persons mentioned in the English Writing to have been tortured with water and fire, have not one been once touched. In the fourteenth place, concerning the particularities and petty points of the said Writing in English touching the examination of certain persons therein mentioned for the discharge and innocency of the English, the same shall be proved never to have been done nor heard, by depositions of those which have been present at all, and by persons before whom such things must needs have been spoken and declared. In the fifteenth place, it shall also be found that the pretended miracles were devised only for the discharge of the English, and in their favour. These said points and many others which are yet further well known to the Directors, may be clearly and by good proof shown in time and place, if due and convenient time be given and granted unto the cause and re-search thereof: which in a matter so important and of such weight, coming also from so remote parts, cannot (under reverence) be denied to any: So that your Honours may please to desire the same of his Majesty of Great Britain, without which the Directors can very ill propose any other means which would not be mingled either with injustice, or the great prejudice and disadvantage of the Dutch Company. We also surely hope that his said Majesty according to his great wisdom and justice cannot refuse or deny the said respite for the examination of the business more exactly and particularly; which we beseech your Honours in all reverence to interpose and mediate, and by all means to effect and obtain; that (as reason requireth) neither the Company in general, nor the Masters in particular may not during this interim be any way grieved or prejudiced in their just defences. Which doing, etc. AN AUTHENTIC COPY OF THE CONFESSIONS AND SENTENCES, AGAINST M. TOWERSON, AND COMPLICES, CONCERNING THE BLOODY CONSPIracy enterprised against the Castle of AMBOYNA. The which by the manifest grace and providence of God, was discovered the 23. day of February, in the year 1623. As also the Resolutions of the Governor Van Speult, and of the Council taken in this business. Translated out of their own Copy. Published by Authority. LONDON, Printed by JOHN DAWSON, for the EAST INDIA COMPANY 1632. AN AUTHENTIC Copy of the Confessions and Sentences against Mr. Towerson, and Complices, concerning the bloody conspiracy enterprised against the Castle of Amboyna, the which by the manifest grace, and providence of God was discovered the 23. day of February, in the year 1623. as also the Resolutions of the Governor Van Speult, and of the Council taken in the business. The Translation. WHereas on the 23. of Februry 1623. by the manifest grace and providence of God, it was discovered; That a certain japonesse called Hytieso, at night, and at unlawful hours at Sermon, and Prayers time▪ contrary to order, and to his condition, did pass diverse times along by the Ramparts, and before the Points: and at diverse times there where he found the Soldiers young and unexperienced, made enquiry how many Soldiers of the Low Countries there were in the Castle, and how many times they changed the watch every night: The Worshipful Harman van Speult, Councillor of the Indies, and Governor of Amboyna, upon great reasons taking his actions and demands for suspicious, caused the said japoneze to appear before him and the Council, and examining him of the truth, he confessed as followeth, Datum ut supra: Being signed Harman van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson vischer, john van Leeuwen, john jacobson-wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin janson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john van Nieupoort, Peter janson van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Hytieso japonois of the age of 24. years, borne at Fernado in japon denied the same, but the Soldiers being produced before him, of whom he had diverse times, and in diverse places asked those questions, he confessed that he had done it out of a merry disposition and for pleasure: whereupon his Worsh: said unto him, that such things at unseasonable times could not be asked for pleasure of the younger and unexperienced Soldiers, but that of necessity it must be otherwise: and in pursuit thereof being of that opinion, he with those of his Council, caused him to be brought to the torture: the Prisoner having been tortured a while, desired that they would cease, and he would confess all that did belong to the business, and then he confessed that a certain other japoneze, being also Soldier to the Dutch Company in the East Indies, called Sidney Migiell, (who had heretofore been servant to the honourable English Company) had desired him to inquire of the thing aforesaid, and moreover he confessed, that he had been asked by the said Migiell, if he would lend his aid amongst other japonezers, ro deliver the Castle into the hands of the English, to the which he answered, he would upon condition of good recompense, which was offered him by the said japoneze, in the name of the English. He confessed, that he had communicated and consulted concerning the delivery of the Castle diverse times, as well in the quarters of Mardiques, as in the English house with diverse other japonezes, and with Mr. Timothy johnson English Merchant, and Abel Price English Barber, and that within three months last passed. He saith that the japonian Soldiers which were in the Castle, did agree to deliver the said Castle into the hands of the English, and that they had engaged themselves to serve them. Further he confesseth, that they would put this exploit and treason in execution, when any English ship should have arrived in this place. He saith, that the japonezes did consult for to keep two men in every Corner of the Castle, and the rest in the Hall, for to seize upon the Governor, and that they would have killed all that were not on their side: Thus confessed the 23. of February 1623. in the Castle of Amboyna, and it was subscribed, the mark of Hytieso japonois. Harman van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson Vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. By reason of which conspiracy and treason, the Governor Van Speult being moved and troubled, kept the Prisoner by him, and presently caused the Gate to shut and looked to, and the points of the Castle with double guard, and likewise the Arms of all the japonezes to be taken away, and themselves to be put in Irons: giving command that none should stir out of the Castle, until such time as he should be better informed, and all things were set in order: knowing well that there was great danger in delays, and that for the finding out of such conspiracies and offences, he was not to make any pause, but to search out the end thereof; for which cause he commanded Sidney Migiell to be sent for, & commanded the Advocate fiscal de Brune, with the Council, to take diligent information: who after some torture, the said Migiell and others made the confessions following. Done in the Castle of Amboyna the 23. of Feb. Anno 1623. And it was subscribed; Harman Van Speult Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Sidney Migiell japoneze, of the age of 24. years, borne at Nangasaque, confesseth that he did inquire of another Soldier being a japoneze, called Peter Congee, how many Dutch Soldiers were in the Castle. He confesseth, that Abel Price English Barber within 2. or 3. months since asked him, if he knew a way for to get and induce the japonezes to deliver the Castle to the English. He saith, that afterwards he consulted with the japonezes about the said business, and that all of them agreed thereunto. He saith, that diverse times he consulted concerning the prosecution of the business, and concerning the time with Captain Towerson, M. Tompson, john Clarke, Abel Price, and other English. He confesseth also, that they would have put in execution this plot or treason, when any English ship or Pink had arrived here, and that then with the English, and their slaves, they would have attempted to make themselves Masters of the Castle, and have killed all that were not on their side. He saith, that they had appointed two japonezes' to be in every point of the Castle, and the rest in the Hall, for to seize upon the Governor Van Speult. He confesseth also, that the English did promise to every japoneze 1000 Rials of Eight, over and above their share in the booty. Thus confessed the 24. of February, Anno 1623. Stilo Novo, in the Fort of Amboyna. And it was subscribed. This is the mark of Sidney Migiell. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Peter Congi japoneze, aged 31. years, borne at Mangasaque: confesseth, that the said Migiell questioned him concerning the Soldiers of the Dutch, how many there were, and that he enquired of the said Hytieso. He confesseth, that he did consult as the other japonezes did with the English, concerning the delivery of the Castle, and he promised his service therein. Thus confessed the 24. of February 1623. in the Castle of Amboyna. The mark of Peter Congi. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter Tansen Van Zantem, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Soysimo, japoneze of the age of 26. years, borne at Ferando: confesseth, that he had likewise knowledge of the consultation of the English, and that he had presented his service to the said English to win the Castle. Confessed, Dated in the same place, and it was marked, signed, Soysimo japoneze. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Thome Corea japoneze, of the age of 50. years, borne at Mangasaque: confessed, that he with the rest of the japonezes, had knowledge of the consultation of the English, and that he should likewise have been employed in their service. Thus confessed, the 24. of February 1623. and was signed. The mark of Thome Corea. Harman van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson Vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Tsiosa japoneze of the age of 32. years, borne at Firando Soldier: confesseth, that he with the rest of the japonezes should have been assistant in the surprising of the Castle for the English. Datum ut supra: and was signed. The mark of Tsiosa japoneze. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john jobnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Quiendayo japoneze, aged 32. years, Soldier, borne at Coreats: confessed, that they being 12. japonezes', thought to have made themselves Masters of the Castle with the aid of the English. Confessed and signed as aforesaid. Signed thus the name of Quiendayo. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel. john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter janson Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Sinsa japoneze, of the age of 32. years, borne at Ferando, Soldier: confessed, that they 12. japonezes' did intent to deliver and betray the Castle to the English. Confessed in the said place, and on the said day subscribed. The name of Sinsa japoneze. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck; Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leenwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Tsavinda japoneze, aged 32. years, borne at Tioucketge, Soldier: confesseth as the rest, that they 12. with the assistance of the English, intended to make themselves Masters of the Castle. Thus confessed the 24. of February 1623. And was subscribed. The name of Tsavinda. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin jansen vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Zanchoo japoneze, aged 22. years, borne at Fisien, Soldier: Confesseth as the aforegoing. Dated as the aforesaid, and was under-signed. The mark of Zanchoo. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacokson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Sacoube japoneze, of the age of 40. years, borne at Ferando, Soldier: Confesseth, that he also had knowledge of the consultation of the japonezes, but being old and sick, he did not present his service. Dated the 25. of February 1623. The mark of Sacoube. Harman van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter janson Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. His Worship understanding by all the precedent Confessions the design of the Agent of the honourable English Company of Amboyna, with the Merchants and other Confederates; and although that he was sufficiently informed: that he might have taken them into custody, yet he would not hast thereunto: but first he caused to be brought before him Abel Price English Barber, who for other offences (as an Incendiary, for using violence in other men's houses) was already in prison: and after the said Prisoner was told the place, persons, and times where he had consulted with the japonezes, and with other English upon the consultation aforesaid: they understood by him that which followeth. Dated the 25. of February 1623. Subscribed. Harman Van Speult Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. The Confession of Abel Price, aged 24. years, borne at Neles in Wales in the County of Pembroke. Confessed; That he by the command and order of Captain Towersan, had conference with Sidney Migiell japoneze, concerning the taking of the Castle, promising unto every japoneze their share in the booty. Further he confesseth, that he did treat two or three times in the Quarter of Mardriques with M. Thomson, M. johnson, and john Clarke, and the japonezes' concerning the said matter. Further he confesseth; That the said Migiell japoneze was three or four times in the English house with him, and conferred with him and them diverse times, and they informed Captain Towerson of their discourse. Confessing further, That the said treason should have been put in execution when any English ships should arrive. Further he confesseth, that all the Merchants of the Facturies, resorting to Amboyna, had knowledge of the said treason. Further he saith, That they intended to put it in execution when one of their ships should come. Further he confesseth, That if they had taken the Castle, they would have done all the damage and offence possible to the Citizens, if they agreed not with them. And this he confirmed with his name Abel Price. His Worship understanding this, he thought good for to send for Captain Towerson to the Castle, the which he did presently by a certain Merchant, who went to the English House, and presently returned to the Castle with M. Towerson: who was very much troubled and altered, and then his Worship said to him, that he was very much amazed and sorry for that which he had understood by the japoneze and the Barber; having many times admonished the said Captain Towerson, that he should not entertain or draw unto him (as he did) the English, japoneze, and Spanish Prisoners, which were in the service of him and the Low Countries. That it did cause and give suspicion of ill consultation, and other things, but as he thought Captain Towerson did not know any thing: but that now he marked in him a great alteration and astonishment. The Governor Van Speult with his Counsel found good that they should retain by way of provision the said Captain Towerson, and M Thomson; and he was told presently that he should stay there as Prisoner, and should take a lodging in one of the Chambers of the Merchants. But the said Master Towerson desired that by reason of his quality, they would grant him to be Prisoner in his own Chamber, in the House of the honourable English Company: to the which his Worship agreed, upon condition that first he should cause to come, or send all his men into the Castle, the which was done; and that he should be there Prisoner with some Keepers. Captain Towerson being gone, his Worship holding a Counsel thought good presently to examine all the English one after another, and they were examined; some before torture, others after a little torture confessing as followeth; Done the 26. of February 1623. Signed. Harman van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter janson Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. The Confession of Timothy johnson Factor, borne at Newcastle; aged 29. years. Confesseth; That he was in one of the houses of the japonezes, in the Quarter of the Madriques with M. Thomson, john Clarke, and Abel Price, three or four times, for to consult of the taking of the Castle, and of massacring those of the Low-Countries, which consultation, was kept six or seven days ago. Further he confesseth; That Captain Towerson on New-yeares-day last, having all his Merchants assembled with him, proposed unto them how that the Hollanders did great injuries to the English: and asked them if they had not the courage to help to revenge all their wrongs: for his own part, he knew the ways and means, both within and without, with the aid of certain Soldiers japonezes, that were lodged in the Castle, to make himself Master thereof. And they all answered that they had. And he confesseth; That their exploit should have been put in execution, when the Governor should be out of the Castle upon some exploit, and those that were in the Castle should be weak and ill provided. And also that all the Merchants of other Facturies resorting thither, had knowledge of the said Treason. And further he saith; That they would have shared the booty with the japonezes, and this is confirmed with the sign and name of Timothy janson, The Confession of Robert Browne, borne in Edenburrow in Scotland, aged 24. years. Confessed; That Captain Towerson about New-year's day last passed, called an Assembly of all his Family and the foreign Merchants, and told them that he would have them take an oath on the Bible for fidelity and secrecy, the which they did accordingly. Further he saith; That afterwards the said Towerson propounded, that the English had suffered great wrong by the Hollanders, ask them if they had the will and courage to revenge the same. To the which some of them answered, that they were to weak to effect it. But then the said Captain Towerson answered, that they would wait the opportunity of the arrival of some English Ships: whereupon all of them agreed to make trial, to make themselves Masters of the Castle. Also; That Captain Towerson reported that the japonian Soldiers that were within the Castle were at his service. Saith moreover; That Captain Towerson at the arrival of some of their Ships, should cause all their Merchants and slaves of the other Facturie to come thither for that purpose. And further he saith; That they would have killed all that should have made any resistance against them. And it is subscribed by the mark R. B. The Confession of john Fardo the English Steward of the age of 42. years. He confesseth; That about two months since he was in conference with others, wherein he took his oath upon the Bible to be faithful and secret. He saith; That Captain Towerson with their aid, intended to make himself Master of the Castle. And further he saith; That some whereof he Prisoner was one, answered that they were to weak in men: and Captain Towerson said, that he knew a way to find men enough, and that they should refer the business to him, and that they only should do their endeavour. Further he saith; That he amongst the rest offered his service and endeavour. Furthermore he saith; That about 14. days since, when he was with Captain Towerson, for money for the Kitchen, Captain Towerson asked him the same, and if he would do his best for to take the Castle, to the which he answered, that he among others would do their best. And it was confirmed by the sign of john Fardo. The Confession of Edward Collins English Merchant, borne at London, aged 25. years or thereabouts. Confesseth, That he amongst others was at the said consultation, and took his oath upon the Bible, to be faithful and secret. And further; That he amongst others did consent to do his best in the taking of the Castle. Item, That within three or four days after the said consultation, they assembled again: and then Captain Towerson told him, that he had at his devotion the japonian Soldiers, and that at his appointment they would make themselves Masters of the Points, and that some should attend in the Hall for the Governor, when he should come forth upon the noise. Item; That they would put their design in execution, when one of their Ships should arrive. Item he confesseth, That if so be they could have gained the Castle, they would have done the Citizens all the hurt and damage possible, unless they would agree with them. And it is confirmed under Edward Collins his hand. The Confession of john Beaumont English Merchant, borne in Berkshire, aged 48. years. Confesseth, That on New-yeares-day last passed, he was in conference, and among others took his oath upon the Bible to be faithful and secret. Item he confesseth; That Captain Towerson required all their aids for the taking of the Castle. Other circumstances at present he remembreth not, having been sick, and having an ill memory, and growing in age. And it is confirmed under the hand of john Beaumont. The Confession of Ephraim Ramsy, borne at Carelstow in Scotland, aged 21. years. Assistant to the English at Lohoe. He confesseth, That upon New-yeares-day last, he was at Lohoe, and therefore he could not be at the said conference with the English. Further he saith; That this is the first day that he hath understood, that the English did consult on New-year's day for the taking of the Castle in a time convenient. The Confession of john Sadler, borne at London, aged 20. years, English Steward at Larico. He confesseth, That at the time aforesaid he was at Larico, and that he knew not of any consultation. The Confession of William Grigs of Dunstable in the County of Bedford, aged 28. years, English Merchant at Larico. He confesseth; that he was present at the consultation upon New-year's day last, and that amongst others he took his oath upon the Bible to be loyal and secret Further he confesseth, that he offered his service for to take the Castle. Item, Captain Towerson did make great complaint of the wrong which the English did receive from the Hollanders; and for the revenge thereof with the aid of the japonian Soldiers, slaves, and some Spanish Prisoners, he intended to make himself Master of the Castle: if every one of us would aid him, the which if we would do, he knew a way to keep the Castle in spite of the Hollanders teeth. Item he saith, that they would have killed all those which should make any resistance, and taken the rest prisoners. Further he saith, that within a few days after they should have had another consultation, and that then Captain Towerson would give order for all things, and have given a sign to the japonezes, at which they should have gone about the business within the Castle. Item he saith, that they would have divided the goods and booty among themselves: And it was confirmed under the hand of William Grigs. The Confession of john Clarke, borne at Ordington, aged 36. years. Assistant to the English. Confesseth, That he treated and spoke with the japonian Soldiers concerning the taking of the Castle. Item he confesseth, That he was in the consultation on New-year's day last passed, and that Captain Towerson caused them to take an oath upon the Bible to be faithful and secret: saying that it was necessary so to do, for if that which he should say unto them should come to be known, it would cost them all their lives. Confesseth moreover, That Captain Towerson said afterwards, that he intended with the help of the japonian Soldiers, and them, to make himself Master of the Castle. Item he saith, That Captain Towerson said, that when time should be fitting, he would send for all his men and slaves of the other Factories. He saith moreover, That they resolved to kill all those that should resist them, and that they should have shared all the moneys & goods amongst them. And this was confirmed under the hand of john Clarke. The Confession of William Webber, borne at Tyverton in Devonshire, aged about 32. years. He confesseth, that about five weeks since, he received a Letter from john Clerk of Hitto, wherein among other things it was written, that the English in Amboyna had consulted concerning the taking of the Castle. Item he saith, that he hath no other knowledge of the treason, nor he did not consult with any person concerning the same. And it was confirmed under the hand of William Webber. The Confession of George Shacock, of the age of 31. years, borne at Westchester, Assistant to the English at Hitto. He confesseth and saith; That he was not in Amboyna since the 1. of December last passed, and therefore he could not be at the consultation held here by the English at New-year's tide last. He confesseth, that about a month or five weeks since he understood of john Clerk of Hitto, being in the Gallery that the English in Amboyna had consulted and resolved for to take the Castle. Item, that he promised to john Clarke his aid concerning the business. And it was confirmed under the hand of the said George Shacocke. The Confession of Samuel Coulson English Merchant, borne at Newcastle, aged 39 years. Confesseth; That he was at the conference of the English, and had taken an oath upon the Bible for to be faithful and secret, as others. Item he confesseth, that Captain Towerson complained of the great wrong & injuries that the Hollanders did them, and if that they would aid them he knew with the help of the japonian Soldiers, a way to take the Castle. Item he confesseth, that he promised his aid in the same act. Further he confesseth, that the time of the putting of the same in execution, was not yet determined, but with opportunity, Captain Towerson would tell him. Item, in case that their intention had taken effect, they resolved to kill all that should make resistance, and take the rest Prisoners. And this was confirmed by Samuel Coulsons name. The Confession of Gabriel Towerson, Agent for the English in Amboyna, of the age of 49. years, borne in London. He confesseth, That he was in conference with the English, and with the others, he took an oath upon the Bible to be faithful and secret. Item he saith and confesseth, That he had an intention, and diverse times consulted with his men for to make himself Master of the Castle. Item he confesseth, That all his men were consenting to it, and that he would have put the same in execution the next time that the Governor Van Speult, had gone forth with his Curricuries. Being asked what should move him thereunto, he answered, desire of honour and profit. Further being asked of whom he looked to receive that honour, and for whom he would have kept the Castle, he answered, that if his intent had been achieved, he would have informed those of his Nation in Batavia, and require their assistance: the which being sent him, he would have kept the Castle for his Company: but if they did not, he would have kept it for himself, and seek some agreement with the Blacks, and so by some way or other have had his intent. He confesseth moreover, That he gave order to his men for to get him men and companions to effect the same; as M. Thomson, M. johnson, john Clarke and Abel Price, and they had already negotiated with the japonian Soldiers. He saith, That the japonezes were twice in his house, but that he himself did not speak with them but he caused them to be treated with by others. He saith, That as yet he did not appoint the time because it was too soon. He saith, when time should come convenient, he would to this intent have sent for all his men and slaves from the other Factories. Further he saith, that no person whatsoever gave him any order, instruction, or charge for the said business, but only he was the first inventor and author of this enterprise and plot, for the reasons aforesaid. Item he confesseth, That on New-year's day last he consulted with the Merchants, and those of his Family concerning the taking of the Castle, and made them all swear upon the Bible to be faithful and secret. Further he confesseth, that he hath not given any order to any person whatsoever, to confer with those of Lo●ho●, Hitto, or Cambello, concerning this matter. So fare was he from promising them any powder, Ordnance, Bullets or Muskets, or any other Ammunition of war, at the arrival of the Ships. Signed Gabriel Towerson. The Confesson of Emanuel Tompson English Merchant in Amboyna, borne in Hamburrough, of the age of 50. years. He confesseth, That on New-year's day last passed, a day after or before, he, with other English Merchants was sent for to the chamber of Captain Towerson, and that the said Captain Towerson then said unto them, that he had a business to impart unto them, but first they must take their oaths upon the Bible to be faithful and secret to him; the which they all did. Afterwards Captain Towerson told them in what manner the English were esteemed in that Country, and that every where they must be the lowest, and that they could not receive justice in any kind, and that he had found a way to be revenged thereof, and that he could be Master of the Castle if they would assist him. Unto the which they all agreed. Item the said Captain Towerson said, that those of Lo●ho● would come with certain Curicorrowes to assist him. Item he saith, that eight days after the conference, Captain Towerson told him, that he had sent M. johnson and M. Price forth to treat, and get the japonian Soldiers to consent to the same. Further he confesseth, that after the said conference, he had sundry times asked Captain Towerson how he proceeded in the business, but he was still answered, that he should content himself, and leave the business to those that were wiser than himself; and that he should take heed, least by his drunkenness the business should be discovered. Signed Emanuel Tompson. The Confession of john Wetherall English Merchant, dwelling at Cambello, borne at Glaston in the County of Rutland, aged 31. years. Confesseth, That he was at the conference with others on New-year's day, and took his oath as others did on the Bible, to be faithful and secret. That Captain Towerson after he had told them, how that the English had endured a great deal of wrong by the Hollanders; and that he with the aid of the japonian Soldiers and with the Blacks▪ knew a way how to get the Castle, if they would all aid him: they presently promised to do it. This exploit should have been put in execution when their ships should have arrived. Item, He confesseth that the next day they were again assembled, to animate and encourage one another in the advancement of their design. Signed john Wetherall. The Confession of john Paul Assistant to the English at Cambello, borne in Bristol, aged 31. years. Saith, that he hath not been near the Castle of Amboyna this five months, & that he knoweth not any thing therein. The Confession of Thomas Shark, borne at Colchester, aged 36. years. Saith, That he hath not been in Amboyna this six months, and that he knoweth nothing. Augustine Peres Marinho Captain of the Slaves, aged 36. years, borne in Bengala. Confesseth, That two months since, he was asked by a japoneze called Hytieso in the name of Captain Towerson if he would together with the japonezes assist the English in the taking of the Castle the which he consented to. Thus confessed in the Castle of Amboyna, the 3. of March 1623. The Worshipful Harman Van Speult Councillor in the Indies, Governor in Amboyna, etc. having seen and understood the conformable confessions of diverse persons and Nations, being kept in diverse places, and examined at diverse times; doth not think any ways necessary by reason of the enormity of the offence, that the cause could, nor ought not to suffer any reference: because at the present they were charged with more than 40. Prisoners, and they did not know what enemies might be beside, either within or without. Yet notwithstanding, for the abundant satisfaction of the Honourable English Company and Nation, it was thought sit to be debated by Council, whether the cause could suffer any referring, or no. Whereupon by a general voice it was judged and resolved, that the fact and crime should be punished in the place where it was conceived and concluded, for example to others: and the rather because at the present the Tarnatans' and Moors hereabouts contrary to their custom, did a while since (in likelihood by the instigation of the English) begin to rebel, and had slain and killed certain of the Dutch Nation, and servants of the Company. Therefore his Worship caused the fiscal Brune for to form such demand and conclusion against the said Prisoners, as in reason he should think fitting. Thus done, and resolved the 8 of March 1623. Subscribed. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeumen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Whereas by the precedent Acts and confessions it appears sufficiently, that Gabriel Towerson Agent for the Honourable English Company in Amboyna, with his creatures and Confederates aforesaid, hath committed treason, and sought the overthrow of the State, of the privileged Company of the Low-Countries in Amboyna; wherein depends the greatest part of the prosperity of the said Company: and by a horrible murder and efusion of blood, wholly to ruinated the same; Therefore the Advocate fiscal Isaac Brune, nomine officij, forming his Demand, concludes, that the said Gabriel Towerson with all the other Delinquents, as well English as japonezes, above named (except Ephraim john Paul Assistant to the English, Thomas Shark, and john Sadler) should be carried to the place accustomed for execution of the Law and justice, and that they should there be beheaded, and put to death with the confiscation of all their goods. And that the said Towerson after his death should be cut in four quarters, and his head should be set up upon the Gate upon a pole, & every-quarter should be fixed upon a Gibbet. Done in the Castle of Amboyna the 8. of March, 1623. And it was signed Isaac de Brune Advocate fiscal. The Worshipful Harman Van Speult, Councillor of the Indies, Governor of Amboyna, etc. with the ordinary Council of his Worship, as also those in the ships named the Rotterdam, Amsterdam, the Unicorn, Edam, and the Little-Hope, having heard the demand and conclusion of the Advocate fiscal de Brune, made against the said Delinquents, after they had called upon the name of God, that he would be pleased to assist them in their course during this heavy assembly, and to inspire into them nothing but equity and justice, after mature consideration in all that was necessary. To you the Delinquents aswell English, as japonezes; to wit, Captain Gabriel Towerson, Samuel Coulson, Emanuel Tompson, Timothy johnson, William Grigs, john Clarke Abel Price, Robert Browne, john Wetherall, john Fardo, Augustine Peres Marinho. The Slaves, Hytieso, Sidney Migiell, Pedro Congee, Thome Corea, Tsiosa, Quiandao, Sinsa, Tsavienda, and Zancheo. Declare that you having committed treason, having conceived and complotted together a horrible massacre & treason, to be Masters of the Castle, and so have compassed not only to overthrow and ruinated the State of the East-India Company in the united Provinces of the Low-Countries, which the conservation of this place much concerneth: but also to ruinated the United Low-Countries themselves, and their prosperities; partly consisting in Navigation and traffic to the Indies, which by this means would have been undermined and weakened. In pursuit whereof, and in the name, and in the quality of Governor of the high and mighty Lords the States, General of the United Provinces of the Low-Countries, have condemned the said Delinquents, as by these presents we condemn them, to be carried to the place where Law and justice is ordinarily executed, and there to be punished with the sword in such sort as death may ensue: with the confiscation according to the Law of their goods proper and in particular. And the heads of Gabriel Towerson, Sidney Migiell, Hytieso, and Pedro Congee, for example unto others shall be set upon poles. Thus pronounced in the Castle of Amboyna, the ninth day of March, one thousand six hundred twenty three. And it was subscribed Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck▪ Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Whereas the said Governor Van Speult for the service of the honourable English Company, hath thought good to spare two of the said English Merchants Pro tempore, for the grace and pardon of the Lord Governor General Peter de Carpentier, to the end that with other Deputies of his Worship they might look to the goods of the said honourable English Company. His Worship for certain reasons hath chosen for one of them john Beaumont, English Merchant in the factory of Lohoe. And ordaineth that M. Collins, M. Thomson, and M. Coulson should draw lots between them three, which of them should enjoy the like favour. Declaring notwithstanding that their proper goods shall be particularly confiscated according as the others. And his Worship pardoned Ephraim john Paul, Thomas Shark, and john Sadler, as having little and no knowledge of the said plot. Done and resolved the 8. of March 1623. Master Coulson, Thomson, and Collins, being brought in a place together, and the Lots being presented to them, after a short prayer which every one made, they drew: first M. Thomson, next M. Collins, and last M. Coulson: the which being opened, it fell to M. Collins to be saved. Done in the Castle of Amboyna the day aforesaid. Subscribed. Harman Van Speult Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel, john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Whereas Augustine Peres Marinho of the Slaves, had knowledge of the treason and conspiracy aforesaid, and being that he promised his aid, it is concluded of him, as is aforesaid: and that the wife of Augustine Peres which hath been a Slave of the honourable Dutch East▪ India Company, who was given to the said Augustine in hope of his good carriage, for the present, she shall return to her ancient Masters of the said Company, until such time that she shall be otherwise disposed of by the Governor. Done in the Council of Amboyna the 9 of March 1623. And was subscribed. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john Iscobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel. john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter janson Van Zanten, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. We here under-named, do declare for a truth in stead of an oath, that Gabriel Towerson after he was examined concerning the said plot, and the Governor Van Speult condoling with him for that which is aforesaid, ask him if that was the recompense of his former friendship showed to the said Towerson? The said Towerson with a deep sigh answered him and said, alas! if it were to begin again, it should never be done. Done the 9 of March, in the Castle of Amboyna. Subscribed. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, Harman Crayevanger, Peter Van Zanten, Leonard Clocq. The 9 of March 1623. in the Castle of Amboyna it was resolved; That the English Prisoners that were for the present reserved to the pardon of the Lord General de Carpentier, as M. Beaumont, and M. Collins, as likewise those that had none or little knowledge in the said intended Treason, should be again remitted to the English lodgings, with others appointed by the Governor Van Speult, to keep and look to the goods of their Company, until the arrival of some English Ship, for to dispose thereof, as should be found most necessary and profitable for the said Company. Thus done in the Castle of Amboyna the day above written. Subscribed. Harman Van Speult, Laurence de Marschalck, Clement Kersseboom, john johnson Vischer, john Van Leeuwen, john jacobson Wincoop, Leonard Clocq, Martin johnson vogel; john joosten, jacob Cooper, john Van Nieupoort, Peter jansen Van Zantem, Harman Crayevanger, Rowland Tailler, Vincent Corthals Secretary. Under was written, collationed with the Original, and found to agree with the same in substance. Done the 29. of March, 1623. in the Castle of Amboyna. Subscribed. Frederick Houtman, Martin Souck, john jacobson Wincoop, Garrit Frederick, Delbit Vesterman, Laurence de Marschalck, john Van Leeuwen, Leonard Clocq, Isaac Migielson Bogace, Peter jansen Van Zanten. We whose names are here under-written, being servants unto the honourable English Company in the East-Indies, having been required by the Worshipful Harman Van Speult Governor of Amboyna, to examine the process of Captain Towerson and his Complices, being written in Dutch and English. We have heard and read the said Process in two Languages, and according to our judgements, and as we can comprehend it, the substance of both the translations agree in substance. Thus done in the Castle of Amboyna the 23. of May 1623. Stil● Angliae. And is subscribed by those whose names hereafter follow. To wit; Richard Welding. john Cartwright, Henry Gill, john Van Nieupoort, Rowland Hollers, George Williams. Collation being made of this Translation with the Authentic Copy sent from the Indies, and subscribed as aforesaid, is found to agree therewith. The 12. of August 1624. By me the Secretary of the State's General, of the United Provinces. I. Van Goch. FINIS. A REPLY TO THE REMONSTRANCE of the Bewinthebbers or Directors of the Netherlands East-India Company lately exhibited to the Lords States General, in justification of the proceed of their Officers at AMBOYNA, against the English there. THe Directors of the Netherlands East-India Company, finding it needful to defend their Officers at Amboyna by this Remonstrance, refer themselves in the first place unto a former deduction which they had exhibited unto the Lords States in july last: Wherein they profess still to insist. And considering (say they) the infallible Indicia that preceded the discovery of this conspiracy, and the just and Legal proceed used against the Complices, appearing by the judicial acts signed aswell by the parties examined, as by the Governor and Council of Amboyna, who are a College or Court of judges admitted and sworn; against which no proof, much less any vain and frivolous suspicions ought to be admitted, they therefore conceived (until they see the contrary) that the Consperators (as they call them) were lawfully, and rightly apprehended, the fact well proved, according to the Law and Custom of the Low-Countries, and consequently that the punishment was lawfully inflicted, with moderation of the rigour of justice and with clemency. This deduction of the month of july here mentioned, hath not been yet imparted to the English East-India Company. Otherwise they would have examined the same, as they did the Relation printed in the Scheme of a letter Missive. Which yet they verily believe to be the very same in effect, and compiled by the same pen; for that it appeareth by comparing of the printed Pamphlet, with the Acts of this Process at Amboyna, here mentioned (copy whereof was communicated to the said English Company) that the body of the said Pamphlet, (the preamble excepted) was wholly taken out of the same acts; only with some sophistication, of the act touching Master Towersons pretended voluntary confession, noted in the Answer to the same Pamphlet. Wherefore although it may be supposed that this deduction here referred unto, is already sufficiently answered in the said answer to the Dutch Relation; yet because in this very recital of the Directors, there are certain general heads, either recapitulated out of that deduction, or laid for new grounds of the justification of the Dutch proceed; it will not be amiss to examine them as they lie. And first for the infallible Indicia pretended to have preceaded the discovery; it is showed in the answer to the Pamphlet, that the Indicia to torture the first japon (which was the beginning of the whole Process) were insufficient in law: the behaviour that this japon used, and upon which he was apprehended, being none other, then that which is and may be used by any Soldier in the place where he serveth, without blame or suspicion. For other Indicia, there was not the least; neither of provisions of the English for such an exploit, nor of Letters to or from any Complice, nor of suspicious conferences, messages, or intelligencies, nor of flight or close keeping of the parties; nor any other agreeing with the rules or examples given by the Law, or the Authors commenting thereupon. But being destitute of these and the like lawful Indicia, the Dutch Officers were fain to fetch their Indicia out of the Rack, and to make the confession of one tortured person Indicium to torture another, contrary to the very express direction of the Law. Some confessions indeed, were without actual torture of the persons themselves: but even such had heard the cries and seen the bodies of others tortured and martyred before them; which fear of the Torture is by the Law equalled to the torture itself, as hath been showed in the said answer. The second general ground here laid, is the juditiall acts of the College of judges at Amboyna, showing their just and legal proceed. The Acts indeed of any Court of justice being orderly kept, yield a very sufficient proof in the point of fact in Court: that is, they prove that such and such examinations, confessions, proofs, and evidences were taken and made; and such judgement thereupon given as is therein entered. But for the point of justice, that must be judged by the comparing of the proofs with the sentence grounded upon them. Now as touching the orderly keeping of these Acts imparted to the English East India Company as aforesaid: the same are neither agreeable to the forms of other Courts, nor uniform in themselves. For the point of conformity to other Courts, it is not here meant to require, that the Acts of the Council of Amboyna should in every point agree with the forms of every Court in the Low Countries; the several Courts whereof have their several forms and style, and some differences in points not substantial. But some general Requisites of form there be, which are observed in all Courts; yet omitted in these Acts of Amboyna. As first the date of every day's passages ought to be prefixed or annexed unto them; which is not observed in these said Acts. But in these Acts the examination of all the English, being 18 several prisoners, goeth under the date of the 25. of February: although the confessions are so many and so large, as could not possibly be taken in one day: yea three of the same prisoners, to wit, paul, Weather all, and Ladbrooke were but apprehended first upon the 26. of February, and that at Cambello the outmost factory in Seran, and arrived not at Amboyna (where these examinations were taken) until the second of March stilo novo. So that they could not be examined at Amboyna the 25. of February as the Acts import. Next, it is a solemnity in all Courts, to note in the Acts, the day of the examination of the Prisoner upon the Torture, or in the place of the Torture; and then the act of his subscription to his confession upon another day. For these two may not be done upon the same day by the Law: but the confession must be iterated and confirmed by the Prisoner being free of bonds and irons, at least a day after the sense or sight of the torture: else it is not held for good, and concluding against the party that confessed it. But in all these Acts of Amboyna, there is but one date and one Act for both these: contrary to the Law itself, and the Custom and form of all Courts. Thirdly, the Acts ought to specify whether the Prisoner confesseth upon Torture or without. But these Acts do not so: but only in the general; in the beginning of the Acts of the 26. of February, it is entered, that some confessed before Torture, others with little Torture as followeth, etc. Whereby it appeareth not, who was tortured and who not; nor what was confessed with, and what without torture. Fourthly, the Acts ought to specify what finally becometh of every prisoner; but in these Acts there is no entry made what became of Sherrocke, Webber, and two of the japons, to wit, Soysimo and Sacoube; these being by the Acts neither condemned, nor absolved, nor reprived; and yet all four are de facto dismissed and set at liberty. As for the point of Uniformity in the Acts themselves, Collins and Beaumont are disposed of by special Act; yet Sherrock, Webber, and the two japons (all in the same case) are discharged, as before, without any Act for it. Yea there is an Act entered for disposing of the portugals wife, though she were neither accused nor examined: as if she had been a party to the Process, rather than Sherrock, Webber, and these two japons, against all whom the fiscal craved judgement. Further, some of the Examinations have the Governor and his Counsels names subscribed to them, and some not: some of the confessions have the prisoners names subscribed and some not; with diverse other defects and disconformities, which easily and plainly discover that they are not allowable for orderly and authentical Acts of a Court of justice. Thus hath been showed what credit may be given to these Acts in the point of fact therein recorded. Now for the point of justice, appearing by comparing the proofs against the prisoners with the sentence, it is in the first place to be noted, that there is no proof nor evidence of any thing entered in all the said Acts, no not so much as a witness named, much less deposed, of the least Indicium against the prisoners, or any of them; but only the mere confessions of the prisoners themselves, drawn from them by the pain or just fear of torture. Which mere confession of the parties, without other Indicium or proof, is no sufficient ground to condemn any by the Law of the Low Countries. Secondly, it is a Requisite of their Law, that the prisoners subscribe their confessions being free of bonds and irons. Now neither is there any mention in all the Acts of any such free confession, and all our people that escaped are ready to confirm upon their oaths, that from the first apprehension until the hour of going to the execution, there was no intermission of the fetters. Thirdly, the same confessions are full of contrarieties: as one while that the plot should be executed when some English ship or ships should be there arrived, the people whereof should assist in the exploit: another while, that when the Castle was taken, than Master Towerson would first send to jaccatra for assistance. Likewise, one while that it should be attempted when the Dutch Governor was abroad upon some enterprise: another while that the Governor himself should be killed in the Castle. Further, one while that all the japons were won to the plot before Master Towerson opened it to the English, and consulted with them; another while, that he sent out some of the English eight days after that consultation, then to win the japons. Also one while that the japons had consulted diverse times with Master Towerson himself in the English house; another while that they never treated with Master Towerson himself, but with others in his name; with other like contradictions, differences, and incertainties. Further, the place, persons and time were specified to Abel Price in his examination, contrary to the Law. In the last place the thing confessed to be plotted, was not only impossible to be achieved by such means and manner of execution as was confessed: but as impossible also to come into the imagination of any man in his wits: as is already sufficiently showed in the answer to the Dutch Relation. By which premises appeareth, that as well through defect of other proof, besides the mere confessions of the prisoners, and that in Irons; as in respect of the incertainty, inconstancy, and contrariety of the same confessions, the specification and leading examinations, together with the impossibility of the truth of the thing confessed, there is in these Acts no lawful ground for the sentence of condemnation. The third general ground that is laid in this Remonstrance is, that the Acts were signed by the prisoners themselves, and by the Council of Amboyna, which is a Court or College of judges admitted and sworn: and therefore no proofs, much less any vain and frivolous suspicions may be admitted to the contrary. As for the subscription of the Prisoners to their confessions; of what value that is without other Indicia and proofs hath been already declared. Now that no proofs may be admitted against sworn judges, is a strange Maxim: which being granted must needs infer either that such judges cannot err and judge unjustly; or else that how ever they carry themselves, their doings must not be examined, much less punished. So that then the Law hath in vain provided punishment for a judge in case of wrong imprisonment, causeless unorderly torture, and of unjust absolving or condemning, and the like; for which there are so many and so diligent provisions. It may be thought indeed, that under this confidence this whole Process was begun and followed; as the safest and fairest way to be rid of the English, without such reckoning as was formerly made for the courses of open hostility. But if this way go for currant, though towards a foreign Nation: how comes it that by the Law and custom of Nations, so many Reprizalles and wars have been made for injustice done by the judges of one Nation to the people of another, when none other redress could be obtained, yea and many times in such foul causes as this, without any demand of redress? These grounds aforesaid, being thus laid, this Remonstrance proceedeth to take notice of two several Discourses spread as well in England as in the Low Countries against the Dutch cause of Amboyna: the first, a brief Collection of the effect of certain Letters written by the English Factors at jaccatra, dated the 19 of june 1623. The second, a more ample Writing, entitled, A true Relation of the cruel and barbarous Tortures and Execution of the English at Amboyna by the Dutch there. The former of these this Remonstrance chargeth with passion and great vehemency; because it doth by way of prejudice, enstile the Process of Amboyna, an unjust and barbarous murder: and aggravateth the fashion and manner of the Tortures. So it vouchsafeth this none other answer; but this note of passion; and that it falsely nameth the japons executed to be the servants of the English; Whereas in truth they were the servants of the Dutch at Amboyna. What or whose this Discourse thus excepted against and thus answered is; the English Company knows not. Yet they believe not that any of the English party, would (except it were by a slip of the pen) call these japons, servants of the English: the same being contrary to all the reports and advertisements that came from Amboyna and jaccatra; it is likewise to be presumed, that if in that Writing there had been any thing else, which they could have answered, they would not have dismissed it as they do. For, as for the terming the execution, An unjust and barbarous murder; that were no more cause to reject the Discourse without further answer; then the like style given it in the very title of the second and larger Writing, which nevertheless hath obtained a more particular answer. Having given the first Writing this quick dispatch, the Remonstrance proceedeth to the answer of the Relation set out by the English East India Company; and in the first place chargeth it with an impertinent description (in the very introduction) of the Castle of Amboyna, and the Dutch Garrisons and Forces there; to the end (saith this Remonstrance) to show that there was no likelihood nor probability that the English there would undertake the surprise of the Castle; being a thing impossible to be done: as if (saith the Remonstrance) the want of understanding in the Conspirators, and the foolish ground of their project (all other accusations ceasing) should have excused them from punishment: the contrary whereof is every where observed. Here in the very first step of the Answer, the end of the English Company in setting out the impossibility of the fact, is either mistaken or traduced. For if the conspiracy had been sufficiently proved according to the direction even of the Laws by which the Dutch are governed; then the probability or possibility of the fact had never been alleged. For in such case it is true, that the foolishness of the plot excuseth no man. But when there is no other proof or evidence, but the mere confession of the prisoner, (which is the present case) than the very text of the Law of treason, enjoineth the judge to consider the person of the prisoner (which is the present case) than the very text of the Law of Treason, enjoineth the judge to consider the person of the prisoner; whether he be able to execute such a thing as he is accused of, whether he ever practised the like before; what he meant; and whether he were in his wits of no; and such like; For without these considerations the slippery confession of the tongue ought not to be the ground of the punishment. This is their Law, according to which if they had proceeded, the English had never needed to allege these impossibilities; which the judges themselves ought to have considered. But not having done it, they have made themselves guilty of unjust judgement; which to prove, the impossibility of the fact is both pertinent and necessary. But the better to enforce the former answer, the Remonstrance saith, that this presumption of the impossibility of the fact ought not to be considered, against a verity altogether notorious and proved, against the confessions of the prisoners themselves, and against the conscience & testimony of so many men of worth and credit, that managed this affair, and against a Court or College of judges, etc. in public Office and sworn. All this is but a Rhetorical flourish, and being examined, will vanish into the air as a mere sound. For first for the notoriousness of the pretended conspiracy; although now ex post facto, they cry it out for notorious; yet at the time when the notoriety should have been considered, which was before the apprehension, torturing, and execution of our people; there was not the least breath of such a fame. It is now too late to allege a notoriety, that themselves have made who allege it. As for the proofs here mentioned; Why have they not at any time specified them? If there be none other proofs besides the mere confessions (as other the Acts do not so much as mention) why then are proofs and confessions here distinctly acumulated; as if there were any other proofs besides the said confessions? As for the conscience and testimony of those that managed the Process, being a public and sworn College of judges; it is not at all to be reckoned of; when it appeareth that they have not proceeded according to the Law. And if this plea might be admitted, no judge should ever be found guilty of Injustice. Further, if the very quality of the judges be considered, it will rather hurt then help them: there were none amongst them that had any ordinary knowledge in the Law, whereby they undertake to judge causes: besides their young years and wicked lives: which if it were pertinent to the cause in question, might be set forth by many special instances. But if they were never so learned, experienced, or well famed; yet that would not avail when they have proceeded against the prescript of their own Law (to say nothing here of the treaty) as they are sufficiently proved to have done. But this Remonstrance not trusting to this Answer, in slighting the improbability and impossibility of the fact, as not worth the considering; yet for all that, in the next place laboureth and sweateth to make the fact seem probable and possible, the contrary whereof in us that hold the contrary part, it rejecteth as impertinent; Is it impertinent for us to show the improbability and impossibility of the fact; and yet pertinent for them to show the contrary probability and possibility? But let us see and consider their presumptions. First (they say) they have already proved, that the English for a diversion of the Dutch Forces in the Castle, had invited and induced all the Ternatans', Seranians, and neighbouring Indians to rebel, and do violence to the Dutch, that when the Dutch Governor should have drawn the main of his Forces of men and shipping that way, than the English might with ease take the Castle so emptied and denuded of her Forces. How vain this point is, is already manifested in the Answer to the Dutch Relation. And as for the proofs here mentioned; there is in all the Acts not so much as any offer made of any proof of this point. But it is worthy again to be noted, that here the device and Scene is changed. For where in the Dutch Relation it is said, (though no where proved) that the Ternatans' of Loho should have come with their Curricurryes to assist Master Towerson at Amboyna, and that the Dutch Governor must have been killed there in the Castle by the japons; now he must be gone with all his Forces out of the Island to tame those Ternatans' and the rest of the Seranians & neighbouring Indians: that the English might surprise the Castle in their absence. As for the ships of the Dutch, which now also must have been absent: it is well known, that the service here pretended would neither need, nor could have use of their great ships, but only of Currycurries and small Vessels, which also the Dutch after used, leaving their great shipping in the road by the Castle. The strength of the Dutch thus extenuated, in the next place the Remonstrance pursuing the argument of possibility, amplifieth the Forces of the English. And first it delivereth, that the English had a great number of slaves in their Factories, which great number is already truly confessed in the answer to the Dutch Relation, to be just six and all boys. Next it is added, that they would also have stayed their actual attempt of the Castle, until some English ships were arrived there; which point is also at large refuted in the said Answer. Thirdly, here is alleged, that Master Towerson had given charge unto his other English, to have daily laboured and won by underhand practice, other subjects of the Dutch, thereby to augment their own party, and to weaken the strength of the Dutch. Of which point, as there was no probability; so in all the Acts, there is no shadow of proof thereof made, or so much as endeavoured: how ever now the desperate cause requireth the help of so gross a fiction. Fourthly (which is vaunted for the principal argument) it is here seriously observed; that the Castle should have been surprised by treason and not by siege; and so like enough the English (though but few) might by this means do wonders. A very poor note; as if the English Relation had cited impossibilities by way of siege, and not as well by way of treachery. But besides that, this argument beggeth the main question; to wit, that there was indeed such a treason: was there ever any such treason or stratagem practised in any Country, to surprise a Castle by a small force; without a competency of seconds to make good and hold that which was so entered and possessed? Yet this argument is further enforced, not only by the opportunity that the japons had to betray the Castle; themselves serving as Soldiers therein; but also by the extraordinary valour one hardiness of that Nation, set forth by two several Apochriphal Legends of strange feats of other japons; without specifying of the number of them that performed these wonders, but leaving a blank to help the tale at their pleasure. But let it be granted that the japons are all Giants, and had opportunity being trusted: yet is it likely, that the Dutch Governor in his expedition here supposed against the Rebels of Seran and the other Indians, would have left such Worthies idle in their Castle at home, and not have taken them with them, according to their Custom? Would they have withdrawn their , and trusted such strangers with their Castle, being yet so suspicious of them, that they would torture them for ask an ordinary harmless question? O miserable presumptions! And yet here we have all the particulars that are alleged, or could be invented. In the next place, the Remonstrants' return to the answer of the English Relation: finding themselves grieved, that their Council of Amboyna is charged to have forged this crime against the English, thereby to be rid of their company, and so to enjoy the trade there alone. For their purgation wherein, here are diverse arguments alleged. As first, that if they had not liked their company there, it had been easier and fairer to have kept them out, when they were out, then to have so cast them out after their admission of them by the Treaty, Ann. 1619. And God forbidden (saith the Remonstrance,) that any should use such wicked and bloody means for so poor an end, as only to drive the English out of Amboyna. It is true ordinarily; Turpius ●ijcitur etc. It is more discourtesy to turn out a guest, then at first to deny him entertainment. But sometimes there may be such a necessity, as that a man must needs, for avoiding of a greater inconvenience, entertain the guest, whom he is as glad to be rid of, as he was unwilling to receive him. And sometimes a man entertaineth a guest in hope of some benefit to be made by him; whereof afterwards being frustrate, he will gladly be quit of his guest as soon as he findeth himself defeated of his hoped ends. Both these considerations have had their place in this entertaining of the English by the Dutch at Amboyna and other places. For the former, all that are acquainted with the occasion, and the passages of the Treaty of the year 1619. know very well, that there was then none other or better way or mean for the Hollanders East India Company to give satisfaction to the King's Majesty for the blood of many of his people, and the invaluable damage done unto the English Company by the said Hollanders unjust taking of their ships and goods only in respect of their lawful trade into the Islands of the Moluccoes and Banda; but the accommodation of the whole matter, by admitting of the English East India Company into the participation of the trade in those Islands, and this of Amboyna. Which being yielded unto with great difficulty; yet the said with might and main reserved the Forts which they were then possessed of, in their own hands: thereby still retaining the power and opportunity to master the English, and weary them of their lodging at their pleasure. In the next place, it seemeth by their after-course that having so assured themselves of the Forts and Mastering power, they hoped to make benefit by this partnership; by the ordering of their Accounts in such manner, as that the English should pay their part of the charge as well of the Garrisons as of their new buildings, and of the wars which they undertook for enlarging the Duchess Dominion, and all this in ready money, whilst the Dutch furnished their own share in commodities, and at what prizes they list. Now when the Dutch in the Indies saw, that the English there would not suffer themselves to be thus bridled and saddled; but made their protests and complaints against this dealing: they sought means to be quit of them. And finding that the blunt way of fact would not be well taken, but give a new offence to the King, (especially after the Treaty to the contrary) they device this new mean to thrust out their unwelcome guests, with less bloodshed than they before had kept them out with, and with less fear of accounting for the same, being done under the fair colour of justice; which point being clearly enough touched in the very Introduction of the English Relation, this Remonstrance professing an answer to the whole, yet passeth over this with a dry foot, and deep silence: yea, it minceth the very matter whereof it seems to take notice, making the charge against them to be only the driving of the English out of Amboyna, where the English Relation chargeth them to have contrived and executed this bloody business, with intention to drive them (the English) out of the Moluccoes and Banda also, as well as out of Amboyna. Which end and drift of the work how ever it is slighted hereby the Remonstrants, yet it appeareth of what value it is in their secret estimation, by that which they have formerly done to keep the English from the trade of those Islands. Yet further to clear themselves of this end and design, they allege that the Netherlands East India Company here in Europe never gave any Commission to their Officers at Amboyna, to put such a thing as this in practice, nor could have any benefit thereby, but rather loss: and the Officers themselves were too honest and wise to have executed such a Commission: especially since themselves should have no profit by it, but incur great danger of giving account for the same. For the point of Commission, the English Company doth not charge the Dutch Company, nor the whole College of Directors, with any such project or direction. Neither do they think that any one amongst them would by his private advice incite the Governor of Amboyna to this or the like fact in particular. But they cannot tell whether some one or few amongst them of special place and authority; and of like respect with their Officers in the Indies, may not upon some discontent or dislike of the Treaty & the effects▪ thereof, have given advice to the principal Officers of the Dutch in the Indies, to lay hands and make use of any colourable occasion, to weary the English of the trade established by the Treaty; and so the Governor of Amboyna may have fallen upon this particular out of such general grounds of advice. Which suspicion of the English Company, ariseth not only from the earnest and strained defence and justification which they now observe to be made of this execrable fact; but also from a passage that fell out here in London immediately after the Treaty An. 1619. which now this dispute calleth to their remembrance. And here in they report themselves to the memory and conscience of those of the Dutch directors, that were then employed in the forming of an explanation of the Articles of the Treaty, entitled; The Order of Execution, etc. whether one of them appearing highly discontented, for that the English would not condescend to a proposition of theirs, about the order of selling out the Spices here in Europe, did not then in a vehement manner threaten the English (that dealt with them about that point) that they should repent them of their dissent herein: which the English not understanding by all the disputes, how it could come to pass in the course of trade, if the treaty were observed, still persisted in their former resolution. Whereupon the said party with the rest of the Dutch desired that it might be noted in the journal of the Conference; that they had forewarned them, that there would a great inconvenience follow by reason of this dissent of the English, which was noted in the same journal accordingly. What this carriage might portend, or what directions might be given in consequence of this discontent, the English Company leave to be judged by others: having themselves never since in the course of their sale of the Spices, without observation of the order (then desired by the Dutch) found any inconvenience but rather advantage; As for the benefit of the Dutch by driving the English from the trade of the Moluccoes, Banda, and Amboyna, it may be esteemed (as is before noted) by the courses that the Dutch formerly took to keep the English out of that trade. And for their contrary benefit here also pretended by holding the English in the communion of that trade: It is true, that as long as the English would pay ready money, the Dutch paying in wares, would bear their share of the charge of Fortifications and Conquests, whereof the benefit accrued wholly to the Dutch, as long as they would join with the Dutch to find the Enemy work in one place, while the Dutch might thereby the easier win for themselves only in another place: so long the Dutch might easily make benefit of their partnership, and abide their sharing with them for one third part of that trade. But when the English shown themselves sensible of this Leonine Society, and protested against it, and refused to pursue the Action of defence in such a course: Then it was time to seek out an occasion to be utterly freed from their partnership, now proving otherwise then was before hoped. As touching the honesty of their Officers at Amboyna here alleged, there hath been enough said already. And for their benefit also by thus ridding themselves of the English, who knoweth not what benefit may be expected by being an Instrument of so great profit, achieving it by such a conveyance, wherein who ever giveth Commission, is by joint guilt obliged to gratify and promote his instrument even for his own safety? Besides, their Officers had their own private quarrels against the English for their daily complaints against their riotous living, and the great expense thereof, derived in the greatest part upon the English by the arts abovementioned. Especially the Governor himself had a main grief, that the English had often complained to the Council of Defence at jaccatra, of the extraordinary & excessive charge of his Table and other expenses: which by the journal of the consultations of the said Council appeareth to have been a matter of much dispute there, and was at last promised by the Dutch party to be reform. Another quarrel also the same Governor had against the English at Amboyna, about a Dutchman that was executed for killing of an Englishman; Which Dutchman when the Governor could not fairly save (the fact being too foul and manifest to bear it) he was so offended with the English prosecution of the matter, that he solemnly vowed, if ever any of the English came within his compass, such should repent that none of them had interceded for the life of the said Dutchman. Lastly, it must be remembered, that at the time of this forged crime, the news of the Match with Spain was very rife and hit at Amboyna; where with how all the Dutch there were enraged, and what insolent speeches they used of the King's Majesty, is well enough known; though thought unmeet to be here recited. Having thus laboured to clear the final cause of this Process, the Remonstrants' return to charge the English (that are executed) with other arguments of their pretended treason. As (say they) if it were not a true treason, why came the japon (that was first apprehended upon the walls) and made such curious inquisition about the setting of the Watch, and of the Dutch Forces in the Castle? How came it that being examined, he forthwith spoke so pertinently of this treason? If he were suborned by the Dutch, why then did they execute him? Why did he accuse his own Countrymen as well as the English? Why should the Dutch thus use the japons, whom they had no cause otherwise to hate? The first of these questions is already answered before, to wit, that the japon did nothing herein, but what any Soldier may lawfully, and is wont to do, without blame or just suspicion. It importeth every Soldier to know the strength of the place where he serveth, and the order and course of the service, as is said in the answer to the Dutch Relation. The second question would be as easily answered, if it had seemed good to those that kept the Acts, to have kept faithful Record in them of the Interrogatories ministered to this japon in his tortures. But the English Relation in the Examinations of Collins, Sherrock, and Beaumont, hath discovered the Art used in all the rest; to wit, the leading Interrogatories, or rather Directories, specifying to the prisoner what he might say to come quit of the torture: As for the suborning of this japon by the Dutch here mentioned in the third question; The English easily grant that he was not suborned, but (which is worse) he was tortured to make him accuse both the English and his own Countrymen) the japons; which also answereth the fourth question of this Rhetorical Dialogism. And for the fift and last question, why the Dutch should also practise the japons' destruction: it is easily conceived, that else the English should have seemed to have had no Complices, nor hope of assistance of other Nations, which would have made their crime appear more impossible to be a true charge then now it doth; although (as now it is) it is utterly void of all probability and possibility. And is it any wonder they would sacrifice the blood of ten Infidels for that end, for which they spared not ten Christians, and those of that Nation which mostagreeth with themselves in Religion, and to whom they are of all other Nations most beholden? In the next place, the Remonstrance proceedeth to answer a circumstance related by the English, that the japons being examined three or four days before them, they yet fled not: whereby they shown their innocency. To the consequence of which argument the Remonstrance first answereth, that the English did this to avoid great suspicion, being sure enough they could not fly: the Governor had (even to their knowledge) taken such order to stop all passages, as well of all other Merchants that then frequented Amboyna as of the English. This is a mere fiction: for the Curricurries and other Vessels departed as freely from Amboyna while the japons were in examination, as at any time before. And if the Governor had used never so much circumspection herein, and the English had known of it, yet how could so many guilty consciences have contained themselves, and not one of them all have attempted to fly or hide or disguise himself in all this time? All men know that a guilty conscience provoketh men to attemptescapes above and against all reason. And therefore the Law ever enquireth of the flight or shrinking of the accused as a special indicium of their guilt. Why did not the Dutch then in their examinations question and sift out by what consultation and agreement all the English came to be of one mind, to show such confidence in this case? But to make a further and better answer to this argument, the Remonstrance chargeth the matter of it with untruth: Saying that the examination of the japons began the 24. of February, and that the next day after, to wit, the 25. the English were seized; So that here was but one days respite for the English to shift for themselves. This impudence is very strange; for, the Acts of the Process record, the beginning of the examination of the japons to be the 23. of February, and the resolution to seize the English to be the 26. which is the third day after inclusiuè. It is well we have a copy of their Acts, (such as they are) else we see into how many forms this Proteus would turn, to avoid the true discovery. After this the Remonstrants with the like modesty note another untruth in the English Relation, where it affirmeth that the English had not any conversation with the japons; the contrary whereof (say the Remonstrants) appeareth as well by the confessions of the English as the japons, and particularly by Master Towersons voluntary confession, made long time after his examination. What credit the Acts and confessions may deserve, is already showed: and the very persons themselves therein assigned to this conversation with the japons, had no language to serve them therein. And for Master Towersons voluntary confession pretended to be made so many days after his examination; besides the foul play of the Dutch used in alleging it so, already discovered in the answer of the Dutch Relation (which by this very touch appeareth to be the work of the same Pen that wrote this Remonstrance) that pretended voluntary confession hath not one word or mention of the japons in it: And yet this Remonstrance (having thus stoutly proved this point) triumpheth over the English Relation; saying, that these contrarieties and dissimulations show that the same marvelously strayeth and wandreth from the truth; and that the contrary thereof in all points may be taken for true. After this, the Remonstrance cometh to the examination of the English prisoners, set down in our Relation : and promiseth that the particulars thereof shall hereafter in time be refuted, and proved utterly counterfe it in the most substantial points: as shall likewise that which is there related of the tortures. But why have they not all this while made, or at least attempted some disproof hereof? Why could not Maerschalcke (whom they have now deposed in other points) have said something to these; being himself the second person in the Council, and acquainted with all that passed? Well, since they be proved here by six Witnesses, let them yet stand for true, until this promised Counterproofe arrive. But for the point of torture, the Remonstrance answereth in the Interim, that if the case lawfully require, it is no fault in the judge to examine upon the torture: being the Custom in all Europe, and particularly in the Low Countries. And if any were tortured, that was done upon pregnant and weighty Indicia, proofs and confessions of others. This hath been sufficiently replied to in the English Answer to the Dutch Relation, where it is proved, first that the English were not lawfully subject to the jurisdiction of the Governor of Amboyna, and therefore unlawfully tortured. Secondly, that the kind of torture used, was not agreeable to the Law and Custom of the Low Countries: and lastly, that there was no sufficient Indicium for the torturing of the first japon, nor none other proofs or Indicia against the English, but the forced confessions of the tortured japons; which ground of torture is prohibited by their own Law. Yet further the Remonstrants fetch an argument out of this point of the tortures, in justification of their officers fact at Amboyna. If (say they) they would have drawn confessions out of the English by tortures; why did not they torture all the English? This riddle is plainly unfolded by the same English Relation: where it appeareth, that after they had tortured, johnson, Collins, and Clerk; glad was that Englishman that could device any thing to confess, to please the fiscal, and avoid the torture. Yea, Sherrock prayed to God to assist him in this kind. Others asked those that had been formerly examined, what they had confessed; saying, they would do the like, thereby to shun the cruelty of the torture. As for those that were acquitted (as having confessed nothing) the Dutch plot could not reach them. For having laid the consultation of this pretended conspiracy at Amboyna, where none of these four were upon New-year's day; they had no colour to torture them, whom their own people that stood by, knew to be so fare absent: And no man imagineth that all the Dutch that were by at the torture, were privy to the intention of the Governor; who in this case was to carry himself so, as that he must not make the business so gross, that all that stood by might understand it. It sufficed him that he caught the chief of the English there, and such a number by whose example all would afterwards abandon the fatal places. Lastly, the Remonstrance gathereth that there was no excess used, because some of the English were pardoned; to none other end (forsooth) but to give testimony of their whole proceed. This indeed is a point wherein the Dutch used the quintessence of their skill: so to handle the matter as that they would seem to mix clemency with justice; to make their Process to pass the easier and fairer, both among their own people there, and after when it should come into Europe. But he that will but a little consider what the Dutch Governors' end and aim was, will find, that as he and the fiscal laboured in all the Process to reach Captain Towerson the chief of the English there; never satisfying themselves with any confession that made not him guilty (as appeareth in the English Relation:) so when they had caught him, and so many other of the chief of the English there, it was a small matter for them to spare a few of the meaner sort: being assured that the execution of the rest, would be a sufficient warning for all other Englishmen ever after to keep their distance fare enough from that place. And this took so right (according to the intention) that all the English as well at the Moluccoes and Banda, as the poor remnant at Amboyna forthwith upon the news of this Tragedy, quitted their Factories in all those Islands: choosing rather to leave the places and their trade there, than their lives for it. For the Dutch had spoken loud enough, and plain enough in this action, for all the English to understand their meaning: who therefore would not stay till the chief of them also were thus cut off, and the rest dismissed with their life for a prey, and for an argument of the Dutch Officers clemency. But if these few English were saved to this end, in the Duchess intention, to give testimony of all their proceed, as here is alleged: Why then do not the Dutch receive and allow of their testimony? For these all with one month accuse the Dutch to have proceeded by treachery and most execrable injustice in this whole action: although indeed some of them that were absolved, confess upon oath, that they conceive the reason and end of the Dutch in sparing them, to have been in hope that for that favour they would have given testimony on their part, when this business should come to be examined here in Europe: if yet the cause should ever come to be reviewed here; for some of the Dutch at Amboyna declared plainly, that they made account the Spanish Match would prevent the accounting for this business. The next point that the Remonstrants' note in the English Relation of the examination of the prisoners, is the description of the tortures of Water and fire: which (they say) is finely and prolixly set forth and embellished, to move compassion, and to inveigle the Reader, to swallow the rest of the errors and untruths of the Relation. But that, albeit all torture is in itself rough and harsh; especially seemeth so to the English, because none is used in England, but in cases of high treason, yet the torture of Water is the most gentle, civil, and safe of all other kinds of torture: only causing an oppression and anxiety of breathing and respiration, but no replenishing and swelling of the dodie, as the English Relation setteth it out, etc. Yea that all that the said Relation delivereth touching these Examinations, is but a bare narration only without any proof: or at the most is witnessed but by a very few persons, and those such, as the cause concerneth: in which being themselves once judicially convicted, they may not now be admitted and allowed as witnesses against the judge and his proceed, against a Court and Council of fourteen judges, persons well known to be of worth and virtue; and against their own confessions legally taken, and confirmed with their own subscriptions. For reply to all this: first, for the description of the tortures, which is here (scoffingly) said to be so laboured & adorned, to move compassion, & make an easy way for untruths; it is remitted to the reader to peruse & judge it. It will be found as void of this art of painting, as it is of the untruths which the Remonstrants' mention, but specify not, lest they should be cleared, as other pretended untruths are already in this reply. The cause of the English needed no such helps. The truth of the things delivered in the whole Relation so shineth in the mere Series and circumstances of the fact, that it disdained those borrowed colours, feathers, and trash, wherewith the Remonstrants have trimmed up this their answer. But it is a sign of their penury of matter, that they thus carp at the style of the English Relation. As for the gentleness of their torture of Water; that is also left to be judged; yea even by the words of this Remonstrance, that acknowledgeth it to be an Oppression and stopping of the breath: than which what striveth more with the very life of a man, or more forceth the noblest and tenderest parts? It is no marvel that some of their own Adventurers tell these Directors in Print, that they can cut of another man's ear, with as little feeling as of an old shoe. But our people that have tasted of this Water-torture of Amboyna, and have heard those that suffered both there make the comparison, say, that this is more terrible & insupportable for the time, than the torture of fire: how ever the wound of the latter resteth longer in the flesh. The same men also tell us, (and that upon their oath) that it is not only a stifling and oppression of the breath; but also a replenishing of the body till it be swollen and stretched, as in Clarks examination is set down: contrary to that, these Remonstrants here affirm. Yea, but (say they) these witnesses are but a very few, and the same also parties in this cause, and ought not to be heard against a College of judges, honest and substantial men, nor against their own former confessions. That they are so few, we may thank the Dutch that left us no more. But all that they have spared us, agree in one unanimous and constant testimony. Neither can there in this case be any other proof required. What? Would the Remonstrants have us prove these things by the testimony of the Dutch that were employed in this Process, and are themselves guilty of this masked murder? Should we have brought a Certificate hereof under the seal of Amboyna, with the Governor and his Counsels hands to it? What other proof is the nature of the cause capable of, but such as we bring? And whereas the Remonstrants say here that our witnesses are parties, and formerly convict in the cause; they seem to forget, that their own Acts show, that some of them were absolved expressly, others never condemned. As for the Credit of the College of judges, so often repeated, it is already examined in the beginning of this Reply, as also in the answer to the Dutch Relation. Finally, for the Declarations and Writings of Master Towerson, Coulson, Griggs, and others, set down in the English Relation, these Remonstrants seem to doubt whether any such be extant. And for the strange signs of the storine, the sudden madness and death of Dunkyn, and the new sickness at Amboyna, following the execution of the English, which they term pretended miracles; they say, that the truth can be witnessed by those that were present and about them at the execution, that no such thing happened. And here they add, that the English stir heaven & earth to conceal and cover this detestable fact. But who will suppose (say they) that substantial people, (men of approved worth and virtue) would show themselves so impious and inhuman to torture and execute innocent persons? Much less must this be presumed of a Court of judges sworn and established. As for the Writings of Master Towerson, Coulson, Griggs, and others, mentioned in the English Relation (now doubted of by the Remonstrants) we report us unto the Lords of his Majesty's privy Council, that have seen them, and to the friends of the parties that know their several hands; and lastly, to the same Writings themselves still extant and kept to be showed upon any occasion. As for the signs related, they are sworn by our men that came thence, and further to be proved by Letters written, from some that then served, and (we suppose) do yet serve the Dutch at Amboyna, if they be not since dead, whereof no news is yet come. But what Witness do the Remonstrants bring, that those things so set down with their circumstances, and so the easier examined, were not so? The truth (say they) may be witnessed by those that were present and about the prisoners at the execution. But who be those? Why doth not Maerschalcke in his desperate oath (anon to be examined) attest that there was no such matter as the English pretend? Or why shall we reject our people's testimony, and believe these Remonstrants without any witness? But we shall have witnesses hereafter. In the Interim then, let the thing so already witnessed remain for true, till it be contradicted by more and better witnesses. As for the English stirring heaven and earth, not to conceal or cover a detestable fact of their own people (as the Remonstrance speaketh) but to discover a most damned practice of the Dutch, and to procure justice upon it, they conceive they are not to be blamed herein: yea that it is their duty to move heaven and earth against them, that have moved hell against Innocents'. Now for the honesty and credit of their Governor and Council at Amboyna, a string often harped upon: although it be evident that there is a great difference of the stuff between the judges of Amboyna, and all other judges in the parts of Christendom: yet the honesty and credit even of the best judges is no sufficient defence for them against such apparent proofs of Injustice, as are extant in this cause, even in the acts of the Process itself, as is before declared. For the judge that in his Process observeth not the order prescribed by the Law, is reputed as a private person. Otherwise indeed, the judge is not without proof to be presumed to have done unjustly: but this will not serve these judges. Neither is any party accused, to be presumed guilty, without Indicia or evidence: but every man to be presumed good until the contrary be proved. Which should have moved those judges of Amboyna to have been tender and careful in the Indicijs that were made the pretexts to torture the first japon: and not to torture a poor man for ask an usual and harmless question, yea, and needful in the place of his service; as is showed in the answer to the Dutch Relation. Much more ought they in this respect to have been tender of taking the extorted confessions of the japons, for a sufficient Indicium against Master Towerson; not only in regard of his quality, as being the Agent and Cape Merchant for the English there; but also of his innocent and harmless, (yea godly) behaviour at Amboyna, and all his life before. For as he was a man of note, and known to most men of his quality here in England; so all that knew him (especially that were well acquainted with him, whereof there is no small number) join and jump in this one opinion & commendations of him, that he was of a most fair condition and sweet disposition, harmless, and without spleen or gall; and (in a word) the unlikeliest Englishman that ever went into the East Indies, to be a plotter or practiser of such a fact, as he was condemned of. The Remonstrants having thus finished their answer to the English Relation, affirm that by their deduction of july, and this answer, they have sufficiently justified the proceed of their Officers at Amboyna; nevertheless ex abundanti they produce further evidence out of an attestation of Signior Houtman their late Governor in the Moluccoes. Which because it is afterwards again repeated in several Articles, shall be there with the rest answered. In the mean time, they appeal to the Lords States general, whether they have not by all this given sufficient satisfaction and cause to the English Company, to abate and let fall their suit, leaving the blame upon the Authors of this abominable conspiracy (as they call it) and of their own misfortune. Nevertheless, not daring to go to trial of the main cause upon these their allegations and proofs, they pray that there may be no precipitation used, but a fit respite granted them for the exact enquiry of the truth in the Indies: and that in the mean time, they may have the protection of the Lords States, and all misunderstanding and contrary deductions may cease; at least provisionally. For put case (say they) that their Officers be truly guilty (as the English pretend) yet they must be heard before they can be condemned. And in their opinion (say they) the ground of the Conusance of this cause must come from Amboyna to Battavia, and thence hither: and time convenient being given, there will doubtless come daily more and more clear proofs and light in the cause. As for themselves, they at last plainly confess, that they cannot answer the objections and circumstances alleged and proposed; but that this must and can be done by them only, whom the cause toucheth and concerneth: to wit, their Officers at Amboyn●, Here they renounce all the defence and justification which they have already made; as impertinent and insufficient. They might have done well then to have spared all this labour, and at first to have left the cause to them whom it concerns, as the English Company by their Letters requested them. As for precipitation in the cause, the English Company require none. But because the Acts of the Council at Amboyna themselves contain all that can be legally pleaded in justification of the Officers, (for, if in them there be no just ground of the condemnation and execution of the English, all supervenient proofs come too late to excuse the judges, even by their own Laws) therefore the English Company presume and maintain, that there is already ground sufficient, out of the same Acts, and out of the Treaty, whereof this Process is a plain breach, for the Lords States general by an Act of State publicly to declare the Nullity and Injustice of the Process. But for the judicial proceed against the particular persons that have committed this unparareld Injustice: there may be such order and course taken, as his Majesty and the Lords States shall find the nature of the cause to require. Wherein also the greatest care and expedition that can be used for the apprehension of the parties, will be no precipitation; considering the manifest proofs of their Injustice, appearing in their own Acts, as is before declared. Having finished their prayer to the Lords States general, to the effect aforesaid, the scope and drift of all, being only for Dilation and respite in the cause: yet as it were repenting them of their former rear and declination of a present trial they come on a fresh with new proofs, which they affirm to be so strong and vigorous, that they are of power, more than sufficiently to give their Officers an entire discharge, and to confound their Adversaries: and that without help of the points before alleged. And to make good these great words, they produce eleven several Articles taken by deposition of Laurence Maerschalck their late Cape Merchant at Amboyna, and now returned into Holland, and sworn to the same Articles before the Senate of Delfe the 4. of November last stilo novo; whose name in this Remonstrance they conceal. Next they annex the report and deposition of Signior Houtman their late Governor at the Moluccoes, before mentioned. And in the last place, they repeat some points already by them alleged in this Remonstrance, and so shut up their whole Worke. For the testimony of Maerschalck, it is to be considered in the general; that he is a party, being the second man of the Council of Amboyna: and therefore what is before said against the whole Council, falleth upon him in his particular with more enforcement. Nevertheless, this protestation against his incompetency to be a Witness in this cause being thus premised; we will peruse and examine the particulars of his Attestation: yet with this leave, a little to invert the order of the Articles, (but without prejudice of the substance of them) thereby to take all the matter of one nature together, to avoid prolixity and needless repetition of the same thing in diverse parts of the answer. The first, second, and third Articles affirm, that as well the japons as the English, not only signed their several confessions with every of their hands respectively, but jointly and severally confirmed and persisted in the same, even out of the fetters and irons, at several sessions of the Council; yea the English three or four several times, without retracting or revoking or changing of anything: albeit the Governor seriously admonished them to alter or revoke any thing which they had falsely confessed through pain or fear etc. But that all the English shrinking up their shoulders confirmed all they had confessed to be true, and craved mercy and not justice. These impudent fictions are answered by that which is already noted concerning the Requisites and Solennities of the Acts of all Courts of justice: which by prescript of the Law itself record the passages of every Session, with the date thereof. But in all the Acts of the Court of Amboyna, (unless they have given a false Copy, which yet were to be taken for true against themselves that so falsified it) there is no mention of any more confession than one of every prisoner, nor of any freedom from fetters, nor of any such admonition by the Governor as is here pretended. Besides the English that are escaped, as well those that were absolved, as the rest, utterly deny these several points to be true. Yea the gesture here added of the contracting or shrinking up the shoulders, being no English gesture, sufficiently refuteth this fiction. The fourth Article saith, that William Webber one of the Complices confessed he had received a Letter from john Clarke, intimating that there was some extraordinary matter and of great importance in hand by the English at Amboyna: and that john Clarke confessed to have written such a Letter. The confession of Webber touching this Letter, is acknowledged in the English Relation: but whereas this deposition saith, that Clerk also confessed the writing of such a Letter, the Acts themselves wherein Clarks confession is set down by the Dutch Actuary, refuteth it, not making mention of any such thing, nor of any question ministered to Clarke touching this Letter, or his meaning by that intimation; Which would not have been omitted, if the fiscal had not perceived that Webber had feigned this matter only to avoid torture. The fifth Article being of the same nature with the eighth and ninth, shall be anon with them answered. The sixth and seaventh Articles recite certain pretended voluntary confessions of Thompson made before some of the Council apart: to wit, that he had endured so much torture without confession, because he was often upbraided by Master Towerson with drunkenness, and warned that he should not in his cups discover the pretended plot. Whereupon he had vowed and sworn to himself, that he would not be the third nor yet the fourth man that confessed: what ever torture he suffered. But afterwards he confessed (saith the seventh Article) that he was glad that God had revealed the fact, for the saving of innocent blood, and that he had doubly deserved death: yet craved mercy. Here let the course of the Dutch in making Affidavit of the pretended voluntary confession of Master Towerson before six of the Council apart (and entered into the Acts) be considered, as it is truly set down in the answer to the Dutch Relation: and it will manifestly appear, that this confession of Thomsons (if any such had been) was of much more importance to the clearing of the Dutch proceed, than those obscure words of Master Towerson: and so would the rather have been brought by way of Attestation into the Acts, as the other were. But in the Acts there is no entry of any such confession of Thomson: who also going to the execution, and being reproached to be a Schellam or villain, openly and boldly answered, that he was as honest as the Governor himself, and by and by took his death that he was innocent. The fifth, eighth, and ninth Articles affirm, that Collins confessed all without torture, and being confronted with Master Towerson before the Council, averred his confession, and persuaded him to do the like, also that Master Towerson being another time before the Council with the rest of the English prisoners, reproached them with their drunkenness and disordered lives, and imputed the discovery of the conspiracy to God's judgement upon their wickedness: yet that at last Master Towerson confessed himself to be the Author and instigator of the rest, and asked them forgiveness. Of all these matters being fare more pregnant (if they were true) to have been the ground of the sentence then any thing entered in the Acts, there is no one word or mention in all the Process, although these things are here affirmed to have passed before the body of the Council. But it seemeth that Maerschalk (since his arrival in Holland) is showed the defects of the Process, and so would supply them by his own testimony. But he cometh now too late to make new Acts, after the Copy of the Process imparted to the English. In particular, Collins was tortured with water in such sort, as the view of him afterwards made Coulson confess without torture, as is set down in the English Relation, and yet averred by those also that saw him come out as Coulson did. Further, how senseless had the speech of Master Towerson been, to impute the discovery of the plot, to God's justice upon the bad life of his pretended Complices, and not rather upon himself for being the inventor and Author of the conspiracy, in itself more heinous, than any thing he could charge the rest withal? Lastly, it is already sufficiently proved by more competent witnesses than Maerschalk, that Master Towerson and the rest were never together before the Council, from the first apprehension until the last sentence: and that in all that time, he spoke with none of the English, but Coulson, Griggs, and Fardo; so impudent is this attestation of Maerschalck, that he used the speeches here pretended, unto Collins and the rest; and that before the Council. The tenth Article saith, there was a Letter written by Master Towerson to Coulson, charging him to be the prime and sole cause that moved him to this enterprise of making himself Master of the Castle: and that the same Letter was in the hands of the Governor of Amboyna. If this be true, how could Master Towerson make himself the first author of this conspiracy, as the Acts and Maerschalcks own relation in the former Articles present him? How cometh it, that there is no mention of this Letter in the Acts, nor the same Letter or any authentical Copy thereof sent over for justification of the cause, being so pregnant and pertinent a proof? The 11. Article telleth a tale of Collins his refusing to sit and eat with the Dutch Merchants in their passage from Amboyna to jaccatra in the ship, when he and Beaumont were sent thither: upon scruple (forsooth) to eat with such honest men, being himself a traitor. This as it is frivolous and of no value in itself, Collins being then as a condemned man to stand to the mercy of the Dutch General at jaccatra: so the truth of it is utterly denied by Beaumont that passed with him in the same ship, and together with Collins did eat at the same Table with the Dutch Merchants without straining of any courtesy for the matter. But to help the testimony of Maerschalk, that sweareth all the former points in his own cause, and against the very Acts themselves, and all other probabilities: the Remonstrants in the next Article, supply him with a Contestis, beyond exception as they pretend: to wit, Signior Houtman their late Governor in the Moluccoes. Who coming thence to Amboyna after the execution, heard and saw some things pertaining to this business; whereof, (being now returned into Holland) he maketh report and deposition, in six several points, viz: First, that it was firmly and without question or doubt believed at Amboyna generally, and by every man in particular; yea by himself also: that the English and japons there had truly and in effect conspired the taking of the Castle. Secondly, that the said Signeur Houtman coming through Hitto, George Sherrock (one of the English Complices) fell at his feet, and acknowledged the great favour that Governor Speult and the Council at Amboyna had done him in pardoning his delict. Thirdly, that he was afterwards present at jaccatra when john Beaumont (another of the English Complices) confessed his fault before the Dutch General Carpentiere, and craved mercy for the same. Fourthly, that himself and diverse others at jaccatra, had good and sure information and notice, that Beaumont freely confessed the conspiracy also to the English Precedent there; but that the English Precedent thereupon locked him up close from speaking with any man; thereby to prevent the dishonour of the treason. Fiftly, that the Governor Speult is reputed for a man of worth, honourable and godly, by all that have conversed with him: and the rest of the Council also, such as cannot any way be doubted or suspected guilty of so foul a fact, as to accuse or misuse the English, much less to put them to death, if they had not been guilty. Lastly, that the torture of Water is always used by the Dutch in the Indies, and is not so cruel nor dangerous, as other kinds of torture used in the Low Countries, and in all Europe. First, the English that were saved from the butchery of Amboyna, do not yet believe, that Signior Houtman hath deposed, as is here inferred. For when he was at Amboyna, and laboured to be brought in expost facto, for the saluing of the business; he openly professed: that he would wash his hands of it, and that Harman van Speult had begun it, and Harman van Speult should end it. And this presumption of theirs is further confirmed by the manner of citing this Signior Houtman, even in this Article, where his deposition is not simply and clearly alleged; but with this doubtful variation: Les dires et depositions du Signeur Governeur Houtman, etc. Neither is it specified, where or before whom or when he took his oath: which yet is according to the Custom set down touching the deposition of Maerschalck: to wit, that he took his oath before the Senate of Delft the 4. of November 1624. But admit he be sworn to these Articles: let us examine their particular import. The first is only of a common opinion and fame that he found at Amboyna, that it was a true treason. Is it any marvel that the Dutch, that had made the people believe that the English meant to have ripped up the bellies of the women with child (even of the Natives) and to make choice by the beauty and feature of the several infants, which to save and which to slay, had prepared a sufficient rumour against the coming of Signior Houtman, to win his opinion to their cause? Next, it is not likely that he spoke with any, but those of the Castle: who were most of them parties in this but cherry: and therefore would make no report to him, but what served their own turns. Further, the judgement being passed against our people, their fact (though never done) might be presumed notorious in Law: and therefore no marvel he and others gave credit to it. Yet who knoweth not, that much false judgement happeneth, notwithstanding the notoriety induced by the Acts and sentence? It were an easy matter for a judge to answer any Injustice thus. But when the judgement and the judges are questioned of Injustice, the notoriety that themselves have made is no plea for them. Yet if the Acts contain sufficient proofs for ground of the sentence, than such notoriety may help them. But in this case, the Acts showing that they have proceeded contrary to Law, infer their Injustice to be notorious, as is before showed. For the second and third Articles, concerning Sherrock and Beamonts' confession of their faults extra judicially, and while they were yet in danger: they are of no moment, to prove their guilt, much less the guilt of those that were executed, of whom these confessions make no mention; nor especially can they give any succour to the cause of the Governor and Council for their proceed: who ought to have had the grounds of their sentence in the Acts of the Process, before they condemned and executed our people. More particularly, Sherrock indeed confesseth, that with humble obeisance he complained to Signior Houtman of the Duchess daily reproaching him with treason, and prayed him that he would deal with the Governor Speult, to take order with them for their incivility. For (said he) although I had been guilty, yet being now pardoned, why should they thus reproach me? Other confession than this, he utterly denieth to have made to Signior Houtman. Beaumont also confesseth, that when he came to jaccatra, being sent thither to stand to the mercy of the General; who then told him, that he came thither to die; he was much amazed. But when suddenly the General in better earnest told him, he forgave him; then he gave him humble, and open thanks; but made no confession of his fault, nor was by the General urged in the least thereunto. For the fourth point, that Signior Houtman and others had such notice, as is here pretended of Beamonts' confession to the English Precedent; who also clapped him up for it: it were here requisite that Signior Houtman (if he have thus attested) did name his Authors if he will be believed. For himself is but testis ex auditu. In the mean time, not only Beaumont denyeth these things, but Collins that lodged in the same chamber at jaccatra with him, averreth, that his restraint and close custody is utterly feigned; neither did he ever hear any word or inkling of such his confession to the Precedent. Master Augustine Spalding also then one of the English Council at jaccatra, (but now returned into England) giveth the like report. For the fifth point, being the fair testimony of Signior Houtman touching the person of his brother Governor, Van Speult, and his Council; It is a point of civility in him, to help them with a good word in the general: but it is fare too light to lay in the scoale against the several and pregnant proofs of their foul Injustice, before in this reply at large specified, by the witness of all our English that were saved (as well those that were absolved as the rest) by clear circumstances of the whole business, and by the Acts themselves of the Council of Amboyna. Lastly, for the Water torture, it appeareth without Signior Houtmans' testimony, to be used by the Dutch in the Indies. The poor Polarones' and the English witness it with a mischief. But to make it lawful; it should be proved to be used in the Low Countries: as hath been already showed. But why doth Signior Houtman, nor the Remonstrants, in all this discourse say nothing for the Fire-torture, which was also used, and that in most barbarous manner and degree upon the poor japons, and diverse of the English? The Remonstrance having thus pressed the testimony of Maerschalck and Signior Houtman, in the next place (being the 13. Article) telleth us without any witness: that diverse persons (which the English Relation mentioneth) to be tortured with Fire and Water, were never once touched. If this were true and certain, it had been easy for the Remonstrants to have named the persons touching whom such error is committed. The English Relation nameth none but johnson, Thomson, and Clerk to be tortured with Fire. Which of these will the Remonstrants deny to be so handled: against such clear evidence of our part? The foureteenth Article promiseth, that the particulars and petty matters (as they are here termed) shall be disproved by the depositions of those that were in presence, and should have known them if any had been. Therefore until they be thus disproved, (which will never be) let them remain for true; especially being already proved by the oath of credible persons, and carrying truth in the very circumstances. Lastly, for the extraordinary signs that happened at the time of the execution, which are here (scoffingly) termed miracles, the same are also proved by oath, and further by Letters written from some of the servants of the themselves at Amboyna, ready to be exhibited upon occasion. And as it had been a silly part of the English to have feigned such matter, so is it no less impudence to deny that which so many as well Dutch and Indians as English saw, and knew to be notorious. After all this new charge so confidently given, yet the Remonstrants fall off again, and not desiring to put the trial of the cause upon these, nor all the rest of their allegations; they return by way of conclusion to pray the Lords States General, that there may be a convenient respite given for the better examination of the whole matter: and to that end that they will mediate with his Majesty, to content himself also therewith. But the English East India Company upon the grounds before at large deduced, doubt not but that the cause will appear as well to his Majesty as the Lords States, to be ripe and ready for such an Act of State as is desired, and for the apprehension of the Authors of this odious and execrable Process, as soon as they, or any of them can be gotten. And then the judicial Process against them may follow, as shall appertain to so foul and infernal a Fact. (⸪) FINIS.