A TREATISE OF TREASONS AGAINST Q. ELIZABETH, and the crown of England, divided into two Partes: whereof,  
The first Parte answereth certain Treasons pretended, that never were intended:  
And the second, discovereth greater Treasons committed, that are by few perceived: as more largely appeareth in the page. following.  
Imprinted in the month of Ianuarie, and in the year of our Lord. M.D.LXXII.   

The Argument of this Treatise divided into two Partes.  
The first Part confut●th the false accusations, and sclan●erous Infamies, printed in certain nameless and infamous libels against the Q. majesty of Scotland, heir apparent to the crown of England: and against Thomas Duke of norfolk, earl Marshall of the same realm: and defendeth the Honour and loyalty of the said Princes.  
The second Parte( which beginneth Fol. 83.) detect●th sundry deep and hidden Treasons, of long time practised and daily contrived, against the Honour, dignity, safety,& state of queen Elizabeth, her Roialtie, her crown, and all the Blood royal of England, by a few base and ingrate persons, that haue been called to credit by her: and removeth the plausible vi●ards, wherewith they cover their conjurations. It layeth open also, the dangerous state, that the said Q. and realm doth stand in, if those Confederates, and their Conspiracies● be not preuent●d in time.   

The Preface to the Englissh Reader.  
IN the sundry nameless libels, 
Two purposes intended by the libels presently.  of late put forth in print, every man of mean capacity may see two things principally laboured and intended. The one, 
The one open& malicious.  soeth and easy for every man to perceive, that he that will not see it, shal yet feel and find it, whether he will or no. That is to say, how they labour to defame and discredit that virtuous lady the queens majesty of Scotland, being heir apparent to the crown of England: to slander and deface that Noble Prince, the Duke of norfolk, the chief peer of that realm: to blemish and abase the rest of the nobility, presently apprehended: to confirm& increase the Princes di●fauour towards them al: to bring them al in hatred and obloquy of the people: to make their friends a●eard to favour them: to kindle the coals of their enemies malice against them: to frame the indifferent sort, to become their fo●s: and so finally to bring the chiefest( with as many of them as they may) to conf●sion: the rest in trouble to disgrace and bring low, with al others bysides, that either for honour, duty, or conscience sake, do aclowledge those Princes to be, as they are, or that do lament their distress, that do favour the iustice of their cause, that do aught speak in defence of their Right, or that do appear, to haue any compassion of their calamity.  

The other s●crete, crafty and ambitious.  The other, though it be not altogether so plain to every weak sight, yet shal it, I trust, be as easily see●e anon by every wise and indifferent man, that shal vouchsafe to consider this Treatise to the end. That is to wit, how craftily and cunningly some do labour, to blear and blind the eyes of the ignorant, like Craftes-maisters, I warrant you, seeking with many wrong pretences, and with numbers of false shows, to hid and cover those truths, that do break ●ut sooner, then the captain jugglers would haue them. By obi●cting, I mean, to your eyes and first sight, so great a show of Seditio●s and Treasons, supposed to haue been conspired and attempted by those two Noble Princes( which by them, nor any other, were never thought on) to withdraw thereby the eyes, and to divert the mindes of the multitude, from beholding and falling into the reckoning of those greater Treasons, that are in deed mo in number, more odious in quality, and nearer at hand, yea already a working, and contrived by them chiefly that sand these Libels amongst you.  
Which kind of Coosoning, or rather conjuration, is passing necessary to be discovered, and more then high time, that it had ben done ere this: as well for the peril of the practise finally meant, as for the mischievous means used to bring it to pass. The final practise, 
A third finally intended is, to wrest the succession of the crown from his du● course.  I call, the alteration of the succession of the crown of that realm, by untimely extincting both those Lines, in which it presently resteth,& should first fall unto, by al laws of Nature, Nations, and your own country: and withal to confirm and establish unto certain base persons( under the Title of a third Family, unto which themselves are lately united) the perpetual Regiment of the same, the possession whereof they haue already obtained. Whose ambitious mindes are so limed with the pleasant gain of present governance, that th●y count both your Prince& realm, and all the rest well adventured, if themselves thereby may win that, which they aspire unto.  
This, do I call, the final purpose of the practise in hand. And therein shal I for this time rest, how so ever both wisdom, reason and experience would, that no man should look for an end thereof, when it were come to that: nor expec● any less, but that when these two first Families shalbe weeded out for that third, that also shal be weeded out for an other, and so that fourth, for a fifth, till none be left of the blood Royal, but the realm come to be governed, either by a foreigner, or by a Popular State.  
And of the many mischievous means used to bring this purpose to pass, 
The means to alter the succession are these.  who can be ignorant, no man almost being found of that Nation, that hath not tasted bitterly of them, by himself or his friend in more or in less? For who remembreth not, that to set up a lawless Faction of machiavellian Libertines, that should not( by conscience or fear of sin) be restrained from any maner mischief, a new Religion was pretended, 
heresy.  that with help of Authority, shouldered out the old: of purpose chiefly, to leave none at all in the hartes of the people, to the end, 
atheism.  that a rabble of unbridled persons might always be readily found, which by no Religion, nor zeal of soul, should fear, with force and face impudent, to execute, what so ever should be committed unto them, by those that haue created and set up the Faction.  
And vpon this foundation, who is so blind, as hath not seen, what seditions 
Sedition.  haue been sown between Prince and Prince, what rebellions 
Rebellion.  haue been raised by Subiectes against their Superiors, what murders 
Murder.  haue been committed vpon whom so ever was thought to lie in their way: what Sacrilege, 
Sacrilege.  what incest, 
Incest.  what rapes of Nonnes& violences don● to other women, 
Rape.  what unnatural torments& sudden slaughters of men, how many forcible invasions into other Princes territories, 
invasion.  what open robberies, 
public robbery.  what public Piracies, what breach of faith between friends, 
unfaithfulness.  what violation of al leagues and laws both of Nature& Nations, 
breach of leagues.  
Uiolation of law●.  what corruptions with money& favour of Authority to suborn false accusations, 
Corruption.  
Subornation.  
False accusation.  what depriuations and imprisonments of Princes, 
D●priuation o● Princes.  what depositio●s of prelates, 
unjust imprisonments.  what impudenci● of lying without limit or measure both in writing& word, 
Impudent l●ing.  what forging& saining of friendship by fairest words, 
Forging and ●aining.  when worst was meant,& finally what wastes of Princes Treasures, 
waste of treasure.  what pillage of the people, 
Pillage of t●e poor. & what comsumption of the A●ncient nobility, 
D●struc●●on 〈◇〉 Nobil●ti●.  and of principal Personags every where?  
Of this practise therefore& final p●rpose, that hath been compassed by such mischievous means, and without the● could not thus long haue been upholden, nor maintained, can any man be found so grac●lesse, and so void of honesty, as to think it not necessary,& more than high time, both to detect the one,& detest the other? And if thou thinke● that I enforce this matter over vehemently, I remit the iudgement thereof to every mans experience, that( not resting vpon sweet& deceivable words) shal vouchsafe but to examine his own memory, 
Not w●ords but deeds do try truth.  of the facts& doings put in ure, by the setters up of that Faction, within these twelve or fourteen yeres last past, for the confirmation& e●tablishing of the same party erected of new, chiefly to serve the turns of somme private men now in authority. And thereafter let him deem, what maner of governance your present State sustaineth,& whether any Religion at al appear to rule in the harts of your Rulers, or be m●ant to be left in the harts of your people. And that is it, that I call a machiavellian State& Regiment: 
A machiavellian denned.  where religion is put behind in the second& la●t place: where the civil policy, I mean, is preferred before it,& not limited by any rules of Religion, but the Religion framed to ser●e the time& policy: where both by word& example of the Rulers, the ruled are t●ught with every change of Prince to change also the face of their faith and Religion: where, in appearance and show only, a Religion is pretended, now one, now an other, they force not greatly which, so that at hart there be none at al: where neither by hope nor fear of ought after this life, men are restrained from any maner 'vice, nor moved to any virtue what so ever: but where it is free to slander, to bely, to forswear, to accuse, to corrupt, to oppress, to rob, to invade, to depose, to imprison, to murder, and to commit every other outrage, never so barbarous( that promiseth to advance the present policy in hand) without scruple, fear, or conscience of hel or heaven, of God, or devil: and where no restraint, nor allurement is l●ft in the hart of man, to bridle him from evil, nor to invite him to good: but for vain famed only& fear of lay laws, that reach no further then to this body and lif●: that call I properly a machiavellian State and governance.  

The order of this ●reatise  Now for the order of this Treatise, before I come to lay open the foul and final fraud of this practise, I haue, as reason required, first answered the accusations● and cleared the crimes of the accused, each after other, in such order, as that Libel layeth them forth, that seemeth to contain more weight and pith, then al the rest: namely that, which is dated the 13th. of October 1571. and subscribed, with the letters of ●. and G. unto which I haue made choice chiefly to address mine Answ●re, as w●l for that I find no material point in any of the others, omitted out of this, and in this some effectual points a little opened, that in the others are but obscurely glanced at: as also, for that the chief substance of al the oth●rs consisteth in scoffs, taunts, and Railers rhetoric, more lively representing the spirit, from whence they proceed, then likely to seduce any wise or honest man.  
And that done, I gi●e thee in a second parte by itself but a taste( as it were) of the Treasons in deed intended, yea rather in hand, in hammering, and well set forward already. Not so largely yet, as with Gods help I purpose in an other tu●g to publish them, if cause hereafter shal so require, but yet so sensibly and plainly( I trust) as shal suffice for them of your Nation that are of iudgement, reading or experience: which sort being satisfied,& coming to the clear sight of this mischievous mystery, my purpose is performed, and there shal be( I hope) no further need of enlarging the odious practices of men in authority, unto the vulgar multitude.  

The A●thors meaning is not ●o impugn ●uthoritie.  And in the detection of this pestiferous practise, considering that I am to impugn that proceeding, that carrieth a countena●ce of Authority to maintain it: it behoveth( least I be mistaken& surmised to mean otherwise then I do) that I admonish the Reader,& declare, how I am to be understanden, when I come to encounter with any thing, that authority setteth forth, or do use any terms of improo●ing ought, that Authority commendeth.  

The Author, a Stranger.  Understand thou me therefore, good Reader, as a Stranger, that hath lived in thy country for the most part abou● thirty yeres,& thereby to haue conceived that re●erent opinion& affection to your Nation, that the good nature of the people generally,& the fertility of the soil do well deserve, and is justly commended for:& to haue observed( as my small capacity would reach) the se●●ral shap●s of your Go●ernement v●der King Henry( for a f●w yeres before his death) king Edward, Q. mary& Q. Elizabeth. And as my yeres haue grown riper,& my iudgement by experience hath been enlarged, with the help of some reading of your histories, I haue principally noted,& most advisedly entred into the consideration of the present state& ●orme of Regiment used under your Q. that now is. At whose entry into her crown, I was present,& a witness of her quiet beginning& conti●uance of reign for twel●e yeres time,& beholded the first attempt of mutation: 
Mutation.  to wit, whom she cast out, that had place& credit,& whom of new she called in, that had neither of both, as the Authors and inst●●ments of the innovation ensuing. I enjoyed my parte of the common& qui●t s●steinyng of al, above expectation.  
Among the instruments of innovation newly called in, I specially c●●d& noted those, to whom above others your Q. committed ●●ē from the beginning, the chief cure& charge of her affairs: 
Two per●ons only are charged in this Treatise. & whose managing of the same unto this day, I account a rare testimony of your Q. constancy, 
The Constan●y of Q. Elizab.  respecting the variable affections, that other Princes her Predeces●sors haue ben noted of in the change of thē, by whom they would rule. And unto these two persons specially) concurring with the iudgement of most men) I attribuce and impute, what so ●uer of importance cometh forth under he●, or hath been sene in her time. And towards them chiefly( yea only in effect) is my process and speech therfore meant and directed. 
Only two persons rule and do al.  Not al only as the chief instruments of al her mutations at home●& garboils abroad, but also as the special spirits and Familiars, that ●ollow her, in tempting, enticing, alluring, and procuring her, by al arts and de●ises, to suffer herself, her realm, her authority, her Treasure& forces to be missapplied and abused, both to the one, and to the other.  
Of these two persons therefore, as of the efficient and effectual causes of al the perilous practices and dangerous Treasons, that I labour to lay open: of the present change, from the quiet security your Q. was long in, to the vnsurety and danger she is in( if these Libels say true)& of the trouble& tormoile the whole realm is like to taste, if those attempts go on against your nobility and the Blood royal: of these two men, I say, and of no●● other, am I to be understanden in this Treatise, when I use any term, that may seem to touch authority: because I mean none other Authority, then of them two only: who( by craft and circumvention) haue obt●ined that authority, that what so ever impugneth their pestilent pri●ate purpose( the end whereof I verily bele●e your Q. seeth not) must be taken and published for traitorous, 
To impug●● their purpose is termed treason.  seditious, slanderous, rebellious,& what so ever else can be thought more odious: be it never so well meant, and tend it never so evidently to the security of your Q. to the benefit of your realm, and to the honour of ●ur nobility.  
And albeit, there are choice enough to be found of your own Nation, 
A Stranger writeth, because the english may not.  that for their wisdom and intelligence, do far ●urmount me in habilitie, to ha●e treated this matter, to the better satisfaction of the Readers, and that haue no less good will thereunto then myself: yet considering the thrall, ●●ate& serui●ude, 
A lamentabl● servitude.  that presently they sustain, having( by severe searches, by suborn●d accusations, by sudden arrests, by sharp impriso●ments, by fraudulent examinations, and pe●alties) their hands bound from writing, sending, or receiving: their eyes closed from reading or b●holding: their ears stopped, from hearing: their mouths and tongues tied up, from speaking: yea their very harts and minds restrained from thinking( if it break out once) of any least sentence or syllable sounding toward the Detection of this detestable enterprise, or of any other truth, that the Capitains of this conjuration would haue covered and concealed: whiles your own, I say, remain in that thraldom, where no man almost speaketh with other, without rendering an account wh●●of they ●alke: yea, whiles your queen, whom chiefly it importeth to know it, is by arte and ab●sion deprived of al means, that might bring her to understand it: whiles al books are forbidden, that would tell it: al letters kept from her, that would show it: and al access of those that would intimate it unto her, is by one craft or other restrained, and prohibited from her: it shal not, I trust, be taken for presumption in me, that I● vpon these considerations, haue yielded and relented to the requests of such, as for their honour and credit might haue commanded me.  
Who( for mine own private knowledge of the vanity& untruth of sundry principal points in these libels objected) haue moved and persuaded me, 
Not by hea● say, but by knowledge the author speaks mo●●●  by putting forth of somewhat, to break the ice, as it were, and to lead the way to others of your own, that in time con●e●ient will more at large set down the truth of this story, whereof I do here but succinctly speak. And myself having been not altogether a stranger to the first treaty of the marriage, between the Q. majesty of Scotland, and the Duke of Norf. nor to some of the principal personages, now imp●ached for the same, and thereby knowing, how falsely in these libels they are belied, in every material point laid to their charge: and beholding themselves withall, to be so restrained, that either they can not come to say and show the truth, or that they are not believed, when they say truth: or that the truth is murdered and falsified, though they be heard and believed: in this case now, if I should not by saying somewhat, give the adventure, to tie this bel about the cats neck, I see ●ot how to excuse myself of some part●c●pation with the accusers of these in●ocent●s, and of communicating( in a sort) with the contrivers of their confusion.  

The weight 〈◇〉 necessity o● this work  And i● any man shal think, that upon so lewd a Libel of so light credit, as coming out without approbation of authority, without name of Author or writer, and without probable matter, less labour might haue served, for the discrediting and disprouing of that, which no wise nor honest men believed: let it be remembered, good Reader, that in a matter of this weight, as wherein go●th indaungered the Li●es of Princes and pearelesse Personages, the transposing of Cro●nes, the mutations of common weals, and the hazard of turning one of the most principal and ancient Monarchi●s of christendom, from a most Christian Gouernem●nt, unto a machiavellian State, it shal not be wisdom, to measure the credit of the multitude, by the conscience and discretion of those few that be wise and good. 
The number are light, the wise and good, ●low in believing.   
again, considering how far this matter is proceeded onward towards the said end and fine, that this Libel shooteth at( which, by the present state, 
Close imprisonment of a Prince thre●net● death.  that the Q. of Scotl. and the rest do stand in, is ●asy to perceive) and regarding, that this matter standeth not now in equal terms between mine adversary and me, but that he shadowing himself under some in Authority, speaketh nothing but that, that is plausible to the present Rulers: yea when the writer is rather but the Cane and trunk, 
Rulers speak by Canes and Trunks.  through which, some in Authority do speak, with whom the credit of the multitude commonly runneth: 
The multitu●e runneth with authority.  respecting also, that mine adversary hath begun, hath told his tale first, al wholly and at length, hath been quietly heard without interruption, what soever he listed to say: remembering, how much those advantages, for the most part, do prevail( for few are they in number, that are so wise and good, 
Foles believe the first tale, wisemen tarry the answer.  as to reserve their credit in suspense, till the Answer and second tale come forth) weighing further, that his whole process consisteth in brief and bare affirmations, without reason or proof: in which maner of writing much matter goeth contained in small room( for a lye of a line, is not easily answered in a leaf or two some times) and lastly considering, 
A lye is sooner told, then answered.  that what so ever I am to say( coming to impugn a process, that hath before hand obtained credit with many, as vpholden by some of the Rulers) is already so prejudiced, that before it come forth, it may be foreseen to be termed slanderous, seditio●s, traitorous, tending to Rebellion,& to move troubles in the realm: vpon these considerations, if thou vouchsafe, good Reader, to way them deeply, albeit I haue in no substantial matter left the ●ndifferent man unsatisfied, yet shalt thou, I suppose, find me rather more compendious in many points, then thou wouldest haue wished me, for one, wherein thou shalt think me tedious, or more abundant then needed.  

The Authors metaphor of the destruction of Tro●  And although in this Treatise, I refuse not altogether mine Aduersaries Metaphors, of their Brood-hen& three of treasons, but do now and then as truly apply them, to display their devises, as they do fals●ly abuse them, to give show to surmises: yet, for as much as the feigned Goddesse, the famous city, and Noble king of old Troy never tasted more detestable Treason by the huge Horse, which the Grecians forged, and the crafty greek Sinon by art conneied into that city( as a sole●ne Sacrifice to Pallas the Goddesse there) th●n your Qu●ene, country,& city of 〈◇〉 Troy, with her next posterity of t●e blood Royal of England, are l●ke to taste by the deep and subtle practices of an English greek or two now among you, under the plausible shadow of your Q. security: and finding no story, that doth more aptly resemble the false sleights, that are now in the forge among you, and the mischieuo●s marks prefixed for their end, then doth that old deep devise and cruel conclusion:& finding likewise, no man more lively, nor more nearly expressing( by name, nature, qualities, 
An English Si●on.  and form of proceeding) a subtle Sym now among you( of whom I haue occasion often to speak, as the captain contriner of your calamity) then doth that old Sinon the crafty Gre●ke: I haue for these causes sometimes used, as by a Metaphor, to resemble this tragedy present, to that story past: and haue now and then alluded this crafty practise, to that subtle shift, and baptized your sly Sym, that now is, with that old Sinons name.  
Which, that I do not al unaptly, and that the Reader may the better understand those places, as they shal in this Treatise present themselves before him:& to the end, that by comparing that old and this new practise together, he may t●ke the morality of the first( if it were but a Fable) and make benefit thereof in cases present, as wisemen haue been wont to do: or, if it were a true story, that then, by the experience of that Tragedi● past, he may ta●e warning and admo●ition for this Treason now in hand: I haue for these resp●ctes, thought it necessary in this place, briefly to remember the effect of that old story, for their help, that perhaps never red it: and by comparing of a few partes thereof, with some partes of this, to induce the common Reader, to the better discerning, how aptly, how properly, and in how many sundry partes, the subtle proceedings to these Treasons present, do answer the crafty practise of that old tragedy past.  
When the Grecians by ten yeares besieging the city of troy, 
The story ●f troy.  perceiu●d themselves unable by force to achieve to the end of their desires, which was, to sack that city, and to bring the trojans under their yoke and Dominion: they shifted to su●tlety, and famed( by sounding a false retreat) that as persons discomfited, they would retire their army into Greece again. And pretending a religious devotion to Pallas the Goddesse who had a Temple in troy, they forged a Horse of such hugenes, as the like in no age hath ben s●ene since nor before. which at their dissembled departure and feigned embarking they left about the place of their camp, as a consecrated Sacrifice ●owed to that Goddes●e.  
Bu● now see th● wolf, that was hidden under this lambs skin. Into the belly and bulk of this huge beast the Grecians had cunningly convyed a great number of their most valiant armed soldiers, who being once entred into that city, under that Horses hid, should( by Sinon) be let out of the beasts bely, and at an hour in the night agreed upon before, should make themselves maisters of the town Gates, and let in the rest of the graecian army, that would by that constituted time, be returned thither against.  
Now had the crafty Greek●s a bide among them of their own brood name Sinon, whom they made privy, and a principal worker of al the Treason, as one, that had a deep wit, a smooth tongue, an aspiring mind, a shameless face, no honour, little honesty, and less conscience, and was a sly and subtle shifter to compass whatsoever he would: and him they suborned, to take upon him, not only to persuade King Priamus and the trojans, to take in this Sacrifice, but to adventure himself also to get into the city, to open the engine of that beast, and to let out those soldiers, when the time should be.  
To be short: he accorded. And being of base birth, and vile courage, thought it no pain, to suffer shane& danger for a time, to lead the rest of his life out of the low condition( in which he was born) in perpetual honour and wealth afterward, which were promised him for his enterprise. And to win credit with King Priamus, he feigned to haue been cruelly handled, and threatened with torments and present death by his own Nation: and that at their embarking he should haue been soorthwith offered in Sacrifice.  
And in this maner, putting himself where he might be taken by the Troians, and pretending great devotion to the Goddesse Pallas, he tempered his tale in ●uch wise,& covered his hypocrisy with so lively colours, as denied every goo● nature to suspect him of fraud,& so obtained such credit with King Priamus& the Troians, that against the opinion& dissuasions of sundry of their gravest& Nobles● councillors( who feared and suspected the treason that ensued) they broke ●oune the walls of their own Citi●, to let in the Monster that was their destruction.  
For, after the Horse was once in the city, Sinon, and his Mates so performed their partes, and perfited their practise, that in the night, they let in the whole troupe of the graecian army: who with great slaughter and cruelty, slay Priamus the King, murdered his Children, extincted his seed and posterity for ever, defaced and burned the Temple of the Goddesse, to whom they pretended the honour of that Sacrifice, ●nriched the base Greekes with the spoil of the Noble Troians, razed old Troi● to the hard ground, and brought the whole country to final confusion.  

Resemblances between that story and the present government.  This being in brief the effect of that Fable, as the Poets do famed it, or of that true history, as some others do think: behold, I beseech you, in reading this Treatise, by these few examples following, how aptly& fully the same doth resemble the tragedy, that we are now to treat of.  
And first consider how justly the naughty nature, the false, cruel and crafty conditions of that insolent and licentious Brotherhood, that, under pretence of a new Religion, do call themselves a party Protestant, dispersed every where, doth answer and may be compared to the subtlety, falsehood, and lewd property of the Greekish Nation, testified by a proverb, usual in your Language, that reprehendeth mens insolency and outrage, with these terms: Ab Sir, you are a greek in deed.  
The modesty and conscience of the catholic party, that for fear of God, & for hate of sin, do abstain from offer of injuries, and defend onely their ancient possession in the catholic Faith, and that with less care, zeal, and suspicion, then is necessary: may in every part very aptly be resembled to the Nobl● nature and royal dealings of the old Troians, that, with less suspect of their Aduersaries malice, then was necessary, without offer of injury to their enemies, defended onely their ancient possession in their kingdom.  
The violent assaults, and forcible invasions, made by the Protestantes upon the catholic Faith, for many yeres together by sundry cruel& penal laws, enacted by King henry, King Edward, and Q. Elizabeth: and by sundry rebellions, and conspiracies against Q. mary, to bring the old catholic regiment of that crown, to a Protestant government: do aptly answer, the ten yeares war, and forcible siege made by the Grecians, against the city and kingdom of troy, to bring the trojan Dominion to the graecian subiection.  
The slaughter of Noble Hector, and of sundry others of King Priamus children, done by force of arms in the time of the si●ge: may not unaptly be compared, to the violent deaths of many noble& notable Personages, which in these late yeares they haue sustained: some by colour of laws, some by Treason, some by sudden murder,& some by poison, as they haue ben found likely to repugn or resist the intended change of that regiment, from the old governance in catholic wise, to a new Dominion under the Protestantes,  
The repression of the sundry rebellions, & confederacies, made by the Protestants against Q. mary,& their assault now, by subtlety& arte to win that, which their force was to weak for: is justly resembled to the Grecians shifting unto subtlety and craft, when they had found their forces to feeble for their purpose.  
The feigned retreat,& counterfeit departing of the Greekes from troy, may be well compared to the false show of that counterfeit clememcie pretended by that Protestants, for sundry y●res after your Q. coming to her Croūe: whiles they feigned a retire, from al forcible constraint of any catholics conscience,& pretended no intention of troubling any man for keeping or following his old Faith.  
The old Greekes, by hypocrisy, feigned a Sacrifice to Pallas,& under that cloak, covered their horrible fraud, with a commendable devotion, that was common, as well to the Troians, as Grecians: yea by the Grecians falsely in dede,& by the Troians only, was faithfully meant:& these your new Greekes, with as false a meaning, do fain a Sacrifice of their jealousy& care for your Q. security, commonly tendered, both by catholic and Protestant: yea rather, but superficially feigned by the Protestants for a time, and sincerely meant by the catholics alone: under which is covered the odious practise, that no man would endure, if he might see it at first, as it will show itself at last.  
The devise was a huge bulk of a hollow beast, that contained no substance of that it gave show of, but was of a clean contrary metal within: and these Greekes devise is, a gross and beastly flattery, that hollowly promiseth al Honour, security, and quietness of reign, al amity abroad, and al obedient af●ection at home, with a huge mountain bysides of al other commodities: but bringeth in it in deed a direct contrary and more opposite substance of passing dishonour, of decay of foreign f●indship, of weakening obedience at home, of fear, of peril, of vnsafetie on al sid●s, so evident, that already it beginneth to appear● to every mans ●ye, and their own printed Libels can not conceal it.  
Your queen and her Pos●eritie, being the ne●rest of the Blood royal of England may for many respects be res●mbled very well, both to Pallas& P●iamus: as well, for the Spiritual( now taken vpon her) as the temporal Regiment, that she now in England, and they than in Troy did hold and maintain.  
The pretence of that old Sacrifice was plausible to the trojans, and deceived them the rather, because they were people devoutly affencted, to the fear of their Goddes: and this pretence of your queens security, is adored by al the catholics, and blindeth them the rather from the sight of the Treasons covered therein, because that by the limits of Religion, and fear of God, they affect in deed the preservation of their Prince.  
The Greekes charged the trojans with want of devotion, and would put them in fear of the wrath of their Goddesse, if they refused her feigned Sacrifice: and these Gre●kes, do charge the catholics, with your queens vnsuertie, and put them in fear● of her disfavour, and death, if they conse●t not and apply not to the provision, that is feigned for her assurance.  
The chief covered meaning of the old false sacrifice was, to win the Kingdom of old troy, from King Priamus and his posterity: and one of the chief hidden meanings of this new practise, is, to win the Dominion of new troy, from your queen, and her next lawful Succession.  
In that hollow Horse of Sacrifice, were covered and convyed the mightiest armed enemies of al trojan blood: and in this hollow pretence and show of security, are covered& contained the Treasons, that tend to extirp your present Priam, with sundry of the nearest of her blood royal.  
The bulk of that beast, being stuffed with Soldiers, was greater, then any Gate of the city could receive or admit, and therefore must extraordinarily be let in by the walls:& this pretence stuffed with so many horrible Treasons, is more huge, more hateful,& more odious, then would be admitted by any ordinary passage: and therfore must by extraordinary arte be winded into the credit of your Prince and people, by an unwonted infamy, and overthrow of the innocent and guiltless.  
That false sacrifice was at first suspected, for a while doubted of, and refused by King Priamus and his Counsel, till the greek Sinon persuaded the admission of it, by making them believe, that if they received the same and set it up in their city, they should not only win the grace and favour of the Goddesse Pallas, but it should also save and defend them, and make al Asia and other infinite countries become subject to them and their posterity. And this false semblance was both by your queen, and her faithfull●st seruants, at first not allowed of, and for a time resisted, till your English Sinon obtained chief credit, and prevailed, to make it accepted, by persuading in the self same maner, that if this S●ct and Idol were now once again set up and settled in her realm, it should not only defend& save it from al foreign power and Potentates, but also make al Princes adjoining to follow her example, and bring many other realms to the same Lore. Which persuasion o● his is hitherto ●ou●d as tru●, as Sinons than was.  
Their old Sinon, was a greek born by nature,& so an enemy from the beginning, unto the old trojan blood, and posterity of Priamus: And your new Sinon, 
A new Sinon, the perfect Image of the old.  beginning to be a Protestant, even from his childhood, hath ever been an enemy unto the old catholic Regiment, and to that posterity of your old blood royal, that affencted to govern in the ancient form of the catholic faith.  
For baseness of parentage, for ambition of mind, for subtlety of wit, for smothnes of ●ung, for shameless face, for little honesty,& no conscience: looking vpon old Sinon, you see the right retract of the new: yea their very names do so concur and resemble each other, that both beginning with o●e syllable, and each of them having but two in al, containing also like number of letters, and vowels, if in pronunciation, the last syllable of the one, did not varie from the other, one selfe name would express both the persons, whom like inclinations and qualities haue so lively resembl●d each to other.  
That old greek( you know) was the persuader of Priamus to receive his own ruin, and to make the more credit& appearance of some truth, he did not let sundry ways to shane himself with forging lies &c. to bring his false purpose to perfection: and is it obscure, to find one out now among you, that lively answereth him in these partes? Is it not easy to see, who carrieth your queen in his hand( as it were) in matters specially of importance? Who seeth not, how many ways your shifting Sim hath laid al shane aside? Can that man be said, to haue any longer the face of a man, that hath neither car●, nor remorse, what God, or the world seeth or saith of him? For doth not every man see, that with an impudent, and brazen face, he abuseth,& outfaceth, both his own Prince at home, and al the world ●isides almost, with lies vpon lies, thick and threefold, one in an others neck,& every one louder& lewder then other, to f●ede& uphold the fi●r& flamme of robbery, Rebellion, and of al other mischief, wherewith he hath infested al Co●ntries adjoining? What spark of shane or grace can any man defend to be least in him, that with so bold a visage, so little abassheth at the public discovery of so many false accusations, so many subtle subornations,& so many wrong condemnations, of so noble& notable Personages, of such depositions of Princes, of such transpositions of States, such usurpations of kingdoms, such hired murders, and other infinite villainies, more vile, then may be expressed by any modest pen, as are daily detected, to haue ben contrined by him, for satisfaction of his own thirst to heresy and ambition? Yea what child can show a more base, abject, and contemptible courage● then he, whose insolency is intolerable, whiles Authority fawneth on him:& for every one least thwart of his superior, feigneth either to be sick for sorrow, or ●ame of the gout: and falleth to sighing and sobbing, crouching and kneeling, weeping and whining, like a boy and a babe, till his head be stroked, and he comforted and called a good son again.  
The old tragedy did end, as you haue heard, in the ruin of the Temple of Pallas, whom those Greekes pretended to adore, in depriving King Priamus and his posterity, when by Sino●s persuasion, he thought himself surest, and in the irrecoverable confusion of the city and country, when the people thought themselves farthest from danger, and to haue had no enemy nigh them, whiles their fatal foes slept amid among them, &c. and of this tragedy present though the end be not yet come and past, yet who so beholdeth indifferently so many steps and degrees already laid towards it( as ●art you come to the end of this Treatise, you shal see, I trust, plainly shewed you) if he haue any wit or iudgement, he can look for no less, then a semblable end, of so like preparations.  
Infinite other particulars might be remembered, in which these two Tragedies may very aptly be compared together. But my purpose in this place having been by a few only to give you a president& sample( as it were) in what maner your own wisedoms& better understanding of your domestical affairs, may( for the likeness of both the works, and workmen) by comparing the proc●edings of this your own time, with the examples of times past, inform yourselves the better, what conclusion is to be looked for, to ens●w such actions present: I haue for that purpose, tarried long enough in opening of this Metaphor, and will now return to show you my further intention in this Treatise.  

The Au●●ors whole purpose in ●his Trea●ise.  In which, what speech or term so ever hath passed, or shal fortune to pass me: I here protest, that I mean not in any wise, to prejudice any act, sentence, or other thing done or declared by the holy Sea apostolic: nor to derogate from your Q. what so ever may lawfully be given her: neither to charge or burden her with other mens faults, acknowledging her good nature to haue been always inclined to clemency, and herself a conformable Prince to them whom she credited: nor that I mean to blame or accuse any of your nobility, other then those two persons of mean parentage, that for her time haue, above their desert, occupied the places of the Noblest: nor them neither any further, nor with other mind, then as to show them their error, to wish their amendment, 
To re●orme the faulty without ●heir d●mmage. & withal, al the honour and advancement that they can wish to themselves: confessing them( for gifts of nature, and benefit of education) to haue been instruments of rare habilitie:& ha● been very notable ministers in that common weal, if( for want of appliyng their own choice to Gods ordinary grace) they had not preferred their own private before the common profit of the Prince and people.  
But that my principal and whole purpose is( for preservation of your Prince& country in their ancient Honour and Christian liberty) to lay op●n before your Q. specially, 
To defend ●nd preserve o● sorts in their just states.  and to yourselves in general, the frauds and arts used to seduce& cirumvent her( with her own passing detriment& great danger of the realm) to permit her Name, her Credit and authority to be used and applied to serve other mens turns and private purposes: And for that, to hazard& adventure her own State present: to purchase to herself continual unquietness, 
I●daungered ●or pri●uat ambition.  and vnsuretie in her seat, reign she never so long: Wilfully to ●xtirpe both the Succession of her own Line, and of the family next her own in blood. And therewi●h to induce the tearing and renting of the realm in pieces( as al the world bysides yourselves, iudgeth& expecteth) if it be not prevented in time: al, I say, to serve the private turns of some particular men,& to advance the Ambition of a few.  

Imminent ●●n●●rs: by France and ●cot●.  For he that seeth not your foreign and ancient enemies lying in a wait( as it were) and abiding but the opportunity of their own habilitie, and of some advantage of time to reuenge both their old gri●●●s, and their new injuries: and he that perceiveth not your foreign friends and old Allies, 
By Flanders and Spain●.  passingly provoked, and for their own indemnity constrained, to to be ready in effect to become your fo●s: yea, 
B● your own at home.  he that f●eleth not such a pike and suspicion put between your Prince and people at home, that it may be doubted, which of these miseries will soonest fall on you, that is to say, whether by continuing to make yourselves mutual pr●ies one to an other( as for some yeares you haue done) you will open the way, to make the whole a pray to Strangers: or whether your Q. for her assurance against her own Subiects( of whom she is falsely put in fear●) or her Subiects, for the intolerable ●eruit●de that they sustain under the tyranny of those two that reign by her name, shal call in foreign forces in greater numbers, then both shalbe able to put forth again: and thereby in short time to lay on your own necks the yoke and thraldom, that Barbary, Greece,& Hungary( whose steps you follow) do bear before you: 
First to her●sy, then to atheism,& so to slau●ry are those C●ntr●is fallen.  he that seeth not, I say, these daungerous miseries imminently depending over your h●addes, is plainly so senseless, that he is unworthy to be talked unto.  
And, now good Reader, if in this disputation between mine adversary& me,& between his libel& mine Answer, thou shalt find these differences ●ns●wing evident and plain: that is to say, 
Notable differen●s between the libel and the Answer.  that he giveth thee words only,& I deed●s: that he layeth forth known lies, unlikely surmises, and headless reports, and I show thee known truths, open fac●es,& probable consequences: and that his end and final purpose is( for pleasing of Authoriti●) to violate the honours and fames,& to destroy the persons of public Princes, to waste your blood royal, to shake your Q. seat, and with the overthrow of your nobility, to hazard the whole realm: and mine( with hazard of danger and displeasure) to save and defend both the one& the other: to preserve your realm in his ancient honor, and Christian freedom: to reduce your Prince into the paths& steps of her renowned Proge●itors: to establish her state and continuance of reign, in that security and quiet that she began it: to reconcile your nobility to your Princes favour: and to unite her and her Blood in unfeigned amity: if thyself, I say, vpon the advised reading o● this Treatise to the end, shal see these odds and differences between us, and shal find withal, that this answer shal not yet obtain that indifferency, that the Libel hath found: 
What is implied in sup●r●ssing of ●●is ●retise.  ●reely to pass among you, I mean, nor suffered to be seen and sold as the other hath been: then hast thou one clear proof& testimony more, to add unto the rest, to witness with me, that under those Rulers impudent falsehood, fatal malice and desperate de●ises of destruction, may freely walk open-faced among you, and without in●erruption rest in every mans hand: whiles truth reverently v●tered, just defence d●tifully laid forth, and a grate●ul affection born to your Prince and country, shalbe oppressed, condemned, 
Where vic●●s ●rer, ver●u● is thr●l●  forced to hid itself, and find no man that dare avow to see it, or haue it.  
And that point alone may likewise 
☜  abundantly suffice, to discover to your queen( if she vouch●safe to consider it) the fraudulent meaning of those paint●d pretences put upon their practices from time to time. Whereby she may manifestly discern, whether her turn, or theirs: whether herself, or themselves: 
Not for your Q. but for themselves is in dead their care and travel.  whether her honour, or their ambition: whether her security, or their own: her posterity, or theirs: her kindred, or their families, ha●e been best served, most ei●d, chiefly cared for, best provided for, most prepared for, principally advanced and allied: whether her crown and realm be more enriched, or their own possessions more increased: answerably, I mean, to the di●●erence in quality between her,& them. And so consequently whether she in deed haue reigned, or they: whether she in effect haue been queen, or they: not in name and show, but in essence, and substance of Rule and Dominion. And thereafter let Gods grace and her own wisdom direct her to provide, and to put such remedy, as shal be most to the glory of God, that gave her both her being, and her crown: to the comfort of her people committed to her charge: to her own true honour and most security, while she li●eth here: to the benefit of her posterity ordained by God to succeed her: and to the discharge of her last account in the world to come.   

Allusio ad praesentem Angliae conditionem, ex Aeneid. Lib. 2.  
O Socij: fuimus Britones, fuit Anglia,& ingens  
Angligenûm splendour: dirum Schisma omni● pessum  
Iam dedit, infesti Haeretici dominantur in Aula.  
Impia frugiferos latè diffusa per agros  
Hearesis, Indigenas Animas& Corpora passim  
Fudit humi ferro multos& carcere longo  
Abstuli●, in latebras multos& in extera regna  
Impellens, alterque Sinon incendia miscet  
Rumores spargens varios,& semina belly.  
Obsedêre alij maria, atque angusta viarum  
Oppositi, patulis alij iam portubus adsunt  
Vangiones, Bataui profugi, Belgaeque propinqui,  
Vascones, Axônes, Morinique,& Lingones, atque  
Tota ea Collu●io, faex& sentina malorum,  
Millia quo● magnis nunque venêre Myceni●.   

A TREATISE OF TREASONS against Q. Elizabeth and the crown of England: partly answering certain Treasons pretended, that never were intended: and partly discovering greater Treasons committed, that are by few perceived.  
THe Author seeming to writ to a brother in law of his, to avoid superfluity of unnecessary speeches, beginneth with a short and sweet salutation of, Salutem in Christo, but what salutem he bringeth, or to whom he meaneth either health or wealth, let his own words be judge. I will not by way of prevention prejudice him so much, as out of his good words, to suck his evil sense, till himself shal show it: only here I will warn thee, not to be hastily enamoured with the rest, 
B●leue deed●s, but not words.  for his soft and sugared entry, that pretendeth a m●morie of Christes name: unless tho● see the matter ensuring to savour and breath of a Christian spirit and charitable mind. Thus he beginneth.  

1. GOod men and evil delight in contraries. The good in seeking for truth, and maintenance thereof: evil, in hiding of truth and oppressing thereof. And so consequently to publissh truth, is to please the good, and to displease the evil.  
THis beginning, good Reader, will serve as well my purpose, as mine Aduersaries:& so much the better, in how much to the truer sense and meaning I hope to apply it, saying thus: evil men and good delight in con●raries: The evil in hiding of truth, in uttering untruth, and in shameless maintenance thereof. The good in revealing their malice, in discovering their falsehood, and in bringing truth to light. And so consequently, to devise untruth, to publish lies, and by new and fresh lies to maintain old lies, is the property of the evil, pleaseth the wicked, and offendeth the good.  
And therefore let not this glorious entry& gay lines at first withdraw thee from the memory of the wisemans counsel, that sheweth, that the suttelest kind of lying& likest to deceive men, hath commonly an honest show at beginning, and a face of truth: under which the malice and falsehood for the most parte, hideth itself, and lieth covertly vnspied. But when it cometh nakedly forth without visard or guile, that men may see it in the own likeness: then are errors and lies ever maintained by lying, 
lies by lying: and on● mischief by many must be maint●ined.  and can never be upholden by plain nor true dealing,& unjust attempts are wrought by wretched steps and degrees, and can never be compassed by lawful means. Which two points I wish thee, Reader, to keep in memory, and I doubt not, but to lay the proof thereof so plain before thee, ere this Treatise be ended, by the words and deeds of those that haue set him a work, that for thy satisfaction thou shalt desire no better trial nor proof of the honour and innocency of these Noble Princes, whom this Libel purposely is published to defame.   

2. Wherefore, hearing, that amongst the common sorts of men at this time it is not certainly known, what is the cause, that the Duke of norfolk is newly committed to the Tower, and sundry others: and knowing that good men ●il be well satisfied to understand the truth, which evil men would cover and oppress: I could not but in conscience, to satisfy the good, and bridle or stop the lying and open slanderous mouths of the evil and seditious, notify thus much unto you, whereby you may also communicate the same to others: for that it is likely, that false and slanderous reports will be readily made hereof, to serve the appetites of the evil disposed.  
In this Paragraffe, good Reader, he pretendeth to show the cause, that moved him to writ, which was for conscience sake forsooth: 
The false pretence of conscience.  even for conscience pardie, and for nothing else, but to satisfy good folk and to stop the mouths of the evil. Thus in any wise thou must understand him, and take his meaning to be.  
By which words of his thou mayst perceive two things: the one, that either the writers vocation& function is such, that he hath some special cure and charge above others, not to permit the people to misconstrue and missetake the causes and occasions of the Duke of Norfolkes new imprisonment and the rest: or else, that his conscience is more tender and scrupulous, then other mennes are of his calling, syns none pretend those causes, nor will be acknowen to intrude themselves thereunto, but himself. And the other is, that if this Author had not taken this pain in hand,& disclosed these secrets to satisfy good folk: that good sort else( thou seest) had ben like enough to haue thought& said better of the Duke& the others, then this man would they should.  
For likely it is( saith he) that false and slanderous reports will be made of their imprisonment by seditious mouths, to serve the appetites of the evil disposed.  
And by this he would led thee to ween, that himself is no server of appetites, nor flatterer of authority: but hath taken this pain for conscience sake, chiefly to satisfy the good● and to stop the mouths of the evil, that else wo●ld haue thought& spoken to well of the Duke and the rest that be in prison: of whom to speak well, thou seest, how heinous and grievous a crime it is accounted, by the severe punishment of an honest Citizen among you, that lately on the pillory lost one of his ears, onely for saying, that he thought, the Duke to be of more honour, and to bear to good an heart to his country, to go about those foul practices, that M. Recorder in the Yeld Hall had charged him with.  
Now regarding, good Reader, that whosoever shal take this matter otherwise, then this Author would haue him, must be accounted by him,& by al that party that doth favour& set him a work, one of the evil sort, one of the evil disposed, a hither& oppressor of truth, a lying, open,& slanderous& seditious mouth,& a ready reporter of slanders to serve appetites: thou wilt grant( I hope) that it behoveth, and is principally necessary, that we understand, this Writer, that must be our Author and warrant, to be a man of such credite and honesty, as vpon whom we may boldly change our opinion of those Noble persons, and build now a new conceit of them, and take them for such, as he defameth th●m for, and from henceforth no more to think of them, as hitherto we haue done.  
For if it be much, vpon the oaths or words of any few to condemn& think ill of any known honest man never so mean, whose life hath given testimony of his integrity against their affirmations: can any man think, the slanderous and malicious pen of an unknown nameless person( that spireth and breatheth out the spite and poison of the Writers hart) to be a good warrant for any wise man, 
The Libel is no warrant to think ill of, &c.  to think ill of so many principal persons, that so long haue deserved to be well thought of, till now, and to condemn them of so many gross errors, as this lewd libel layeth to their charge?  
Seeking therefore to find out and to know what this man is that telleth us these secret hidden crimes not known to the multitude, that contain the disgrace and defacement of so many persons of importance, that I might somewhat way his credite and authority, ●re I beleeue him so far and ground myself vpon him: we find( you see) none other name nor description of him, but two bare consonantes of the Crosserow, scilicet, R. and G. which is a signification somewhat to general, so to commend unto us the credite or honesty of any known man, as to make him our ground and warrant in such a case, as this is, that toucheth our conscience and honesty before God and man.  
For when I study to conjecture, whom those letters might signify, I find that ●he letter R. representeth as well Robert, as Richard, Roger, Rafe, and many other: and the l●tter G. to represent as well, Goodfellow, as Grafton, Goodman, Goose, or many other. And having occasion in this Treatise, to make often mention of this Author, with whom I deal, that endureth not( you see) to walk in the light, nor to be seen in the day: I wot not of which name to make choice before other. But for the resemblance of his property and quality with that spirit or pooke that we call Robin Goodfellow, or Hobgoblin 
The auth●● of the Libel playeth Robin Goodfelow, and Hobgoblin. ( by hiding his name and person stil in darkness, by framing his speech so obscurely as shal abide no light of answer or trial, and by telling us lies stil and nothing else, as such foul spirits are wont to do, and for that the letters of R. G. serve aptly therefore) I haue made choice to use that name sometimes, as least offensive to any particular man, whom I might else fortune to mistake.  
And if any man shal thereupon contend and think, that I press him to much for his name to the Accusation, 
The partes of the Accuser and Answerer be far unlike.  syns myself addeth not mine own to this Answer: I require, that the matter be but indifferently considered, and the difference between our persons and partes weighed in equal balance, and than I doubt not, bu● the reason shal sone appear to every man of any iudgement, to be far different and unlike between him and me, and between his parte and mine. For he cometh( you see) to discredit and accuse by name, persons pearlesse in your common weal, such as whose disgrace with the people implieth a division in time between the Prince and the subject, between the nobility and Commons: with the present personal confusion of the parties accused, that haue generally well deserved of al men, that haue ben il thought of by no honest, nor good man, that are pitied and lamented by every man of any good nature, as persons eminent in dignity, unspotted of life( where truth may be heard) and that haue given rare testimony of their honour, virtue, wisdom and modest demeanour for many yeares together in al Countries where they haue lived, and in al actions and affairs fallen under their rule.  
Which good opinion once won and obt●ined universally would require( thou wilt grant, I suppose● more then the railing terms of a nameless Libel, to derogate, to prejudice, to bleminish and spot it:& doth so necessary require the name of the Author, that if he be not of credite and authority of known conscience and integrity, yea of mo such also then of one or two, and if it haue not bysides good proof and testimony: without al these, I say, 
To say il of any, requireth good authority.  such infamous Libels, that come to destroy,& not to edify the honour and good name of any person of account before due and orderly conviction, ought with no honest man to haue any credite at al: but ought to be taken as a railing report of a rascal Parasite, a soother of affections, and a server of appetites for flattery or gain.  
On the other side, 
The Answerers general intention.  I come( as thou seest) not to destroy, but to uphold the famed I find the persons in possession of: not to alter or diminish any good opinion conceived, but with continuance and increase of al mutual well liking each of other, to prevent the change and decay thereof, till ordinary mean and judicial proceeding shal give warrant therefore. I come to say somewhat for them, that are not permitted to say ought for themselves. I take not on me to answer in al partes for them, nor would not be taken, as to say al for them, that they can say for themselves( for so should I, I know, rather hinder, then help them) but I only lay a parte of that before you, that every Christian conscience and good natured man, that any wit hath, ought and is bound to suppose and beleeue of them, till they see other matter and better proved, then this pield Pamphlet bringeth forth any.  
I come not to accuse any person by name that is in disgrace, as this Author doth: I tel you no strange nor hidden things, as he professeth. That, which I lay and allege, resteth not in devises, in intentions and meanings onely, as al the accusations of this Author doth: but I lay forth open known facts, and manifest deeds known to al men, without the blame of any person by name now in estate to take harm thereby. Neither speak I in the person of any one or few, 
Why the Author is not name.  and therefore by putting a private name to the public speech and opinion of al good men, I should prejudice both the parties and the cause.  
Finally, I speak without name unto you now, because with name you may not now be spoken unto: and I forbear my name at this time, to the end I may by name speak again an other time( as if cause so require, I mean to do historically) knowing by experience long syns, lately, and often proved: that if by name I should encounter with this nameless man, neither should I be permitted to speak, nor you suffered to hear me.  
And now let us turn to examine a ●itle, in what maner this man taketh in ●and to satisfy the good, and to stop the ●outhes of the evil: which he allegeth ●o be the whole cause of his writing.  
First, he granteth, that the better sort of men are not satisfied with the imprisonment of these noble persons, for else pardie his seeking to satisfy them were plainly superfluous. 
The Libel confesseth● that good men be not satisfied with these doings  And how doth this commend the cause, that honest men generally do mislike therewith by his own confession?  
Then he cometh forth with an unnecessary and unwonted form of divulging such matters unto the people. For al men know, that neither hath it been thought needful, nor in time past used( for satisfaction of the multitude) in such open assemblies, nor by prin●ed Libels to make such declarations, nor to publish such accusations of any men, whose crimes were manifest, when the matter would bear itself, nor when the proceeding intended was justifiable by Law, meant to be equally ministered.  
And coming to satisfy the one, and to close the mouths of the other: 
The absurdity of the Libel.  the tale is  told, neither of them both wotteth by whom,& the matter is strange and unknown, as himself allegeth it, and yet cometh out to move them( as you see) to change their opinion, and to alter their affections: to hate whom they loved, and to condemn whom they honoured.  
His matter alleged, is for the chief points, of purpose confusely laid forth, obscurely penned, without pro●f or testimony, without certainty i● itself, al in general terms, and al without those particularities and circumstances, that are necessary requisite, to induce any credite. And this is the way that this man hath taken, to open truth, to satisfy the good,& to stop the mouths of the evil disposed. And what place or effect can this take( trow you) with any of both?  
If therfore any plain man of mean understanding may evidently see, that this way he walketh, is so farte from the purpose that he pretendeth to bend it unto, that it shal confirm, and not confute the lewd sort in their lewd opinions, and leave the good less satisfied, then they were before: then must it needs be, that this lewd Author either witting deceiveth us, or sottishly is deceived by others: in taking( I mean) good for evil, and evil for good: in calling truth, falsehood: and falsehood, truth: and in accounting the good sort for slanderous and seditions, and the seditious in deed, for honest and virtuous.  
Now where he telleth you, that it is likely, that false and slanderous reports will be made of this matter, to serve the appetites of the ●uil disposed: you must be wary, that you missetake not his meaning, 
The ho●estest sort worst spoken of.  but that you understand him aright, what maner reports they be, that he reckoneth false& slanderous, and what maner persons they be, that he account●th evil disposed.  
whosoever therefore will not rai●e on, nor revile the Duke and the rest, nor account th●m for traitors, till they see just cause, but will pity their case, and lament their estates, and say, that they yet see no cause, why to thinks them so wicked, as to intend so many heinous crimes against your Q. and their country, as this Libel chargeth them with, nor yet so unwise, as to haue done nothing towards it, if they had meant it: those be they, whom this Author calleth the ●uil disposed, the hiders of truth, the ready reporters of slanders, the lying, slanderous and seditious mouths, whom he now se●keth to stop, and al report●s of that sense and ●ffect, be those that he calleth false, slaund●rous and seditious. And on the other side, who so will call them traitors and Rebels, and bid hang them, head them, draw them, and quarter them, and say, that they were conspired with the Pope and Duke of Alua, 
The woor●t sort best spoken of.  to destroy the Q. to sack the city, to bring in strangers,& such like lies, every one louder and less like then other: these be the good and well dispos●d sort, that delight in truth, and for whole satisfaction this Author for conscience sake, hath written this work.  
Now what cause he hath to fear, least these Prisoners thus disgraced and defamed should be better reported of, than their deserts require: let thine own memory and experience( Reader) if thou be of mature yeares, be judge,& tel thee. Remember, what thou hast known to hau● passed in that realm for these thirty or forty yeares, in like cases occurring: on which side( I mean) the wrong rumors& false report●s haue ben made: whether in the favour of the imprisoned, or to their further disgrace and discredit.  
Thou mayst remember( I doubt not) in the time above limited, an over great number of great Personages fallen into the depth of al worldly disgrace, under sundry Princes in thine own country: and tho● mayst by means call unto mind the brutes and fames, that forthwith ran abroad of them vpon th●ir first apprehensions, and their crim●s to be rumoured far mo in number, and gr●at●r in quality, then truth would bear, or they could be charged with: 

The Count●ss● of Sa●●●n.  
M●rques o●●●on. L. cromwell.   yea and the most part of them vpon such causes condemned, as in the next Princes times( when truth might be talked) haue ben found erron●o●s, insufficient,& wrongly laid to their charge.  


Earl● of ●●r●●y.  
D. of Nor●. D. o● Somerset.   And this having ben the common ex●erience of like cas●s occurring before this time, what fear s●est thou now of that, that this man pretend●th to doubt, who seemeth to fear, lest these Prison●rs should be better thought& spoken of, th●n th●y deserve? Whereof the common experience teaching the contrary, it must needs be, that this Author h●re dubbleth and dissembleth with you, and would bear you in hand, that thing to be likely, that was lightly never seen: and under that pretence to become the same man that he chargeth others to be: that is to say, a false, lying, slanderous mouthed man, 
The Author of the Libel defined.  a hither and oppressor of al tr●th, a ready reporter of false accusations, a flatterer of authority, and a seditious server of the appetites of the evil disposed.  
And if this Author yet, or any man for him will wrangle with me, and to extenuate his fault, will plead the reverend opinion that men ought to haue of the doings of authority,& excuse him for thinking and speaking ill of them, whom authority apprehendeth and committeth: and would likewise accuse me as an impugner of the Magistrates, and a defender of the faulty against common authority: I answer, that for so far forth as common order and public authority haue autentikely notified to the vulgar sort, the inferiors ought to haue a reverend opinion therof, and to deem the best that known matter will permit.  
But being often and commonly seen, that sometimes vpon suspicion, sometimes vpon false accusation, common authority hath been moved by restraint of personal liberty, to call sundry persons to answer matters supposed against them, whom they haue after with honour to both, dismissed and set free again: shal it not now be lawful for me to preserve, as I can, the honour and same of those Noble Princes, not yet blemmished by any common, order or Law, against a nameless baggage fellow, that for flattery or bribery runneth before the Magistrates, accusing, belying, and defaming them, whom no orderly sentence hath touched nor condemned? Of this I remit the iudgement to the indifferent● Reader, and shal proceed to see how this Author cometh to his matter.   


Against the D. of Norf.  3. First, it is not unknown, the Duke of norfolk did of late yeares secretly practise to haue married with the Scotish Q. without the knowledge of the Q. &c.  
mark well, good Reader, the manner& form of this Authors proceeding, and how well he perfourmeth that which by his former speech, he hath made thee to look for. He hath told thee pardie, that to close the mouths of the evil disposed, that with false reports would hid truth, and to satisfy the good that delight in truth, even for very conscience sake, he could do no less, but notify this that he doth, &c. 
An impudent bloody lie in the ●orefront  And the first thing he telleth thee, is so known a lye, and so malicious a lie, that thou shalt plainly see, that there is neither truth, shane, nor conscience in him, that no good nor honest man can possibly bel●eue him, nor that there is any mouth to be stopped so impudent as his own.  
For beholding what this lie implieth, being joined to the next, that calleth the Q. of Scotland, your Q. most dangerous ●nemie: Who seeth not, that this li● is meant to the Dukes final confusion, coming out in this time sp●cially( when he had been two yeares unjustly imprisoned vpon the same pretence,& when the first false surmise thereof was by time, that trieth truth, well worn away,& in effect confuted) to rub& renew afresh this mortal wound again, to bring him thereby past hope of al recovery.  
What the Duke is by Parentage and blood, what rare virtues he hath joined thereto, what his person importeth in your common wealth,& in what hands and hold it reasteth, when this comes forth against him: you may more easily remember, then I can dilate. And so much( I hope) e●ery man seeth in it, that he will think it reason, to see the accusation more profoundly proved, ere he ouerlightly beleeue it: the malice thereof r●aching to the danger of the person and life of him, that bysides his dignity, is for virtue and wisdom a peerless Prince in your nobility. Thus much for the malice.  
Now for the untruth: Who seeth not, that the affirmation of this is mer●ly opposite& repugnant to the common knowledge not only of the council and nobility, but of infinite numbers bysides of al states and degrees, and the plain contrary most notoriously known: that is to say, that the Duke did not onely( before any least attempt thereof) make al that were of the Priuie-Councel acqueinted with h●s intention, 
Al the Priui● council al●ow●d the inte●t, the L●●eper ●●ce●t.  namely the earls of Arundel, pembroke, Leicester, and the Secre●arie, bysides many others of the nobility: ●ut was rather by them moved and invited to attempt the same, before he sought it by any least mean: in so far forth, that being promised by two of the chief of them( for credite with your Q.) that h●r good will should undoubtedly be obtained unto it, 
Of this there are sundry letters to be shewed● and witnesses also to testify it.  with pretence of no doubt or scruple to be had therof, he had relation made unto him by them, that your Q. being by them moved thereof at Otelands( if I remember it well) in the month of Iulie, 1569. did not disallow the motion, but seemed to like well of it, and would at a convenient leisure give care to the Duke himself in that behalf.  
For which audi●nce promised( once at Guylford, than at Farnham, than at Basing, another time at Titchfild, bysides other places) the Duke attended al that progress, 
The cause of the Dukes d●parting from the Court to his own house in August. 1569.  until by being often differred from dai● to day, by sundry ill looks& thwarting speeches let fall by your Q. against him,& namely by a secret friend of good place and authority about her: he was assuredly advertised, that so far was shee from treating with him in that matter, that already she had given order, that he should the ●ext night be taken in his bed by the guard,& forthwith carried to the Tower.  
And this being so abundantly testified both by the Dukes own voluntary return to the court from his house in norfolk in Septemb●r then following,& by the public displeasure and restraint of liberty, that the said earls of Arundel, pembroke, Leicester,& some others did then sustain for a time: behold now, with what ●ace it is said, that he went about to contrive this marriage without your queens knowledge or consent. For was it ever heard of, that a man minding to do a thing without the consent of an other, doth first treat and impart the same with such numbers of the intierest friends and servants of his, from whom he would hid it? Who goeth to so many of a Princes Counsel,& laboureth them, to procure the Princes favor, in a a cause that he would haue hidden from the Prince?  
add unto this the impossibility, that the Duke must needs see of compassing this marriage without your Q. consent who held the other party in close prison:& join unto it his assured foresight to haue thereby neither benefit, nor aduancement, without having your Q. favor before it, and succour after it, but plainly the contrary, assured of all displeasure and danger of life, lands, and goods.  
which points well weighed, will discover sundry vnsauourie dealings: whereof one is a d●epe dissimulation and great treachery in some of great credit a●out your Q that pretended to the Duke, to like and allow well of that match, that encouraged him thereto, that said they saw nothing in it, but great honour to your Q. and security to the realm, and that promised to obtain your Q. consent thereunto: whiles withal in secret they wrought the contrary, persuading her to think& take the same, as daungerous to her person,& pernicious unto her state.  
An other is, that wh●n they saw your Q. displeasure to the Duke brought to the highest that they wished it at: then opening themselves, what so ever they misliked,( as impugning their fi●all and furthest end) must be termed treason to your Q. perilous to her state, against her consent, without her knowledge, rebellious, seditious, and what else they list to call it.  
And finally these reasons laid together( Reader) in a wise mans consid●ration, there should need no more answer to any of the rest of this Libel. For where the first accusation is depr●hended to be so foul a lie, so well known a lie, a lie so well testified, and a lie that carrieth in it neither reason, nor likelihood: what credit can the rest hope to haue? And therefore keep it well in mind, and look to see it, that so notorious a lie must needs be forged for some notorious purpose that yet lieth lurking undiscovered. But now let us see, what h● saith further.   


Against the Q. of Scot.  4. It is also known ( saith he) that the Q. of Scotland hath been the most daungerous enemy that lived, against your Q. in that she sought to haue the crown of England ( as he saith) from her immediately after queen Maries death. &c.  
THis lie is more manifest& shameless, then the first: 
This macchiavel imagineth other like himself.  measured and con●ec●ured( no doubt) by, and vpon this Authors knowledge and consideration of the monstrous and unnatural injuries, wherewith your Q. name& authority( to her own p●rpetual infamy& dishonour) hath been abused infinitely to oppr●sse the Q. of Scotland, her n●erest cousin, and heir apparent: which maketh this Author to imagine the Q. of Scotland to be, not such as( in deed by grace) she is, but such as by common course of nature most men are wont to be, that haue had the cause, that she hath.  
For of any proofs of her seeking the crown from your Q. there is no manner of shadow nor color● neither alleged by him, nor else where to be heard of, other then the joining of the arms of England and Scotlande in certain scutcheons set up by her husbands the french kings commandement, at a triumph in France● more then thirt●ne yeres ago, which by blood and descent sh● may most lawfully give and bear of any creature living, next unto your Kings lawful children: and was such an error( if i● were any) as is common in England, and not accounted of: and yet no more imputable unto her, then as the wife is culpable for the husbands fact.  
But of any attempt made by the Q. of Scotland, little or much towards the eviction of that crown out of your Q. po●session, by style, by title, by force, or by any other way( by which such enterprises haue been wont to be a●saied) the whole world beareth witness with her, that no least sign nor token hath she given of any such intention: nor any left proof doth this lewd man bring forth of this his false affirmation, other then the weight of his own credite alone, which is of great valour, no doubt.  
And albeit this, that is already said, might satisfy( I trust) any indifferent Reader, yet can I not so lightly digest it, to see so vile a lie of so great consequence, so colourlessely feigned, and so shamefully affirmed. For in every wise mans iudgement, that beholdeth what goeth covertly comprehended in this impudent publishing the heir apparent of your crown to haue been a most dangerous enemy to your Q. that presently possess●th it,& holdeth her prisoner: there will appear so deadly and so fatal a malice to be conceived and ranckeled in the hartes of the principal Authors therof, 
The malice of this lye is mortal and traitorous.  against that innocent imprisoned Q. as manifestely tendeth and treatneth that towards her, that is to horrible to be name, and ought therefore to move every man, that for natures sake loveth, or for dewries sake honoureth, the just succession of the crown of his country, well and advisedly to examine, what cause and reason this Author hath, with this colourlesse lie, that importeth her life, so falsely to burden and defame her.  
And finding nothing that he hath to all●age, but his own false saying, that she sought to haue the crown, &c. it behoveth every honest English man, no further to credit him, then as the proofs he shal bring of his sainges, shal deserve.  
which when thou hast examined and found, to rest and consist only in her dead husbands making of the arms afore said, now more then xiij. yeares before this accusation cometh forth: and neither than, 
●onuinced for a lye.  nor never sins, nor before, any maner of the least word, deed or thought, uttered or attempted, that might insinuate any such meaning to haue been in her heart: when thou hast called to memory the Q. of Scotlandes troubled and oppressed st●te of life ●or this xij. yeres day continuing, and thereby the want of all mean and possibility( though shee had ●●ne so rash) to give any show or argument of an en●mie towards your Q. When thow hearest her accounted and known to be wise, and for five yeares day almost your Q. prisoner one where, or other: and thereby dost perceive, how vain a folie● yea how daungerous an error it had been for her, any way to show herself a foe or enemy to her, in whose hands she was: and when thou hast fonnde her sundry o●ertures made, and a readiness from time to time al these ten or twelve yeares past, to give unto your Q. any assurance for herself and her lawful issue, that possibly can be devised without prejudice of her own interest in succession: yea when thou shalt consider this matter of publishing her for an enemy, never to break out, till now after x. or xij. yeres buriyng of that quarrel in silence, and pretence of much amity and friendship of your Q. part towards her( whereof there ar● both living witnesses and letters extant to be brought forth and shewed) when thou hast, I say, considered these things well, and dost see now this cankere● rancour break out but now: it must, and will( I trow) if reason fail thee not as w●l as grace, not only move thee to expect very good and manifest proofs of some actual crime,& offensive fact done by her newly and of late, before thou give any credit to so unlike and vnprooued a tale, that containeth such consequence, and cometh from such a mouth, as hath no face to avow it: but it shall also plainly show, and satisfy thee, 
Impossible to be tr●w.  that this report of her being your Q. most daung●rous enemy. is so far from al reason and likelihood of truth, that by common intendment it is not possible to be true.  
Yea on the contrary side, let every indifferent Reader examine his own knowledge& memory, 
● Sic●lian ●●yck.  whether your Q. haue not manifestly been shewed to be the same towards her, that you wrongly surmise her to haue been towards your Q. and the same proved by facts& deeds put in ure& execution, infinite in number, and unknown to no man: whereas the proof of this false accusation resteth only in the bare affirmation of a nameless fellow, y● yet affirmeth no more, when he cometh to his prouffes, but devises, intentions, meanings and thoughts, that never broke out by word nor deed, that never were likely to any indifferent iudgement, nor do contain any certainty of matter, time, place, person, or number.  
And thereafter let him deem, and make account of this Authors conscience& true meaning: that either for more flattery of authority, or to cover his own horrible falsehood& traitorous intention( if himself be, as it is likely, one of the chief contrivers of the deep hidden treason yet undiscovered) he shameth not, nor is abashed, against the open knowledge of al men, to charge the innocent with the deeds of the guylty.  
I haue heard, that there was in your country a man of mean honesty called Scogan, 
Scogan.  who so fr●quently used( for covering of his own lewdness) constantly to charge other men with his own vices, that thereof it is grown a proverb in your language, that when one wrongly chargeth an other with the fault himself did, he that is wrongly charged, saith to the other, Thou playest Scogan with me. 
They play Scogan with the Q. of Scotland.  And who seeth not now, this part played in his kind with the Q. of Scotland? Or who might ever more aptly say to an other, Thou playest Scogan with me ● then that innocent lady may unto this Author, and to al them that set him a work? Who( with more scurrility then ever Scogan used) would bear the world in hand, that shee had gone about those attempts against your Q. which al the world seeth, she hath( by the abuse of your Q. name and authority) sustained even at their hands chiefly, that thus charge her falsely.  
For who hath had her subiectes raised in rebellion so often, as shee? How many times by her wisdom& clemency haue they been appeased,& stil again procured in arms to withstand her? Who hath had her Husband, her servants, her counsellors and Subiectes barbarously murdered, but she? Who hath had her realm invaded, her Territories bur●ed& spoiled, and her castles and Fortresses taken and razed, but shee? Who is cast out of her realm,& dispossessed of her kingdom, but shee? Who hath had her own born Subiects set up to usurp her Dominion against her, but shee? What Prince hath had the hands of her Subiectes laid on her person, but shee? Who hath been taken prisoner by them, with whom they never were at war, but shee? Who hath been holden close prisoner four yeares together by them to whom she fled for succour, but shee? Who hath been by infamous Libels( purposely printed) defamed in honour, and spotted in famed, but shee? What Prince imprisoned hath been denied( by her own nearest cousin and kindred) necessary servants of known confidence, for the safety and security of her person, but shee? Who was ever denied the free benefit, and relief of other mennes liberality, or frindshippe, but shee? And by whom, and under whom sustaineth shee this?  
To say( as I think) not directly by your queen, nor expressly by her commandment, nor otherwise by her, then as( being seduced and circumvented) shee hath been abused to think necessary for her own state and security: and by some mennes taking an ell for every inch granted by her, and by ministering wrong for right pretended: and in that manner, under the name and authority of none but of your queens: by some of her counsellors the plots drawn, devised and contrived: by her messengers and money, the others Rebelles raised, by her authority ●ncouraged, by her succours maintained, by her men and forces the others country ruined, her castles surprised, and the usurpers erected and set up to rule in her realm, the other imprisoned, detained from her State, and kep● captive without crime, and without liberty or release, vpon any ransom condition, covenant, pledge, or other assurance, that possibly can be offered, given or made. And this being so public, as no man knoweth it not, out comes this Scogan,& as though your Q. were in the same state by her, chargeth her to be the most daungerous enemy that your Q. hath.  

It is a du●ble and 〈…〉 tr●it●rous to the realm.  again, who so considereth this Scoganish lie well, shal see it not onely the most pernicious and daungerous lie to the common wealth, that could be imagined, but a double lie also, containing in itself two lies at once: the second parte( I mean) that is brought in for proof of the former, being so open and known a lie, as no man can be ignorant of: to confirm that I  told you before, that lies must always be maint●ined by lying. For who ever heard of any attempt made by the Q. of Scotland by word, by dede, by law, or by force, against the Q. of England? And can it be possible, that the possession of a kingdom can be sought to be wrested from them that haue it, without some open and outward fact in on● sort or other?  
till this Author therefore haue shewed you some attempt given, certain and particular, by word, writing or dede, and done by her, by herself, I say,( for it is not enough against her, to say, her husband did this, or her Father in Law did that, if any of them both had done ought at al● till then, I say, this lie is to daungerous and to pernicious also, by any honest or wise English man to be hearkened unto. For it plainly comprehendeth the alienation of the heartes and affections of the people and subiectes from their heir apparent and Prince in succession: yea in a crafty co●ert maner it carrieth in it the assured mutation of the succession of your Q. and to that mark it is chi●fely bent, to transferr● the same from her and her House, that by blood and by Law is the known right heir in succession. Which in dede is but a fine cunning way, to plan● sedition, to create civil warres, and to engender such a bottomless sea of bloody Tragedies, and infinite confusions, as happened between the Houses of Lancast●r& york: the bitter memory whereof is yet so fresh, that no man, I we●e, hath forgotten it.  
And this is the tale, forsooth, that even for conscience sake might not be kept from you:& is  told you by him, that under pretence of loving truth and opening truth( that seditious folk would cover& hid) covereth the seed of the most pernicious treason& civil sedition, that can possibly be imagined to be planted among you.   

5. It is also known ( saith he) that when she could not get it by force nor cunning, shee solemnly promised to acknowlegde her error, and to recognize the Right of your queen, &c.  

An other double and crafty lie against the Q. of Scotl.  behold the folly of this honest man, who weeneth that by his bald tale& naked saying only, without prouf, he hath persuaded al men to see& believe more, then ever yet any other man made mention of, or himself had wit to speak of. Yea rather behold the craft& falsehood of this Fox, 
Grounded vpon the diuisers false ●magination.  that by arte& cunning maner of speaking, would now bear you in hand, the either he had proved, or yourselves had granted that, which never yet was attempted nor intended.  
For having hitherto said nothing but in general terms,& that of his own naked affirmation only( that she sought the crown of England) without any intimation of his parte, to show how, or which way: now he goeth on,& taketh it for granted, as if he had shewed& proved, that she had used both great force,& much arte in attempting the same. For he saieth, when she could not by force nor cunning get it, &c. than she promised, &c. Which point needeth no further answer( you see) till his folly hath found out and shewed us, what forces she l●auied, where& when shee employed them: what corruptions she used, when, where,& to whom: or what other cunning practices or artificial means she hath put in ure for the removing of your Q. from enjoying her State& dignity present.  
For in cases of less weight, then these are, that touch Princes, crowns, and realms, his wisdom must know, that the naked affirmation of Master R. G.( carrying with it neither proof nor likelihood, is far to weak a foundation for any man that either hath wit or honesty, to take any mean thing for proved, granted or concluded: much less in a case of this importance, can any man be induced to think, that a Prince of her known wisdom, modesty, and gracious nature, hath committed so many, so rash, so undiscrete,& so violent errors, as might haue been attempted by force, and assayed by arte. Or else let him show and prove it( for say he will enough, 
They say much, but show nothing  I doubt not) when, where, with whom, and by whom any of those many practices haue been attempted by her, or by any of hers, against your Q. or against any of hers, that haue been put in ure& executed( as al the world knoweth) against her& hers, both in raising her subiects against her, in dispossessing her State& dignity, in imprisoning her sacred& anointed person,& in the several murders of her dere husband, of her noble Uncle,& of her faithful seruant& secretary. For so witless is no man, but that by these experiences he se●th and knoweth, that such attempts might haue been assayed& gone about( at least) if shee had had that conscience that the Authors and executours of the other facts had:& thereby seeth and knoweth, how lewdly and loudly this man lieth, in tempering his speech so, as if she had left no mean vnassaied of policy, nor force.   

6. It is known ( saieth he) that she solemnly promised to aclowledge her error, 
A nedeless● and foolish objection.  and to recognize the very true right to be justly in your Q &c. as lawful daughter and heir to king henry the eight. &c.  
IN this Article, good Reader, 
The objection hindereth th● objectors purpose.  the Author sheweth little policy, in my mind. For he ministereth thereby unto every Reader occasion of needless scruples and questions: both by his large rehearsal of all your Q. Titles( to wit, as daughter to her Father, as sister to her brother, as successor to her sister, established by th● laws, confirmed by the homage of the Nobles, prelates& people, acknowleg●d by her Coronation,& finally as worthy for her clemency, &c.) and by his allegation of the Q. of Scotl. promise, to recognize and aclowledge the same.  
For when no man hath at any time shewed himself by word, by writing, nor by fact, to impugn nor interrupt your Q. quiet enjoying her state and dignity, nor hath looked for any such recognition or acknowledging, as this Author now beginneth to make men inquire of: this rehearsal is plainly fruitless and needless, or rather doth harm, than any good, to the universal opinion of men touching your Q. interest unto that crown, and persuadeth nothing, but a likelihood, that yourselves do either mistrust some padde in the straw, touching that matter: or for malice to the Q. of Scot. haue put into your Q. head some more doubt of her own Title, then either the Q. of Scotl. or any other haue moved, or appeared to think on.   

7. It is also known ( saieth he) that she hath not performed her promise, but with frivolous answers hath delayed it. Neither is it of any force to be demanded, nor worth the having, if she would yield to perform it. For that, she that could not neither get this realm &c. nor keep her own, &c. can not amend your Q estate, &c. nor yet is her promise in any thing to be holden firm or durable. &c.  
IN this the Author granteth yet, 
And chargeth the Q. of Eng.  that the Q. of Scotl. hath offered and promised to do enough, and all that lieth in her, for the assurance of your Q. quiet possession. And this( no doubt) is very true, saving that the condition is not here expressed, which was always annexed unto the promise: that is to say, so that she might be declared by Parliament to be the next heir and Successor to your Q. dying without lawful issue of her own body. And in this the Author seeth not, how he chargeth and burdeneth your Q. both with injury and ingratitude, by stil oppressing her, that hath offered so much.  
Yea but she hath not performed it( saith he) but differreth it with frivolous answers, &c. 
The Q. of Scotl. readiness to assure the Q. of England.  Cuius contrarium verum est. For of this much I take on me( who account myself as credible, as this Author of mine own knowledge to assure you, as having been in some sort a party entreating those affaiers, that for the security of your Q. quiet enjoying her present Dominions, the Q. of Scotl. ever hath been, and yet is, ready to perform, not only what so ever she hath promised, but what so ever else also that any other Princes of christendom shall think reason for her to do, or for your Q. to demand. And the frivolous answers and delays you speak of haue been altogether made and used by your Q. who by force of reason( being pressed often both by the Q. of Scotl. herself, and by the letters and ambassadors of all other Princes) hath been constrained to grant and promise the reformation and abe●●ering of the more then barbarous injuries done to the other: and when it hath come to performance, hath either made frivolous delays, or urged such other unequal demands, as gave manifest argument, that she never meant it.  

By whose default the Q. of Scot. is expelled.  And for her vnablenes to keep her own, I answer, the neither by any misgouernance, nor other desert of hers is she expelled: and hereof I ween the world will witness with her. For and if you could haue shewed any, who seeth not, but that here had been your time& place to utter it, and that you want no malice to do it? Of which example and irritation of yours if I should make my pattern, and follow you( where not your frontes more then meretriciae) I should make you blushy, as bold faced as you be. But it would require a larger place, and longer time, then my designment now will permit, to lay forth the infinite corruptions, the innumerabile guiles, and false persuasions, the feigned letters, and fraudulent messages, the frequent forces, and manifest violences, that( under your Q. name and authori●ie) haue been used and put in ure towards the nobility of that realm of Scotland, to move& invite, yea to draw and enforce them from their allegiance and obedience dew unto this Q. their natural sovereign, and to commit such outrages bysides, as by any Christian nobility haue not been red nor heard of to haue been done, till now.  
Let the general revolt there made in the year 1560. by the procurement of the English: 
The seuer●● rebellions of Scotl.  then the rebellion& ruin of the Monasteries by the earl of Arraine, abused with the hope to marry your Q. let the rebellion of the earl of Murrey& his Confederates, 
The murders.  with their flight and safety in England: let the slaughter of david the secretary, contrived by the aduise of the governor of berwick: let the murder of the King solic●ted by some English men, let the setting up of Murrey to be Regent, with a pension of 4000. pound English, let the sundry open invasions of English forces into that country, 
Usurpation of her crown. invasions.  the violent hands of Subiectes laid upon their sovereign, the imprisonment of her royal person, 
Imprisonment of her person.  the rigorous threatening of her present death, if she refused to subscribe the resignation of her crown: 
Forcible resignation.  let the persuasion of the English ambassador, that moved her in any wise to do it: let the faire promises of your Q. letters and messages, 
Faire promises from Ingland.  so that she would yield thereunto: let the surprising of the castles of Dun-Britton and Hume, 
Surprising of her fortresses.  the rasing of Dunbarre, the constitution of Lineux to be Regent there, with the barbarous wasting ●f the country& overthrow of the Noblemens houses, yea let the imprisonment of the ambassadors priuileaged person, 
Imprisonment of her ambassadors.  and the violent taking of all her faithful servants both men and women from her: 
removing of her servants.  let these points( I say) be preached, sifted and examined, why they were attempted, how they were contrived, 
Al done by the english.  by whom they were devised, by whom executed, by whom maintained, at whose charges, by whose authority, under whose name, countenance and encoragement: and thereupon let the indifferent Reader give sentence, how justly and how wisely she is challenged and reproached, for not keeping her own: if it had been as true, as it is false, that she had once had it quietly, as in deed shee never had.  
And this is so verified by the imminent danger and likelihood, 
France and Flanders escaped hardly the same.  that both the great kings of spain and France did lately stand in, of losing also, the one his whole state, and the other a great portion, even by the same mens mean and ministry: that small reason or colour is there left to any man, to impute unto her any blame or default for the present lack of her own.  
Now, on whether party the delay of accord hath risen by frivolous Answers, let the consideration of these points ensuing argue and declare. In whom was the fault, that the meeting did not hold between the two queens in the year 156●. for which there was on both sides so long preparation, and so many faithful promises made? Did the Q. of Sco●l. deny, or del●ie it? 
On which ●●de the delays haue 〈◇〉.  In whom hath the salt been, that with sour yeares traueil and suit, the Q. of Scotl. could never obtain to comme to the sight, presence, nor speech of your Q? Hath the delay been in her? Why was there no sentence given, nor declaration published of her condemnation, or clearing, vpon the treaty at york before your Q. Commissioners? Did she sue to stay it? Who hath made the ●riuolous answers and delays to keep the Q. of Scotl. from coming to your Parliament, there to aclowledge and confirm your Q. estate in form before mentioned? For, as it is well known, that she hath importunately laboured fo● it: so can no man think, that she could haue any meaning to deny or delay it, when she should haue come to that presence and Audience.  
Of the sundry accords treated between the two queens, and of the several overtures at all times made by her of Scotland for assurance of her promise and couenan●es, to haue given the person of the Prince for xiiij. yeares with two earls& two lords of Scotland, or their eldest sons for pledges: to haue made league with England offensive and defensive against all Nations: to haue pardonned and restored her Rebelles, as your Q. should haue required her: to haue procured and given the hands and seals of the kings of spain and France for performance of her Capitulations: and finally not to haue disposed of herself in marriage, without your Q. aduise and consent: of these treaties( I say) let the Capitulations be brought forth with the offers and answers of both parties, and then see, on which side the delays did grow, and who it was, that made the frivolous answers.  
Yea, in the last late treaty this summer past, when she and her nobility had in all points yielded to more, then any reason or indifferency could demand: did not the time expire, and the talk comme to nothing by the default of the English, that demanded for assurance so unjust conditions( as the Princes person, all th● chief Nobles on the Q. party, with the chief castles and Fortresses of the realm, to be rendered into the hands of the English, before the Q. person should be set free, 
The● seemed, ●●t ne●●r meant to res●ore the Q. of Scotl.  and such other like Capitulations) as manifestly shewed, that the demands had no intention at al of her liberty nor restitution: but finally to depri●e her for ever without hope of recovery. And yet this second Scogan now chargeth her, as if the delays and frivolous answers had risen on her side: which all the world knoweth, grew only upon the English party.  
And when he hath taxed her deeply( as he thinketh) with this breach of her promise, proved as you see: then he cometh forth full gravely, and saith, It is no ●orce● wheth●● s●e do it, or no: for nothing, that she can do( saith he) can amend your Q. estate. &c. Wherein the poor man either perceiveth not, 
Robin Good●ellow sheweth himself a Goose.  what a gross and palpable folly he committeth, or else his malice maketh him unjustly to burden her, against his own knowledge and reason. For, as with a great faul● he chargeth her, and imputeth it to her for a great crime, and for such would haue the world to take it, that she ratifieth not your Q. estate: and yet he himself saieth here, that the same can not be done nor amended by her, nor is of any force at all, whether she do it, or do it not.  
For the assurednes of her word and promise, 
The Q. of Scot. promise alwaie● assu●ed.  I refer the Reader to the relation both of the Frenthe and Scottish nobility, in both which realms she hath governed, and hath shewed herself always so free and far from that crime of all others: that her Princely courage and magnanimity in performing her word and promise in al occasions what so ever, hath been found, to be answerable to her honour, with what charge or detriment so ever otherwise.  
But on the other side, if I should here lay forth, what common famed saieth in all the courts of Christendom, 
The English promises contrary.  tou●hing the co●stancy and observation of the words and promises given, made and written in your Q. name& behalf: I should lance a full vnsauerie sore, and should show both this Scogan and his Authors to haue played the right Scogans in dede. But taking no pleasure to rip up odious and displeasant rehersalles, further then the just defence of the cause presseth me, I shall here procede to the next Article.   

8. It is said ( saith he) and credibly avowed. that the Q. of Scotl. was the greatest cause of the rebellion lately in the North: whereby some honourable houses &c. by her cunning practise were enticed to overthrow themselves and their families with a multitude of mo English subiects, then she could haue done by arms in the field, if she had been in possession of her kingdom.  
THe answer to this objection( good Reader) doth minister occasion to speak somewhat of that, 
A right Sicilian trick to charge her with his own cruelty.  which I mind to treat apart in a volume by itself: that is to say, to open unto you the deep& hidden great treason in dede, from espying whereof these pamphlettes& persuasions would fain mislead& draw you, by holding you still in the wrong consideration of that late northern troubles,& by setting before your ●iess a false painted show of others, which were never intended. nevertheless I shall in this place but briefly show you the true ground and occasion of those late troubles( which this Author so often mentioneth with so odious terms) whereby yourself shall see, not only how this Scogan now laboureth to defame the Q. of Scotl. with the death of al those, that by pretence of iustice suffered for the same by your Q. commission: but also, how far the severity of that execution surmounted the desert of the fact.  
Thou must understand( good Reader) that as it many times happeneth in al common weals, that few or none do at the first perceive nor observe the mischievous intentions of the ambitious, that subtly by little and little& in length of time do work and compass their aspiring purposes: even so in few or no places it chanceth, but that some sooner, and some later, do fall into the reckoning thereof, and as by process of time& outward facts the matter groweth riper, so doth the greater number come to discover and espy it.  

The causes and occasions of the northern trob●es.  When your Q. therefore vpon the first entry into her reign, had committed the government of her affairs unto some few mean and base persons, who forthwith used those few of the nobility( whom they reserved in appearance of credit) but as ciphers and signs: who by slight devises and false persuasions did win her by the change of Religion against her own affection to separate herself from the union she was( in that parte) left in, with the great Christen Princes her neighbours and allies: who persuaded her, to change all the counsel and chief Officers of the realm: who induced her, to deprive and depose together and at once, all her Bisshopp●s one and other, with hundreds of the principal of the clergy bysides: to hold their persons in prison ten or twelve yeares together, till by stench and close keeping, some sooner, some later, they are all in effect pined away without colour of fault or desert( unless you account it a fault for a whole clergy of a Christen realm, not to accept a new faith with the change ●f every Prince) to subvert all the Altars in her realm: to burn all the relics, Images, and holy ornaments of christ and his saints: to constitute a new form of public service in the church: to create herself chief Ruler of the same: and by that authority to prohibit the Adoration of christ in the Blessed Sacrament: to abrogate the mass with five of the seven Sacramentes: to change the form of the administration of the other two: of the dregs of the vilest sort of the people, to erect a new clergy,& to them to give the cure of souls, with al the bishoprics and principal spiritual promotions of the realm: to permit them to mary,& with the goods of the Church so to enrich them, as with great endowmentes bestowed on their bastards, to disparaged in short time all the Noble houses of the realm: to intrude them into the possessions of al the Monasteries and Sacred fundations of prayer or alms: to cast out of the realm all the Religious of the same, that would live in their order and habit●: y●a, when in a little more process of time, she was by them so circum●ented, as without the consent and against the aduise of all her ancient nobility she was content to haue her name and authority abused, to the leuiyng of sundry exactions and payments of her people, therewith to corrupt and suborn gr●at numbers of the noblest subiectes of France, Flanders& Scotland, severally to privy arm●s against their several and natural Soueraignes: and ou●r that, without colour of cause, to violate the long continued amity with the house of spain, and to break the ancient l●ague with the house of Burgundy, by forcible taking of the kings money, by paying the same unto his own& other Princ●s reb●lles, by spoiling his good subiects, by succouring his rebels, by furnishing of Pirates, in infinite numbers, to rob him& his people:& to infest the Seas so, as no passage might be free for any honest man, and this with the great impoverishment of her realm,& to the great danger of the same, by turning the old friends and allies therof into new& mighty enemies, even for their own indemniti●: when th●y saw, that under pretence of charity& Religion, the realm was filled with mo then forty thousand strangers,& pestered with the very skom& froth of al Nations adjoining that had abandoned their allegeanc●,& taken arms against th●ir several Soueraignes: when they saw, by such Rascall●s and Rakchelles al the Artisans of the R●alme( being the born subiectes of that Land) oppressed in effect unto utter b●ggarie: when they saw your Q. so craftily abused, as to her own discomfort, to forbear marriage: to her grea● grief, to want succession of her own body: and against the policy and security both of herself and her realm, to admit no known successor: when their crafty counsels had so prevailed, that no entreaty nor petition could induce her to the one, nor the other: and when they saw withal so many practices devised,& so many devises put in ure, that tended to the change of the known succession, and to the dish●rison and destruction both of the Q. of Scotland, that is your Q. next heir and cousin, and to the extinguishing of your Q. owns line also: wh●n they saw withal, by this mean, threatened the ruin of al the chi●fe Monarchies of this parte of Europe, and the bringing of them into the thraldom and subi●ction of this confederate faction: when they saw, their own country within itself purpos●ly wrought into factious& partes, to make the way open to civil force and violence: and when they saw their own Q. now a queen but in name, and those rascalles reigning in dede and ●ff●ct over h●r and her realm: las●ly, when she was so far s●duced, as against al laws of Nature and Nations, and with her passing dishonour, to procure the dispossessing and imprisonment of the Q. of Scotland, an absol●te Prince from many d●sc●nt●s, her own nearest kinswoman, and heir apparent: to take her as prisoner, that never had war with her: to hold her close prisoner, that fled to her for succour upon hope given her by her letters and messages mo then a few: to set up a Bastard to usurp her Dominion, and with so large a pension, as England ne●er gave, to maintain him to k●epe it against her● yea, when shee had so wholly betaken her ●elf to the gou●rnem●nt of those few persons of mean condition, that manifestly shee contemned the persons,& left to use the service& aduise of her nobility( that la●oured the just restitution of the Q. of Scotland, conformable to her right, and to your Q. honour and safety) and being withal observed, that al th●se notable injuries& oppressions done to such a lady, a queen, and a desolate widow for many moneths, yea yeares together, sufficed nothing to satisfy nor qualify the malicious thirst of her destruction, which was then perceived( by some of the wis●r sort) by those base men to be chiefly ●yed& intended, and that for a further purpose not y●t discovered: When the Duke of Nor●hfolke( I say)& the other nobility by length of ten yeares time& more, and by these notorious mischiefs daily put in ure, both at home and abroad, could not but see your Q. reputation touched, her security endangered, the amity of the realm weakened, the treasure of the crown consumed, the people impoverished, their foreign friends lost, themselves contemned& in awe of their inferiors, and consequently their honours slandered, their Families and Succ●ssions in peril and likelihood of of ruin, if this form of government were not ab●ttered the sooner: thereupon, each lamenting to other the sequel and consequence, that was in short time like to ensue to themselves, to the country, and to your queen also, they conferred now and than( as occasion served them to meet) how, and by what mean your Q. might be induced, to take b●tter ways to the recovering of her honour& famed, to the establishment of her security,& to prevent the imminent dangers that by these means depended over themselves, and the whole realm. And the plate therof being debated, was at length devised, and resolved by a general consent of many both of the Counsel& other nobility, to consis● principally in removing from her by some good means, 
The remedy was in removing of two men from her.  two or three persons of mean birth& condition, that by false suggestions& crafty speeches, had so intruded themselves into her favour& credit, that with contempt& rejection of al the rest, she was wholly governed and ruled by them. And the same in a sort once offered& assayed to be put in execution,& by a crafty mean shifted over& eluded: those subtle fellows smothly dissembled the matter for a season, humbly crouching& lowly behaving themselves, till they saw a better time.  
But when they had within a few moneths after, so compassed your queen( with pretence of al care& ielouzie of her state& security) that they had irremoueably persuaded her, 
Synons su● teltie.  that the marriage of the Q. of Scotland with the Duke of norfolk, must needs be intended to her derogation( yet still putting him in comfort and assurance of her good will to the same)& had by that mean●s wrought her, first to deface him with il speeches& looks, than to take and defame him with disloyal attempting this match, and at length to committe him prisoner to the Tower: they thereupon procured her, to writ out her Letters, to call in also sundry others of the nobility, namely the chief and principal in the North partes.  

The D. of N●rf. ●●so●ed.  Who having heard of the Dukes imprisonment, notwithstanding her many Letters of assurance, that they knew he had both from your Q& her chief counsellors, if he would come up: when th●y heard of the r●s●rai●t of the earls of Arund●l and P●nbrooke, of the show of displeas●re that Leicester had sustei●ed ●or the same cause, and of the strait keeping of the L. Lumley: they thereupon discreetly excused their coming a while, minding to hear ●if they might) what should become of the others already taken. 
The Nobles of the North had bē all entrapped, if they had not armed themselves.  Which whiles they exp●cted, they suddenly understood, certain secret forces and companies of armed men to be privily levied by your Q. commandment, and by Commission prepared and laid in places apt for the purpose, by force to take th●m●& to bring them up prisoners.  
whereupon knowing and assuring themselves( as full well they might) that they should find neither favour nor indifferency, 
No iustice, where those men rule.  where& whiles those men ruled( whom they knew to be determinately bent to go through with the face& form of Regiment before mentioned, for causes yet hidden) unto which those of the nobility and of the North partes especially were most opposite and repugnant: they were constrained for their present safety● to make choice of the less of those distresses, that were presented unto them. Of which the present seeming the harder( as naturally it doth to al men) they resolved rather to abide the hope,& to make proof of better to come, then to render themselves to their present and assured ruin. And so calling such good companies of their friends, seruants& Tenants together, as might be able to defend their persons from the present violences& forces than beset about them: vpon the gathering of that multitude ther● followed and ensued the rest, as ye haue heard of.  
And these being the true causes& occasions, that moo●ed those Noble men and Gentlemen to put themselves in arm●s: to wit, for God chiefly, for the catholic Religion, for the honour& safety of their Q. for preservation of their country, for due respect unto their Peers, for conservation of the ancient Amities of the crown, for the removing of a mean man or two, the causers of al those mischiefs,& for their own safety of body and soul, so testified by their Proclamations in writing, so avowed by al confessions and examinations,& so confirmed by al that hath followed and fallen out syns,& never proceeding so far, as whereof died above one person at the most, nor to the spoil or loss of any mans goods to any valour: behold now, how rightly the Authors of these Pamphlets play the Scogans here, who being ashamed( as shameless men may be) of the severe executions, 
Synō ashamed of the cruel execution in the North.  or rather of the cruel severity used towards the inferior multitude( whose Capitaines by flight had saved themselves) for a fact of such quality as this was in them that did but follow and obey their Masters& Lords)( of whom mo then six or seven hundred lost their lives and goods, and their little lands also, those that had any) these Scogans( I say) finding themselves now confounded with this their own bloody proceeding, to cover the same, would now burden and defame the Q. of Scotland therewith, craftily tempering their words so, as to make the world ween and take their fact for hers.  
And● be not so much abused, 
A right trick of sinon.  Reader, by these scholars of Scogan, that for covering of their own vncleannes, would draw you into suspicion of al your nobility in effect: and would make you mistrust them to haue meant that to your Q. which themselves haue already contrived and executed against her of Scotland. For think not, your Noblemen and Gentlemen of the Northpartes, and the rest also now troubled& defamed, to be al so witless& heartless: but that if ever they had meant any such thing, there were, and yet are among them enough, that both know the means how to haue contrived it, 
If ill had been meant, they knew how to do it.  and want no courage to haue performed it, in far other sort( I mean) then ever was yet attempted, or thought on, I dare say and swear for them.   

9. And it is known( saith he) that your Q. as one void of a revenging nature, did labour to haue restored her to her country, and saved her life after the death of her Husband, and laboured to put an end to the civil warres in her realm, &c.  
My purpose is not, good Reader, to accuse your queen, 
The Q. of ●ngl. well ●ff●ct●d to t●● other of Scotland.  nor to disalowe of her nature. For as I may, I honour her, and lament nothing more, then that shee suffereth herself, her name, her dignity and authority to be so much abused, her forces and treasures to be so ill employed to the danger of her State, and to the dishonour and infamy of her person: to the oppression of the innocent, whom nature bindeth her to defend: and to the offence of the old friends and Allies of herself, her Parentes and Dominions. And so well inclined am I, to think the best of her, that ope● cause will permit, that I beleeue the brute, that said, shee had been murdered in Loughleuen, if your queen would haue consented to it: neither I deny, but that your queen hath been made beleeue( perhaps) that some means ●ave been used in her name, and by her authority, to the other ends and purposes alleged.  
And of some few Letters haue I heard, written by your queen, that haue ●arr●ed in deed such face and appearance: but when there hath gone withal, yea before them and after them, sometime to the same, sometime to other personnes, other Letters of so contrary tenors, secretly sent, 
your Q. writing to one purpose openly, they writ secretly to another  secretly delivered, and to be imparted to none but to them of the faction: and therein to de●ise them the form, and show them the way, to animate and encourage them, yea to innite, persuade, and hire them, to do clean contrary, and to perform nothing of that, which the public Letters did give face and show of: and when the event and success hath discovered, that secret aduise to haue taken place, and the public motion to haue ben contemned: how can any man possibly be blinded in this?  
truly if I knew any such benefit or pleasure particular, that the Q of Scotland had ●asted by your Q. means: I would not here conceal them, nor any way seek to minish the honour or thank that shee justly deserveth. And sorry I am, that the blemish and blame due to her Ministers, should redound to herself, and spot her cote.  
For, like as nothing hath been heard of, faithfully or effectually done by your Q. ministery towards the others restitution, 
Restitution pretended,& deprivation intended.  nor towards the compounding of the civil warres of that realm, other then by seeking to bring such of her majesties loyal nobility and faithful Subiectes as haue stood for her, to abandon their allegiance, as the rest haue done, and to unite themselves with the others against her, to her final deprivation for ever: even so the whole world witnesseth( I ween) that al the garboils and bloody Tragedies in her country committed these twelve or thirteen yeares, 
The Q. of Scot. whole calamity wrought by the Enli●h without the Q. consent, as it seemeth.  haue al in effect ben by your Q. ambassadors& Counsaillers devised, by her ser●ants, Pensioners& ●eed men practised, with her name& authority countenanced, the Rebels and traitors in her country succoured and encouraged, with her money and men maintained, by her gifts rewarded, and by her means restored: and contrarily, the Q. friends and party from time to time by her ●●en forces persecuted and oppressed, her ambassadors imprisoned, her seruants diversely a●flicted her Noblemens lands spoiled, many of their houses burned, sundry of their Castles battered and taken, and some of their persons murdered and quartered, that fel into the hands of such Regents and Gouernours as she constituted: and finally, the Q. own person by the authority of yours, detained prisoner, sundry Regents one after an other set up by your Q. countenance, to usurp her Dominions against her, yea her private seruants both men& women requisite for her honour& safety, by comma●ndement of yours removed from her, al speaking with her, al writing to her, al recei●ing and hearing from her, al relief sent or given her in money or meat, al comfort don her by writing, word or look, al good report and true relation made ●ither of her good nature, of her rare gifts, of her honourable dealing, any commendation of her person, beauty, wisdom, virtue, or other quality: yea, any least word spoken in the just defence of her Honour and innocency, is accounted seditious, traitorous, injurious to your Q. and tending to rebellion. And yet this Gnato blussheth not, so to temper his tale, as if the queen of Scotland had deserved al the ill in the world at your Q. hands, and that shee as one not inclined to reuenge, had contrarily done unto her singular benefits and pleasures.  

Ten exampl●● of dob●● d●aling.  If this general rehe●sal of so common known truths so lately put in vr●, do not yet satisfy captious and curious ears that will say, that I challenge the Authors of this Libel for want of particulars, and do bring forth none myself: let this brief memory of some few, brought forth for example, suffice to call the rest unto your own remembrances.  
Of your ministers that seduced the earl of Arraine to flee out of France, that accompanied him in Scotland, and gave him the perfit form of the general revolt of al that nobility in the year 1560. by abusing him with a hope to mary your queen: some be dead, and some other yet living,& stil covering the eggs not yet al hatched.  
Likewise of them that taking advantage of the Lord Darleys credite and marriage, abused the earl of Murreyes ambitious mind, and by often solicitation and vari●tie of messengers with promise of pension and government, did win him at last, both from duty and nature, to rebel against his Sister and sovereign: their names be known, their several travails understood, and some of them be dead, and some others yet alive.  
When your realm was the refuge for him and his Confederates, and your Q. in appearance not seeming to favour his fact, nor to admit him to her presence: the persons are yet known, that in private brought him to her, and in secret, money from her, with comfort and counsel, how to dissemble, till his r●conciliation were won, for the better compassing and finishing of that, which he brought to pass afterward.  
Of the practices and procurementes of the several murders, first of david the secretary, and than of the King, their names are known, that than served in berwick, who by direction from some of the Counsel at London, laid the plot, gave the devise, and when it was ripe, did put the fire also to the flax.  
Your special messenger known by name, gave the Q. of Scotland aduise, to subscribe the resignation made in Loughleuen.  
need they to be name, that first imprisoned the B. of Rosse, that betrayed and diuers ways afflicted Charles bailie a stranger, without colour of cause, other then for seeking to publish a Pamphlet in the defence of their Mistresses honour& title, th●t impeached not your Q. in any ●o●e?  
Can he be unknown, that by your queens Commission entered Scotland with an army, razed Dunbarre, and took the castle of Hume?  
Can his name be hidden, that with like commission invaded again, spoiled and burned the lands and houses of Hamelton and Maxwell?  
Can it be doubted, from whom, and from whence the earl of Lineux was sent, and set up: when he caused Dunbriton to be betrayed, and quartered the archbishop of S. Androwes most barbarousely?  
And can any man be in doubt, by whose means and solicitation your Q. keepeth the other in prison, taketh her servants from her, denieth all men to give her comfort or relief:& accounteth all those litl● better then traitors, that speak any word for her, or in her defence?  
These few for example may serve to bring many mo to mind, and they be particular enough for any indifferent man. The names of your English I do forbear, in respect that some of them be deade, some other haue found their error, and be become honester men, and the rest may do● the like, and( I hope) will.  
nevertheless if I shall be further pressed thereto, I will lay forth to the world such a rabble of names, with their several actions and practices, and the copies of such, and so many monstrous horrible letters( which the writers think are not to be seen) as shall fully satisfy every man, that I speak not without my book,& shal make them to look for some better proof at this mans hands, then he hath brought yet, before they beleeue, that she of Scotl. hath ought done towards yours, that deserveth reuenge, or that yours hath don ought for her, that is worth gramercy, h●r state now considered.   

10 It is also known ( saith he) that the Q. of Scotl. did by writing utterly renounce the Dukes marriage vpon his first apprehension, &c. with some note, that of her sel●e she did not first move it, nor yet like of it. Also that the Duke did the like at that time both by messages and writings, and acknowledged his offence in seeking it: and under his hand and seal did firmly promise, never to deal therein an● further, or in any other matter with the Q. &c.  
THis objection, good Reader, lacketh little( for ought I se● in it) but that it might be granted, and pass unspoken to, without touch or reprorche to any of both. If it had, I mean, the condition annexed, that the Q. and the Duke did always express: that is to say, that without your Q. favor& good consent, 
The marriage never intended without the Q. consent.  as they had not before ever intended it, they would not hereafter procede further in it.  
And not unlike is it, that the Q. of Scotl. might answer in sense& effect, as he hath alleged: that is to wit, that she neither first moved it, nor at first liked it. For a rare matter is it, to find a right mean woman to be the first mo●er of a marriage for herself, or at the first motion to appear to like of it. And even so may every man see, that any wit hath, that without the favour of your Q. first obtained, the other of Scotl. had little reason or cause, to think the match any way beneficial unto her, regarding specially the state she stood& stands in.  
And for the Dukes parte, as it hath been already s●id, he never undoubtedly meant to assay it, without that promise and assurance of your Q. consent thereunto: if not by her own mouth, yet by them, that( for their credit with her) all men knew were able easily to persuade and obtain it, if they had as faithfully gone about it, as they did fraudulently promise it. Nay, this I say further, that if he had not been first invited to think of it, and daily animated,& encouraged for a long time together to procede in it, 
sinon circumvented ●he Duke.  even by some of them, that now most persecute him for it, and would make treason of it: the matter had never been moved, nor thought on: to any purpose, I mean.  
This objection therefore expressing their promises of renunciation doth more burden and charge your Q. then any of them both. For being true that they promised so firmly by hands and seals, by mouths and writings, 
The Q. and Duke iniu●●ed.  as this man saieth: what could they do more, what could be more asked? And why hath your Q. then kept them still in prison now, more then two yeares sins? For, that which he allegeth in the accusation following, will neither serve to excuse your Q. in that fact, nor to defend this Authors folly in framing his tale no better. For thus he ●aieth.   

11. And now it is certainly found ( saieth he) that the former practise between the Q. and Duke( notwithstanding their ●euerall renuntiations and promises) hath had continuance without interruption, &c. till now his last committing, &c.  
IF we granted, good Reader, that it were now found, as this accusation supposeth: how will that yet defend the injury& injustice don unto them, for two yeares full before that this was found and discovered? For between the Dukes first apprehension, and the date of this book, are more then two yeares fully complete. Vpon his first apprehension( saith this accuser) they both renounced and made promise, &c. Then why haue they remained in prison ever sins? For, if now it be found( as he saith it is) that they haue broken promise: than, until now it was not perceived. For nothing can and said to be found now, that was understood before. And for more then two yeares, before this continuance of that practise was found, had they renounced and promised( if this Author say true) which was as much as they could do, and that notwithstanding, were kept stil in prison, for two yeares fully, before this new crime of their breach● of promise was found or perceived, as this Author t●lleth it.  

Where Ma●chiauel ruleth, marriage 〈◇〉 unlawful.  And now l●t us set, of what weight the fault is, th●t is newly found, being gra●nted to be as the accusation affirmeth. Forsooth it is, that, by secret means the treaty between them for marriage, hath had continuance wi●ho●t inter●u●tion &c. Now in what parte riseth the fault of this? They are within age belike, and wards to your Q. and the Master of the wards complaineth of this, who having your Q. in ward already, can not endure the other should be free: or else, there is between them some such nerenesse of kindred by consanguinity or affinity, as will not permit them to mary. and the bishop therefore complaineth of this.  
Be it the one, or the other( as all men know it can be neither of both) it must needs be, that they haue wrong, that for talk and treaty only of marriage( without contract) which had ben lawful, haue been thus severely imprisoned& defamed with treason. Or if any other impediment shall be alleged, when we hear what it is, it shalbe answered vnto● And in the mean time, it must be taken thus, that all this fault imputed unto them, resteth in this: that by secret messages or letters they haue had mutual conference and intelligence touching a lawful marriage between themselves. And is not this a sore matter, and a grievous crime?  
Yea, but they were prisoners( he saith) and without your Q. consent, and against their own promis● they treated it, &c. I answer, that none of all these be just impediments to prohibit lawful matrimony, neither by practise, nor book lawe. But contrarily, examples many both of old& late yeres may be brought forth, manifestly proving, that neither the restraint of the body by personal imprisonment, nor the want of the Princes consent, nor any promise of the parties, by message or letter( grounded only vpon fear of displeasure or temporal pain) are any sufficient impediments to stay a lawful marriage.  
And here this Author endeth his rehearsal of things known and certainly found, as he termeth them, which being all so weakly proved, so unlikely of themselves, and so manifestly disproved by common reason and known facts, as ye haue heard: what may now be looked for in the rest, which he rehearseth but vpon conjectures and reports, or rather as things not yet fully reported nor conjectured, but as things that might be said, and may be said, and hereafter( belike) shalbe said, to be known things also.   

12. But now appeareth it ( saith he) how daungerous the intention of that marriage is to your Q. by other daungerous practices that haue accompanied and followed this attempt ( if you will believe him) which almighty God hath marvelously discovered, to the preservation, both of your Q. person, and the realm. &c.  
THis objection threateneth some fearful bug at hand, which belike we shal see anon. But whether this match were like to be dangerous to your Q. and realm( as he concludeth it to be) or no, I mind not here to dispute long: specially sins the same is already by a nameless Discourser so gravely discoursed, on both sides argued, and for the profoundness of it published in print, this summer past: which( seeming to conclude, that it were more safety to your Q. and realm, that the Q. of Scotl● married with a foreign Prince, rather then with a subject of England) doth yet chiefly rest& rely vpon this, that she is to mary, or not to mary, as your Q. will, or will not, and when,& whom so ever she shal appoint. For shee remaining in your Q government, 
A foolish argum●●● against the 〈◇〉.  the contrary disputation( saith he) is as much, as to ask, whether your Q. may govern in her own realm, or not.  
Now let us( good Reader) turn our speech for a word or two from this Hobgoblin, unto that nameless Discourser, the force of whose argument being grounded vpon the queen of Scotl. being in your Q. government, let us ask him this question: to wit, whether the same reason doth hold, or no, in every other person that is in your Q. government, as well as in the person of the Q. of Scotl? If he say no, I shall be glad to hear his reason, why? and to understand the difference that he will make between the condition of her person, and theirs: and why she should be more in that subiection, then all the rest.  
If he answer, for her proximitie in blood unto your Q. and for her Title to the crown of England: I answer, that there is neither lawe, nor statute, private of that realm( now in force, as I take it) nor public in the world, I am sure, that restraineth the liberty of matrimony, more in a Prince, then in a poor man. And so consequently no colour of law to give to your Q. any such jurisdiction over the person of the Q. of Scotland.  
But supposing your Discourser foreseing, that he should haue little thank to make that answer( at their hands, I mean, that chiefly manage your Q. affairs, and would bear the world in hand, that the Q. of Scotl. hath to tha● crown no Title at all) will flee therfore to the other refuge, and answer, that your Q. being sole and supreme governor in her own realm, of al persons& affairs whatsoever, hath therfore the disposition and governance of al persons in her Dominions, as well in their marriages, as in all other things( for otherwise I see not, but that it would be somewhat absurd, to say, that she should haue more jurisdiction in the person of the Q. of Scotland( who is an absolute Prince of a for●ine Dominion, not born under her subiection, nor otherwise present in her Dominion, but by violence detained against her will) then she hath in the persons of her own born subiects):& then if he rest vpon that supreme authority of your Q. to be pre-eminent over the persons and marriages of all her born subiects, by cause they be under her governance: I see not then, that this discourser maketh any difference between the marriages of Christian creatures, and the brutish coupling of unreasonable beasts.  

Christian marriages and brutish couplings is one with the ●iscourser.  For if your Q. Christian subiects be no more free in choosing of their wives, nor may no more freely couple themselves in lawful matrimony, but at her choice and election, as the horse and the mere, the dog and bitche be joined and coupled at the will and choice of the yomen of the Studdery and L●ash( according to the race they desire to haue the colts and whelps of) as this Discoursers opinion seemeth to be: then behold, what ●stimation Christian marriage is in with such discoursers, and what preaty doctrine is covertly taught in pamphelets of such pretence, permitted by authority.  

The Discurser di●couereth, that in the marriage the chief fear was of religion, and not or your Q.  again, if thou mark the Authors scope in that discourse, thou shalt see, that it tendeth wholly in effect to prove that marriage likely to be dangerouse to your new machiavellian Religion, rather then either to your Q. or realm. Whereby you may see, that they, that set both that Author, and this a work, would fain haue it taken, that the security of your Q. and realm, consisted in the maintenance of that licentiouse doctrine, which hath in short time confounded al Princes and places, that ever yet received it.  
In deed evident it is, that that match strongly impugned the secret and final purpose of those two English Machiauelles, who for their own aduancement, intend to evangelist the succession of the crown to a wrong family. But how it could possibly haue endangered either your Q. or realm, neither doth this Author show, or that Discourser prove, nor by any common intendemente can be presumed. And by the way notable it is, that a thing so manifestly beneficial to your queen and common Wealth, should be accounted offensive, and published to be dangerous to your Prince, for impugning only the private pference of two such persons.  
I want no will here to spend a few words mo● in answering any dangers that could haue grown to your queen by this match, if the Discourser had brought forth any worthy the speaking to. But because his objections and reasons be so fonde, frivolous and unable to move any man that wit or reason hath: I may rather think it to much, that I haue thus far aparted my speech from my principal purpose, then yield to be drawn to follow his folly any further, specially sins this pamphelet now beareth us in hand, that we shal see such dang●rous practices to haue accompani●d and followed that attempt: that if God had not even miraculously saved both your Q. and the realm, they both had been in wonderful peril thereby. Which dangers when we shall come to consider, there will be apt place to say thereunto, as the matter shal move, and truth and reason require.  
In the mean while note this here, that like as this sinon hath already wrought and brought the Que●ne of Scotl. into his own power, ready to be dispatched at any sudden, to serve his final turn and purpose against the crown, under his false pretence of caring for the Q. security: even so under a like false gloze, that this marriage might be dang●rous to your queen, he would execute his own private malice and reuenge against the Duke, for charging him once at Brinewich, as you know, with robbing the realm, dishonouring and endangering your queen to raise and maintain Rebelles abroad.   

13. It was devised and determined ( saith he) that a new Rebellion should haue been moved nigh London. The city should haue been taken by force, foreign soldiers in great numbers should haue come out of the low countries by Sea unto a notable Port of the realm. So should Rebelles and foreign enemies haue joined and proceeded to further things not expedient yet to be spoken of. &c.  
HEre beginneth now( good reader● the fire& flamme to appear, 
The accusation hath all the properties of a lie.  that the former obscure smoke did threaten should break out. Which resting yet in devises& determinations of many things to haue been done( yea, rather in his own bare and naked saying so) I trust every wise man will see some better proof thereof, then the credit of a robin Goodfellow only, before they believe so gross, so palpable, and so unlikely lies.  
devised and d●termined( this man saith) it was: but he neither sheweth, by whom, by how many, where the devise was made, when the determination was concluded, nor any other cert●inty, unto which a perfect answer might be made: and this is one of the most proper qualities and evident tokens of a lye.  
The proposition therefore being so general and vncerteine as admitteth no such answer, as whereupon any certain issue or trial might be joined: I must therefore frame my answer somewhat after the nature of the proposition, and argu● vpon likelihoods and probabili●ies: and so leave it to the Reader to judge, wh●ther of our two speeches carrieth with it most reason and likelihood.  

Not likely.  resort therefore again unto the consideration of the number& weight of the things that he saith were determined, and I affirm it to be utterly unlikely, and never devised nor determined. Unlikely, I call it, and unlikely( I ween) al men of common sense will think it, that any such rebellion at home, any such surprising of such a city by force( with the sack and spoil of the wealthy men in it, as Master Fleetewoodes Oration o●t lauisheth and termeth it) or any conclusion to bring in foreign forces to sack your own, could be resolved or determined by any of your own Nation, as a thing repugnant to common nature.  
Unpossible also( in common reason) I must affirm it to be, 
Impossible to common reason.  that any such thing could be devised and determined without the knowledge and consent of great numbers of sundry States and degrees: as things that necessary require the counsel and authority of Noblemen mo then a few, the governance and order of Gentlemen in great numbers, the travail& labour of multitudes both of Souldiers and Capitaines, and the confederacie of some great party and faction in the realm and city itself,& consequently sundry actual things to haue ben don and executed, by messages, by letters, by present conferences of sundry persons, by money received and paid, by provision of armor and munition, by constitution and agreement vpon daies and times, by a readiness and assurance of ships and mariners, and by many other like things, that require fact and action, before such enterprises can be resolved and determined.  

The prou●s of the impossibili●ie.  Let us therefore require of this Accuser, for the furnishing of his accusation, to tel us of some few at least, that began this devise: of some few of those many, that did determine it: of some of the multitude, that should haue executed it: of some Citizen or other that conspired to raise the rest, or to let in the others that should come from without: or else from whence the Ordinance should come to batt●r the walls, or the botes to enter by water. Let him tel us the name of some strange captain or foreign soldier waged or hired, of some ship prepared, o● some master taken up, of some armor provided, of some artillery mounted, of some sho●te or powder barreled, of some money given or borrowed, or of some Prince or great man that promised or intended it. Let him gi●e us the message or Messenger, the Letter or Writer, of some one or other● that testify it. Let some Port be name so nigh the city, as he speaketh of● some inhabitant there that would give landing to strangers, some of those Gentlemen, that with forces should meet them, and guide them to London: or some one thing or other of the many particulars that such an exploit demandeth, let us entreat this accuser, to show us to haue ben done in fact, that may give some breath or life to his accusation.  
Syns every man knoweth, that it is no mean company, that can take London by force, in which are thought to be not so few at this day, as ten thousand armed men: and standeth in so strong a country, and so far from the Sea, as I ween●, it were hard to find a foreign captain so simplo, nor so single a soldier, that would put his foot there( without great and present aid to receive him) where he must march many daies in so strong a woody land, so peopled with his enemies, and they of such valour, as Englishmen are known to be, before he could come to join with his friends.  
And of these particulars so justly demanded, and so necessary to the determination of such an enterprise, as he saith was determined, till this Author haue shewed and well proved some such good number, as may plainly convince his affirmation to be true: we may in the mean time( I trust) with right and reason take this tale of his for an impudent, malicious, and a stark ●taring lie, proceeding of a devilish spirit, that intendeth to ground thereupon some horrible and outrageous exploit.  
And will you see it proved even by his own words? The rebelles and enemi●s( saith he) thus joined, should haue pro●eeded to further things not ex●edient to be spoken of at this time. Now mark ye, how this betrayeth the rest. For by this it is evident, that th●y which serte this Hobgoblin a work, do by these words reserve stil unto themselves, a liberty to change and increase these lies, as they lift.  
For, well you see, having thought this time expedient enough, 
More remaineth t● be devised.  to charge and defame both those Noble Persons by name,& a great number of others bysides, with raising of the rebellion in the North, with conspiring a new in the South, with intention to surprise London by force, to s●cke the wealthy Citizens( as M. Recorder gabbleth) to bring in foreign forces and strangers, to haue destroyed your Q. person( if M. Recorder lied not) to seek to haue the crown from her, and to be unto her the most dangerous enemy that lived: these crimes( I say) having ben thought expedient enough to be uttered at this time, what matter of more importance can there remain expedient yet to be concealed, if the same were already hammered and forged?  
These words therefore that seem to pretend other matters to be found, not yet expedient to be uttered, must needs argue and infer, both that the Authors haue not yet agreed with their false accusers, nether haue heard of any other man, nor are resolved within themselves of any further matter, then they haue here already coughed out: and also that they haue an intention, hereafter to devise and set forth more, as already they haue done al this that ye haue heard.  
And here behold withal, how this Robin Goodfellow playeth also the Scogan. For whereas he perceiveth a general misselike& just discontentation conceived by al States and Degrees among you, for the bringing in of such an infinite multitude of foreigners& Strangers, as swarm every where almost throughout the realm: to cover your eyes from beholding the same, he here telleth you and ●eareth you in hand, that other folkes had conspired and devised to haue done the same thing, that his Authors and patrons haue already performed. And the arte is subtle and fine, that syns they can not prevent the eyes and mindes of the multitude from seeing& feeling sundry oppressions grown by that flood of foreigners that they haue brought in to serve a turn at a day: they would now pervert the cogitations and talks of the people from the foreigners that already are there, to the foreigners that they would haue them fear shal come.   

14. These devises saith he) were not onely talked of, put in writing, and fully concluded: but the Messengers were also sent over Sea in Lent last with sufficient authority of commission and writings, to testify the determination of them, that should be the Heads and conductors of this Rebellion, as the same being imparted on the other side the Sea was well accepted and allowed: and thereof several Letters were speedily written to the said queen, to the Duke of norfolk, and specially, to that ungracious Priest the bishop of Rosse, the instrument of all the Dukes calamity, and the feed man of al treason against England: that this enterprise must be kept secret● namely from the french, for causes of great moment, until the Messenger should post to the Pope for money, and to the King of spain for order and direction for men and ships.& caet.  
This is a long sentence, good Reader, comprehending in appearance many particulars, and giveth a face of a plain story well opened& certainly known: but being well observed, it will appear intricate, confuse and obscur●ly writ●n of purpose, 
obscurity of purpose.  to give the Author a shifting and starting hole, from being taken with many manifest lies.  
And if I had not ben somewhat exercised and trauail●d in the scrutiny& search of these m●ns bold affirmations, I might as easily haue ben moved and carried away to b●l●ue this whole and smooth tale, as many other( I fear me) are. For surely few wise and modest men are there, that haue the face, so boldly and precis●ly to affirm never so known a truth, 
impudency.  as these men do common known lies. Their words therfore must be well marked, and their crafty sentences warily taken h●de of, if thou wilt not be seduced by them.  
Understanding me therefore, always to m●ane and affirm( till I see some better proof) that there was by these persons( whom he nameth and insinuat●th) never any such devise made, much less any such determination concluded, much less any such put in writing, much less any messengers sent therewith, or with any credit of such effect, neither any such thing imparted to the Pope, nor Duke of Alua, whom M. Recorder( over rashly for a man of his gravity) nameth to be conspirators and your Q. e●emies, much less any such thing well liked or allowed by by them, much less any such certificate by any letters to your Q. to the Duke, nor to the B. of Rosse: understanding me always thus, I say, I shal procede to the consideration of this mans tale, as himself telleth it. For it were no reason( pardie) finding al to be lies that he telleth(& they so infinite in number) to grant him more, then himself hath wit to speak of, or for shane dare utter, or for fear of deprehension, dare affirm.  
As faire and as whole as this tale seemeth to be, 
No certainty shewed.  yea though now he add, that the devises aforesaid were put in writing( whereof he spake not before) yet he telleth thee not, that those devises were in writing sent over, if thou mark his words well.  
Nor in telling thee, the messengers were ●ent, yet he sheweth thee not, who they wer●: he nameth not one, though they were many, neither whose Messengers they were, nor what message they carried: no, not so much as that they were the Messengers of the d●uisers, nor that they carried the written devises. look again on his words.  

Repugn●nce.  Of Messengers he speaketh here in the plural number, as being more then one: and within few lines after, ●ither he forg●tteth himself, and r●duceth it to one onely, or else al the Messengers, save one, did forget themselves: for here is no mention of answer, but from one alone.  
With suf●icient authority of commission and writings( he saieth) they went, but with whose authority, by whose Commission, or with what, or whose writings, here is no maner of mention, but a plain insinuation, that what soever the Messengers carried( if ought were carried by any Messenger at al) was not the written devises o● the Rebellion, nor of the introduction of strangers.  
But it sufficiently testifi●d( saieth he) the determination of them that should haue ben the heads and conductors, &c. 
The Pope and Duke of Alua ac●cused.  By this it should seem, that the Author meaneth, that it was the testification of some other men, given for the better credite of the devisers, determinours, heads, and conductors, and not their own.  
But it was well liked and allowed( saith h●) on the other side of the Sea: by the Pope, and Duke ●f Alua, saieth M. Recorder. But neither what was accepted, who accepted it, nor where it was imparted, can any man perceive by ought that this Author saieth: and much less by that, that M. Fletwood hath said( who having lavishly termed those notable Personages, that be absent and a thousand miles asunder, to be conspirators of an enterpris● distant a thousand miles from one of them, and Enemies to your queen) maketh no manner mention, neither o● Messengers, nor writings, nor of any other thing that might give any life or light to the matter.  
Of the well liking and good acceptation, se●eral Letters were speedily writen, saith he: but whether by them that accepted it, or by them that imparted it, or by any other that heard of it, or by any spy that did counterfeit it, he declareth not a word.  
●o the queen, to the Duke, and to the bishop of Rosse ● he saith, the letters were writen: but whether they al three, or any one, or two of them, or none of al three, received any such, he expresseth not yet, nor giveth not any copy, any date, any subscription, any superscription, nor any place, to whom from whom, where, nor when any of al three Letters were written.  
The lette●s gave charge, he saith, to keep the matter from the french, but from which french, he sheweth not: albeit no man is ignorant, how notorious the factions of that Nation are, nor how ne●re in blood many principal Personages of that Nation be unto the Que●ne of Scotlande, from whom it can not be thought, that she would haue her counsell●s concealed. And therefore in this the Author or deviser hath given a great wound unto his whole tale.  

absurdity.  till the messenger had b●n at Rome, saith he, for money. Now he speaketh of one messeng●r in the singular number, that hitherto hath talked of Messengers in the plural: but what money he went for, what sum he required, for whom he demanded it, or to what use, you see he l●au●th every man to conjecture at large. Yea having said before( if M. Recorder and he do agree) that the Duke of Alua was of the conspiraci●: behold the wisdom of this tale, that now sendeth the Messenger to Rome for money a thousand miles of, where little or none is, and presently cause there, to occupy what there can be gotten: having the Duke of Alua and A●dwerpe both at hand, and in his way, being the monopoly for money of Christ●ndome at this day. And who seeth not, how pregnant a suspicion this giveth, that al the rest is plainly forged?  
And till he had ben at spain, to haue order for men and ships, he saieth. But what number of any of both, at whose instance, at whose charges, to whose use, against what time, or for how long time, we know no more by this man, than by the man in the moon. And so gross is the folly of this falsehood, that he forgeth, that the Duke of Alua wanteth no● commission, to give men, money and ships too, without sending to spain therefore: as was well testified by the last civil warres in France, when the Duke Dewponts was there at the charges of the English.  

Hidden mischief as●eth a subtle and ●arke dealing.  And will ye see now, why the Author walketh thus obscurely disguised in this general and uncertain maner of speeches? Forsooth it is both natural, necessary, and of old accustomend, for al false rumors, and ●orged devises, meant for other mischievous practices, to proceed in that manner: the rather and the more, according as the weight and importance of the final intention amounteth v●to.  
For if we should here grant him, that there had b●n a Messenger or a writing sent( as till it be better proved, I utterly deny, that ever there was any such matter, m●aning or man) and should ther●with sh●w him, how there might be lawful wri●ings and lawful messages sent to your queens dearest friends, testifiyng the good meanings of faithful subiectes, & the same well allowed of by her foreign friends,& that certified at home: if I should● I say, lay al this open, and show in particular, how this might be( albe it, I say stil, there was no such thing) yet, because these crafty false forgers foresaw, that they might be so answered,& the things declared& justified( if any at al were): they therefore wade and walk● in this general, confuse, and uncertain maner of speaking, that they might always shift ●rom us, and say, that they meant not this man, nor that man that we should speak of: nor this letter, nor that writing, that we should declare, and so of al the rest: but that they might haue scope to say stil( as ●uer they haue done,& here often do) that such persons, and such writings as they meant of, were sent forsooth, but not expedient at this time to be uttered from whom, from whence, nor when, nor what the matter was, that the Letters did signify to be well liked and allowed, nor by whom. For that is yet to devise, and shal come forth herea●ter by likelihood.  

The B. of Rosse charged by Scogan, with Scog. fault  Now with the Bishop of Rosse he playeth the Scogan again, as he did before with the queen his mistress. For who is ignorant of the long enuie● that these men haue born to the Duke, for the good affection that the people worthily bare him for his good nature, wisdom, temperance, and inclination to iustice? And who knoweth not, how the chief Aut●ors of these libels haue persecuted the Duke ever syns that he discovered himself at greenwich, as I remember, in the year 1569. to mislike with some of those base counsellors, that so much abused your queen& the realm, and would haue removed them from her? Syns which time every man seeing, how by degrees they haue pursued him, until they haue brought him to the estate you see: now they would charge the Bishop of Rosse to be the chiefest cause of the Dukes calamity, whom before and above al other, next unto his sovereign and mistress, he hath ever honoured and served, as his public deeds do sufficiently testify.  
Likewise in calling him the feed man of al treason unto your realm: respite but a while your credit thereof, till you haue seen, what the treasons be, that are in deed intended. And in the mean time, do but examine a little the said Bishops procedings, sins he came into England, and to what end they haue tended.  
Wherein finding that he hath none other wise done, 
The B. travel tend●● to prevent Synon● treason.  but that which the duty of a good subject to his sovereign, the affection of a good seruant to his mistress, the office of a Christian Bishop to the Church, the natural& just love to his own country, with the unfeigned good will and service born to your Q.& realm, haue bound him unto and required of him: behold you then, what a regiment that is, and how the common weal is governed, wherein so honest& upright a seruant, in seeking to serve both his own& your own Q.& realms, directly& plainly, by truth, by reason, and by al good policy( from time to time laid open both to your Q.& council) is yet now defamed with such odious Epithets, because his service and travail hath tended to prevent the secret hidden treasons, that yet lie undiscovered.   

●5. The Messenger had his letters of credit from the Scottish queen, th● Duke and others to the Pope, and the king of spain. And so coming to Rome he returned letters from th● Popes gracious Holinesse in the beginning of may, to the said Q● and to th● Duke, and others. The letter to th● Duke was in latin beginning: dilect fili, Salutem. But in deed the Duke might well say, he sent not Salutem, but perniciem. The Duke had them, and red them, by the intercession of that aforesaid ungracious Priest. The con●entes in some parte were, that the Pope well allowed of the enterprise: he would writ also to the King of spain to further it, but his present business of the charitable warres than in preparing against the turk was the cause, that money could not then be had for that summer: and yet his ungracious Holynes after his accustomend sort comforted them all not to despair.  
IN this paragraph( good Reader) the Author maketh mention of two sorts of letters or writings, 
Of the le●ters surmised to b● sent.  as he did in the other: the one, that the Messenger should ●arrie: and the other, that he should return and send from them, to whom it is supposed he went. And to avoid confusion, we must therefore divide our Answer, speaking first of those, which he first mentioned, and than of the other, which he lastly speaketh of. Of the first he sait● here, that they were letters of credit, from the Q. from the Duke, and others. &c. Now forget not, that in the next paragraph before he said, that the devises were put in writing, the Messengers were sent over sea with authority and commission in w●iting, ●uf●icient to testify the determination of the h●ades and Cond●●tors of the Rebellion. &c. join now these two paragraphs together, 
Centradiction.  and( if I be not deceived) tho● shalt see the one of them sufficiently confounded and confute the other, and plainly show, that the Q. and Duke be not the heads, that before he spake of, as al his former ●peach●s, till now, haue seemed to sound& insinuate.  
For( protesting still, till it be better prou●d, that there was no such matter at all) if the Mess●nger carried such writings as sufficed to testify both the devises and the determinations of the heads of the rebellion: to what end then were his letters of credit? For, letters of credit suppose the matters to go by mouths, and are not wont to go, where the chief matter& purpose goeth sufficiently penned bysides, nor from those persons that haue otherwise by writing given sufficient testimony of the matter committed to credit. And in a matter so dangerous both to the senders and carriers, who doth use to make superfluous writings, and to sand mo letters then be necessary? This therefore sufficing to show every wise man a plain probability, that al is forged and feigned: let us yet examine a little, what is in this accusation, if it were as he saith.  

The Q. of Scotl. hath reason to seek lawful help.  For the Q. parte first, I mean, if she gave letters of credit to a Messenger, that went to the Pope and King of spain: what offence had it been, or to whom? Who se●th not, what great reason she hath● to seek to them both? Her imprisonment can not take from her that, which nature hath given her. She remaineth a queen by Birth and Right, and by Nature shee is bound to seek the liberty of her person, and restitution to her own. And what just Prince, or good common weal can impute that for a crime, that all laws of Nature and Nations do move all men unto?  
If therefore there were any such Messenger, and any such letters of credit: every honest man ought and is bound, to presume( till the contrary be proved) that the credit was for the most likest and lawful cause: to wit, by lawful means and mediation of foreign friends, to come to that, that Nature and al laws gave her, which by any means at home she could not obtain. And now let us resort a little to examine the likelihood and probability, 
The D. of Norf. wrote to neither of both.  whether the Duke gave any such letters of credit to any such messenger.  
The letters, saith this Author, were to the Pope, and King of spain: between whom and this Duke how small the amity and acquaintance hath been, few or none in your realm are ignorant. Letters of credit are not wont to go between persons all estranged each from other: much less, where causes of unkindness rath●r then of friendship haue mutually occurred, as between the Duke& the Sea apostolic it is well known, hath happened on both sides. The Particularities whereof might be here remembered, 
and to the Pope for his second marriage, and the Pope to him for the statute of primacy owed little.  if any man were so blind or ignorant, as to think, that the Duke could possibly hope so much of the Pope, as men do of them, to whom they send letters of credit, which plainly imply a confidence and an assured friendship.  

No likelihood.  add unto this, that if their purpose were( as this Author beareth you in hā●) to move rebellion, to bring in strangers, to sack London● &c. who can imagine, that they( being known to be no fools) would seek aid a thousand miles from them, for, and in an enterprise that required help so near at hand? Let the credit therefore be preached, that the Messenger ●aried by mouth( if there were any such at all) let his written instructions and commission be seen, if any he had, or le● the firmes& hand●s of the Conductors appear and come forth: let somewhat be seen, if all be not lies. For without some more demonstration then this Hobgoblin hath made yet, there is in his tale so little reason and likelihood, that every man may and must( in my mind) take al his whole tale for a wicked spritish lie, forged and f●ined to a devilish purpose.  
again, let it be considered, how unlikely it is, that any of them in the stat● they be in ●being known for wise● would by letters, by credit or any other way commit or attempt any unlawful action, that might increase the danger and calamity that they both stood in: they( I say) that when they were both free, never gave the least show of any such mind,& willingly did put themselves into your Q. hands, when they were at their several liberties, and might haue chosen to haue gone else where. Thus much touching the letters of credit, that these Authors do surmise were sent to the Pope and King of spain.  
Now concerning the letters that the queen, the Duke& others are said to haue received: 
Of the letters surmised to be ●●ceiu●d.  mark you well, that this accusation maketh no particular mention, what was in the Q. letter, nor in any of theirs, whom he calleth others, but a sentence or two of the letter written( if the Author say true) to the Duke only, and that from the Pope only. For, as from the king of spain, he speaketh not of any at all. And that which he telleth you of the Popes words to the Duke, 
The accusation conuinc●th itself.  doth plainly prove and convince( to every man that hath grace or wit) that if there were any such credit at al from the Duke to the Pope, or any such answer from the Pope to the Duke: they both were far of a contrary sense and meaning from that, which this Author hath hitherto sought to persuade you.  
For( saith he) the Pope allowed well of the enterprise. was that, trow you, an enterprise of rebellion? was that the enterprise of sacking London by strangers? If the Pope could be thought to think it, yet being wise, and having counsel, it is not like, he would writ it. If he would needs writ it, yet he would not choose to writ it first to the Duke of norfolk, a stranger to him,& a known Protestant from his education.  
Well, the Pope would write( saith he) to the king of spain to further it. judge thou Reader, whether that be like or not, that his holiness esteemeth his own credit so little with the greatest King in christendom, that he would require him to further a rebellion, and to sack a city of such force, wealth, and renown, themselves both being known to haue comsumed both their money and men in the repressing of the sundry rebellions, that haue been moved under your Q. name& authority by the very Authors of these Libels.  
But now let us suppose and put the case, 
By 3. Examples it might be granted, that they sent and received letters to good and lawful purpose.  that it were true( as we haue shewed it false) that there had been a Messenger and letters of credit, and that the Pope had written, as this Author allegeth him: let us see, what will follow and fall out thereof, if it had been so, as till he better prove it, we still affirm, that there was no such. Admitting therefore, that thyself, 
For liberty and restitution for themselves.  good Reader, were fallen into the state that these two noble personages are in, as born to a kingdom, or other great possessions, expelled therefro, cast into prison, and so pursued, that no man at home durst show himself thy friend, or to pity thy case, and that thou hadst so many yeares endured that tedious captivity, and pi●yng prisomment, as they haue sustained, yea without colour of cause by any law vpon earth: and withall, if thou didst find and foresee the maliciou● machination,& daily contri●ing of thy final destruction( whereof these Noble personages may justly stand in doubt) and if thou were for al that not desperate to find a friend of countenance& credit, that with authority would& were able to treat and speak in thy cause, if thou couldst find mean to lament thy case unto him: wouldest thou now think thyself indifferently d●alt withal, if( after all means used at home without case or relief) for quiet& secret opening of thine unjust oppression, by mouth or by writing abroad, thou shouldest be accused of treason,& by printed books defamed for a traitor?  
Suppose also, thyself to be next heir to that crown, 
For your Q. honour& s●curitie.  or the chief peer of that realm, holding thy Q. there not only as thy sovereign by duty, but as thy mother, thy sister& nearest kinsewoman in al honour& affection: if now thou didst by secret means of credit, or letter lay open unto the Pope and King( the chiefest Patrons and most ancient Allies of that crown) the miserable state, and desperate terms that thy Prince, thy country& whole nobility stand in at this day, together with the infinite mischiefs& calamities that all countries adjoining do taste& feel by the insolent governance thereof, taken in hand& ministered by one or two base& inferior persons:& withall didst require the one and the other( by some means) to interpone themselves, to treat and traueil for the remedy of it, and by removing of those unworthy instruments, to cure& recover thy Q. appaired honour and famed, for the more security of her dignity and State, for restoring of her nobility now contemned, to the estimation of their predecessors, due to them by antiquity of bludde and vocation, to preserve the realm of England from utter impoverishment, and all Prouin●s adjoining from infinite injuries and spoils: if thou( I say) by credit of messenger, or otherwise, hadst in this maner treated the matter with those ancient friends& Allies of thy country, how so ever perhaps those base fellowes( whom it touched) might term it treason, conspiracy, rebellion, or what they would else: had thy just Prince, thy country or nobility any reason, to complain, or to condemn thee therefore?  
again, put the case, Reader, that thyself being a catholic Christian, 
For necessary relief of body and ●owle.  robbed& spoiled of all thy temporal goods, and bereeued withal of all spiritual comfort, and so closely restrained, that neither for thy souls health after ●o many yeares vexation in sundry garboils, nor for the necessary expenses of thyself, thy seruants, nor of thy affairs, thou hadst wherewith to sustain or comfort thy body or soul: if now thy credit or m●ssage were unto those principal Princes, that in both thy necessities are( above all other) best able to help thee for their succour and relief in these thine extremities, and didst crave the cure of thy conscience at that hands of the one, and didst commend thyself, thy State and posterity to the favour of the other, with petition of succour in money from both: if it were thus( I say) or any other like, what honest man could accuse thee thereof? Or what offence were it to any good Prince or well governed common weal?  
Thou mayst not yet take me, good Reader, by these examples alleged, that I aclowledge them to haue done any like thing. For verily I know not, that either they wrote or sent at all. But being very sure and assured, that if they did it, it was to no such end, as these lying libels do falsely pretend: I haue therefore shewed thee( for the better satisfaction of every honest and indifferent man) among many other that might be alleged, these causes and occasions that might move them to writ, but as examples: to show how those letters of credit, that this obiector so precisely avoucheth, 
The answerers suppositions, ●gr●e better w●th the accuse●s allegation: then the accuser with himself.  might be very well, very lawfully, and honourably meant.  
And let us see, whether this supposition of mine doth not bett●r concur and agree with the very words of the Popes answer, as this Author feigneth them, then with his own bare and bald affirmation.  
The contents( saith he) of the Popes letters to the Duke were, that he allowed well o● the motion, and would write to the King of spain to further the enterprise. &c. Which may be, a●d is most like to be, by honourable, by just and friendly means, to treat with your Q. for the liberty of those Noble Personages, for their restitution to their estates, for your Q. better account of her nobility, for her better knowing of those few base fellowes, that seduced her, and for less crediting them hereafter, for the better consideration of her own Honour and famed, for some indemnity for the catholics of that realm to live out of schism in the unity of the Church, as it is well known the Emperour Ferdi●ande, the french and Spanish Kings did long sins treat with her for the same:& finally for some relief of money to supply their own necessary affairs, whiles their own revenues are detained from them, or for such other like purpose which might be very well allowed of,& commended by his Holinesse, though he had no present money to spare for the cause alleged. And can it in reason be objected for a fault, if the Q. for herself, or the Duke for her, had required succour of money for the relief of her faithful noble seruants and subiectes: whiles both they, and herself are so many ways injuried and oppressed, and all their own wasted, burned and detained from them?  
Thus having reasoned a while with this Author, as if th● most parte of his false affirmations had been true, we haue left, I suppose, no material point in this accusation unanswered, nor no indifferent man unsatisfied. For his scoffs of perniciem, for Salutem, and his graceless terms of ungracious, for gracious, and such like, I account not worth the answering: holding few Readers for so simplo, 
Syno●●●alshood ●●trai●th himself.  as that can be abused by so gross a rhetoric, either to think the men the worse, for so lewd a mans word, or to imagine the Dukes pernicious state to rise by mean of the Pope or Bishop● but that by these lewd devises made to shift away t●e obloquy thereof fro the Authors of these libels, that haue so long persecuted them, doth plainly sh●w to every wise man the guiltiness of their consciences, that do see the fact so damnable: that fain they would transfer the blame and brute thereof from themselves, unto the Pope and Bishop.  

Synons sophistry.  And as lewd a sophistry useth he, where he noteth, that bysides the letters( that he saith, were sent and returned, to, and fro the Duke and Q.) he joineth in both this term, others, both to haue sent, and received, &c. But in not expressing who, he plainly sheweth himself to mean, as before he did( in speaking of Heads and conductors) that is to say, hereafter to devise, who they shal be, and to charge whom he list with being heads and Conductors &c. with sending of credit &c. and receiving of letters from the Pope● &c.  
I pass over here, that the wise man forgetteth, to haue feigned some answer to haue come from the king of spain also, or from the Duke of Alua, whom M. Fl●etwood ca●leth one of the Conspirators. But he would belike either haue the Reader to think that Nation to proud& uncourteous to answer Prisoners letters: or ●ls not having matter ready forged, to feine to be written by the King or Duke of Alua( of whom it would not be believed, to say they lack money) he was loth to come forth with any other particularity, for being the more manifestly deprehended with a lie: which he forseeth to be more easy to do, when he cometh to allege things certain and particular, then while he lurketh in the confusion of general speeches, and terms.  
Nor I will not detain thee longer in encountering this Authors folly and malice against the bishop of Rosse: 
The B. of Rosse his fidelity.  whose wisdom, constancy and fidelity sufficiently commendeth him in the eyes and ears of al the world, for so faithful a subject, and so trusty a servant, as hath been rarely found in this age: having not spared in this time of his Princes oppression, with her to o●fer and committe his person and life, to any travail or danger whatsoever.  
But let us for a word or two examine, how unable and insufficient al this whole tale is, to defame two such Noble, wise, and virtuous Personages in the opinion of any man, 
A short show of the insufficiency of the accusation.  that hath wit or grace.  
First, the Libels are many that are put out to defame them.  
The matters of the Libels are general only and uncertain,& without those necessary particularities, that are requisite to persuade credit.  
They are laid out with such odious terms, to engender fear, and to threaten ruin, where nothing is, as plainly sheweth either al the whole to be forged, or of a Moldhil a mountain to be made. For every man perceiveth, that the chief purpose of these libels be, to discredit those Noble persons with the people, and to bring them into hatred and obloquy of the multitude. Which form of proceeding is known to every man of experience, or con●ersant in Histories, to be the wonted entries and beginnings of al unlawful enterprises, and by no practise allowed( in your realm specially) where good matter hath served, and the cause would bear itself.   

16. It was also by the devisers of these Rebellions and invasions determined, 
Ireland.  that the realm of Ireland should be assailed at the same time, thereby to weaken the queens majesties forces, or to divert them from defence of herself and her good subiects.  
THis lie, good Reader, is not much unlike unto the last, saving that of the other, he seemed able to feine some colour and pretence, whereby to cover yet a little his falsehood and malice: but of this the honest man is able to devise none at al. And although he would craftily dissemble,& pass over the name of him, by whom he meaneth Ireland should be assailed● yet may not I forbear to tel you plainly, that he meaneth the King of spain, 
lies forged against the King of spain.  whom by such forged devises they seek to defame, and to bring in hatred likewise.  
And behold the impudency of these men, that, albe it they did this summer last past object the same to the King himself by express letters, and were forthwith so answered thereunto, that they had not to reply with any colour of reason or truth: yet now they shane not to come forth with the same again, and care not how oft they lie, how loud they lie, and will so prepare withal, that they will not be  told they lye, least you should perceive when they lie.  
And it is worth the noting, how oft they rove in this maner at the King of spain, sometime under the name of the Duke of Alua, of the Low Countries, of foreign forces, and by such other speeches, as every man may see, whom they mean, and yet this crafty child thinketh it policy, to hid& forbear his name, as well for that he wanteth that cover to cloak his lie withal towards the King if he should haue name him) that he found out for the Pope( for no man would haue believed the excuse of want of money to haue been pleaded by the King of spain) as also because he would haue a shifting and starting hole, ready to reply( with saying that he meant not the King) against any plai●e demonstration, that should be made to show how falsely he belieth the King.  
How plain a lie that affirmation is, time itself hath sufficiently shewed, more then some yeares being passed, syns they pretended and said, that they had discovered that intention in the King of spain: though here the Authors shrowded themselves under obscure& uncertain terms, such as shal admit no answer, that may come to issue or trial. For, by the devisers( saith he) of this rebellion it was determined, &c. Now who w●re the devisers, he hath not yet shewed you: Ergo who determined this invasion of Ireland, remaineth yet to be devised and name by the Authors of the Libels at their next contemplative l●isure.  
For who can deny, that if there had b●n any such intention, either in the King of spain, or in any other Prince, but that there haue ben for this ten yeres day together, many good times and apt opportunities to haue executed the same, by the sundry factions, seditions& rebellions, there moved yearly,& to this day maint●ined, by and among themselves alone: not onely without al aid and succour of one man, or any money at al, but also without al comfort and courage from any Prince living: yea without show of any word, any message, any letter, any ship, any boat, any captain, any soldier, any armor, or any penny ever demanded towards it, that himself is able to allege, as shameless as he is.  
Now draweth this Author towards his conclusion, and having spent the most of his matters that he dare affirm, and thereby eased but little his stuffed stomach of that tough malice that lieth there congealed against the queen chiefly: he can not yet cont●ine from lasshing out some more vile and vain lye● against her, some less likely then the rest, and others of no weight, though they were as true, as they be false. 
A lump of mo ly●s in Sy●●●ns breast.  And his own little reason yet serving him to see, that few or none will believe him: he will not discredit his own reputation, nor the honour of his Authors, with affirming these, as he hath done the rest, but would, that you should take some of these as credible reports, you wot not by whom, and some others as things that might be said, and may be said, rather then said yet, and belike her●after shal be said, as crimes yet vncre●ted, and not made nor devised into their particular shape or form, but the confuse substance of them reasting yet only in the breasts of the Authors. For thus it followeth.   

17 Now were it best to leave with these former branches: for it is credibly said, that this three of treason and rebellion hath a number of other branches of the very like nature: that is, in devising how the Scottish queen should haue ben conveyed away, sometime by disguising, sometime by plain force and raising of rebellion, and so put to liberty and proclaimed queen of England ●nd Scotland: but to increase the error of her style, shee should haue ben proclaimed King and queen of England and Scotland.  
IT is not onely now time, but it was high time, that you had ended this lewd talk, before you began it. But where you presuppose your former accusations to be so well set forth, that vpon them, as vpon things believed, you think you may now procede and persuade what you will bysides: you shal find, I ween, few wise men carried away with that wrong rhetoric. 
The accusations overthrow themselves.  The weight and consequence of the matter, the importance of the persons whom it toucheth, and the sequel of their credit or discredit, importing the whole realm so much: it mnst be a very simplo and weak witted man, that is leadde to believe you in any thing you haue said yet.  
And now if he will limit his credit of that you are to say, by the manifest falsehood of that you haue said: then must you bring him some better proofs of your credible reports, then you haue hitherto done of your naked affirmations. For by that you haue already said, it appeareth, 
Synons text to writ vpon  that whatsoever your own malicious invention can devise, whatsoever any traitor, or spy corrupt with money can inu●nt, whatsoever any known e●emy list to forge or feine, whatsoever any lewd rascal or boy, never so base for flattery can imagine, or whatsoever prisoner or poor soul for torment or for fear can be forced to say against the queen and Duke: al is( for you) Text, authority, and Gospel enough, to publish, persuade,& to preach vpon,& at your mouths must be taken for credibly reported.  
Yet see, good Reader, the goodness of God, that hath suffered the devil and this limb of his, so to be meashed and entangled in their own turne●& to overwhelm themselves so deeply in their own malice, that their iudgement faileth them in discerning the error of their own pen. For minding to show now sundry other branches of the same three of treason 
A treason made of no trespa●e. & rebellion( as he termeth it) that he beareth you in hand he hath shewed you already: the first of these new branches, which he pu●teth in the front( as it were) of his battle, is so far from treason, that it had ben neither felony, nor trespass, if it hab ben executed, as himself saith it was devised.  
For, the Q. saith he, should haue ben conveyed away by disguising,&. And had that ben treason, trow you? What the Lawyers of your own realm for fear or flattery will say, I am not very sure: but neither ●● and violence( which shee never assayed, nor thought to do) yet is there no man, I ween, so senseless, to think, that if shee had by arte, or other friendly, or peac●able maner found, or set herself at liberty, that she could haue thought this Style& Title that he speaketh of, to be commodious for her, or to tend to her security or quiet.  
And over this, weighing well, that al these accusations of his, rest and consist only in devises and deuisings( for no least thing sheweth he, that was put in ure towards it) who wottes but himself, how largely this term of devising shal be str●tch●d and racked, where himself being per●lesse in authority, must be also the judge? 
Where sinon is judge al is treason that he will haue ●o.  And if by the rest that w●e already see, it be lawful to divine of this: and if by, and vpon the apprehensions& imprisonments present, with the thick thundering out of so many treasons, rebellions, conspiracies( and I wot not what bysides) that these libels do so terribly threaten and divulge, if by this we may coniectur● the sequel to come: we must look for none other, but that every imagination of the parties themselves, that naturally aspire to freedom and personal liberty, and every speech of compassion between friends abroad lamenting the calamity and hard state of these Princes, shal now be wrested and drawn to come within the compass of this mans devises and deuisings, and so( if his word may be law) shalbe made Treason& Rebellion.  
For, for such( you see) he hath already published and condemned them, albeit himself confesseth, they proceeded no farther then to devise onely:& of their devising neither hath he any other proof or witness but his own bare& naked saying, that it is credibly reported:& that without showing, either to whom, or by whom it is reported. So as the valour and credit of this accusation uttered only by a Robin Goodfellow, I leave to the●, Reader, to way and esteem.   

18. It might be also reported, how her son should haue ben stolen out of Scotland, 
The Prince of Scotl.  to be sent into spain, with such like devises tending to move troubles in the realm, that was, and yet is( thanked be God) quiet.  
I will not long trouble thee, good Reader, with the answer of this, which he saith might be reported: least perhaps he will say, that he doth not affirm it to ha●e ben reported. His goodwil yet thou se●●t, tha● will leave nothing untold thee, that himself deviseth, nor that is otherwise reported: no●or y●t that, that might be reported, though it be not. Neither will I occupy both thy time& mine own, in laying forth the foli●& malice of these Authors, who to persecute stil these Noble Princes, spare not to utter these frivolous speeches, that haue neither ground to lean on, nor certainty in themselves.  

The Princes sa●ety( saith sinon) is treason to England.  I shal therfore for the answer of this Paragraph, only pray thee to look a little into the mind& meaning of the Authors therof,& to tel me, what it comprehendeth& implieth, that an intention of removing the person of the Prince of Scotland into spain( if any such intent were) should be here accounted& brought in among the devises of treason to England,& of moving troubles unto that realm. If thou consider this point deeply, thou shalt smell and find out the stinking rat, that lieth yet hidden between the bench and the wall. For, little difference or none is there( if it be truly sifted) whether spain or France had the person of that Prince: unless it be this, that through the great factions and civil seditions of the one, there may be some more hope of finding one mean or other, to destroy him in France, rather then in spain.  
And he that remembreth the warres of Leeth in the year 1560. with the causes therof then pretended& published in print, must plainly conclude, that they that now would bear you in hand, that the intention of sending the Prince of Scotland into spain, were in effect treason,& tending to the trouble of England, must needs mean, the sending of him into France, to be much more prejudicial,& more clearly to tend to the motion of troubles in your realm: the Princes& Countries of spain being known to be the old Allies unto the crown of England,& contrarily the other accounted the ancient enemies of the same. The treason therefore& troubles mean by these Authors to be threatened to England, by th●s intention( if any such had ben) must ned●s rest and consist in removing the person of that young Prince unto the country or custody of any King, that is like and able to save and defend him. For, to remove him into England hath ben pardie even by these Authors chiefly so long sought, so many ways practised, so violently urged& pressed: that every man may see, the traueilers therof would haue that taken neither for treason, nor tro●ble unto the realm.  
But the mischievous machination and final end thereof, neither by your queen( as I suppose) nor by few others is yet known, savoured, nor suspected. But plain it is, that if the meaning thereof were for his security or aduanncement: this intention of sending him into spain( if ever it had ben thought) could not haue ben so offensive to these men, as here( by betraying themselves unawares) they haue confessed it to be. For how can it possibly be thought, that the safety of the person and the aduancement of the state of that Infant, that is the born heir to any crown, can be treason, or tending to move troubles to that realm, which himself shal in succession enjoy?  
And they that haue already procured the murder of his father, the expulsion of his mother out of her kingdom, the putting of his bastard Uncle in possession of the same, the imprisonment of his mothers royal person for v. years almost fully complete, the persecution unto death of all those that pity her state, or wish it better: and finally, that thus by open corruption of accusers, by subornation of false witnesses, by infinite numbers of nameless libels printed, do still follow and persecute both her Honour& famed,&( as they may) disgrace her rights,& disprove her Titles to al her States, with so many colourlesse lies, false s●landers, odious crimes, and by wrested arguments against law, to prepare& make ready the way to her final destruction: and that now in the end do pretend it to be treason, and to threaten troubles to England ●if it had been meant) to put his person for safety out of that country,( where so many civil seditions and mutual murders for many years haue been, and yet are daily committed, raised and renewed) into the hands of that King, that is best able to defend him, that is the old confederate of the chiefest States which he is born to inherit, and that hath choice of daughters, for yeares and otherwise meet, to match with him: can this( I say) be thought by any man that any wit hath, to be meant by these fellowes for the Princes safety and security? Nay, but by this you may plainly see, that the Authors of these libels haue a far other mark and ●nd in their eye, then they haue yet discovered.   

19. And now it may be, that some will say, that many of these things are doubtful, and percase wrested in report, either by malice, or by overmuch credulity. But truly in such credible sort are all the things above mentioned with sundry others to me reported to be very true, by such as haue cause to know them, and use not to report untruths, as I do boldly avow them to be true.  
IN this it appeareth, that the Authors inward& guilty conscience doth breath out& b●wray some parte of the secrets of his own hart& knowledge: that testifieth& telleth him, how little credit wise men will give to al that he hath said. And if you mark his words well, you shall see, that himself vnwares doth not a little diminish the credit of his own speech. For albe it, he hath hitherto taken vpon him, flatly& firmly to affirm, al the chief& principal matters to be true& known truths, as he termeth them: yet now here he cometh out,& calleth al the matters a●ore mentioned, to be but credible reports. For they all came reported to him, he saith, in such credible maner &c. as that he doth boldly a●ow them to be true.  
Now, 
His own refuge conuinceth him.  how rotten a patche this is to botch up the hole withal, I leave to the Reader to judge. For what valor and weight that bare& naked avowing of an unknown spirit or Hobgoblin amounteth unto, who seeth not? being grounded only vpon the credit he hath in the reporters also unknown: whom he taketh for such men, as haue cause to grow the truth, and be not woont( he saith) to report lies.  
until therefore that it shal please this Robin Goodfellow, somewhat further to discover himself unto us, in such sor●e, that we may first know the man, and then his wisdom, honesty, credit, and conscience to be such, as that neither he will deceive, nor can be deceived: till then, I say, his wisdom must pardon us, that still we take them, as we did before, for stark staring lies in effect every word he hath spoken.  
And be yourself judge, whether I haue reason thus to say, or no. For admitting that, which is most likely: to wit, that they be this mans Authors& reporters of these lies now, that haue ben the Authors and reporters of like lies here before: as for example: 
x●iij. examples of notorious lies, published by authority.  

1. that New haven was taken but to the use of the french king, as to save it from the House of guise the meant to usurp it:  
2. that the Duke of guise w●s coming with great forces to conquer England:  
3. that the Condie first, and the admiral sins, haue in every battle prevailed against the French king:  
4. that by your Lottery in London no man should lose above two shillings& six pence, and great numbers should win large sums:  
5. that the Prince of Orange should drive the Duke of Alua out of Flanders:  
6. that the king of Spaines money was taken but to save it from the french:  
7. that the Duke of Alua hath ben coming with great forces to conqu●re England:  
8. that he and the Spanish ambassador were the causes of al the spoils& robberies done vpon their own Kings subiectes:  
9. that no pirates should be manteined in your Ports:  
10. that the queen of Scotl. was with child by the earl of Shrewsburie:  
11. that a Portugal physician should haue poisoned your Q.  
12. that London should haue ben burned by certain fellowes taken with balls of wild fire about them:  
13. that the King of spain had poisoned his wife that now is:  
14. that the Lords of Leicester and Burley should haue been killed by the proc●rement of the Spanish Ambassadors Stuard●: and infinite other such like devises,& preati● stuff published among you, and g●uen out, some by print, some by great mens letters, and some by lewd mens mouths, sent abroad with th●m, of purpose to fill your peoples ●aress, and to move their affections as authority would haue them: admitting, I say, that those men that for these ten or twelve yeres past haue been the Authors and reporters of these, and such other pretty devises, were also this mans Authors and reporters of this like stuff, that he bringeth us now: then hath the Author of this libel little gained, nor amended the credit of these his Accusations, by t●lling us, that th●y come from such mouth●s( and from mouths of greater authority they can not come) but rather h●th holpen me to the disprouing of all that himself hath said, by this allegation of such Authors and Reporters as haue told so many things before, alr●ady discovered to be so gr●at ly●s and manif●stly fals●.     

20. And if they shalbe found otherwise, than it is likely, that somme of the Q. majesties Counsel will cause them to be reprehended: who vpon this my writing shall report them, and thereupon I will patiently suffer correction for my hasty credit. For it is most likely, that such matters of Estate as these are, will not be suffered to be communicated without reprehension.  
WHen this Author wrote this, either he thought, that none should come to see his book, that by reading or practise had any understanding in worldly policy: or else, to blind& abuse the simpler sort( which ar● the greater number) he was content for the prejudice of these Noble Princes, to lay shane aside, and willingly to yield himself, by the wiser sort( that are th● fewer in number) to be accounted both false, foolish, and malicious without measure.  
For his reason brought forth in this Paragraph( whereby he would proo●e, and bear the Readers in hand, that it is likely, that somme of the counsel would reprehend the reporters of these matters, if they were not true) is as poor a clout to patche up the hole, as the other was before, and the plain contrary over well known to be the likest thing that may be, according to that was told you at first: lies must ever be maintained by lying.  
For, by his own words not six lines before, if you haue marked them, it is probably gathered, and by his other words within twenty lines following, manifestly proved: that of the Counsel they be, of whom this man hath received his informations,& instructions, if not immediatè at their own mouths, yet by such means as he is assured, that the matter cometh from some of that authority. 
Some of the council be the ch●fe authors of the libel.  For he said( if you remember) that he received the reports by such, as had cause to know the matters, and use not to report untruths.  
which joined and laid together with his present words, that call these matters, matters of State, and with the last words of his book, that do affirm the lords of the counsel in the Sta●re chamber, to haue said to the Maior and his brethren the same in effect, that himself hath said here these speeches of his, I say, being laid together, do plainly convince him of a false& crafty dissimulation, in pretending here, as though the counsel were so little of his counsel in writing of these, that they would reprove him, if he had written vntruely● whereas he being in deed set a work by some of them, to writ as he hath done: what likelihood is there of any reprehension by them for what so ever he hath written, being by consent or commandment of some of themselves?  
For proof whereof, to whom( I pray you) are matters of State orderly discovered, but first to the counsellors, and after by them to such others, as they think meet to divulge them abroad?  
Then this mans Reporters being such, as did know these matters of Sate: what other can they be, but either some counsellors themselves, or such others, as in those matters they haue made Couns●llers for the time?  
again, they being such, as use not to tell untruths, must needs insinuate, that they be persons of more then common a●thority. For vpon mean mens mouths there is no such warrant wont to be made by any wise man.  

plain ●●ou●es, that som● of the Counsel be Authors of al ●hes aund●rous raili●g books.  add unto this the small likelihood, that either the Writer or Printer of this lewd libel( that seem to be persons but of base vocation) would or durst endanger themselves, with publishing such matters of State, and of such importance, if they were not sure of good authority to back them: in this time specially, when the searches are so strait,& the penalty so sharp, for any least thing uttered by writing, printing, or by word, otherwise then authority would.  
again, behold how long it is, sins the first of these libels haue been in print commonly sold: how daily new and mo do freshly come forth to confirm the former: how all come without name of Maker, Printer or privilege, or ●erus●d according to your own Consti●utions,& all sold without controlm●nt: and with what severity likewise all books, al writings, yea all speeches and words, that might answer the same, or show you any 〈◇〉, and ●orbidd●● holden and kept back from you, yea and your own ears and mouths locked and shut up mutually among yourselves, from speaking or hearing of any thing contrary to that, that these Libels give out.  
Lastly, join unto this, the known experience testified ●y Stories for time past, and witnessed still by daily practise, that there never wanteth in any common weal such petit odd fellowes, as this Scogan R. G. is, that are ready always by words, or by writing, to blaze and set forth, what so ever any persons of authority would haue for the time spread& believed among the vulgar sort: yea many times without the knowledge or consent of the chief Prince or Magistrate, as most of these are, I verily beleeue.  
And these points now laid together& well considered, hath not this wise man said much, trow ye, for the credit of these his sclaundero●s lies, by bearing you in hand, that some of the Counsel would reprove his report, if it were not true? when himself( you see) by the very process of his matter hath unwittingly discovered, that some of that authority were his Authors and Reporters: and common practise hath testified, that some of great credit, are always setters of such butchers a work.  
And by this, be thyself judge( Reader) what a Scogan this is, that( having hitherto born thee in hand, that the principal cause of his writing was for fear, least seditious mouths would make fals● and slanderous repor●s, to serve the appetites of the evil disposed) doth now plainly show himself here, to be the chief soother of some in Authority,& the seditious sclaunderer of the principal persons among your people: to serve the appetites of some of so great credit, as know the secrets of State matters, and be no more s●eldome wont to lie, then wicked spirits be wont to say true. But then he goeth forth, and say●th.   

21. On the other side, if they be true, as I haue reported, and yet not fully enough reported than time will shortly enlarge and confirm them, when her majesty shall cause the parties now imprisoned to answer openly thereto, by order of her laws, as there is no doubt she will observe to all maner of subiects that course, that hitherto she hath done● &c.  
NAy, good sir, that shift will not serve you neither, to win credit to those your incredible lies. For whoso beholdeth that presidents past of unjust Conuictions, and Attainders passed among you, shall see, that a form& appearance of orderly proceeding by law sufficeth not always to make the sentence perfect in every part. 
Good laws are abused by mans malic●.  The lamentable memory of the unjust overthrow of many noble Families of your realm, is yet so fresh and new, that few now( being of mature yeares) can be ignorant of them. Of whom if I should here give you the several names, and causes pretended against them: these Authors( I dare say) would( for many of them) agree and say with me, that they were vnworthely condemned, though they wanted not a show of conviction by law. And though they would not for stubbernes grant me so much, yet will the late restitutions made by queen Mary of so many Noble Families, so amply testify al crimes geeuen in evidence against prisoners, not to be always neither so grievous in nature, ●or so sufficiently proved, as the cond●mnation of the person doth sometime seem to infer: that it were here both vain and lost labour, and might be also offensive, to use any particular nomination of them.  
And take me not here, good Reader, to condemn or disallow your laws, your Iudges, nor your ordinary form of proceeding in those cases: but that I confess and grant them to be as civil, as politic, as well ministered and executed, and as seldom to err, as commonly the laws of any other Countrey●s. But often it happeneth every where,& namely among you it hath chanced also, that by the wants and defects, either of the party accused( that sometime is not able to answer for himself with that advantage, that his cause doth allow him) or by some error in the inferior ministers( that to satisfy authority do sometimes make great show of small things) or by the error of the Prince( that is sometimes inuegled to think worse of his subject, then he hath deserved) or by the plain malice of some in Authority( that for some practise, or reuenge do sometimes procure and suborn false accusations to be forged& testified): by these means, I say,& by many other such like, it happeneth often, that the law hath his due course and form of orderly proceeding in such sort, as the ordinary ministers( being innocent of the malice and fraud) haue not to answer to God, nor man for any injustice, and yet the party condemned hath plain injury& wrong. 
Law hath of this co●rse and yet the party wrong.   
And therefore what so ever shadow or show the face of orderly proceeding in these matters may fortune to give: yet shall these vile lies and forged slanders be never the truer, the more confirmed, nor the better believed by any wise or honest man, sins there are so many ways and means, how evil men may, and often do, by arte and fraud, abuse& pervert the name& authority of Iustice and Law: specially where there is ministered before hand, unto e●ery man, so many manifest occasions of suspicion, yea and plain proof of false dealing, as in these cases are seen. For, who can look for any upright trial, or since●e proceeding towards those parties, against whom are used before hand such unwonted and extraordinary practi●es, to slander, to defame and belie them, and to bring them into hatred and discredit, as never hath been used against known and guilty offenders?  
And over this, mark well, good Reader, how God hath permitted the Author of this libel in these words( vnwares● I dare say) to show himself either so foolish, that no wise man ought to beleeue him, or so false, that no honest man can credit him in none of all these matters heretofore reported by him. remembering therfore, that in the nineteenth Article he told you, that all these matters came to him so credibly reported &c. and speaking still of all, here he telleth you, that he hath not fully enough reported them: in this, I say, mark you well, what he confesseth against himself.  
If he haue not fully enough reported the matters, that he hath spoken of: it must be granted, that his reports of them do want some part requisite for a report, either in respect of the thing reported, or in regard of them, to whom the report is made. If the defect therefore be in respect of the persons, to whom he writeth: that is to say, that his reports are in such manner laid forth, as are not fully enough to make his Readers perceive his meaning: then you see his gross folly and lack of wit, to utter his mind fully enough.  
If it be( as al mens writings are) fully enough for some, but not fully enough for al: then you see his grosser folly, that calleth this not fully enough, which is fully enough, as commonly any mannes writings are. For never man wrote so fully, ye wot, as could satisfy every man. If the defect be( as I plainly conclude it is, and you haue seen proved) in the nature of the thing itself: that is to say, that his reports do lack those necessary parts, that a report ought to haue, as truth& certainty of the matter reported, and a good warrant& foundation for the reporter to speak vpon: then may you see his fals●hod& malice more then fully enough.  
Once granted it is by himself, that fully enough they are not reported: and a report never so brief, containing truth, matter certain, and having a lawful Author, is sufficient enough for the common number of wise and honest men. For no man is bound further to enlarge his report, then truth& certainty doth require, nor to satisfy every man.  
These words of his own then, you see, do plainly convince and conclude, that either these reports be al false, uncertain, and ill grounded in more or in less,( and than playeth he the very davie, to think and say here, that they are not yet fully enough reported, which you haue seen proved to be to much by altogether) or else the very Sot, to call that not fully enough reported, that is fully enough for the purpose it is uttered for and every way more than fully enough, being false in every parte.   

since I wrote this, I am the more emboldened to think al these things true, for that this present day the Lord Maior of the city of London with a number of his Brethren were at the Starchamber with the Q. majesties council: where I understood by the report of some of them, that heard what was said by the council to them concerning the present case of the Duke of Norf. that the substance of al, that is by me before reported, is very true, with much more, &c.  
THis Author having now eased somewhat his laden stomach towards these Princes, by uttering of these vnsauerie and filthy forged lies to their infamy& confusion( as he hopeth) is come at length to the end& conclusion of his spiteful poisoned Pamphlet, for whose credit he leaveth no way vnassaied.  
For having uttered those arguments and reasons, that he hoped might induce the multitude to believe him: yet his own guilty conscience doth put him in fear( you see) least his falsehood should be to easy to be discovered,& therefore he fleeth now at last( as you may perceive)& craveth refuge of the wing of authority. Whose own words yet( if you mark them well) do plainly show, that himself hath but even s●ant credit in them: 
The Writer believed not the, accusations, when he wrote them.  how often soever he hath affirmed and repeated them to be knowen, and well knowen, and credibly reported, &c.  
For in this Paragraph, rehearsing that by the relation of the lords in the star Chamber, made after this Libel was written, he was the more emboldened to believe them: he sheweth, that his own belief of them was but weak, when he wrote them: and fearing, least other men would beleeue them as weakly as himself, he shifted to this shore, which( God wot is to weak to uphold him in the iudgement& consideration of them that either be of ●xperience, or haue been conversant in Histories, which are full of such Orations, Declamations, Protestations,& Persuasions made in such public places and presences, pretending to the people a terror of one mischief neither looked for, nor thought on, thereby to cover an other, and far greater, not ripe to be revealed.  

Unwonted proceeding discrediteth the matter.  peruse your own Stories of King Richard the third his usurpation of the crown, and murdering of his Brothers children, with diuers other unlawful attempts, that haue passed in that realm, when one hath intended to compass the displacing of a● other from his dignity and State. And behold the sundry smooth tales, that for contriving thereof, haue been publicly  told both in the star and chequer Chambers, in the Yeld hall, and in other great presences: and thereby shal you see, not only that this authority helpeth nothing the credit of these lewd lies, but rather contrarily, that the extraordinary publishing of them in such places, doth give manifest suspicion, and diminish their credit. Suspicion, I say, of a far fouler thing to be intended& at hand, and sheweth evidently, that in the matter uttered and pretended, there is little truth or rather none at al.  
For short and plain proof whereof, 
This scla●●●derous form● of proceeding against them discovereth an intention of their destr●ction. ( if any thing may suffice to prove it unto thee) resort but unto this. Did either the queen or Duke, when they were free in their own Dominions, by any least act, attempt the disturbance of your Q. or no? If they did, show it. If they did not, then proceed. Is the Q. of Scotl. expulsed out of her State, or no? Thou seest shee is. Was Ieames the Bastard set up to usurp her Dominion in the Infantes name, o● no? He was. Was Lyneux after him, & ●ar after Lyneux, sent& suborned to do the same, or no? It cannot be denied. Were they al three with pensions from England, with ready money, with forces of men& muni●ion, procured, encouraged,& maintained therein, or no? It is well known to be so. Had the Q. of Scotland, by Ieames his commandment ben murdered in Loughleuen, if your Q. had not letted it, or no? Your Q.& her Catilines can tel, and this libel in one place insinuateth no less. Did Ieames the Bastard determine to murder the Infant Prince, or no? Let the lords of Grange and Hume yet living testify, unto whom Ieames moved the matter, when they were of his party: and who for that cause desisted from him, and left his faction. Are both the persons of the Q. of Scotland, and the Duke of North●olke, detained close prisoners by your queens name and authority, and in the hands of hers, or no? Their presence among you sheweth. Hath the one ben so, for four yeares almost, and the other, for two yeares full, before these forged treasons were surmised against them, or no? Let the dates of their several imprisonments be conferred with the date of this Libel, and let that speak. Haue they had good mean in prison to molest your queens quietness, that found none, when they were free? Let common intendment be judge. Or if any had been offered them, is it likely, they would attempt it, whiles they were close prisoners, and their li●es stood vpon it? Let their known wisedoms and common presumption speak.  
This then being their present estates unknown to no man, behold now what these public& extraordinary speeches in the star-chamber& Yeldhal, before such assemblies,& these unwonted Libels published in print to defame and accuse them of conspiring Rebellions, of inducing Strangers, of sacking London, and of competency with your Q. for her Cronne: behold, I say, what this must infer, and doth imply. Is any man so gross of capacity, that he seeth not whereunto it tendeth?  
If the ●● famed of every common prisoner be a shrewd evidence unto his jury, and a mean to further him towards the gallows: what must this purposed& pmpensed defamation of these Princes in prison promise and portend?  
I conclude therefore, that these star-chamber talks, and Yeldhal orations, do so little advance the credit of those slanderous lies: that to every wise man( that considereth by the Stories, what haue ben the sequels of such unwonted actions) they manifestly convince them to be forged and feigned: and do bring withal pregnant suspicion, of a further desperate intention, to be hidden and covered therein.  
And now, good Reader, consider well, I beseech thee, what thou hast heard and seen on both sides. way the difference between words and deeds, and keep the eyes of thy mind firmly fastened, rather vpon the truth, the reason, the proofs& likelyhodes of that, which is said by mine adversary or me: then upo● the bold●es of the affirmation, the authority of the Speaker, 
●uthori●ie will t●●e no fo●le, who so e●er smart therefore.  or the first face of the ends and sequels, that may fortune to ensue. For it is to be ●resumed, that persons in authority ●a●ing thus far intruded themselves into so public and important a tragedy, will not take a foil in their own imagination, whose blood so ever it cost therefore.  
The number of the prisoners, you know, is great: and therefore great difference of natures like to be found among them, some weaker then others, and one subject to that, whereof an other is free. Authority carrieth in her hand( as it were) all hope and fear, 
There are many ways of corrupt proceeding.  all pain and reward. Such as can not be won by fear nor pain, may yet be seduced by flattery or gain. Torments haue been tried, as the voice goeth: and subornations shall not want, as hath been well proved. False arts and treachery to deceive the simplo and plain, haue been so frequently practised with persons of less importance, that among these no man can look for less.  
hard it were therefore, if among so great a number none should be found, that by pain or fear, by hope or by favour, by flattery or simplicity, haue been seduced, alured, nor constrained to say this or that, of himself or of others. The malice born towards them is evident, the crimes objected against them, obscure and not likely. I haue good reason therefore, to speak in their defence, whiles nothing is passed, that conuinceth them: nor nothing proved, that bindeth me to think them guilty.  
It is possible, that hereafter some of them may be condemned in form of Law. For where such arts haue been used to slander and entrap them, no less can be looked for. And yet that ought not in reason to minish the credit of that I haue said, having hitherto said no further for them, then as mine Aduersaries false accusations in defence of the truth hitherto known, haue moved and drawn me. Which consisting in hearsaies, reports, and in that bare words of an unknowen Author: I haue answered with facts, with reasons and probable consequences, that give to themselves more credit& authority, then any mannes name that could be put unto them.  
And if the Duke shall fortune hereafter vpon any other matter here not touched, or vpon the same enforced above the just desert( as sometime it happeneth) or through the subtle practise and malice of his enemies( as to his Noble Father and Grandfather it chanced) to be by verdict or Parliament found otherwise, then I here defend him to be: aclowledge thou, the true ground and cause thereof to be( as in deed it is) the merciful hand and visitation of God, now laid upon him, as than it was vpon them: not for the causes pretended against the one, nor the other( in the sight of God, that seeth all truth) not for the breach, I mean, of their allegeances against their several Soueraignes( to whom in all loyalty& affection, never were they, nor this found inferior to any) but rather contrarily for their overmuch adoring of the same, for making their earthly Princes their Gods in this world. He his Q. Elizabeth, and they their King Henry, whom( it may b● presumed) they looued, feared, and served more zealously, then they did their King and creator of heaven and earth, not sticking for satisfiyng the one, to offend the other. They by comforming themselves( for pleasing their King) to his inordinate appetite and affection some ways that might be remembered: namely of his intrusion into the Spiritual Primacy, which never Christen King attempted before him. And this, by comforming himself( for pleasing of her) to be made a principal instrument in her creation of a Feminine Primacy in the Church of God, which never Christian Q. attempted before her.  
And for which, who so ever shall aclowledge the wonderful wisdom of God to haue provided, that that King her Father, and this Q. his daughter, should render and yield one like payment and reward to this Grandfather, Father and son, for a manifest and merciful admonition, of themselves principally,( to show them their own error ●or their reformation) and of all others, that may take benefit of their example: shal make a frut●full and profitable construction thereof: and the same, I doubt not, that Gods grace shall move this Du●e to make to himself, to his own great comfort for the time he hath to live here, and to his eternal felicity afwarde.    

The Second Parte.  
AND having now answered al the cruel accusations of this libel, in such sort, as who so hath either honesty, wit, or grace,& may be suffered to read it, shal find himself, I trust, amply satisfied therwith,& shall plainly enough see the deadly malice, and impudent vanity of them: to clear yet the same the more evidently to al sights, and to show the innocency of those Noble Princes more eminently then the son at noon daies, by vnbuckling& lifting up( as it were) the vizards and veils of th●se Machiauel Catilines, that like Robin goodfellowes would walk unseen and abuse the world with idle fears, whiles themselves might freely finish th●ir determined mischiefs: I shal now( as in the beginning I promised) somewhat open and touch unto you the very true grounds and causes, why all these false accusations, slanderous surmises, and colourlesse lies are so impudently forged, feigned, and laid out to the world.  

The Accusers Treason the cause of al the false accusations.  The mark and final end, whereof is to your realm the most dangerous Treason, that can be imagined to any common weal, and the plaits and practices used to bring the same to pass, do likewise contain as monstrous, as v●naturall,& as dangerous Treasons against your Prince, as can be devised, and are already so far set forward, and so many of them put in ure, that the end and intention beginning by them to break out ●to some of deep insight) more soon, then the contrivers would ha●e it: these false fears are therefore like flasshes of lightning terribly thundered out unto you, to abuse your Q. to blind your people, and to deceive the world, by making you all to fix your ●i●s and min●s vpon those feigned fantasies: 
Treasons pretended in one, ●o cover treason in an o●her.  and thereby not only to hold you from espiyng and considering the treasons that are in deed every day under the name of good service committed among you, but also fi●ely by those pretences, to re●ooue and weed away those princip●ll persons, that they fors●e like to be impediments to their final intention: which( as the devisers think) remaineth yet secret in the heads and harts only of themselves, being those two, that by other mens pens do persecute these Princes, as the principal obi●cts likely to frustrate their pestilent purpose.  
And because it is not commonly seen, 
The Accuser conuinced, half cleareth thaccused.  that one Traitor accuseth and persecuteth an other, but that such do defend and maintain each other: if I shal now show and open unto you, that these two English Catilines( whom all you know to be the principal persecutors of these Princes, and the privy publishers of these Pamphlets) are them ●elues the chief offenders in deed, guilty and culpable of those crimes, of which they accuse the other, and of greater also, if greater may be: it shall serve, I suppose, to good purpose( bysides the declaration of the innocency of these Noble persons) for your Prince and nobility. Whereby they may see, and in time provide for the prevention of the terrible treason finally intended against them both, and the whole realm: and may serve also, to admonish your Q. not over long to endure those practices of abusion of herself: lea●t they shalbe so far ronne, before she resist them, that the Canker grown of them may be incurable.  

It is treason, to wrest the crown for private Ambition.  And when I shall haue proved, and made plain unto you, that these two Macchiauelles for their own private advancement haue practised, and do daily contrive, not only the wresting& diverting of your crown from that course, race, and line, in which the laws of your country( concurring with all laws of Nature and Nations) haue established and settled it, but also for the same private avarice& Ambition of their own, haue circumvented your queen, endangered her State, steined her honour, oppressed her people, impoverished the realm, and procured infinite perils to depend over the same, if they be not in time prevented, for pference only of their own private policy: when this, I say, shalbe proved unto you, I shal then leave the determination of the weight& quality of those crimes to your queens consideration, and to the iudgement of your lawyers, and shall thereunto conform mine own opinion, how so ever I term them here for the time.  
And for as much as it were somewhat absurd, to think that treason lighter& less odious, 
The less perceiued● the more dangerous is the treason.  that( being covered with the title of service and affection) is not mistrusted, espied, nor provided for, then that, which being open and apparent, may be resisted and defended: I haue thought it meet, not to pretermit some brief insinuation of a few of those infinite circumuentions and abusions, by which your Prince hath been already deceived, to her own detriment& prejudice, under those titles of duty and service, for serving in deed the private turns of those two machiavellians: who( not all unlike to Ulysses& sinon the Greekes) to make themselves& their faction lords of your new Troy, haue forged a new faction, fraught as full of mischievous meanings to your Priame now, as ever was the bulk of their wooden horse, to the trojans than. And that donne, I shall turn to touch a little the festered Carbuncle, that li●th yet unperceived, rankling in the hartes and breasts of those Coniurators.  

The qu●et entry of Q. Elizabeth to her crown.  No man will deny, I suppose, that at the death of Q. mary the face and authority of that realm being wholly catholic, and all the government, treasures, and forces thereof reasting in the hands, order,& direction of the Catholiks alone, their party also being infinitely the mightiest and strongest for number, for wealth, for credit, for force,& every other way, and the party Protestant so base and low, that few or none appeared to be of that Faction: your Q. was than with as great honour, quietness,& uniformity of mind, by all sorts brought unto her crown, settled,& established in her royal seat,& with as great assurednes, as ever came any of her Progenitors to the same.  

Suerry in th●t sh●●●und, and ●aug●r in the t●●●ge.  That she found also the whole face of the common Wealth settled& acquieted in the ancient Religion, in which,& by which all Kings and Q. of that realm, from as long almost before the Conquest, as the Conquest was before her time, had lived, reigned& maintained their States,& the terrible correction of those few that swerved from it so notorious, as no man could be ignorant of it. As king John without error in Religion, 
King John.  for contempt only of the See apostolic, plagued with the loss of his State, till he reconciled him helfe, and acknowledged to hold his crown of the Pope: king Henry the viij. 
King Henry the eight.  likewise with finding no end of heading& hanging, till( with the note of tyranny for wasting his nobility) he had headed him also, that procured him to it. And than sought his reconciliation,& had obtained it, if death had not prevented him. The two dukes also, of Somerset& Northumberland( thought not in name, 

D. somerset.  
D. Northhumberl.   yet kings in effect for their short times) with their own lamentable ruins, by contending to pass the vnpassable bottomlesse gulf, that findeth no shelf nor shore, but either their own infamous death by the way that attempt it: or infidelity, barbarism and Turkish slavery to their country in short time following: as Afrik, Grece, Boheme,& Hungary haue tasted& do testify.  
That she found likewise all the great Princes and countries adjoining unto her, as spain, France, Flanders and Scotl. in the same Religion settled and united with her, and shee with them, as children al of one Mother the catholic Church, by professing one faith and one form of Religion: which carrieth with it an amity of such force and effect( as experience teacheth) that where the Religions are diuers, the friendship is weak, and continueth neither long, nor firm.  
That than shee stood free and indifferent, to make her own choice, without prejudice to herself, to be served by al her subiectes equally, and was by no fear of any detriment to herself tied to any: nor forced to use one more then an other, but as their abilities deserved, and as her pleasure was to choose.  
again, that being in this maner freely entred, and quietly possessed in her seat, by the death of her Sister, 
Fleck, intruding himself, bringeth in his mate.  the chief of these two machiavellians than of mean state, and out of credit, whose ambition endured not to abide the time of her calling, intruded himself by preoccupation into her presence and service, some few daies before the death of her Sister:&( to win credit of wisdom) suggested unto her certain false fears, and colourlesse suspicions against the chief of her Sisters Counsel, and thereby obtained favour: and finding that he had a young lady in hand, that was unexpert in matters of State, of a deep wit, and timorous nature, and thereby easily made suspicious, sone circumvented by them that could cunningly abuse her, conformable to them that shee trusted, and that promised, with security, her ease and disburdening of the care of her weighty affairs: he induced forthwith, a confederate of his own( by birth more base then himself, nearly yet allied unto him,& in heresy more fervent then he) into such credit and confidence at first, that forthwith was removed the most upright Prelate and incorrupt judge of Europe, to advance this second sinon, the most known Briber of al the Isle of brittany, to give him the chief place and dignity of that realm under herself.  
This being than the state and condition, in which your Prince, a young lady, and sole virgin, without help of Husband entered& was settled in her crown and Dominion,& took to her service this couple of counsellors: I shal now show you( following the Metaphors of mine Aduersaries) for their imaginative three that no man can see, a stinking three of Treasons planted in dede, with some of the crooked branches& unsavoury fruits, that it hath already spread& brought forth. And bewray I shal also that Hen, that hath laid mo eggs then a few, both in that North, and in the South, in the West, and East parts,& in every corner through out your realm, of Treasons, that stand not( as mine Aduersaries pretended treasons do) in sayings, ●urmises, devises, and reports: but in doings, in fac●s, and in common known actions, of which no man justly shal plead ignorance.  

The Q. circumvention.  Your Q. therfore resting& reposing her self( now beginning to reign) chiefly vpon the confidence and counsel of these two new broumes newly brought in,& sweeping al clean, as they seemed: you will not deny, I suppose, but that she was wrought& seduced( against her own affection than,& against the aduise both of her nobility,& faithful oldest seruants, forthwith to intrude into the Spiritual Dominion, and to usurp to herself the chief Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, to change the Religion both in substance and show, to set up a new party& Faction, with the rejection of the former that she found:& so consequently from time to time after, to prosecute& follow the same than begun, by what so ever else appertained thereunto, and was by those two thought meet, for that maintenance therof.  
And this is it, 
Womanish Primacy is the three, and sinon, the Hen.  that I call the Stem, the stock,& body of the three of Treasons, that spreadeth& bringeth forth the Branches& fruits, of which I shal hereafter entreat: in which Stem& trunk( being rotten at hart, hollow within,& without sound substance) hath our spiteful Pullet laid her ungracious eggs, mo than a few:& there hath hatched sundry of them, and brought forth Chickens of her own feather, I warrant you. A Hen I call him, as well for his cackeling, ready& smooth tongue, wherein he giveth place to none) as for his deep& subtle arte in hiding his Serpentine eggs from common mens sight:& chiefly for his h●nnish hart& courage, which twice already hath ben well proved, to be as base& deject at the sight of any storm of adverse fortune, as ever was hens hart at the sight of a Fox. And had he not been by his Confederate, as with a dunghill cock, trodden as it were, and gotten with egg: I doubt, whether ever his Hennish hart joined to his shrewd wit would haue served him, so soon to put the Q. green and tender state in so manifest peril and adventure.  
And that thus she was induced to do without cause or need for her own parte, let it be considered, that neither the Pope, nor other Prince, papistical subject, nor none else, at home, nor abroad, had any way attempted any least practise against her, neither for her succession before she came to the crown: to unquiet her entry, when she should come to it: nor to disturb her, when she was in it: nor no least murmur, grudge, nor want of satisfaction, found in any of her people, that might, ●eeue colour or shadow o● fear, or mistrust.  
And withall, let it be remembered, that to uphold and maintain her in the course and trade of the old Religion of her progenitors, which she found established( against any attempt of heretics, that by example of Her Sisters molestations might be mistrusted) shee found assured, and had in a readiness both the same people at home, 
The Q. pillars in the old religion. & the same Princes abroad: that even than lately and freshly had miraculously( it must be so confessed) recovered and wrong it out of the jaws, as it were,& power of the heretics, that before by tyranny possessed and oppressed it, and that with an evident demonstration of Gods special favour, and allowance of that Religion.  
For syns it can not be denied( by them that in their heartes aclowledge any God) but that God more respecteth the right Religion, 
Q. Mar●e called to the crown for Religions sake.  the true faith,& the soul of man, than he doth the earth of the country, the bodies of the people, or their lay and civil governance: Law also& Reason telling us, that the chief intention of every Act must be presumed and deemed to be for the principal sequels and effects that follow it: and every man seeing, that the chief& most effectual consequence of Q. Marie● miraculous coming to the crown, was the restitution of the old Religion: it must necessary be concluded, the more for the Religions sake, then either for herself, or her people, she was by Gods mighty& miraculous power brought unto her crown.  
Well, the Religion notwithstanding being altered, as you haue heard: we are now first to see& search out some of the fine devises( for al no man knoweth, but her self, nor she can now remember) used by these two Synons, to draw and invite her to the change thereof: than to consider of the truth,& untruth of the persuasions, and after to examine, who gained, and made most profit of the same. But the persuasions passing in secret between her& them, I can therefore come to know but few of them,& may thereby perhaps not speak of the chiefest: of those, I mean, that contained the suttlest and deepest hidden circumuentio●s of all the rest. nevertheless those that I shall here speak of( being such as are publik●ly known) shall suffice, I ●rust, to induce your ●ueenes memory, to remember many mo: and her wisdom, to discern the fraudulent arts, by which she hath b●ne abused.  

The five 〈◇〉 arts to draw 〈◇〉 to the ●●●nge.  And for the first of them I put thi●, that by persuading her falsely, that the most reverend Prelate Cardinal pool( b●ing for learning and virtue the light and star of your Nation) with diuers of Q. Maries counsel, had made in her time certain assemblies and conferences about this Q. deprivation, which was never thought on: they wrought,& won her, to hold al that old council suspected, and to remove them all, one& other, saving three, or four of the Noblest by birth( whom partly for fear, and partly to countenance them, that had no countenance of their own) they kept as signs without substance, for any Authority they had. And by this they two became chief Gouernours of the affairs, put themselves i● possession of the chiefest offices of the realm, and had Authority to dispose the rest at their devotion.  
By bearing her falsely in hand, that the Catholiks of her realm were not to be trusted, as persons not satisfied in the question of her Mothers marriage: they obtained the alteration of Religion, the vaca●ion of the bishoprics& Spiritual promotions, to feed themselves, and the base rabble they brought with them, and the ●rection of a new party Protestant, whereof themselves might be Heads.  
By persuading her falsely, that her State at home was not secure, that the King of spain aspired to her crown, and by promising her the recovery of Calice by an other mean: they seduced her, rather to give over that town, which then might haue ben had, then to be beholden to the King of spain for any thing,& made her believe, that her gain should be the greater with the loss of that town, to establish her new party and faction at home, against the dangers of her State( whereof they seemed to stand in fear): then with the recovery of that town, to continue the Regiment and Religion in which shee found it. For the dishonour of the lack of that town should redound( said they) to the queen her Sister: the recovery of i● now should redound more to the King of Spaines honour, then to h●r own, and the recovery of it hereafter( whereof they assured her) should be to her own glory, and no mans else.  
By pretending al mildness in Religion, and that they meant not to constrain any ma●s conscience, that would live quietly, were he never so catholic: they obtained of her( against her own affection) the pretended establishment of the schism by Parliament, and penalties to be put, by colour of Law, vpon cases of Religion. The performance and true meaning whereof every man now seeth and fe●leth, either by himself, or by some friend of his. For what family is there found among you so mean, as hath not had some of his kindred, alliance, friends, or seruants, called by letters, vexed with process, arrested by Officers, polled by Keepers, convented by Commissioners, fined, imprisoned, entangled by bands, publicly arraigned, or forced to flee, and one way or other impoverished, to the notorious decay of himself, and al his, for hearing of mass, for not coming to Communion, for refusing their oath, for absence from schismatical sermons& service, or for but speaking in defence of the catholic faith.  
As the ●irst Serpent tempted with ambition the first Maiden eve, to eat of the forbidden Apple, by telling her, that she should thereby be made like unto God, by knowing good and il: even so did th●se S●rpentes tempt this virgin by a like to intrude& entangle herself in the ecclesiastical ministery, by telling& assuring her, that if shee would begin it,& give the President: al the Princes her neighbours would follow her therein, for the spoil and gain that went annexed therewith. Whose example nevertheless no Prince can yet be found, that will imitate or embrace.  

fruits o● that three, bitter to your queen and realm.  Now when they had by these arts& devises,& by other mo like not so publicly known, wrought her and brought her to this intrusion of herself into that spiritual Regiment& change of Religion: let us consider a little( before we proceed to the rest) what the same carried& comprehended in itself: what branches, I mean, this hollow trun●k& three hath uttered& spread forth,& what difference of fruits your Q.& her Catil●es haue gathered thereof.  
In that went necessary included that separation of herself from the unity and amity of the Sea apostolic, and the making of the same a new enemy, which always had been an old friend to her State and crown: who being a State absolute that can never die, nor leave his heir an infant, and being of such account with all Princes that profess Christes name, that who so hateth most his office, is yet glad of his friendship: the rash renouncing o● the amity thereof, may more import her, then all the English Sect of sinon can profit or avail her.  
In that went away the ministry and service of all the Bishops and principal Clergy of her realm,& of infinite numbers of the gravest also of the lay nobility. of whose service she deprived herself, by presuming to that spiritual pre-eminence, in which such as were careful of conscience, and fearful to offend, would bear no function, but with any temporal loss, did choose to yeld their ministry in the common Wealth to them that would take it. whereof ensued that necessary suppliyng o● those places with them, that were greedy& hungry of living& credit, whereof before they had neither of both:& the smart therof every man feeleth, though few perceive, from whence it cometh. By that a contention& pike was put between the two obediences, that every of her catholic subiects oweth: the one to God, the other to her: whiles those two Authorities did so severely exact, 〈◇〉 contrary and opposite things, the one vpon pain of eternal damnation, the other upon loss of present life. Which was an intolerable clog to every Christian conscience, and must therefore needs engender some decay of the ●eruent affection that the catholics had towards her, who were then the strongest, and her most assured party.  
In that,& not till then, went away the hope of the recovery of Calice, which till then could not be said to be lost, because the warres remained open as well for it, as for the rest: which was a more necessary ornament for that crown, then these Catili●es seem to account it.  
In that alone went also contained a di●ision of herself( in a sort) from al the other Princes her neighbors of Itali●, spain, France, Flanders,& Scotland, yea& of germany too, in such form as it was: whereby she( whose Progenitors w●re wont by one line to draw with the other Princes their Peers, their equals,& confederates) hath now aparted herself from them al, draweth by a neither, yea by a contrary line against them al. Shee receiveth, that they reject: she planteth, that they grub up: she maintaineth, that they repress: and contemneth, that they adore. And how can this possibly s●ande and concur with that hearty amity, that assureth Princes in their States? Or can it be denied, that every Prince is not that stronger, for the faithful friendship of his confederates? Or were her Progenitors forced( for their own safety) to seek those foul shifts, that haue in her name and behalf been sought out, in every country about her? The practices used to uphold thenterprise hitherto, do make plain demonstration of short continuance of such amity.  
In that, was also contained a general change of the whole face of her common weal: the discrediting, the abasement, and the impoverishing of all, in more or less, whom she found established in credit, Authority,& governance: and likewise the aduancement of the inferior and base sort to Dominion and rule.  
In that, went comprehended, her great infamy, and dishonour: as by all foreign Nations presently, and by all perpetual Histories at home& abroad( more for these mens fault, then for her own) to be accounted, called, written, and recorded by those odious terms, and repro●heful Epithets, that persons condemned for heresy& schism haue ben wont to hear: And with the skorneful nicknames of a Shee-headde, a Breetchelesse Head, and a dumb Head of the Church by S. Poules prescription: to the manifest diminution of that reverend estimation, that is dew to her, by Parentage, as a Kings daughter: by dignity, as a Q. and by profession, as a Christian.  
In that was the seed sown, and the foundation laid, whereupon inevitably must ensue her Excommunication, if she persisted. The weight of which yoke I leave to be considered by the Histories and Presidents of times past, yea and by their own startling, storming,& raging thereat, that seem unto her most to contemn, and to make least of it.  
In that, went included her violent union with her two Machia●ellians: to whom from thence forth by plain ●orce and constraint she was coupled and tied, to cleave and lean to them, for better, for worse: and might no more without prejudice depart from them after, than he that leaving the dry land, sitteth in the water vpon an other mans back, may leave him that carrieth him, without weeting his skin. Which practise is more perilous to a Prince( if it be deeply considered) than at the first face it appeareth.  
In this, was necessary comprehended the creation of a new Crew, and the setting up of a party Protestant, not appearing before: who being come to the height of their pride, obey her no more now, then they do the Pope, nor no more esteem her commandements, then his Canons, in what so ever her pleasure impugneth theirs: but will haue their own ways, by force or by arte, in short time, be the same never so diuers, variable,& contrarious. Whereof let the exaction of the oath, and the infinite vexations of her subiects for religion: yea, let the cross in her own chapel, the lights on the table there, the decent attire of Ministers, the Surplisses in their Synagogs, their field preachings, their secret lectures, and the infinite differences of Sects, of services, and forms of Religion used in corners,& known to all men, give trial and testimony.  
And in the setting up of that party, goeth plainly included the derogation and danger( if not the subversion, and overthrow) of all nobility, yea of the chief work& Princes themselves. whereof Flanders and France, Scotland and England are already witnesses to every man that hath any wit or discourse. For the substance and effect, which you see already ●ully wrought in Scotland,& almost halfendell in France by plain violence and force: the same you see by arte compassed in England, and hath ben by both so proudly assayed, that it lacked not much to ha●e ben brought to pass in Flanders. In which three realms, of Scotland, England,& France( properly to speak) the several confederates and faction of every Country do chiefly govern and reign: though a King in the one, a Q. in the other, and a child in the third, do keep the names and show, God knoweth how little while some of them shall.  
In that goeth also contained such a corruption of her people at home, as in short time threateneth plain inci●ilitie and barbarous manners: whereof both the Histories, and present estates of Afrike, Greece, Boheme, and Hungary do give manifest proof. And Germany also( for the small time that is ronne, sins it fell thereunto) doth witness the same notoriously: to all them, I mean, that did know that country and people before their defection, and haue been conversant with them since, of whom there are yet great numbers li●ing.  
Yea England itself( if tr●eth mai● be confessed) doth so plainly prove it, for their little time, as will admit no contradiction: if the general manners of the multitude now, be compared with their conditions in Q. Maries time, which was but yesterdai● to speak of. The difference whereof is so notable to all foreigners, that than li●ing among you haue for eight or ten yeares been absent from you, and be now returned to you again: that they seem to find, as it were, a new Land, a new Nation, new laws, new customs, and manners,& plainly a new face and aspect of the people.  
Yea, go yet a little nearer, and if thou be indifferent, I will demand none other judge but thyself, of the difference, that thou findest between the modest manners of them, that are yet such catholics among you, as the time and place will permit, and the unbridled light conditions of the professed Protestantes generally: between the fideli●ie of the one, and the unfaithfulness of the other: between the sincerity of the one, and the craft of the other: and between the bridled fear of conscience in the one, and the insolent impudency of the other. The notorious odds whereof in so short time do make manifest demonstration, whereunto it tendeth and must come, in the revolution of a few yeares mo.  
Finally in this was contained a kind of exchange or barter, as they call it: wherein renouncing to confided upon the assured fidelity of her learned clergy, of her ancient nobility,& of her catholic party at home( that in al things obeied her without exception) shee accepted for the same the painted promises of her upstart Protestantes, that obeied her no longer, then till their party were of strength.  
And for the foreign and ancient entier amity, that she had with the Sea apostolic, with the Emperour, and with al the Princes of italy, spain, France, Flanders and Scotland, she accepted the amity of a Condie, an Orange, a lodowick, a Murrey, a Murton, and a French Admiral: that haue hitherto let fall by the way, al that ever learned and reasted upon them.  
These now being the profits and fruits that your queen and country haue reaped and gathered of this three of mutation: let us see, what other fruit it hath yielded to the devisers themselves, and to their friends and faction, 
The sweet● fruits of that three, for sinon and his mates.  that haue been the drawers of your queen, to the planting thereof: and whether their own private turns be thereby no better served, then hers, nor their own a●arice& ambition no better advanced, then she, her crown, or realm are strengthened. ●● be to frivolous and vain to abuse any wise man. For they the under King Henry were as catholic, as the six Articles required: that under King Edward were such Protestants, as the protector would haue them: that under Q. mary were catholics again, even to creeping to the cross: and that under Q. Elizabeth were first Lutherans, setting up Parker, Cheiny, Gest, Bill. &c. than calvinists, advancing grindal, Iuell, horn &c. then Puritans, maiteining samson, Deering, humphrey, &c. and now( if no● Anabaptists, and Arrians) plain Macchiauellians: yea, they that persuade in public speeches, 
Sinons table talk treason to God.  that man hath free liberty to dissemble his Religion, and for authority do allege their own examples and practise of feigning one Religion for an other in Q. Maries time( which containeth a manifest evacuation of Christes own coming& doctrine, of the Apostles preaching& practise, of the blood of the Martyrs, of the constancy of al Confessors: yea and of the glorious vain deaths of al the stinking Martyrs of their innumerable Sects of heretics, one& other, having always taught, the confession of mouth to be as necessary to salvation, as that belief● of hart): shall these men now be admitted to plead conscience in religion? And can any man now be coosyned so much, as to think, that these men by conscience were than moved to make that mutation?  
And, as for the fear of the French, I need not detain you, or stand thereupon. For the Discourser of the marriage intended between the Duke of Norf. and the Q. of Scotland hath sufficiently( and in that parte truly) satisfied all men, and delivered us of all fear of oppression by the French, by allegation of the policies of Burgundy and spain: though there were no more to be said unto it.  
And thus having seen, that this mutation of the Religion( made not for conscience, nor for any cause or need of your queens parte) her coosyning Councellors haue gained to themselves and their Faction honour, and Authority, richesse, revenues, credit and strength in the highest degrees every way: and your queen contrarily nothing but damage& dishonour, decay of amity abroad, less assured at home, among her catholics less loved then before, 
Q. Eliz. award at 40. yeres old.  among her heretics now contemned more then ever, and in fine, keeping the name of queen to herself, circumvented to yeld unto them the substance and effect of all Kingly Dominion: this being seen, I say, by them that will aclowledge the sight of that they see, to be al the fruits hitherto hatched of that mutation, and common reason teaching us withal, to deem and presume the intention of every enterprise by the principal effects that follow vpon it: we must conclude, that purposely they did draw your Q. by subtlety unto that attempt, that containeth in it her own detriment and prei●dice of her realm, to serve thereby their own turns, to advance themselves and their needy Faction, and to quench a little the thirst of their own private avarice and ambition.  
And if this much may be seen in so few( for hard it were to show you al) of the deep deceits& subtle circumuentions used to seduce her, to renounce the ancient Religion of al her progenitors, if this much may be seen by the manifest prejudice proved to be grown to herself thereby, if this be to be seen by the peril already appearing to depend vpon the realm for the same, and if this also be sene by the notorious aduancement of the private procurers thereof: what would appear, trow ye, if the hidden& secret practices, known to none but to herself& to them, might once come to light? And how evident& odious would it appear, if al the detriment●s and perils of hers●lf and her realm,& al the private gains of these ungracious Guides could be called to memory,& set down by writing, as fully and effectually, as every man seeth them?  
But being plain enough to them that will see any thing, 
xii●●. other eg●es lai●d by that Hen.  let us now proceed to see, what eggs our unhappy Hen hath laid in this hollow three, yea what Chickens shee hath hatched there, or rather what other branches& fruits of like sap& sauo●r this unsavoury three hath budded& brought forth,& what harvest in the end it giveth hope of.  
If I should begin to rehearse in particular 
A lying Regim●nt.  any of the infinite numbers of impudent lies published by authority in the time of these mens government, to claw ●●ching ears, to blind simplo sights, to slander catholics, to bely Princes, and by abusion to hold the world occupied with cra●ts and vanities, from looking into the practices of these Coniurators: ●he number of them are so infinite, that neither should I find end, when I had begun them, nor could tell of which to make choice before other( when all be so impudent and of importance) nor the tenth, no not the twentieth of them that present themselves unto my pen, would this place permit to be expressed unto you.  
I must therefore remit the considerations of them to your own memories, and pray you to re●ewe the sundry printed Pamphlets, Proclamations, Libels, Letters, Rithmes, and other like things sent out among you: and to remember● what hath been told you by them, and otherwise of the warres of Le●th, and newhaven, of the Rebellions in France, Flanders, and Scotl● of the Lott●rie in London, of landing of the King of Spaines money, of the sundry Treaties of your Q. marriage, of the Papists practices, of prohibiting pirates from the Ports, of these present troubles, of the Dukes of Alua& Guise, of the Duke of Norf. of the Q. of Scotl. of them that were suborned to be apprehended, some with balls of wildefire, and some with daggs, and hired to co●fesse, that they should haue burned London, and killed great folkes, first for show im●risoned, and ●han dismissed and rewarded:& finally of the delays of restitution between the low countries& you, and of infinite other like devises:& thereupon to deem indifferently,& to aclowledge what you find, and you shall see, I doubt not, that with lies they began, with lies they go forward, and still do maintain one lye with an other.  
But to come to some of their particular facts, 
Uniuersall rebellion.  among other who can plead ignorance, how often they haue by lying abused their Princes name and authority, to sow sedition, and to raise Rebellion in France, Flanders, and Scotland: to the touch of her Honour and famed in the world abroad: to the danger of the quietness of her State, when those Princes shal find themselves able,& think the time meet to reuenge or reform it: and to the passing consumption of the nobility in al those Countreys.  
Who seeth not, what infinite ●umines of money by lying persuasions haue ben won from your Q. carried out of your realm, 
Consumption of treasure.  and that ways employed: as well for corrupting the subiectes of those countries by present money& pensions to renounce their allegiance, as for waging the Rebels and souldiers that haue been in arms: namely that Condy, Duke Dewponts, the admiral, and other in France: to Orange, Lodouike,& others in Flanders: to I ●amess, Lineux, Morton and others in Scotland: to the great diminishing of her own treasures, and to the great impoverishing of the whole realm.  

Exa●●ions.  Who hath not tasted and felt to his cost the new inuent●ons to pill your people for these purpos●s:&( bysides accustomend Subsidies, fifteens, and lones) to levy new exactions of them by forcible Tasking and Collections, under false names of Lotteries, of Building of Poules Steeple, of charity for the afflicted brethren, and such other feigned titles, employed to the raising and maintenance of Rebellion in all provinces adjoining.  
Yea, who can hope for better, 
Synons accustomend similitude.  where the chief Manager of your affairs professeth, the yearly fleesing of the subject by extraordinary payments to be as necessary a policy for the Prince, as is the yearly shearing of the sheep a needful provision for the subject?  
Who can deny, that( which experience hath shewed) of the falsehood of that persuasion, 
Foes of friends.  whereby they induced your Q. to lay hands vpon the king of Spaines money, for payment of that French Rebels, and to spoil his subiects ever sins, as by way of Preoccupation, to injury him before hand, that meant to oppress her, as they lyengly said: whereof three, yea thirteen years experience hath given good proof. And whereby they haue not only violat●d the old League long continued between your Q. and him: her realm, and his countries: but also made her amity vnassured with the mightiest and sincerest friend, that she had vpon ●arth.  
And who beholdeth not with tears the lamentable praies, 
Catholik●s the pray of Protestants.  that mutually you make one of an other, among yourselves: whiles for thirtine yeares time, or more, al your Catholiks haue been good praies for your Protestants: and thereby the strongest Party of your people infinitely more weakened, then the weaker sort be strengthened. The bare and needy Brethren, that by the spoil of the Papists ●re set up, being in credit or force nothing comparably advanced to the others decay in number and strength. And like as of this every man fe●leth more or less, by himself or his friend( by loss● of Lands, Rents, ready money, Pensions, offices, or credit in his country) even so shall both your Prince& realm find want of it, if ever God permit them to feel the force of any foreign enemy, unless it be in time prevented.  
Can any man be fo●nd so blind, so popular and unnatural, 
●aste of No●●litie.  that seeth not, and bewaileth not with tears the blood, the wasting and consumption of your ancient nobility both in number, in wealth, in credit among your people, and in authority with your Prince? Whiles these base men( holding the Key of both in their hands) derive thereof little or nothing to any that are more Noble then themselves: but do participate all in effect unto the base or needy sort, to raise a nobility of their own quality and constitution, and to be sure of them against a day of service to come.  
And who perceiveth not the great weakening of your Princes strength and State thereby? 
herself weakened.  For( bysides that every Princes chief security reas●eth in the loyalty and habilitie of his Nobles) your queen being herself of no new risen Race: her surety must be presumed( by al common preferrment) to consist more in the confidence of her ancient nobility, whose parentes haue been nourished under her progenitors, then vpon a new nobility, that accounteth y● thank of their advancement to be due rather to those that rule her, and preferred them, than unto herself, whom they reckon to be but the hatchet in the workmans hand.  
And who seeth not most evidently, that these Catilines haue been the cause of drawing the Excommunication out against her? 
Excommunication.  Is it not well known, that they only haue holden her from admitting the access of all the Popes legates and Nuncios so often sent fro Rome into Flanders and France, 

carded. Ferr●te.  
The abbot Martinigo. The abbot. S. Salute.   frindely to admonish her, and charitably to move her, to reconcile herself to the unity of the Church, and to join in Religion with the other Christian Princ●s, and with them to govern her people by one Faith and Doctrine, according to the steps of her Progenitonrs? Haue not these men. I say( for fear of the decay of their own private Dominion that might haue ensued thereby) so rejected that, which should haue been her safety, that they made her not only to deny a●dience unto them, but likewise to comtemne the sundry friendly motions both of the Emperours ferdinand and Maximilian, and of the Kings of spain and France, made unto her for some permission to haue been granted to the Catholiks of her realm? Yea haue they not vpon those motions more rigorously increased the severe searches& scrutinies, and executed more sharp penalties( above and against law) towards every catholic, that in any corner, never so secret, could be found to haue used the liberty of his conscience, in hearing of mass, were it but twice in a year?  
And did not the Sea apostolic for twelve yeares time suffer this contempt, in hope and expectation of better? And could he( without some note of omitting his duty and office, any longer forbear, autentikely to declare to the world, that contumacy to be within the Censures of the church? And can this work any less, then her manifest infamy in all Christian Nations, which esteem that A●thoritie? And doth not this contain some prejudice and derogation to her State and security, by danger of foreign correction: unless she return, I meane● or ha●e some more privilege, then any Christian Emperour, or King ever had before her? Let the Stories tell ●ou: and not to trouble you with many, namely those of the late king of Nauarre, and of your own King John her own progenitor. Yea, containeth it not her plain weakening& vnsuretie at home? Where( whiles she thus persisteth) Christs ordinary authority vpon earth( being the Supreme judge of all obedience among Christian men) hath set her Christian subiects free, from obeying her for Conscience sake.  
I will not here say what further, but for the rest do refer thee to the Presidents and examples of all Christian Princes and Nations excommunicated before her. Of which I wish thee by thine own reading to make thyself I●dge, and not to trust to these mens impudent expositions and gloses: but vpon thine own perusing of the sequels ensued( in few yeares to speak of) to every excommunicated Emperour, King, or country, that persisted obstinate: be thyself judge, whether it shalbe wisdom or policy for your queen, to trust to these machiavellians light regard and estimation made therof.  
Neither is it obscure to men of any insight, that these Carlines do prepare& make themselves ●trong for a day that they look for ere it be long. 
Their ow●● strength.  What other can their fortifiyng of themselves and their Party every way portend: but that they will be in case to govern the Prince, and dispose the realm at their pleasure and devotion?  
Let it be considered, what numbers of foreign Nations, 
floods of foreiner●.  for Rebellion& heresy ●led out of other countries, are drawn into your realm: yea and under those Titles what multitudes of pirates, th●eues, m●rderers, Churche-Robbers and idle vagabunds be flocked thither by ●eapes. behold their placing& planting in s●ndry parts, even in the hart and bowels of the country. And soberly way it, what it may import you, to haue amidst among you forty or fifty thousand Strangers( I speak far within the compass of wisemens account) in readiness always, to be employed to any sudden exploit● among you, I mean, that are by these Catilines purposely divided into factions among yourselves( some for Religion, and some for Succession)& your captain Coniurators so provided, that they will haue the disposing both of their own Party, of the indifferent sort, and of the foreign forces wholly at their own design●ment. This being deeply weighed, manifestly implieth an intention both to make a question among you, ere it be long: and to ouerwey the same also, on which side so ever the contrivers of the devise shall apply themselves.  
joint unto this their Leagues with the French, 
League with Rebels and pirates.  flemish and Scottish Rebells, with the preparation they haue made to haue all the pirates persons& vessels( in effect) of this parte of Europe, collected together vpon the English seas:& with the liberty of the use of your Ports( for sale of their spoils& stolen goods) to be waged, hired, and in ordinary service, as it were, of those captain pirates, that by bribes rob them that haue robbed al others: wh●rby to the infamy of your realm is verified and confirmed the infamous prophecy that said: Anglia e●it meretrix, malorum omnium nutrix. And being thereby accounted the Nest& Den of those theeues, that live by the spoil of all other Nations, it remaineth subject and in danger to answer the same at one time or other, if not by restitution, by way of reuenge: or else with such charge to itself, by standing on her own guard, as will be over heavy for the country to bear.  
At home likewise apparent it is, how they provide every way to make themselves strong there also. 
Their own Alliance.  For being by their own marriages allied already to the house of suffolk of the blood royal, and by consequence thereof to the house of Hartfoord also,& their children thereby incorporated to both: mark you, how now by marriage of their children, with wily wit& wealth together, they wind in your other noblest Houses unto them that are left, I mean, in credit and countenance.  
Consider likewise, how at their own commendation and preferment, they haue erected, as it were, almost a new half of your nobility( of whom also they haue reason to think themselves assured) and the rest than( that were out of hope to be won to their faction) behold, how by sundry fine devises they are either cut of, worn out, fled, banished, or defaced at home.  
And add unto this, how they preserve and save harmless all their own friends& Alliances in all Criminal causes that do occur, and in judicials prefer them, with the injury of any third whatsoever, that will not with money bye his just sentence. By which mean they may hope( when their day shall come) to find that, that is commonly found every where: that is to say, that affection for kindred sake shall bear more sway, th●n the respects to God, or to Iustice shall be able to resist. And let your Q. consider, whether the end of this practise do tend more to her strengthening and securiti●, or to their own.  
again, he that willingly winketh not against that, 
The Re●lmes force in their hands.  that every man seeth, must needs perceive, and( having any wit) can not but consider, what goeth comprehended in the making of themselves mighty and stro●g in money, plate, jewels, armor, and other short treasures, by their long Bribery, corruption, and sale of Iustice. How rich their Bishops& ecclesiastical Ministers be● by long possessing al the spiritual Promotions of the realm, and by spending little or nothing therof. And further, that in their own hands, their friends,& Faction remain al the Offices of the realm, the charge of all the Ports, the keeping of all the Fortresses, the Princes treasure, armor& Munition, together with the whole navy, which are the only walls& bulwarks of that island. And these points being laid and considered together: who seeth not, that in their hands they haue both that Prince present, the Succession to come,& the whole realm to dispose at their will?  
And will you see the same yet better proved? 
words may deceive.  yea, by their own confessions, if mens facts and doings can not be d●nied to be far the more surer& truer vtterers of the secrets of mens harts and meanings, then are their smooth tungs, and dissembled words. Let us therefore now consider their manifest attempts made against the crown itself.  
Let us behold, 
Their deeds speak, that they crow at the crown.  how lustily they haue assailed the same, daily more and more, and now of late specially, finding your Q. beset round about with fears& dangers prepared by themselves, meetely well weakened of all frindeship at home, and abroad: the country( what for Religion, and what for Succession) divided into Factions and parts: and themselves withall now in strength every way. Let us see, I say, what other eggs this Cockatrice hath now laid, and well satin on, till the Cockerell chickens be quick in the shell, that shall crow at the crown itself.  

Eng. and Sco. in their way.  remembering therfore, that Ambition abideth not any ordinary time, and that both the Houses& lines of King Henry of Eng. and of his Sister Q. Margaret of Scotl.( the one reasting presently in your Q. that now is, and the other in the queen of Scotl.) were opposite objects, and as plain impediments did lye in their way against their purpose of bringing the crown immaturely to the third House of suffolk, unto which themselves are united, and their children incorporated: and would prevent also the last refuge, which is by their own force& friends to be able( in case that family of suffolk by any accident should quail, and be repelled) to give the regal chair to whom they list, finding, I say, these two Houses& Lines to stand strongly in their way: we haue now to see and consider, what arts and devises haue been used, to cut of and extinct them both.  
And perceiving that the queen and Line of Scotl. for many respects was more easy to be removed and cut of( by Parliament, by pining imprisonment, or by plain force and violence) than was your Q. and House of England, 
Description of the Q. of Engl.  which reasted in a faire young lady of goodly parsonage, of rare beauty, of singular wit of excellent qualities, learned, languaged, rich,& mighty in Dominion, and thereby so likely to mary& to haue children, that less could not be looked for,& that the rather for the earnest motion and labour that the greatest Prince of Europe did make even at the first to join with her in marriage, and for the other daily offers and solicitations made by all other Personages of account, both at home, and abroad that haue been to mary these fourteen yeares ●ime, to haue matched with her: and finding withall, that the cutting of of the house of Scotland would little avail them, and that their final purpose should be little or nothing advanced thereby, if that Line and House of England should by Succession continue and increase: and perceiving no way, how by violence to make an end of that of England without their own present ruin and fall, till themselves and their Party were stronger: the de●ise therefore restend, and concluded in this.  

The plate to remove both.  First by arte and policy to make that queen and House of England so to waste and consume itself, that in, and with that person of herself, that whole Line of hers might finish: and withal to compass her( being the greatest and principal of the two) to be the instrument of the extirpation of the other, either by colour of law, by appearance of polici●, or by plain force.  

Three seuera●l assaults against the ●ine of England.  This being the perfit, they found no better way to compass the same, then by of●en laying before her many crafty and s●ttle arguments, and many false reasons( for want of matter in fa●te) to keep her in ●eare of her own State, as though the same were dangerous: to make her believe, that still she stood in peril of rebellion by her Catholiks: of the King of Spaines aspiring to her crown: and of the Q. of Scotl. competency with her for the same, by the help of the French, with whom she was mightily allied, as they pretended.  
By often and crafty inculcation of these colourlesse dangers unto her, as if she had been beset round with perils on all sides, and sure of no Prince to stick unto her, they obtained for themselves increase of credit, as careful Councellors for her security: 
To hold the queen unmarried.  and persuaded withall, that there was none assured pillar for her to lean unto against all events, but to keep herself free, to hold herself unmarried: and what so ever she pretended, never so often, and to whom so ever, yet to retain her marriage in her own hands to be disposed by herself, when any extremity should so require. For by that only( said they) she should be able always to make her peace, to preserve her own State, and to draw to her party what Prince she would: bysides that by pretending to mary now here, now there, and no where in deed, she should always with the hope thereof so feed every foreign Prince, that she should thereby be able, both to encounter any storm rising towards herself, and to advance what so ever purpose she listed else.  
This, you must consider, asked crafty conveyance, and fine subtle means of utterance( least by persuading it grossly, her wisdom might haue perceived the meaning) and therfore at times between they haue often interlaced pretences of preferring some few of the many motions that haue been made unto her for marriage: and with appearance of words& looks, and of feigned reasons faintly laid forth, haue wished to see some Succession of her own body. But in the end that boule hath allwai●s so come about to his bias, that neither Prince, nor subject, catholic, nor protestant could yet be found, in whom there was not seen either some notable imp●diment, or an other proponed to be meter, then he: to shift over the matter, that none at all might be had.  
Now examine a little, how this concurreth with her confidence reposed in th●m, and with th●ir pretences of the Honor, love and care, that they owe her, and haue of her.  
Can that man honour or love me, 
Treason to her person.  that desireth to see my Succession and posterity butted with my person? Can they love me, that procure for me the want and lack of them, that should be my chief surety and defence? What thing in this earth is, or can be so great a safety for the person of any man that hath possessions, as to haue children of his own, either natural, or adoptive? Your Q. is permitted to haue neither of both. And in whom is the fault, but in them, that first dissuaded her from marriage with the catholic, that every way was meetest for her: and n●ith●r can, nor will since find any Protestant, to supply the place?  
What other is this, but to kill her alive? What is it else, but with her body to bury her memory: and with her corps, to carry all her Succession unto her sepulchre? Yea, what is it else in deed and effect, but by extincting her race, to prepare way for an other, which they haue in store.  
pretend what they list by words and shows: th●se deeds speak manifestly, that h●r own life should not thus long haue escaped their hands, if they could haue won her consent, to haue made away the Q. of Scotl. whose person and Issue remaineth yet between them and th●ir designment.  
And by this fine art, they haue drawn your Q. to loose h●r youth vnfrutefully, until she be now in effect forty year●s old: and they being thereby in very great hope, that now she shall haue no succession of her own, having also gotten her next heir into prison( where not unlikely they hoped that by close air, by want of exercise, or by some disease she would haue died long ear this) and to rest in their power to make her die, when th●y list:& likewise having in the mean while made themselves strong( as ye haue h●rd) they now see their own w●bbe more th●n half woven,& therfore do begi●ne to proceed forward unto some other attempts, that reveal more& mor● their hidden intention.  
For being now more then half assured ( as they think) that though your Q. married to morrow, 
Dissinher●ting of the Cro●ne.  she should haue no children likely ●o live, but that herself thereby should rather be endangered: to pren●nt now, that none other should be declared nor accepted as her child by adoption, as heir by law, nor as Succ●ssour by right to the prejudice of their purpose: they haue by pretence of law compassed, that like as by arte they haue provided, she shall haue no Children naturally, ●uen so by Statute they haue prepared, she shal haue no heir judicially: lest there might be any left, when your queen shalbe dead, to reueng● the violence that shall hereafter be offered her, if she will not die by nature, when, or before that they think it time, to haue her remoou●d.  
Now look a little, good Reader, into this Law, and consider, whether ●uer there were public thing more pernicious to a Prince, or more noisome to a common Wealth? Hardly is there so mean a subject in your realm to b● found, as hath not one known heir or other, to succeed him in his goods, and by iustice to persecute any personal injury offered unto him. Only your Q. may now haue none. Who revengeth the Husbands murder, but the wife? Who the Fathers, but the child? And who the Uncles, but the Nephew, or they, that by Nature and Law are presumed to be nearest to the Parties injuried? And what must it portend, that this benefit is taken from your Q? How infinite are the examples in every Story, of them, whose deaths haue ben● hastened by want of having some known heir: whereby sundry competitors of their goods haue put themselves in several hopes to gain by their deaths.  
And if this hath been common in mean mens cases: how much more dangerous is it, and more assuredly to be looked for in a Princes case, whose crown can lack no competitors, and whose heir specially is laboured, yea enacted before hand to be doubted of,& unknown? For this m●●●th them, that think they haue good Titles, to hasten their claims: least by this lawe their interests may be brought into oblivion: and putteth them in hope, who had but weak Titles, and thought to haue given place to other, that if they can make themselves strongest, they may be preferred before them, that( before this lawe) had better interest then they, and by this law haue now as little as they: for it barreth all a like.  
And to your common Wealth, that never death, what can be more odious, more dangerous, and more unnatural: then so to disfournish it of a known heir, as to haue no mark of obedience nor allegiance left, whereupon the people may fix their eyes? Let the question be proponed, and see whether in the intention of that provision there can be, by any possibility, any other or less presumed: then a plain meaning and resolution, to bring the Cards to shuffling for the crown, now, when themselves be strongest, to the end that he that can win it, may wear it. For if the words of that Lawe be marked, it is evident, that the meaning of the Procurers thereof is, to haue( as well after your Q. death, as before) a pretence and colour of law to impeach all Interests and Titles to the crown what so ever: to the intent that( failing of their purpose to place the crown in their own family) no Title should be so clear, but that by colour of this lawe, there might be somewhat to say against it: whereby the trial& iudgement thereof may come to the sword: now, I say, when as they account themselves far the strongest party. And what this importeth unto all States& Degrees of the whole realm, I ween there is no man so simplo that s●eth not.  
If he said, that can not lye, that a kingdom divided in itself, can not stand: consider whether it be possible, to haue any greater division, then this Statute doth purposely prepare to haue. If in the end of King Henries viij. daies( who left behind him three Children) it seemed yet necessary for the safety and quietness of the realm, to haue declared mo Heires in succession( if God would haue suffered him to perform it): how opposite and contrario●s is this policy now, not only to ●stablish none, but to establish, that there shalbe none: not three, not two, no not one?  
In all ages hitherto by al the Princes that ha●e been,& by all their councils that haue served them, such care and respect hath been had to prevent civil division and sedition for the crown, that nothing hath been preferred, nor so sone provided for, as to make the Succession known: as foreseeing, that no one thing in the world can so so●e bring a realm unto ruin, as to leave the known heir in doubt. And now among you, not only an heir is not ●stablish●d, but your known heir is laboured to be made not known, and by special lawe pro●ided( yea under pain of Treason) that no heir at all shalbe known. And what doth this imply, but that the labourers and procurers thereof would haue with your queen the present Head of that Common Wealth, the whole common Wealth to die also:& with her death, that the whole Sate of the kingdom should perish withall?  
Bysides, consider how in this Law. they play the honest men with her in an other point: craftily to make the world hold her for infamous, and incontinent. For, in the prohibition of any heir to be name, they except only the issue of her body, 
An. 13. Reg. Eliz. cap. 1.  with the term and addition of natural. Which term being in your Statutes and judicial writings strange and unwonted, and in all other languages lying plain Bastards:& they, now purposely forsaking the accustomend words of your Law in such cases, by changing lawful, for natural: and by leaving the old usual words of lawful heir, lawful Children, or Children lawfully begotten, for the new term of natural issue, that in all languages signifieth bastardy: what other can be gathered of this( being spoken of your queen, that is unmarried) but that they would thereby covertly insinuate unto the world, that she hath, or mindeth to haue children natural, and not lawful? And is not this a token both of their small reverence,& less affection towards her?  
Beleeue not, I say, their gloses and false expositions: but let them either show you those terms of Natural Issue, to haue been used to signify in your Law writings, lawful Children: or else( what so ever their words shalbe) you plainly see, they haue herein played the very ones, even with her, whom they pretend so much to adore.  
Well, having now brought your Q. to this, 
Your Q. defences taken from her.  that neither by children of her own body, nor by any heir known they feel● any impediment, nor stand in any fear: behold, how now they come nearer unto her, even to the plucking of her principal feathers. He that intendeth to stock up a three by the roote, doth first hew and dig away, what so ever defences of earth● ston, or wood do grow or lye about the stemine.  
A Princes chief defence must be granted to consist chiefly in foresight of his peril by wisdom: in force of faithful friends to resist it, and in fear of Heires to reuenge it. And now behold, how the principalest of all these are by fine arts and devises pared and weeded away from your queen.  
Was there any man in that land for affection to her, more faithful and diligent: 
Sir Nicol●s Throgmorton.  for wisdom, more circumspectly, forecasting, and of deeper foresight: of counsel, more inuentiue, or of better consideration, then was sir Nicolas Throgmorton● And is not and finely weeded away from her?  
Consider, who by nature and affection was so nearly tied unto her, 
The Duke of norfolk.  who in al her services was so zealous and assured, and who with friends and force was so well able to defend her, as was the Duke of Norf? And mark you now the arte, by which he is also pared away from her.  
What child, what cousin, or what heir had she by blood and law, 
The Q. of Scotland.  so nere unto her, to succeed her, in the world, and so ready and able to reuenge any violence offered her, as was the queen of Scotland? And behold, whether she be not also weeded away from her: made sure enough, I mean, from persecuting any injury that shalbe offered to your Q. and brought into that state, that the offerers may be out of all fear of her. Yea rather see, whether they both, as mother and daughter, be not subject and in peril to receive one end( though not in one place, nor perhaps at one time) as did the two Hargills, Father and son.  
If Q. Elizabeth the widow of King 
Examples.  Edward the fourth in th'apprehensions of the Lords Riuers and Graies, did wisely and truly foresee the destruction of the young King her son: can not this Q. Elizabeth the Daughter of King Henry the eight( being a Paragon of wisdom among women) foresee, what is towards herself, when the Duke of Norf. and Throgmorton be taken from her? And did the other Q. a widow foresee, the death of her son to hasten and approach, when his young brother and heir might be suffered no where, but in the murderers hands: and can not this queen now( though a virgin for state, yet a widow for wisdom) foresee, how near her own end draweth, when her heir is already in the hands of them, that haue circumvented herself to extinct her own Line, and haue procured the others deprivation with the slaughter already of her husband and seruant? Doth queen mary of Scotland now plainly see, what james meant towards her, when he abused her so much as to make her deprive herself of the earl of Huntley: and will not Q. Elizabeth of England, by so fresh and manifest an example, be taught to see, what Sinon meaneth towards her, that circumuenteth her so much, as to make her to deprive herself of her cousin of Norf?  

Her defences removed, her impug●ers are secure.  Who about your Q. hath the head( now Throgmorton is gone) to meet with Sinons shrewd head, in the foresight of her safety, or in espiyng his false crafts? Who about her hath the force, the friends and zeal also, to defend her person, and to resist these Catilines malice, now the Duke of Norf. is gone? against them, I mean, that haue made themselves so strong. And who shall call those caitiffs to account( whiles the Q. of Scotl. remaineth in their powers, or when she shall be dead) for the force and oppression, that they shal offer your Q. which imminently now hangeth over her head?  
The Scottish Prince is an Infant, so( as bysides the hope they ha●e to make him away to) sure they think they are, by the death of yours, to reign& ●nioie their Dominion, whiles he is within age, at leas●: and in the time so to prepare also, that he shall never come to full age. To leave therefore the Q. of Scotl. in this maner a prisoner, at these mens order& deuotions to be made away at every sudden, is a plain promise and assurance to them of al security and indemnity, for murdering of your Qu●ene herself.  
As the queens of Scotl. life therefore is your queens preservation: and her strength, and good state, is your Q. surety and assurance: even so is the end of the Q. of Scotl. life, the entry and beginning of your queens death, if either history of things past, or probable judgment of things present may suffice to tell and teach her the truth of her own state at this day.  
And having now compassed in this maner the extincting of the House and Line of England, 
Now against the Line of Scotl.  and brought it even to the brink to be finally ended at every sudden, when themselves list( and which hath by likelihood no long time to tarry, now Norf. is gone, and the Q. of Scotl. ready to be gone after him): let us now s●e and examine some of these mens arts and attempts, by which they haue assailed the House and Line of Scotl. and how little that wanteth of utter extirpation and rooting out also, that their way may be plain and smooth to the House of suffolk their own family.  

Fi●e of the in●●nite Attempts against that Line.  For proof whereof I will not her● detain you with the rehearsal of the sundry attempts made unto your Q. sundry years past by Parliament, to haue removed& cut of that Family. Nor I will not hold you with remembrance of the occasion first taken, and quarrel picked, only vpon an arms made in scutcheons, at a Triumph in France: whereupon ensued the subornation of the whole nobility of Scotl. to revolt against their sovereign, the invasion with an Army into that country, the surprising of lithe, the rasing of the walls and Bulwarks therof, the expulsion of the French that were the security of the Princes State, the barbaro●s ruin of all the Monasteries, her subiects usurpation of the spiritual possessions,& temporal Dominion:& by degrees af●erward, sundry slaughters& murders, new invasions with English forces, the imprisonment of her person, her exp●lsion from her state,& other Tragedi●s many, of which the end is not yet seen.  
With these, I say, I shall not detain you: 
A pike put between th● 2. Que●es.  but begin I will with remembering unto you the assured amity and vnf●ined friendship that was between your Q. and her from the time of her return out of France, being a widow, until her marriage with the Lord Darley. Which amity continuing so many yeares with so many evident tokens of sincere meaning on both sides: I would now demand, what just cause of your queens fear, or mislike any man could see in that match and marriage. Only this, every man may see, was contained therein: that whereas before she was without Children,& these Catilines thereby assured, that with her own life her Line should finish: by this marriage now they found themselves prevented of that hope, whereupon ensued so cruel a persecution against the Q.& her husband, as giveth evidence to al men, that her chief offence was, in providing by marriage to haue lawful Succession.  
again, 
The ●onfed●r●tes ambition to reign.  being before her marriage in all matters of State subject to Ieames the Bastard( a third confederate Catiline with these two) whereby their monstrous imp of womanish and lay primacy newly planted, did spring and take roote in both realms: when she now with her marriage began to take the Regiment into her own hands, and to discover herself to be Catholikly inclined, these two points so pierced and struck these Catilines to hart, that the feud thereof is deadly and implacable for ever.  
For if she could haue been content, still to haue enjoyed the name of Q. only, and with her own life to haue ended her line( as your Q. giveth them hope that she will do for her part)& would stil haue suffered her Bastard Brother to haue reigned and ruled both her,& her realm, as his confederates yet do yo●rs: they had, no doubt, permitted her much longer, then they did.  
But when she had now by her marriage discovered her intention& meaning to be so fla●ly repugnant and contrarious to theirs, albeit to every wise and honest mans sight, that marriage had been your Q. security: behold, how than was renewed unto your Q. memory the buried matter of the arms made in France, and great dangers and fears pretended now again, and often, and subtly laid before her. And thereupon new ambassadors and Messengers sent into Scotland thick and threefold, 
A badge of Synons.  with letters and arrants of one sense to the queen, and secret Commission of co●trary practise to I●ames the Bastard and his confederates.  
Then went new plaits and devises to raise new rebellions: and they repressed, the Rebels in England succoured, by in●reatie from thence reconciled, money and pensions secretly promised, aied and succour ready prepared, her husband won to join with her enemies,& to consent to the murder of her counsellors: and he no faster won to this, then other were wrought to dispatch him: he abused with the bait to haue the State to himself: and they with the promises, that she should be enforced to marry the unknown murderer, when her husband were killed. Then her person imprisoned, and after their maner deposed: imprisoned, I say, first among her own traitorously, and then among you ( to whom she fled for succour) unnaturally.  
Al this appeasing yet nothing these Machiauels malice( because now shee had a Child, 
Infamies against the Q. of Scotland.  that lieth also in their way) out went than books and Libels, Letters, and Songs, rhymes and talks at every table: yea by tongues of authority to spot her honour, to reproach and defame her for an adulteress, a murderer, a Papist, a Competito●r of your crown, and whatsoever else could be thought on more odious. And with often inculcation thereof into your queens ●aress, 
Her dishe●ison by Parliament.  forget not, how vehemently shee was pre●sed( even at the jump) by whole parliaments two or three, one in an others neck, to declare her heir in succession of the crown: in hope, that if then they might haue obtained your Q. consent thereunto, it had not ben uneasy( as they had made their parts in both Houses) to haue set both her and her son byside the Cussion.  
That devise taking none effect neither, behold now an other, I wot not whether more impudently false, or more insatiably malicious. For having by plain rebellion deprived her of her State,& otherwise injuried her with the most loathsome& odious wrongs, that the devil of hel could devise: 
An other badge of his.  they now writ& print out to the world, that she is a Competitor of your crown, an enemy to your Q. a raiser of rebellions, a shedder of English blood, a caller in o● foreign forces,& finally charge her with conspiring& intending of the very same mischiefs against your Q.( who never tasted iote of them) that herself hath received through the suggestions of these Synons at your Q● hands. Which is a manifest& invincible argument, 
Treason t● both the Crou●es.  respecting the considerations of her person& theirs( she being by birth inheritable to the crown, of which they be born subiectes) that they mean to deprive her of her State and life too.  
An other plate also of the same kind is, this deadly persecution of the Duke of Norf. intended marriage with her: 
The betraying of Nor●.  specially being remembered, in what credit, honor,& reputation he was even with these caitiffs, until he discovered himself to owe some affection the way,& to yeld to the motions made unto him for marriage with her. Which proceeding first from your Nobility& council, and by them al( in effect) so well liked and allowed of, was, no doubt, so maturely ●igested: that there was nothing possibly to be found in it by any honest meaning man, that could any way haue prejudiced your Q. but sundry ways haue strengthened and advanced her security.  
But these Catilines, and those councillors looking with far different and unlike eyes: these vpon the queen, and realm, and right Succession: and they vpon themselves, and their private traitorous mark, made, as you s●e, far diuers and unlike constructions. whereupon( for their credit with your Prince above the others) hath ensued al this late lamentable tragedy: out of which marriage no indifferent man alive of common sense and intendment could haue sucked● nor wrested any doubt, fear, or suspicion towards your Q. respecting what was to be considered in the person of the man, and in the state of the woman: shee your queens near Co●yn, expulsed from her State, and so imprisoned in her custody, that her personal liberty, the recovery of her realm, her marriage, and whatsoever else should happily follow after, was al to be received at your queens hands, with what conditions& assurance so●uer herself would haue demanded: and he your queens nearest kinsman, of power best able to serve and defend her, in readiness and affection thereto, well proved to be inferior to none, a mere subject of England, no way allied to any foreign Prince, in Religion than a Protestant undoubted, and yet also, if the great ingratitude of these injuries hath not lately by grace opened the eyes of his heart. So as no colour of cause remaineth of mis●iking that match, other then, that the same might haue turned to the preservation and safety of that Q. and her succession, longer, then these Catiline Caitiues do intend shee shall li●e.  
It would be to long a work, 
Comp●risons between this tragedy ● that of K. Richard the third.  to peruse in this maner al the points attemted against her by these machiavellians, that do breath& spire out their fatal malice towards her. To be therfore as brief as I can, I shal put you in mind of the last tragedy of like nature and quality wrought among yourselves, by K. Richard the third, as the Stories make mention: compassed by like fraudulent, imp●dent,& monstr●ous means,& ended with that Tyrannical& bloody success, that this also threateneth& plainly portendeth.  
Uouchafe therefore with yourself to compare the maner& form, how the terrible mischief was contri●ed and wro●ght by steps& degrees, from a far time, before the end thereof appeared: with the maner& form of proceeding towards these great Princes, and other Noble personags now. And so shalt thou, I doubt not, see so much therein, as shall suffice to show thee in thine own concept, the whole substance& effect of that I mean to say in my next volume, if occasion shal require. And for thy help therein among the infinite resemblances that may justly be made between that Tragedy& this, I shall put thee in mind but of some few, to induce the rest that better unto thine own memory.  
Begin thou therefore with the pike that was put in the life of king Edwarde the fo●rth,& the stomach& tooth that was fead& maintained all his time between the two kindreds of himself& his wife. And unto that lay thou this suspicion now put,& this division now wrought by false persuasions, between your Q. that now is,& that Q. of Scotl. her next cousin& heir apparent.  
Remember that fine devises,& far fet policies used to cirumvent king Edward the fourth in making away his brother the Duke of Clarence, 
D. of Clarence.  vpon precense pf preventing the danger of his Children, and the troubles of his realm: but meant in dede, as to weed away that person, that the devisers of that Treason did foresee, might,& would be th'impediment of their final p●rpose. And compare thou that unto the sundry notable personages already made away( I will not say by your Q. commandment directly, but al the world witnesseth it to be by their practise, that haue used her name& authority to those plaits& devises) I mean, that several destructions of the Dukes of Norf. 
D. of Norf. & Guise, 
D. of Guise.  that L. Huntley, 
L. Huntley.  the Lord Darley, 
L. Darley.  the archbishop of S. Andrewes, 
Archbishop of S. Andrewes.  Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, 
Throgmorton.  and of david the secretary: 
david.  and the nearness there unto of others yet ly●ing, God knoweth how little while they shal. For let no man look for long life, that standeth in their way, if God prevent them not.  
Compare thou the first apprehension of the lords Riuers and Grayes, 

L. rivers  
L. Graies.   sir Thomas Uaghan, 
sir Tho. Uaghan.  and the rest of the Q. kindred than, with the soft and mild speeches at the first made of them,& sundry comforts given them, that al should be well: to blind and stay the multitude for a time, from seeing that at the first, that shortly followed after. Compare thou that( I say) with the first apprehensions of the Duke of norfolk, 
Norf.  the earls of Arundel and pembroke, 

●rund.  
Pemb.   the Lord Lumley& the rest, 
Lu●●●y.  with the quiet smoothing over of the same again for two yeares time, till now: and their deaths, to the deaths of them, that are yet to die, before this tragedy shal take his full effect.  
lay the rumors then spread and published of the one, how they would haue destroyed the Kings kindred, namely the Dukes of gloucester& Buckingham, and such other pretty devises: lay that( I say) unto the Rumors and voices, libels and Pamphlets printed& published against the other now, how they would haue destroyed your Q. brought in foreign forces, taken London, invaded Ireland, yea and then haue proceeded to further things( saith the Libel) not expedient yet to be uttered.  
Remember the queen than a widow, 
Q. Elizabeth than, Q. mary now: widows de●●●ed.  and lying in Sanctuary for the safety of her younger son, while the elder was in the hands of the unknown traitor, than taken for the chief and most lawful governor. Remember ●I say) how she was defamed for an enemy to her husbands kindred and blood royal, to the nobility of the realm, to be a sorceress, a witch, and by necromancy to haue wasted the Protectors body and limbs: only to deface and disgrace her, and to bring her into obloquy of the people, that for her great virtue had her in just reverence. lay this( I say) unto the sundry ●●launderous infamies forged and raised against the queens majesty of Scotland, a widow and in prison( whiles the contrivers of the great Treason haue your queen in their possession) of being an harlot, of killing her husband, of raising Rebellions, and I wot not what bysides: to bring the people to hate her, that for her rare honour& virtue haue worthily loved her.  
Compare you the publishing than of King Edward the fourth not to be the s●nne of Richard Duke of york, and his two sons also to be Bastards, upon a false pretence of his former contract with Dame Elizabeth lucy, and therefore neither he, nor his sons to be right heirs to the crown. Compare thou that unto the Libels and books made against the Q. of Scotlandes Title, namely that, that was presented to your queen, by John Hales: whereby they would pretend, that for her being born in Scotland, shee could not be inheritable to the crown of England: and the infamy of Bastardy, wherewith they would spot and bar the lady Margaret Lyneux and her succession.  
Forget not, that o●e of the pretences than made, 
That Kings brother th●̄, ● this Q. son now.  to get the yo●ger lamb into the wolves mouth, was a supposition, that the Mother intended to sand him over the sea, to the great dishonour of the nobility, and to the great discomfort of the little King his brother, that lacked him for a plaifellow, and other like arguments: against which nothing could satisfy, till the innocent were in the murderers hands. And compare this to the surmise alleged in this Libel, that the Prince of Scotland should haue been convyed into spain: and to the infinite practices and devises used to get him into their hands in England, that haue already both the person of his Mother in prison, and your Q. also at their government and devotion: and whose thirst nothing can quench, whiles either mother, or son remaineth alive.  
mark you, how al those motions and pretences then were covered with the justest& most plausible shows, that could be devised: to wit, with the Kings security and comfort, with the honour of the nobility, with prevention of troubles to the realm,& with all good meaning to every man bysides: till their heads were of, that were desperate to be won to the final Treason intended. And compar● the same to the af●able and plausible apparences now, that pretend nothing but your Q. security, whom themselves ha●e endangered, if any danger be towards her: that pretend her honour, whom they haue dishonoured, by abuse of her name and authority, more than ever they are able to recover: that pretend, to prevent the troubles of the realm, who haue in deed begun to bring it into mo troubles, both foreign and domestical, than they be able to end, or bring it o●t of aga●●: that pretend, to defend the realm from invasion of foreigners, who haue already so pestered it with such infinite numbers of Strangers, to serve a private turn of their own, as since the Conquest was never seen in that realm: and that pretend the safety of London and general liberty of the realm, when they haue brought both into that thraldom& ser●itude, that they never tasted of, since they shooke of the yoke of the Danes Dominion.  
Let the example of the bishop of york and Eli●, 

B. of York.  
B. of Ely.   of the lords Hastings, 
L. Hastings  Stanley, 
L. Stanley and all the o●de council.  and others, who not knowing the end finally meant, had been instruments with& for the secret hidden traitors in the overthrow of the Q. kindred, and in helping to bring the matter towards some ripeness, against whom there was no colour of quarrel, other then their own honour, virtue, and fidelity, that shewed them not likely to be won to so foul a treachery, when it should come to be revealed: Let this example, I say,( joined unto the unjust captivity of the earls of Arundel, Worcester and Sowthampton, of the lords Cobham& Lumley, the B. of Rosse, with so many other knights& Gentlemen imprisoned at this present, for the very same cause& none other) be a pattern& president unto some others of the nobility now, that yet think themselves full safe, and in the matters now in hand do go on and join with the r●ast( for the faire pretences and shows made) as not savouring the filthy fine intended.  
Let them, I say, 

Shreusbury  
derby.  
Sussex.  
huntingdon.  
bedford.  
Le●cester, and the rest.  ( as safe as now they think themselves) look at the end, for the end that the others had: vnle●se they can in the mean while win so much of themselves by little and little, as when the end shal appear, headlong to tumble down with the rest into the depth of al dishonour and infamy of deposing their just Princes, to their own perpetual reproach, and utter extirpation of their succession for ever.  
Compare the weeding and dropping away by few and few, of that little Kings old seruants than from him, as the time of his destruction drew nearer and nearer: unto the removing of the queen of Scotlandes known and trusty servants from her, by diuers times and degrees, till shee haue now in effect none at al left about her, either able to resist any violence offered her, or to complain of it, till it shalbe to late.  
And make a comparison between the speech of the little babe than, mentionned in the history, when he said: Though mine Uncle will haue my kingdom, I would to God, he would yet let me haue my life still: compare the, I say, unto the sundry overtures& passing offers made by the queen of Scotland, to recover but the liberty and security of her person, with the like deaf ear given then to the one, and now to the other.  
behold likewise the instruments of the one than, and of the other now. Among the clergy there lacked then no Shawes, 
show.  nor now no Sampsones. 
samson.  Among the Lawyers there wanted than no Catisbees, 
Catisby.  nor now no Nortons. 
Norton.  And as a Duke of great dignity, 
D. of Buck.  wisdom, eloquence, courage and authority in the realm was than found out, to advance and solicit that unnatural enterprise, as chief of the council, highest in rule, and principal Officer under the Prince than: even so haue you one or two now, so far from Dukes born, that they be the first Gentlemen of their genealogy, who for wisdom and wealth, for alliance now and credit, for eloquence of tongue, for authority with your Prince, and for revenue also, being equal or superior to your Noblest of birth, and the chief councillors and Magistrates of your present government, that are the Capital contrivers of this treason now in hand.  
And like as for a gentle Brakenburie found than, 
Brakembury,  a noble Shrewsbury hath ben found now, 
Shreusbury  of whom neither than, nor now, any hope could be had, to make them the slaughtermen of such a shambles: even so for a Caitif Knight found out than, to whom Brakenburie must render the keys of those Innocents: I could name you an other Knight found out now, to whom Shrewsburie must yield the custody of this queen. But whiles the choice is his own to relent unto, or resist so vile a villainy: I will not do him the injury( before his desert) by name to resemble him to Boutcherly Tirell.  
For private respects saith the Story, as partly for malice against the queens kindred, and partly for hope of an earldom, was that Duke induced to abase himself to so vile an office, as to compass that cruelty. And for like private respects of malice to some, and reuenge to others,& for hope of further aduancement yet to themselves, by bringing the crown to that family, to which themselves are united,& their succession incorporated, do a couple of Catilines now all this that they do.  
The pretences alleged both of that, and of this( every man seeth) are so far from truth, that they pass probability: all appearing, either plainly forged and feigned of nothing, or of a mote a millstone made: or the innocent charged with the accusers crimes. In neither of both haue lacked some, that saw the truth, forethought the end, and would haue prevented it, if they had been able. wherefore whoso beholdeth by the history, the end of the one past and irreuo●able, and looketh not of the other to see the same end, ear it be long: either he winketh willingly, and will not see that, that his foot stumbleth at: or else he is so weak sighted and rinsed both of body& mind, that as pleasant is a puddell, as a path way, for that man to walk in.  
Finally, as that practise ended by rooting out the Masculine Rase of King Edward the fourth: 
K. Ed. the fourth th●●● Q. Eliz. now.  so this devise must finish in ending the imps of king Henry the eight, when the last Line hath been made the mean, to waste and weed away all those, that first should follow and succeed it. In the ●oresight whereof, be not abused, neither by faire speeches, that pretend better, nor by the difference of the ways used thereunto. For what variety so ever is in the ways and means used to any one thing:( if the fine and end be one) the fish pardie is caught, for which the net was laid.  
And therefore if your queen by arte and cunning be wrought to finish and extin●te her own Fathers Line, by want of Issue of her own. body, under pretence of politic reserving her marriage, as a trump in store against all events, and by violence and force to extirp the other Line of her eldest aunt, under pretence of her own security: the end of both two, thou seest, is one, and ●ath made the way plain, to the pestilent purpose finally intended.  
Now this correlation and comparison of that Story past, with this tragedy present, being e●larged( in a wisemans consideration) with infinite other partes, wherein the same may aptly be resembled and do answer each other, having shewed the one already to haue extirped the Issu● and Line of king Edward the fo●rth, and the other now to tend to the rooting out of all the Heires of your blood royal,( as well them, that may yet come of King Henry the eighthes body and Line, as all ●he r●as● that are already descended from his eldest Sister Margaret married to the king of Scotl.) that may claim before the Issue and line of mary his younger Sister, now called the House of suffolk, unto which the two Capitaines of this conjuration haue united themselves, and incorporated their Successions: 
Prou●sions, for the house of suffolk.  if thou shalt vouchsafe unto this( well kept in memory) to add also the politic and abundant pro●isio● made for the continuance and establishment of that third Line and family: this end( I doubt not shal appear so clear unto thee, that tho●gh thou wouldest wink& close thine eyes against it, thou shalt palpably feel it, and fall vpon the account of it, whether thou wilt, or no.  
Begin therefore with remembering, how little it failed, that that Family had not set both your Q. and her Sister bysides the Cushion, in the year 1553. And let your Q. own wisdom inform her, whether her own entry at first,& reign ever sinces could haue been( by common iudgement) so quiet as they were, if that family had stand in the same full force and hope at the death of her Sister, in which it stood at the death of her Brother, or unto which it is now restored again.  
Than consider, how the weakness of that House grown by the attaindre of the last Duke of suffolk, is now repaired again, by uniting unto it the House of Hartforde.  
behold, how lately the remain of that Line reasted in two sole and selly Ladies, destitute of parents, marriage,& endowment: and yet is now multiplied into choice of heires males.  
behold again, how the doubtfulness of that wedlock( grown vpon a sentence pronounced by your Q. Commissioners) is cleared again( in their friends opinions) by the seals of certain foreign universities, and by the Firmes of sundry famous learned men obtained to the Question, by the traueill of Rob. Beale, in the year. 1563. and procured by the counsel of these two Catilines, and is reserved in secret, to serve the turn, when the day cometh.  
Consider with this, the Books and Libels spread& cast abroad in the year 1566. made in the pference of the Title of that Line and House only, and to the prejudice and disproufe of the Right of al other Heires, that by blood and Descent might claim before it: and copies of the same given out( in Print, as it is said) to remain in the hands of the Fac●ion only, till the time come to use them.  
behold, how the Princes displeasure conceived against al them, that were Parties both to the unknown coupling, and to these blind books, seeming great at first, is by time so cunningly extennated, that the parties at this day haue more credit, then ever before.  
Consider again the severity used, to suppress and keep out the book, written in the defence of the Honour and Title of the Heires of the House of Scotland, descended from Margaret the elder Sister: how for that cause only the privileged person of an ambassador, against the Law of Nations, had hands laid on him, remaineth yet prisoner, his seruant tormented, and betrayed in close prison, and both yet threatened and endangered of their lives: and look withal, how your own mouths are stopped, and your ears are closed, and your hands tied among yourselves, every one from speaking, hearing, or writing mutually one to an other, in the defence or advancement, of the Honour or Right of any of the House,& how freely with favour& thanks, every man may speak& writ what he will in pference of the other.  
behold also● how importunately your Q. was pressed by her nobility, by her counsel, and by Parliaments one or two, to declare a successor: in that time, I mean, whiles that Family of suffolk was so frinded,& had made such a party, by the authority of these two Catilines, that they thought no competitor could haue been heard against them. And lay that unto the present state of that affair now: I mean, how penally& cruelly it is b● Parliament prohibited, that no Successor at all shalbe name or known: whiles these of the younger House( for their authority with your Q.) haue the iudgement& jurisdiction, with terro●r to stop all mouths, that shall speak or writ of the right of the elder house,& with al severity do it, and haue like power to wink at, to excuse and reward all those, that shall set forth the younger, which also they do.  
Than consider, how the captain Catiline of this conjuration now linketh himself with the Noblest& ancientest of your nobility( left in credit, I mean) how strong thereby he maketh himself,& what a party he and his family with their adherence, and the number of Strangers by them brought in, shalbe able to make, being so rich in revenue, so stuffed with Treasure,& frinded for the Preferment, that by his place with your Prince, he giveth and denieth to& fro, whom he list: now( I mean) whiles the rest of your nobility are so diminished in number, decayed in credit, disgraced and defaced, and every way brought so low and so bare.  
behold also, how the Duke of norfolk being by birth and blood a member of that younger Line now of suffolk was honoured and esteemed by these two Catil●nes, and his credit every way advanced and commended for many yeares together, whiles they nothing doubted, to ha●e him( for kindred sake) the principal pillar and head of their Faction. And lay that to the depth of all dejection and disgrace, that forthwith and sodei●ly he was turned and tumbled into as sone as ●u●r he had g●●en show of his affection, to unite and ioin● him sel●●( in a n●erer manner of union) unto the elder House of Scotland.  
Lastly, if you forget not, the House of Hartford now vni●ed to suffolk( and consequently these two Catilines incorporated thereby unto both) is the Family which first called and created( as it were) the principalest of the two from Cambridge school, to credit of court: you shall see, that by this mean he hath well provided both for his avarice& ambition, these Noble Families being already linked unto him by three strong bands: by Coosinage, first to the one, and now to both: by being a chicken of Hartfords brood●, and by advancing it to match with the blood royal: and now looketh by the fourth alone to make the band stronger, then by the other three: if he may, I mean, bring his purpose to pass of wasting and weeding all away, that are between them and the regal seat. Then is he sure, stil to govern& reign, which is the point, that chiefly he aspire●h to. Then shal he be sure, to keep his lands& goods corruptly gotten, whereof he standeth in doubt and fear. Then shal his succession be Coosins to the crown, and annumbred among the noblest: what more afterward, who wotteth yet?  
Many other provisions might be here remembered, made by these Machiauelles for their own assurance, to the evident prejudice& contempt of your Prince, to the danger of her crown& State,& threatening plainly the ruin of your realm: but that my purpose for this time hath been, rather( by showing some few things in brief maner) to induce yourselves to the larger sight and memory of mo, than to dilate these matters Historically, till they shal be somewhat riper, and more fully fallen out.  
Now therfore that you haue seen but the shadow, as it were, or a few brief Notes of that disingenuity Massa that might be shewed you of the tragical Treasons and false sleights daily put in ure& committed among you: I shal leave the rest to be collected by your own wisedoms, not doubting but that if with leisure ye vouchsafe to look deeply into these few memories here laid before you, they shall suffice to bring much more to your own minds( that are in your own Countr●is affairs more informed& better exercised) than I( that am but a stranger among you) can come to know, or dare y●t express.  

Let deeds and not word●s, be judge.  And that which I ha●e said, reasting( as you see) not in meanings only, nor in devises& determinations alone( as al the slanderoous accusations of these Princes alleged in this libel do consist) but being things put in ure and execution, as every man knoweth: it shal b●houe you, like wise men, so to deem of the meaning& judge that intent, not as deceivable words may abuse and g●eue show, but as the facts do purport and minister cause. By which line and square if ye measure your judgements, ye shal than easily discern, not only the vanity of the several accusations of this libel in themselves, and the truth of the particular Answers made unto e●erie of them apart: but also the fatal feude& deadly malice, from whence those surmises ar● risen& sprung: to wit, from the roots of Ambition and malice only, whose nature being insatiable, it never ●easteth, whiles any matter remaineth, whereon it may work.  
And therefore do the Q. of Scotland what she will, 
Neither innocency, nor overture can avail the Q. of Scotl.  offer what she can, and be shee whatsoever she may be: wise men think,& long haue said, that shee seeth not the worst, but the best of her State, whiles these two Catilines sit at the stern of your common Wealth: whom nothing will satisfy, whiles ought lieth in the way between them& their mark. But what so●u●r tendeth to prevent that end that they shoot at, as I haue shewed you, must be turned& termed dangerous to your Q. tending to Rebellion, moving troubles to the State, seditio●s, and slanderoous, and I wot not what bysides, as by this libel appeareth.  
And who soever is foreseen not likely to be won, to be an instrument and mean to advance that end of theirs: be he what so ever by nature, by d●etie or affection, ne●er so ne●re to your queen by blood, never so deere a friend, never so faithful a subject, never so affectionate a seruant, yea or by grace never so sincere of life: he must,& shalbe persecuted with fire and sword,& either by sudden murder taken away, or by false accusations condemned, defamed and brought into disgrace, as a traitor, Conspirator, Rebel and slanderous ●ower of seditions, and finally wasted, and weeded away by one mean or other: as by these Noble Princes, the nearest of your Q. blood, the most affectionate unto her, of any two that live, I dare say, and by the rest of your nobility and Gentlemen now fled, imprisoned, and otherwise defaced,( no few in number, if they be well marked) doth manifestly appear.  
And now that you haue also seen( sensibly I trust, 
A glass presented to the queen.  though succintly touched) some of those other great Treasons( for hard it were to tell you of all) that are in deed daily committed among you,& little espied, nor but by few discerned, for the plausible pretences that they go co●ered and disguised withall, for as much as the whole body and corps of this Coniuration, and all the practices by which it is compassed( be they never so impious in the sight of God, never so odious in the sight of man, never so traitorous to your Q. never so daungerous to your realm, never so loathsome to him that hath any spark of honesty left in him, nor never so manifest& apparent to them that are not natural fools) are made yet to bear and carry a face and show, like a right Sinons Horse, of a Sacrifice to your Pallas or Diane, coloured& painted, I mean, with the bright glistering titles of your queens service, safety, Honour and profit,& be as boldly published, and as impudently avowed by books, Proclamations, by Letters of Authority to all countries and Courts, by open Orations,& secret subor●ations of whisperers at home, to dasell the dim sighted ●iess, to claw the itching cares, and to fill the hungry mouths of the babbling multit●de, as if all were meant and intended only for her quietness, honour and security in her seat: and by this bright shining show and pleasant sound do the sooner deceive both herself& every other good subject bysides( for every honest man must needs allow all careful provision for a Princes surety, and few are so de●pe sighted, that they can look thorough the timber or wood, to see what is hidden in the hollow horse within): for as much also, as this terrible Tragedy seemeth not yet so nigh to his end, but that there are many players not yet comme to the Stage, that are like to play bloody parts in the same( for of the blossoms already shewed you, the fruits must be looked for, as the harvest time of this sowing season that you haue seen) and because the losses and detriments thereof partly are, and more will be irreco●erable and above all recompense, if it go on vnpreuented in time( for, bysides many other, what can countervail or restore the infinite ruins that go comprehended in displacing of Princes, and in wresting the Succession of Crownes from their due course?) and prevented it can not be, whiles the mischievous mystery remaineth unperceived, and while you hearken still to the Syrenes song, that this Horse of Sinons soundeth without forth, and do not hearken nor attend to know, what treason to Troy he bringeth in his bosom: for as much likewise, as the most principal, and of all other the most pernicious arte used to compass and to contrive this Treason, and that never wanteth nor is absent from any parte or practise thereof, resteth and consisteth chiefly in abusing your queen with lies, fables and false persuasions, some finely forged, and other gross enough, so heaped yet, and thick laid out, one in an others neck, and every one so boldly bolstering out other, that the very impudency and copious flood of them deceiveth many modest mindes, that without great trial and long experience, can not ween it were possible, that all should be so false, as they are, being laid out by any that beareth the face of a reasonable man: And finally, for as much as no live can be a juster measure to deem or divine of things unseen and undone, then is the observation of things past, nor no credit being more equally due, or attributed to any mans words or deeds, that are obscure, to come, or of doubtful event, then answerably to his former faith and honesty, and as he hath in other words and deeds appeared to deserve: I haue vpon these considerations thought it necessary here to conclude, with laying before you, or rather( in speaking to you) by presenting to your Q. some few images or looking glasses, as it were, drawn out of the matters before remembered.  
wherein, and by which( if she vouchsafe to consider them) she shall, as in patterns or samplers of things done& past, plainly see and discern, not only what is ●o come, and to be looked for hereafter: but the very truth also of her own, and your Stat●s present as they are, which it passingly importeth both her and yourselves, and your nobility most of al, nakedly to behold without veil or visard, and to be no longer abused nor deceived, as you ha●e been in the sight& iudgement of your own affairs, but that you may by li●ely presidents of things freshly past, wisely and in time foresee what is coming: that being warned, you may be half armed: that by other mens harms you may provide to be harmless,& that you may rather prevent the wound, before you receive it, then seek to salve it, when it shall be to late.  
This art of abusing you by lies, 
The sight of the truth preserveth your Q.  this crafty circumvention of your queen by false and subtle arguments, making both her and you all to ween, your form of governance to be far other then it is, making you beleeue, your doings& proceedings to be otherwise deemed of, then they are, persuading you, that the world abroad is blinded and abused by your words and pretences, as most of your own are at home, terming that to be your queens Honour, that is her manifest reproach, calling that her safety, that is her evident danger, naming that to be for her service, that is every way loss and dishonour unto her, pretending that to be for the common quiet of the realm, that is in deed the ●pparent confusion and ruin of the same, and finally feigning, that of your doings foreign or Domestical you haue not to care, nor need not regard what any other Nation say or think, because you are an absolute monarchy within yourselves: these, and such other wrong conceiptes grounded upon fraudulent reasons and crafty arguments, being to your own sights and outward show, like deceivable spectacles before your eyes, that make white things appear green,& one thing, many, unto your sights: forasmuch as it were a plain injury to your Q. to prejudicate her so much, as to think her so unnatural, as to be careless of her own Honour and State present, of the prosperity of her Succession, of the quiet of her people and realm, and of the Noble famed& renown of both in time to come, when nature shal haue exacted of her the tribute of this life( for that were as much, as to condemn her of plain infidelity, atheism, and more then Moorish Ma●hometisme) and careless plain●ly must she be thought to be, both of the one and the other, if being made to see the horrible outrages, the dangerous detrimentes, and dishonourable infamies, that daily and hourly do spring and appear in the particular practices of this conjuration, both towards her people, her Nobles, her nearest of blood, her own person and State, her posterity for ever, her famed among men,& to her soul before God: and likewise, if having the great vaniti● and deadly malice of the coueines and crafts contrived to cloak the same withal, laid open before her, and made plain unto her: if it were, I say, to much wrong to think, that yet she would be careless to prevent them, or prefer the present and private, before the remedy and provision for the common and perpetual: it shal not therefore( I trust) be tedious nor fulsome to the indifferent Reader, that for conclusion of this Pamphlet, I do assay to lay open before her some few of the treasons and practices before touched, nakedly, alone, and bare as they stand, and as they be o● themselves, without those lying covers& defences, that are laid aloft over them: by severing& removing them, I mean, from those false additions, lewd and loud lies, that go over linked and joined unto them. To the end, that both she,& yourself may see them in their own likeness, as other men do behold them, that you may look on them with like eyes, as other men do, that you may judge of them, as the indifferent sort doth, that you may know them for such, as of truth they be, and that you may by them, as in lively images and true looking glasses, see and discern all the rest: and thereby leave at length, to deceive yourselves, as long you haue done, by looking vpon these matters with partial and affencted sights, and by making a far unlike iudgement of them, unto that which all equal eyes do deem and discern them to be: yea imagining them to be of a clean contrary shape and form, from that, which they show to all the world bysides yourselves: not all unlike to them, that dancing naked in a net, suppose that no man seeth their unclean parts, which every man beholdeth and laugheth at. And that you may yet in time( if you take hold of it) help and assist your Q. to deliver her self of this long ●hraldome and abusion, wherein she lieth tied hand and foot, as it were, with lies, fables& painted words put vpon such poisoned deeds, as for their own vile substance would sh●tter, moulder& come to nothing of themselves in every mans sight, if they had not those forged persuasions mingled always with them as mortar or lime to hold them together: and by which malicious mixture she is dragged and drawn to her own passing detriment, and to the irreparable ruin of her realm for ever.  
1. And not to trouble you with many, 
The chang● of religion laid naked.  since the sight of a few may serve to make your own wisedoms to look for the like in the rest that shal be shewed you in these: turn again to behold a little the first public action of these mens regiment, the violent innovation of Religion: by Law, I mean. whereof though I haue at some length treated already,& may therefore seem( to some perhaps) over often to iterate one thing: yet shal I not long hold you therein, nor appear tedious, I trust, to any indifferent Reader, that weyeth the importance, which this cause carrieth in it, for so many diverse and sundry respects, as haue not yet been spoken of, nor can here be all remembered. Let that Change of Religion, I say, be viewed by itself, stripped out of those vain fables, 
Lies stripped from it.  and idle lies, suggested to draw your queen unto it.  
And first, weed from it the untrue surmise, that said the Change was convenient, because she could not assure herself of her Catholiks, &c. as if they, that having all in their hands, received and settled her in her State: that ever since, I say( and for twelve years time no man will deny) haue qui●tly sustained manifest oppression in body and goods, evident abasement in honour and credit, violence, pillage, and disgrace every way, without fault or offence, or without foot or finger moo●ed against her, might with any reason or colour, be feared or mistrusted of Rebellion, if they had found favour& iustice.  
2. C●t from it likewise that feigned devise, that said it was necessary against the Scottish Title& French faction than &c. as if the ancient and universal alienation of al English hartes from those Nations specially: as if the firm amity of the catholic king of spain well witnessed by his motion at that time, to haue married with your queen, and well tried by his refusing to conclude any peace with France in the year 1559. till England were satisfied for Calice: as if the very policy of all his own countries( truly testified by the nameless discourser of the intended marriage between the queen of Scotland, and the Duke of Norf.) as i● the factions in Scotl. itself: and as if the low state that France was then in( as appeared by their peace then taken with so many dissad●antages) sufficed not to show, how vain that suggestion was, and how contemptible, the worst that they could haue donne.  
3. Take that lye also from it, that persuaded the Change to be requisite, to satisfy and win the party Protestant at home, feigned to be the stronger faction &c. Which was than so far the weaker in deed, that none at all appeared, neither member, nor Head, no nor Sinon himself, that than durst seem to be of that side: and when the catholics had in their hands the whole governance and authority, the navy, the ports, the armor, the Treasures, the Offices of credit, assured also of the aid and support( if your Q. stood indifferent) of the Sea apostolic, of the King of spain, and of him of France also: who of purpose to attend the p●rging of his realm from the Protestant pestilence( crept into his country by long licentious warres) had even than dearly bought his peace with spain, as every man knoweth.  
4. Pare from it also that lye and false arte, that made your queen believe, that al Princes adjoining( to haue the spoil of their Churches) would follow her example in that attempt, &c. Whereas manifest experience hath taught every man, not only that no one will follow her: but also that both the chief, that is to say, they of spain and France, haue consumed their treasures, haue bestowed the lives and blood of their Subiectes in great numbers, both by battle and iustice, and haue sustained al personal peril and danger of their States: rather then they would admit that atheism into their countries. And look on denmark, Germany, Swetia, Polonia and Moscouiato, if you will: and see whether any one of them all can be induced by her example, to go one iote further forward, then they were before.  
Yea, look on all the free Cities of Eastland, or else where,& on Hamborow itself, where they preach publicly, that who so lodgeth any man of the English Religion, is an host unto satan, and lodgeth a devil in his house. And against their impudence, that will say all these countries and Cities last name were of your Religion before, and be all one with you: let their Churches decently adorned with images, let their Altars standing, let their doctrine of Christes real presence in the Sacrament, let the use of Auricular Confession, of private mass, of Latin service, and of infinite other points of the old Religion permitted to all that will: let every gate of their Cities, every high way in their countries, decked with Crucifixes, and Crosses, being all public marks, and known differences between their Religion and yours: let them, I say, give ●●idence, and ●estifie, not onely that no Prince nor lawful Magistrate in Europe hath followed her example: but also that never any yet did lead her the way, in that exorbi●●nt cou●se, I mean, that she hath been misseledde to run.  
5. Se●er it also from that smooth and sweet lying speech, pretending, that they meant not to constrain any mannes conscience, forsooth, neither to force any man to comme to their sects, till god, pardie, should draw him: nor to leave and lack the use of his own Religion in quiet and priua●e manner, &c. whereas within less then one ●eare they expelled al the Religions of the realm, that would live in their Order or habit: they took away their ho●ses and lands without colour of cause, and forthwith after deprived the bishops and Clergi●, removed the laity( al in effect) from queen, from council, from cre●i●●●, and Office, in Court and in country.  
And of the rest since let the sundry imprisonments, arainements, amerceamentes,& other public punishments of al sorts of catholics, yea of wi●owes and women, onely for hearing mass in a corner, let the multitude of them that are called up by process, that remain in bands, that are fled, hidden, and in prison, for not taking the oath and Communion, and for not coming to sermons and service: yea, let the pining deaths in stinking prisons, of al your old clergy( in effect) that neue● made fault: let these, I say, speak and declare, what meaning there was hidden under those sugared shows.  
6. Lay aside also from it that idle plea and forged defence, that will ascribe the quie●nes of your queens reign hitherto unto that innovation and change of Religion, &c. since every man knoweth, that by the catholics onely shee entered, by them onely shee was placed, by them established and confirmed in her Royal seat, and by them chiefly obeyed and maintained ever since: chiefly, I say, by them, who are well known to be most in number, and strongest party yet, if she stood indifferent.  
Yea, who seeth not plainly the contrary? to wit, that by that Change she gave unto her adversary king Henry of France a manifest advantage against her, such as must needs increase the allowance of his quarrel, and decay the force of her defence, to the dubbling of ●er danger and trouble? For though the several deaths of two French Kings in so short time as could not be looked for, did abetter the s●quele of that rash attempt more than could be hoped of: yet doth that event following nothing commend the temeritie of that fact& Counsel preceding: so as every man of common sense must ne●des confess, that the quietness of her reign is more to be attributed to Goddes secret ordinance, to the peaceful nature of the greatest Princes in her time, and to the loyal fidelity and conscience of her catholics: then to the temerarious and wilful mutations made by her machiavellians.  
7. 8. Take from it also those two manifest lies, that pretended the Change to be for conscience sake, and for truth of the doctrine, &c. as if the old faith o● the Church from Christes daies to your own, and the general faith of your own, and all other Nations, that ever professed Christes name, had been false and erroneous. And as if they could be said to haue conscience in Religion, that haue no one Religion: but that like the mutable chameleon( that liveth without substance, by ai●r only, and changeth his colour to what so ever it standeth on, white only excepted) haue for substantial Religion, certain imaginative opinions: which they alter with every time they live in, the time of truth excepted,& do daily pass& change from one sect, to an other, in such manner, that now after xiiij. years end, no man yet wotteth, which sect shall prevail?  
And who seeth not, that, what so ever your words are, your deeds do convince, that to be a manifest lye, even from the beginning? For did you not even at first prohibit all catholic preachings? Did you not by bands tie the catholics specially from al private writing& speaking against your Heresy? Did you not close them up in prison, and keep them in con●●ituted houses, because they should not dwell among your people, lest by their words or examples they might stay the multitude in the catholic faith? Doth not your prohibition of al books written ●gainst your doctrine, and your extreme punishments inflicted for having, keeping or reading of them, plainly imply& convince: that yourselves than did, and y●t do se● and know, that your doctrine is false, and not able to abide trial of learning? Yea did not Grindall● Parker, Pilkinton and some other confess the same to some yet living witnesses by th●se express words: that( what so ever the truth were) being now beg●nne, it must be gone through withall for credit and reputations sake?  
9. remove it also from that flattering lye, by which the parasites and clawbacks bare your Q. in hand, that by the change of Religion, she should clear the question of h●r Mothers marriage,& of her own legitimation. &c. whereas clean contrarily she raised& revived thereby the butted question& scruple therof: which time had so put to silence,& brought in oblivion, that neither was herself, nor her interest to her crown any way prei●diced by that● in the opinion of subject at home, nor of friend abroad. But on the other side, by that mutation offensive to so many: her Fathers life and manners, her Mothers marriage and death, yea her own bir●h and conversation is made th● subject and ma●ter of much secret talk at home among ●er own, and of more open speech and penning every where abroad.  
Tenthly, that the Minister lack not one lye for his tithe, strip it out of that couein and crafty lye, that bare you in hand at first, that the change was no change nor repugnancy in Religion: but that both were one in substance& effect,& that both parts might be saved well enough, because they believed in one Iesus Christ, &c. And see what your Ministers tel you now,& whether in their pulpits any crime be exclaimed on comparably to the old faith& religion. Yea see, whether open adultery, professed usury, purposed perjury, sacril●ge, incest, slaughter of Priestes, murder of Catholiks, marriage of brother& sister together, or ought else be punnishable equally to the confession of the catholic faith.  
And can these two Religions be called one in effect, whereof the one teacheth that to be Idolatry, and the high way to hel: that the other doth adore, as the chiefest outward Honour, Sacrifice,& service, that man can do, or give to God in this life? And can that be called one in effect, whereof who so professeth the affirmative, shal die as a traitor, by the rigour of this your new law●& he that professeth the negative, go●●h demned for an heretic, by your own& all other old laws of christendom? Et sic de caeteris. For the differences be mo, then can be expressed: more repugnant, then white and black:& more notorious, then a mans nose in his face.  
These examples now sufficing to show you the vanity, the absurdity, the false sleights, and malicious arts used to draw your Q. unto that change:& the discovery also& disproufe of them, resting not in words& affirmations, but proved by time, and consisting in facts, which can deceive no man, being a just balance, in, and by which you may measure and wey al the other fraudulent reasons and crafty arguments suborned unto her, to wind her into the rest, and may be assured to find them like unto these that you haue heard: laying them apart, I say, from that mutation and change( as your reason, I suppose, seeth cause to do) let us now return a little to behold that innovation, as it standeth, alone by itself, and without this false furniture, which you haue heard: that the change may appear to yourselves in the own similitude and same form, in which it sheweth itself to every other man, that hath common sense,& standeth indifferent: whom your Sinons can not blear and blind, nor deceive with sugared terms put upon unsavoury things, as they haue done your queen, and al the rest almost, of your own at home.  
Being aparted therefore from them, 
The true anatomy of the ●ew Religion.  see now, how this change looketh, and what it is of itself. A change it is, made from one Religion that you had, unto an appearance of many, and to none at al in deed. From ancient, unto new, if any be: from universal and common, to private & singular: from that, which had the uniform consent of yourselves at home,& of al the chief Christian Nations of Europe bysides: unto that or them, in which neither yourselves are agreed, nor no monarchy Christened agreeth with you.  
A change from a Religion governed by a just monarchy, to a monstrous Policratie of so many heads, as there are Princes, yea of women heads, of children heads and of popular heads: as though there were as many Gods, as there be absolute Princes:& as if it were lawful, to haue as many diuers forms of regiment in the Church of God, which can be but one: as we may haue several policies in civil kingdoms, be they never so many.  
A change from that, which was planted by poor Apostles, unto this, that is planted by the usurpers of Princes powers.  
A change from that, which made Fisshers Apostles, unto this, that makes Friers Apostatas.  
A change from that, which was builded by preaching an● persuading: unto this, that is erected by plain cruelti●,& constraint. A change from that which was spread through the world at first,& ever since maintained by the written Gospels and Epistles of selie, simplo, weak, and base men: unto this, which by Arcabusses& Pistolers o● armed soldiers, is first intruded,& than maintained everywhere.  
A change from that, which by no least penalty constrained any man to leave the faith or Religion that he had: unto this, which by fear of authority, by commandments of Commissioners, by processes with sureties, by bonds& other vexations, by fines, by Amerceamentes, by deprination from livings, by turning out of Offices, by disgrace in country, by defacement in Court, by displeasure of the Prince, by loss of lands, by confiscation of goods, by personal imprisonment, 

Al the clergy left by Q. mary.  
B. Fissher.  
sir Tho.  
More.  
German  
gardener.  
●owel.  
Abel, Fethersto●, &c.   yea by sundry deaths, some long& lingering, other short and violent, compelleth most men by word or by deed, in more or in less, to fall from the faith in which they were baptized.  
A change from that, which did draw no man unwillingly to it: unto this, which by infinite violences forceth men to accept it: yea, makes them that by grace and wisdom do abhor it, yet seem to allow it. A change from that, which by ancient and general laws corrected only those that would needs depart from it, when they had freely first professed it: unto this, which by a new and private law, yea before law, above law, and without law, punnisheth, impoverisheth, imprisoneth, and every way oppresseth them, that never accepted it, nor yet allowed of it.  
A change from that whose first fruits were to ronne into wildern●s, to forsake the world and al the felicities of this life: unto this, whose first fruits are, to rob Churches, to make monks and Fri●rs to rob their Cloisters: the vowed women, to ronne away with varlettes: the professed men, to steal away lay mens wives and daughters, and to make them rob their husbands and fathers.  
A change from that, whose Bishops& Priestes promised chastity,& for far the greatest number lived continent lives: unto this, whose Bishops and Priests( if it haue any) profess procreation,& many of them plurality of wives. A change from that, which was served by the ministery of them, that had ben brought up in learning, order and obedience: unto this, whose ministers are made of Tinkers, cobblers, Broomemen, Chimneisweepers, Canelrakers, and of the basest in qualiti●, and lewdest of condition that can be found among the people, because the honester sort will not accept the vocation.  
A change, I say, from a bridle against sin, to a spur of al iniquity. From that, which feared men from doing ill: to this, which feareth men from doing well, least thereby they may be thought Papists. From that, which by hope of Gods reward in●ited men to good works: unto this, which by hope of mans advancement, allureth men to mischief. From conscience in ceremonies, to defy Sacram●ntes. From contrition of hear● for sin, to induration of hart in sin. From confe●●ion of si●ne by mouth, to concealing of sin by others. From seeking to satisfy for sin, to double and heap sin vpon sin. From shamefast and seldom swearing, to open and usual perjury. From fear to lye, to plain and usual impudency. From building of chapels, to robbing of Churches. From ●recting of Alters, to overthrowing of Abb●ys. From praying for souls, to suppressing of chantries. From giving of alms, to dissolving of Hospitals. From ●reeping into covents, to bragging in courts. From vowing of chastity, to mariyng of Monk●s. From consecra●ing Uirgins, to wedding Nonnes& Friers. From promising poverty, to professed usury. From voluntary obedience to obstinate ambition. From fasting fish daies, to flesh on Fridaies. From watching in prayers, to sleeping by payers. From Churchemens praying, to lay mennes preaching. From sermons by doctors, to womens lectures. From reasoning, to railing. From ●●uerent speech, to scoff●●●nd scor●●s at al holy things. From pulpittes in Churches, to fiel●es& woods. From honouring of saints, to burning their Images. From going in Pilgrimage, to haunting of harlots. From visiting Prisoners, to pliyng the Gromeporters. From penance and Pardons, to onely faith. From weeping for sin, to laughing at sin. From scruple of small sins, to glory in great.  
And from that, which through charity, contained men in the limits of piety, Iustice, Temp●rance, and virtuous exercises: unto this, which by a solifidian hope, first induceth in man looseness of life, r●denes of mann●r●, wildenes of looks, pride of speech, ha●tin●s of g●sture, and a Ruffianlike russhing into al 'vice, and after unto atheism, barbarism, or Machometes ●aith at least.  
And from that, which kept your feminine sex in al womanly gravity: unto this, that leadeth them that be the z●alouse imbracers of it, into al jollity and galantrie. From that which taught them maidenly bash●ulnes: to this, that t●ach●th them to blushy at nothing,& hath drawn them from the English sobriety, to the French vanity. From the rare and plain● speech of England, to the Spanish complementes. From cl●ann●s by washing, to unsavoury painting. From moderate feeding, to flemish quaffing: and from being the examples of modesty to al Nations, to be the Patronesses of bravery, and of al lightness to al the Dames of Europe: by sucking, as it were, and selecting together the immodestest demeanours of every Nation. From fear to hear, to be bold to speak I will not say what. From sober looks, to light eyes. From sad& seldom speaking, to bold babbling what so ever, least they might seem ignorant. From learning of their husbands, to teaching their husbands. From obeying their Parsons, to commanding their Uicars. From working, to playing. From sparing, to spending. From hiding their locks, to imbrodering their smocks. From samplers in their hands, to skarfes on their arms. From books of prayer, to ballads of love. From occupying beads, to feathers in their heads. From wearing Christes cross or Image, to carry their friends colours or visage. From dis●a●fe and needle, to follow the fiddle. From blushing to hear● of marriage, to laughing to hear of loan. From the bondage of wedlock with one, to the liberty of loving many. From a decent fearfulness con●enient to their kind, to an undecent hardiness for their sex. From trembling to see a sword drawn, to carrying of daggers, and discharging of dags without fear at all. And( not to say all) from bashful modesty and shane fast behaviour comely for women, unto a more then mannish audacity in word, in deed, and in all demeanour: plainly repugnant to all holiness of life, and to the qualities of a profitable wife: if she set ought by herself, I mean, or will be esteemed among her betters.  
A change, I say, from that Religion, which condemned all errors, unto this which containeth all heresies: no heresy almost, being of old condemned, that is not now among you re●iued& professed. Yea unto this, that by Parliament vnsaincteth Sancts canonized& confirmed by miracles 300. yeares together: 

S. Tho. of Cant.  
Matth.  
Barthol.   unto this, that for want of wives meet for gentlemen, giveth by Parliament, the lawful wife of the living labourer, to be a kinghts Lady and Lemman● Unto this, that for fear to lack lawful procreation, bringeth forth children between Brother and Sister. And finally unto a Religion, 
Gerard and jane Donat  that termeth it Tyranny, to burn heretics, by the common laws of Christendom more then twelve hundred yeres old, and by an English Parliament constituteth new Capital crimes of her own creation only, such as never were crimes among yourselves before, nor to this day are not in the whole world bysides.  
A religion, that forbiddeth the Image of christ crucified, in church, or elsewhere: and permitteth the pictures of paramours in every house. A religion, that as treason forbiddeth the use of holy relics and consecrated things, and printeth for saints obstinate heretics, publicly condemned, dying impenitent, and traitorous murderers of their Masters. 
Pultrote the soldi●r printed a saint for mur●ering his captain t●e D. of Guise.  And so, a Religion that maketh your Q. to her own dishonour the bird that blemisheth her own nest, 
Lambert printed for a Martyr by this Q. whom her fathers own mouth sentenced to be burned.  by condemning her Sister, her Brother, her Father, and al her progenitors, as murderers of Martyrs, and slaiers of saints, who condemned that for heresy, whereof she for Treason condemneth the contrary. A fit fruit for the first feminine Head, that ever took Moyses chair in Christes Church.  
A Religion of negatives, a Religion of lies, a Religion of liberty, a Religion that leadeth to looseness and to al lewd life. A Religion that of Scripture denieth sundry whole Uolumes: that of the Text itself corrupteth places infinite, and vntruely translateth the rest, that should decide, I mean, any questions of controversy. And thereby( how so ever they abuse you with words of reverence unto Scripture) a Religion it is, that leaveth you in dede no scripture at al, by the iudgement of your own laws. For if a writing razed in any least letter by a stranger, after the sealing, be justly pleaded not to be the deed of him that sealed it: how can your Bible be called the word or Scripture of God, whereof so many whole books are denied, so many places corrupted and changed, so many Texts falsely translated, and s● many false gloses and expositions put vpon it?  
A Religion, that falsifieth the Fathers, that sclandereth the doctors, belieth the Popes, belieth the Emperors, belieth the practise of the Church, and all Histories, that do testify the truth of things past. A Religion, that hath neither extern Sacrifice, nor outward Ceremonies, other then by Rebellion to deprive al Princes, that impugn it: by poison, by Pistolets, or by treason to murder what catholic soever lieth in their way, to lead Nunnes naked about the markets, 
french facts lately pu● in ure,& in print.  to flay Friers, to martyrise Monks, to kill Priests, to make living men butts to shoot at,& marks for Arcabusses and handgonnes, to bowel men quick, to fry their flesh alive, and this to justify as acceptable sacrifices to their God, and as the most sacred Ceremonies of their profession.  
A Religion, that generally every where is first apprehended, most zealously ●mbraced, and most vehemently maineteined, by the lewdest of condition, the most vicious of manners, the most contentious, the busiest, vnquietest, and worst of conversation. Whereof let every mans private experience give testimony, that may remember, I mean, the first Preachers of this doctrine, and the prime, and most fervent disciples thereof in every town, city, Uillage, Parish and househol●.  
A Religion I say, that calleth Christ in the Sacrament, an idol: 
mass.  that calleth the only Sacrifice of the Christian Church, idolatry: that professeth it to be sin for any man to believe, the fasting, praying, alms, vows, penance, or any other good work doth please God, or appease his wrath: that teacheth your Christian faith to be false doctrine, and heresy to be the true faith of Christ: 
Adoration of the Sacram●nt.  that teacheth the chiefest outward service and honour to God that ever was used where Christes name was professed, to be Idolatry: that teacheth sacrilege, incest, and the wilful slaughter of sacred& anointed persons, to be virtuous and acceptable to God: and that teacheth, the old, the common, and known way of salvation, to be the high way to damnation. I call it therfore, by inevitable consequents a Religion that turneth darkness into light,& light into darkness: and that teacheth Hell to be heaven, and God himself to be the devil of Hel. A change also I call it from that Religion, in which your queen followed the steps of her progenitors and of al other Princes: 
The ends must needs be contrary, whose ways are repugnant.  unto this, wherein shee is the first, that ever usurped womanish primacy. From that, wherein shee was united with al great Princes her neighbours: unto this, in which shee standeth post alone, and hath neither Prince nor lawful Magistrate to accompany her. From that, by which she was assured to keep her old friends, that w●re of habilitie to stand her in stead, both at home,& abroad: unto this, for which some of necessity are forced to fall from her, and the reas● are decayed both in number and affection: and by which new enemie● are engendered both secret and open, and no friend wonne● that may be trusted and is worth the having. From that, which was so light& easy to bear, that n●●er Christian King found himself weary of the burden thereof, but her Father alone: unto this, the deadly paise and weight wh●r●of hath been so heavy and intolerable, that it hath sunken& oppres●ed so infinite numbers of great, Noble& worthy Personages(& of queens especially) that haue within these forty or fifty yeres assayed to uphold it, 
four protestant queens, A.B. ●. H. K. P. I.G. thr●● of them died infamousely, and the fourth, ●scaped the fire narrowly.  first in germany, than in England, than in France,& Scotland,& lastly in Flanders: that if your Q. should see the lamentable list of their names laid together, she might with reason,& would I ween, be shrew their hartes full heartily, that haue made her a Companion of so unfortunate a fellowship.  
A change it is from that, which of her own wis●dome shee was not willing to leave: unto this, whereunto she was wrested with many perils,& without gain to herself, ●or their gain● onely, that twisted her to it.  
And to conclude, a change it is, to a Religion so plainly Turkish and Heathen, that no where hath it passed or fixed footing, without leaving behind it the very prints and foot steps of Machomettes Armado. Whereof let them be Iudges, that haue seen in hungary and Slauonie the decayed Cities, the wasted Countries, the ruined buildings of all sorts, and the desolate aspecte of al that falleth under mans eye, where the Turks army hath pitched any time: and haue sene withall, and will compare thereunto the subverted monasteries, the overthrown abbeys, the broken Churches, the torn castles, the rent Towers, the overturned walls of towns and Fortresses, with the confuse heaps of all ruined monuments remaining yet as relics of this Religion in those parts of France and Scotland, where it hath had Dominion. Yea be yourselves Iudges, that for your yeres can remember the standing of your abbeys, and do now behold the great difference and decay of al your own great Cities and towns, where your Monasteries were planted, in comparison of the state, that the same were in, when the catholic faith flourished among you.  
Many other like properties and qualities it hath, mo then can be shewed you particularly, which do contain danger, dishonour and disprofit to your queen, and realm every way: but these be enough, I trow, to show it a change, and a change for the worse. wherein, if you think, that ●eruour of spirit hath carried my pen to far, let the points be shewed, in which the indifferen● Reader remaieneth unsatisfied, and they shalbe justified, not by surmises and words only, but by demonstration of times, places, persons, and facts, as the matter will permit.  
And this being the true shape and likeness, in which your present Religion appeareth, and sheweth itself to all mens eyes abroad( that are not, I mean of the confederates) your wisedoms can discern, how much it importeth, that you leave at length to deceive yourselves therein, by weening, that your provincial Parliament can either alter the truth of the Christian Religion, or blind the eyes of other Nations, or close the mouths and stay the pens of other men:( how so ever by arte and force you haue donne with your own) but that the same that was true before, shal be true for ever, and willbe so said, deemed, and written for ever: how so ever you forbid yours to say it, or hang them for saying it. And this is the first wall and ward of your Common wealth that is broken down, to make an entry for your Sinons horse, that bringeth in his bosom the ruin both of the Temple and town of your Pallas and troy.  
Of your queens delivery of herself, 
The violation of common Iustice evident.  her realm, and al her a●faires, so wholly into the hands of her two Catilines, that al cases of importance, not by ordinary Iustice, but by their wills, and authoriti● must be determined: that al be ●duanced that they commend, and al oppressed, whom they would abase: what other, I say, is followed, and doth ensue of this( if it be truly looked on, without the lies sent out to shadow it) but that the Iustice of her realm generally is prostibulated, to be sold or hired by money, malice, or affection: few or none being, that by themselves, or their friends, haue not felt the smart of unjust decrees, procured by bribery, or for difference in Religion? Yea, what matter cometh to hearing or sentence, where they two sit as chief, without bribery, in so excessive manner, as if their own two hands sufficed not to take fast enough, without the help of their Ladies, that must be presented also, ere any end can be gotten of charges or suit? And can any man deny, that a light crime in a catholic is made most heinous, yea, very virtues in them punished for vices: and huge horrors in Protestantes passed over, or pardonned as light peccaduliums?  
Consider your Statute made for the oath of your Womanish primacy, 
Eliz. An. 5. Cap. 1.  which under great penalties of praemunire, and of death by Degrees, bindeth the inferior multitude unto that, wherein it leaveth the nobility free. way well the evident injustice, and the passing absurdity of that Lawe, and ye shal find it as vile a practise, as filthy a fetch, and as dangerous a dishonour, as ever was contriue●.  
The meaning of the act, ye wot, containeth as well matter of conscience between God, and mannes soul: as matter of duty and bonde, between Prince and subject. now who ever heard, that the Gentleman and Yeoman, the Artisan, and the Labourer, haue to account for that before God, Whereof the Baron, the Uicount, the earl, and Duke stand free& not chargeable? As if the one sort had souls, and the other none at al: or, as if the poor and mean man were bound in the sight of God, with hart to believe,& with mouth to confess so special a point of faith and Doctrine, whereof the Nobleman is free, and bound to neither of both.  
And was it ever heard of, or red before now, that any Monarch, or Prince, was more a King over his subject, that is a Gentleman, or under: than over his Uassal, that is a Lord or above? Or that one of them was bound to aclowledge such a Title, and superiority in his sovereign, as the other might safely deny? Yea, the self and same, for the third refusal whereof the greatest number infinitely must by this Law die as traitors,& the fewer number freely may, not only three times, but thirteen, thirty, and three hundred times refuse it, and bid their King go whistle him, and charge them withal, over whom he hath authority in that behalf? look you vpon the consequents, which of very just reason, that Law carrieth in it. Let the Degrees be surueied between the lowest Labourer, and the greatest Duke in your Dominion. And according to the difference of their Dignities, let your Princes jurisdiction over them be ranted and proportioned, in such wise, that over the highest sort, his regality be least: over the meaner and middle sort, somewhat more: and over the lowest sort, greatest of al, in as many different proportions, as there are differences of degrees among your people:( for so of reason ought it to be, if this Law be an equal pattern and president) and than, shal you see your Kingly prerogative and authority, so measured and minced from more to less, till your Duke may account himself fellow with his King, and the poor man must take his King for more then a God. Can any thing be thought upon, more injust and absurd before God and the world?  
Behold you also, how base, and filthy the practise was: that to win somewhat in so vile an enterprise( which to al the nobility appeared so far out of course, and so repugnant to reason, that they could not possibly be induced to yield themselves subject to a yoke so exorbitant, and opposite both to Gods Law and mannes) the caitiffs so circumvented yet both the States, of the nobility, and Commons, that the one accepted such a thraldom, as ne●er before was laid on Christian mennes necks:( for by King henry his Law, the Commons were that way no further bound, then was the very Noblest o● the realm) and the other by oppressing the people with such a b●rden, whereof themselves would bee free, incurred so daungerous, and so dishonourable an infamy, as will not in many ages be cleared again.  
For was there ever practise more infamous, or perilous unto the whole State of your nobility, then by such a mean to put a pike between themselves on the one party, and all the Gentlemen and Commons of the realm on the other party, who should ●eele themselves laden, and burdened with such an oppression, both towards God, and their Prince, as the nobility, that clogged them, would bear no parte of it with them?  
could any thing possibly haue benne devised more iniurio●s to the people, more infamous to the nobility, and more like to bring the Rulers in contempt of the inferiors, and to make the base people repined at their superiors government? But I tarry to long in opening the iniquity of that, which is so manifest and so palpable an injustice of itself. let us therefore consider an other.  
behold likewise the equal Ordinance of your Wednesdaies fast: 
Eliz. An. 5. Cap. 5.  where the rich sort, that are fewest, being able to buy flessh and fissh, may freely eat both: and the poor sort most in number, being unable to buy fish, must either get white meate, or ea●e stones. And see what iustice it is, that forbiddeth the subject to honour, to aclowledge, or to confess his duty& office to his sovereign, that shalbe, or so much as to haue his person or name fixed before the eyes of his mind, to obey him the better, when the time shal come.  
And look vpon the equality of that lawe, that creating a new crime of that, which was none, ordaineth the penalty thereof, to haue relation, and to take place, from xiiij. yeares before the crime was constituted, or any offence committed. These things, you see, do bear the names and titles of laws. And were there ever things hard of, that more directly impugned common Iustice?  
Many examples mo might be brought you, of the open violation of the Iustice of your realm, which I call the rapture and ruin of the second wall and ward of your Common wealth, broken down to bring in the hollow Horse that I haue told you of. Wherein abuse yourselves how you will, a●d at your pleasure stop the mouths of your own: but prevail you can not, to stay other men from seeing and saying as they find it in deed: that is to say, nought else, but the raising, enriching & strengthening of those two Catilines and their confederates, with the weakening& prejudice of your queen, with the injury of your nobility, with the pillage of your people,& with the general detriment of your whole realm.  
Than come to the estates of your ancient nobility at home, 
The waste of Nobility, and hope of foreign force, manifest. & of your foreigners brought in from abroad. I put them together, because I would be as brief as I can. consider, whether ever the one were brought so low, or the other ever risen to that greatness& strength, since the smoke of your Conquest was extinguished. Account the number of your Dukes, earls,& Barons fled, imprisoned, impoverished, defamed, disgraced,& brought into your Princes disfavour. If you behold it( as other men do) aparted from the lies put forth to excuse it,& finding them not so few in number, as fourteen or fifteen, and of your principalest: it must appear many in your Common Wealth.  
Of Knights and Gentlemen of good ability, above four hundred may be name unto you, that at this day are brought into the same Predicament. And where ●●  
Be content likewise to hear the accoun● that other Nations, yea and your own to, if they durst show it, do make of your erection of that Crew and band of the party Protestant, 
A true description of the party Protestant.  which lying till your queens time like a dead lump of flesh, without spirit or life, was by her machiavellians first set a foot, and brought forth to show their face in the world. divide it, I say, from the lies suborned to countenance and accompany it: if you will behold it, as other men do, you must aclowledge it, as the creation of a Confederate company of licentious and unbridled persons, dispersed in every country( as the Iewes lately were) that being limited by no lawe of God nor of Conscience( nor yet of man, where they be of strength to show it) are the professed enemies of al monarchy and Kingly Dominion. Which whoso seeth not, is more then be●tle blind, so gross and senseless, or else so impudent and shameless: that he is as unworthy to be talked and reasoned withal, as is a stock, or an image of ston.  
The professed poison I call it, of al kingly Regiment. Whereof can any man be ignorant now, 
Where the● are able, there they vsurp● the gouernanc●.  that hath seen this fourteen years experience of every country, where the confederates for number and strength haue been bold to show themselves? How they haue, I mean, somewher by arte,& elsewhere by force, either won the Dominion into their own hands: or haue given proud pusshes for it, with the great consumption of the nobility, with excessive slaughter of the people, with the Princes passing charge and danger of State.  
In England you see, 
In Engl. by arte.  what by arte they haue won, and who reigneth in deed, by, and under the name of your queen. And for proof, if she haue been always well inclined of herself, to favour her cousin and Sister of Scotl.( as, no doubt, she hath been) and yet that favour so little availed, that under the cover there of the clean contrary hath been compassed, and al possible oppressions laid on her, that her deadlyest enemy could devise, under that wing& protection of your queens good affection, till by degrees she be come to the state, you see her in: let this be o●e mark to show you, who raign●th in deed, whosoever beareth the name. And if your queen saved the others life in Loghleuen( as it is believed shee did) and yet the other, brought now by other means, and in an other place into more danger of life, then ever shee was there: let that speak and tel you, who ruleth and bringeth his will to effect. For can it be thought, that they that defame, deprive, and imprison a Prince, do mind any less, then to destroy him at last?  
And can any man with reason think, that if Sinon did not intend by one mean or other, to make her away: would his shrewd head defame himself in this manner, and spot his own famed among al men, with the just suspicion of procuring her murder, though shee should fortune to die by nature, by casualty, or by others fault, as a great● woman didde not long since( you know) of whose death, he knoweth, some guiltless personnes were infamed ●aultie? And how near death hath she benne once or twice already, through duresse of imprisonment? Or is there any difference in substance and effect, which way sh●e die,( if her dai●s bee shortened by malice of man) whether it bee, by short and bloody violence, by intoxication, or by such maner holding and entreating, as by experience they know shall kill her in little more tract of time? This being seen( I say) to be done to her, whom your queen hath saved, and would save: tel me than, who is found to reign as King in deed, whether he, or shee?  
If your invasions into Scotland and France, if the money sent to pay Rebels in both, and if the Commissions and process to call the catholics to the oath and Communion, were done and sent, some without your Qu●nes knowledge, and the rest against her opinion and aduise: let these things bear witness, who hath the Dominion.  
Yea if their contempt of her be such, and so manifest, that every man seeth, how they coosen and scorn her, in what soever question her pleasure impugneth theirs● be it for case of Religion, for matter of war, for Coosyn of Scotl. for advancing or defacing, for punishing or rewarding, or what soever else, how s●ily they smile at her in their sleeves, in appearance yielding unto her words, and winding her finely to yeld to their deeds either by weeping to her face, when they laugh behind her back, or by feigning sickness for sorrow, when they ●reat for anger, till she sand to comfort them,& do relent to their lusts: if this practise, I say, be so frequent& common, that no court Christened is ignorant of it: who can be said to reign& to rule, but they, whose pleasures do● prenaile? Thus much for England.  

In Scotl. by force.  In Scotl. than it is manifest, that when the Con●ederats could be permitted no longer by arte to govern both Prince& realm: they forthwith by force deprived their queen, and with plain violence usurped the Regiment by strong hand, and so do keep it to this day.  
In France likewise, if a mean● subject holdeth the kings nose to the Grindestone, 
In France by halves.  if he haue maintained against him now twelve yeres warres in his own realm, if he keep the Kings towns, mangre the Kings will, if by force of sword he missed little to haue laid hands vpon his Soueraignes person, if he coined money under his own stamp, if he and his faction do kill whom they list without impeachment, if the King be constrained to permit them their preachings, to writ his known R●belles, good Cosins and councillors, and to call their Rebellion his own good service: if it can not be denied, but that it is so, than be yourselves judge, whether that faction in France be partetakers with the king in his Dominion, or no.  
And let the several assays given in Flanders by the confederates ther, 
An Fland. assayed to the●● coste.  to the lamentable ruin of that nobility, declare also, what they aspire unto in that State. And let these al together( being open known facts) put in ure by that faction( that was not seen in the world, till your Sinons set it up) serve to show you, with what eyes the indifferent multitude of men abroad do see and behold the same: what they think of it, and take it to be: and what your Quee●e herself shal belike find and taste of it, if any way she encounter them, or when so ever she shal offer to deliver herself out of their thraldom, and to take her Regiment out of theirs, into her own hands.  
And pass not this over as a matter of words& arguments only, but look vpon the printed books, called The Blasts of the trumpets, that manifestly impugn al womanly Regiment: and behold, how the French law called Lex Salica, that dissableth women to reign there, is by these Confedera●s adored and extolled every where. Consider, how nearly and narrowly your queen& her Sister escaped their several violent& forcible attempts, i● the yeres of 1553.& 1554. And wink not wilfully at this performance& execution of their purpose, with the queen of Scotland, that they assayed before against those Sisters of England. And remember, that neither in Flanders, nor France, are the ●oles of the same fire quenched, nor the ashes yet cold to this day.  
And finding the intention of their harts so manifestly testified by printed books, by daily and public speeches, by frequent facts and deeds, from year to year, and from day to day renewed: can it be less, then a plain fascination and sorcery, if your queen can not yet be induced to se● it? Or if she see it, how far from policy is it, and what a blindness of heart and iudgement is she fallen into: if yet she think it for her safety, to be made the instrument of the others confusion?  
Can it possibly tend to the service of any of both, that one of them should now persecute an other, when their common enemy is so evidently sene to be ready to devour them both? Y●a, is not al that they both can possibly do each for other, not only little enough, but also to be feared to be far to little, to keep any of both in their seats: from which the one is already removed,& the other abideth but the devotion of them, that in word and deed r●pine at womens Rule?  
Some among yourselves, I know, do see it plain enough, if they durst show it: and do  shed therfore tears of blood from their hartes, wisshing both those Qu●enes to make better account each of other, each to help and assist other, and each to fortify and strengthen other, as foreseing al to be little enough, against the malice intended to both. And in the sight of foreign Nations the practise threateneth so manifestly your queens speedy ruin( if it be not in time preuen●ed) that her offended enemies rejoice to see it so near at hand: and the indifferent sort condemneth them, that see it not, as gross, senseless, and void of common reason.  
This being the true acconnt, that other men cast of your home affairs, 
The truth of your state with France.  touching the true principal defences of e●ery common weal, that remaineth governed by a Christian Monarch: behold in a few words their est●mation and concept of your foreign treaty with the Nations your neighbours.  
And to begin with the French: behold the sedition sown in that realm, and renew the memory of the warres of newhaven: put apart, I mean, from the lies that were forged for the recovery of Calice, by those means to feed and foster it up withal. look also on the often raising of Rebels against that king syus, after sundry accords and pacifications. Consider the calling in, and payment of foreign forces, to invade his country, the secret subornation of the confederates even to this day, to hold his towns from him against the Articles of the last Treaty. divide from these, the lies and fables, put forth to cover those facts withall: and imagine with yourself, whether that King for his youth feeleth not, or for lightness forgetteth, or for favour forgeeueth that consumption of his treasures, that waste of his nobility, that infection of his people, that danger of his person, and that division of his crown( as it may be said) that he hath sustained, and to this day endureth by those means. Or is he ignorant, and hath no man to tel him, who hath wro●ght him this wo, and therfore wot●th not whom to accuse?  
Nay, what soever your words are, and how bravely so ever you brag of the matter unto your Q. your Acts do show, and your deeds do speak, that yourselves do see, what remaineth laid up in store against you, till it may stand with his policy, to show& lay it out. Why fawn you else so much vpon that new friend in face, made of your old enemy in hart? wherefore else do you uphold that Faction in his country, and every way feed the division between him and his subiects? Why else do you send some to treat a league with him in apparen●e, and others to practise with his Rebelles in secret, to hold that they haue? You think it is not known( and every man seeth it) that even presently you haue in his court, some as ambassadors, to manage one thing in show: and some privy workers, to contrive an other in hucker mucker.  
How so ever you bolster up the matter to your own, assure yourselves, that you can not deceive free sight●s abroad, but that other men b●holding deeply al parts of the same, do find therein of substance and weight that will abide si●ting, nought else in the world, rising towards you, or your queen, but great charges lost, much ●are cast away, English blood spilled, dishonour only gained, a seed of Quarrel sown, a roote of reuenge planted, and laid up in the deck, to be demanded against you, when your dissembled french friend shal see his time to exact it: and which, the English people and Nobility must answer in time, in what Princes daies so ever it happen. Calice thereby is made irrecoverable, and the face of Religion in France, as it was.  
With Scotland likewise look what your dealings haue been, 
The truth of your de●lings in Scotl.  with the same sight and iudgement, that other men do, whom with lies you can not abuse: the particulars whereof be more fresh and conspicuous, then that here they need to be expressed again. And looking on them, without the known lies, put forth to excuse them,( for so do other men behold and consider them) see, whether ever there were by King or queens name, so many treacheries committed, more heinous and indign for a Kingly vocation.  
If it were honourable in Charles the Emperour, to restore the Infidel and Barbarous King of Tunis: if King Henry the eight, Father to your queen, left not to urge the whereupon of Francis the French King( being just prisoner) till he had procured his liberty: if it were great honour to the King of spain, to restore the Duke of savoy,& to succour the French king against his rebellious subiects: if the Pope and other Princes of italy, thought themselves bound, both in honour and iustice, to assist the same King in those his civil warres: if these, I say, be facts open and known, and such, as no man hath the face, but to speak honour of them: be yourselves then judge, what must be thought and said of these twelve yeares troubles and oppressions under your Que●n●s name, and by her authority, laid vpon her cousin of Scotl.  
over which lay what cover you will to dec●iue yourselves, and to blind your own: few wise or honest men can you draw thereby, that be free from fearing you, to ween the same to be otherwise, then they are, nor for other to take th●m, to wr●te them, or to speak of them, but that your queen( while she will bear the burden of her Coniuratours crimes) will be deemed, and infamed, to be the contriver of al those Rebellions against that lady, that widow, that Christian queen, that Absolute Prince, of her own blood royal, and nearest kinswoman: that she hath been the inuader of the others country, the spoiler of her good subiects, the countenance of her Traitors, the surpriser of her Fortresses, the procurer of the barbarous outrages committed against herself, her husband, and her Secretary: of the usurpation of her Dominion, of her unnatural deprivation:& finally the unjust gailor of her personal imprisonment, against al laws of Nature and Nations.  
peruse likewise your proceedings with your old Allies, the houses of Burgundy& spain, 
Your terms with spain Burg. and Fland.  with the same sight( I mean) that other men do survey them:& let not the Kings good inclination to patience& peace, and his vnfeyned affection to your queen and realm, deceive your judgements, how so ever perhaps it increaceth your insolency. For the wise and indifferent sort can neither be blinded with your painted Proclamations of many words and few true, nor with his sufferance, be it ne●er so commendable in a Prince of his might, I mean: but that they see the injustice and the ingratitude of surpri●ing his mo●ie, of detaining the goods of his subiects, of robbing his people from day to day, of secret succouring and assisting his Confederate Uassals, of cutting away the mutual traffic, access, and concourse between his own countries by calling together and maintaining of pirates.  
Which, being severed from the lies and fables, that you put forth to cover it with( with which you please yourselves& blind a few) the indifferent multitude yet, that be the beholders and lookers on, can not but see them as they are, nor find less in them, then manifest injury and open robbery of Millions of poor men, done by a kind of Commission, as it were, from your queen( as her authority is abused)& proceeding of an vnprincelike ingratitude,& unthankful nature( she bearing others faults) towards her dearest, her surest, and her mightiest friend vpon earth. And without policy also for her and her realm, since it cannot be possible by Nature( be that King what he may be, yea though he were as patient as job) but that this dealing must weaken& minish the hearty amity& affection between him,& her, between his countries,& hers,& between both their successions. Which her posterity and realm must remain liable to answer, to the smart of every state therein, one way or other, in whose time so ever it shal fortune to come. Wherein who so seeth her security increased, her honour advanced, or her realm benefited, must ●etch his authority from Machiauel only. For, example, in any honest author, is none to be found, of any Christian Princes security to be greater, by the doubtfulness& decay of the friendship of his confederates: nor that ever Christian Region was benefited, by weakening the amity with her old Allies.  
behold, how her mildness& Clemency in government for many yeres together, 
Your Q. clemency● infamed b● their tyranny.  by speech and print was justly commended, and remaineth, no doubt, in her own good nature stil: and the renown therof redounding to her great Honour, whiles those Coniuratours( I mean) found not yet themselves in sufficient strength. But now the world abroad, finding the great terror and fear, that universally oppresseth the harts of al your people,& ouerwhelmeth, in a sort, your whole realm, cannot but hear and see that commendation of her clemency, that was justly her own, quiter and clean converted, into an injust infamy of other mens tyranny.  
For, bysides the late extreme executions in the North, in Norfolke● and about London( above the measure of the delicts, because the most of them were catholics) and bysides al your prisons pestered with Noble men& Gentlemen, no man almost wotteth why: bysides this( I say where few or none, to speak of, can pass from town to town unsearched: where no letter almost goeth from friend to friend unopened: where no mans talk with other scant scapeth unexamined: where it is accounted treason, rebellion,& sedition to haue, or to see to send, or receive, to keep, or to hear any letter, book, or speech, that might show you any parte, either of this conjuration, or of the crafts and falsehoods used to bring it to pass: yea, when the just commendation of a●y Noble man among yourselves( whom these base fellowes do envy or malign) is accounted a crime and derogation to your queen: and where every man that justly imputeth any of these disorders unto those Catilines, is taken and punished, as an attributour of the governance from your queen to a subject: can any man that hath wit or iudgement, see other therein, then thraldom and slavery? Yea, what servitude can be greater? What governance can be further from clemency and mercy?  
Finally, sequestering this change of your State, from the lies laid out to excuse it: it doth plainly conclude& convince, that these caitiffs will now haue your queen to bear the burden of their cruelty. 
☜  And because they feel themselves now in strength, will bring her into hatred and obloquy, to kindle in the harts of her people a weariness of her subiection, and a mislike of her regiment: 
☜  that they may be the readier and gladder to embrace the mutation, that these men intend to attempt, and to bear well, what so ever shal become of her, when these fellowes shal think the time ripe, by death, or deposing, to remove her.  
Remember, what can be gathered by any reasonable men, 
Your Q. surety less by one half.  that do behold the vnfeyned affection and r●uerente regard, that the queen of Scotland hath always born unto yours, as to her Mother, her Sister, her de●rest cousin and friend: that do believe likewise your Queen●s go●d inclination and affection towards her for many yeares together shewed, by s●eking to restore her( if these libels say ture): that forget not, how for al that time, there was no fear had of her, no rumours of reproach raised against her, she hold●n in no suspicion, nor no motion or memory of quarrel against h●r: that did see also, your queens security than a●sured, the stronger, the great●r, and every way undoubted, for the favour and good terms, that her successor stood● in with her: that seek and search to know, what she hath since committed, so offensive to your queen, as should deserve the intr●aty, which now she receiveth: or how your queens safety should be the greater for the others peril, when a third is seen prepared to supplant both: and finally, that see the fear and i●louzi●, that by your printed libels and public imprisonments you pretend and seem to stand in, of your queens safety now: they, I say, that as standards by& lookers on, do indifferently behold these points, s●cluded from the glos●s& fables blown out to feed fools withal: what other thing possibly can they discern therein, and judge to be meant th●rby, but a plain preparation, yea almost half an execution of your queens r●m●uing: she remaining the less by one half in every mans sight, whiles the other is left in hands of the third, as plainly she is, while these two Catilines govern al three?  
If the reading of approved writers be the way to teach men speculation, 
The Q. ma●● an Instrument to 〈◇〉 her self.  if the Histories of ages past do testify the practise, and if the iudgement of the indifferent sort, that be not parties nor Agents to the action in hand, be the truest glass& image, by which every man may see himself and his doings,& if the late examples of our own Familiars, and the uniform counsel of present and assured friends, be a better line& measure to square our daily doings by, then are our own partial and affencted fantasies: if this be so, then is it high time, yea and more then high time, that al you that tender your queens assurance, or your own preservations, do look on this matter with an other eye, then you haue done. Not by any violent and unlawful attempt: take me not so( for I mean it so little, that I hate and abhor it) but by leaving nothing vndon● with your queen, by counsel without ceasing( ye that be called to that place)& by petition without end( you that be not called so high) that she will vouchsafe with her own wisdom to way the weight of this cause, to see the same in it, that other men see, and in time to prevent and provide for the worst.  
She may remember, I suppose, that when her Father King Henry was foreseen to draw towards his end, and had made a provision to govern his realm by certain Executours and Assistants, with special prohibition to haue no protector in his sons minority: h● that then had the purpose in ●art to frustrate that ordinance, to make himself protector, and to govern both realm& King, played his first Pageant in King Henries own life,& made the King himself the first instrument, of fru●trating his own intention, and the laier of the first ston, in the others building, by taking away, before himself died, the Noblest, the mightiest, and the faithfullest Subiects( if any might be said to be more faithful then other) that he had in his realm: the famous Father and Grandfather( I mean) of this Noble Norf. now also cut of, even for like cause and crime in truth& in deed. For though other faults were pretended in both, yet their very chiefest crimes in deed were, that they than, and this now, were the hablest,& the likeliest to resist that purpose than, and this practise now intended.  
She may also remember( I doubt not) how he, that than had in mind, after to remo●e that protector, played also his first parte in the protectors own time, and made the protector himself, the prime roote of his own ruin, and first to put hand to the others work: by ●utting from himself his natural Brother, and in applying himself to be so popular: of which the one was the ground of his fall, and the other, should haue been his pillar to lean on. In whose decay there wanted not( though I will not affirm so much) that did prognosticate, the reign of the Infant King Edward not like to continue long, whose name was used to his Uncles confusion. And it can not be, but that shee remembreth, that the foundation made by that Brother of hers( if that may be called his, that was done in his name) to haue deprived both herself, and her Sister, was a pretence of Religion, and fear of foreign Dominion: though no man were so blind, but that he saw, it bended and tended to a far other mark.  
Of the several murders of the D. of Guise, of david the Scottish secretary, and of her cousin Darley, called King of Scotland, it can not be, but shee seeth, that whatsoever the several pretences were, the sequels of those acts shortly brought forth the plain deprivation o● the one Prince, from her whole Dominion: and the dividing of the other into halves, as it were, between that King& his Confederate subiectes. On which examples, being al so fresh and new, when men, that be wise, do deeply bethink them,& do withal remember, what ugly pretences were used, to shadow them al when they were in doing, which in this short time haue already appeared so vain, so idle, so false, and fabulous toys, as your s●lues( I dare say) will now confess them to be: this being so, what less or other can it now be, then a plain bewitching, that your queen being of so rare wisdom, for a woman, should yet be so circumvented and blinded, as not to see herself made the instrument of her own undoing?  
will they, troweth she, lack pretences to plead and to object against her, when they see their time, that haue found these pretences against her two Cosi●s? will they lack matter, to defame her to the world, and to bring her in hatred and obloquy of the people: that haue forged so many colourlesse sclanders against these, that are her nearest in blood? Specially having given them before hand their pardon, as it were, and a free discharge, of what villainy so ever they shal committe against her? For, less than that, do few wise men deem& gather of this captivity of those two Princes, that are her children, her heires, her pillars to lean on, her stays to uphold her, her faithfullest friends, her most loial ser●ants, and the only revengers of her quarrel and wrong.  
Now these Treasons against your queens person, 
Your realm purposely di●ided into factions.  being not traversable in the eyes of al them, that can and will see light at noon daies: reuewe a little again the other committed against your Country and realm: the two seeds of sedition( I mean) purposely sown, to divide it into Factions, that it may rent itself in pieces. For like as no man denieth, but that civil sedition and intestine division is the most pernitions poison, that possibly can be given to any common Wealth: even so must al men confess, that by nothing earthly, are al men drawn thereunto so soon, so sharply, and so uneasy to be reconciled, as when for their Religion, on which reasteth their souls, or for the Title of their crown, on which resteth their lives& their wealth, a question, quarrel, and pike is put, whereof not only two, but ten, or twenty parties and Factions may haue colour, each to resist and withstand other. And see, whether purposed preparation be not made for both, and both two planted, yea and well grown already: as if one of them were to little, or might fortune to be appeased, that yet the other than might serve, to tear the Country a sunder.  
Of the quarrel for your crown, you haue somewhat heard before, how the Title of a third House is provided for, and preferred before the second, which in lawe is before it. How they both two, and al other interests bysides, are laboured by law to be brought in oblivion, and to become unknown: now, and at this time( I mean) when the contrivers thereof find themselves in that strength, that they shalbe able to make themselves Iudges and Arbitrato●rs of the quarrel,& to give the crown to whether party they list. And look not hereupon, as vpon a forced or strained argument: but look vpon your own Law, that giveth to him, that can ●irst lay hands on it, whatsoever is found without an owner. And this last new Law taking his e●fect( as needs it must, if it continue in force any time) leaveth your crown without proprietary to claim it, v● occupanti concedatur. And the Cro●ne of your realm, being such a Garland, as few in christendom do pass or exceed it: can any man imag●ne, that mo then one will not press to lay hand on it, when th●y shal find it free for him that can catch it? Or if such provision shalbe made in the mean time, that none but one shal be able to attempt the same: then s●●, how base the rest must be brought befor●.  
And over that, bysides the duty the people doth owe, to whom so ever they tak● to haue just Title( and for such the Multitude taketh, who so ever is by authority among them commended for such one unto them) bysides this, I say, if both by Nature, by Iustice,& by al experience, every subject looketh for aduancement and reward at his hands, whom they can set up: now behold you, whether here be a bone cast forth, or not, for your own to stri●e for? yea though that law should fail of his effect, whiles that Title of Scotland, that your Law prefereth, is by false artes and arguments laboured to be supplanted. Neither is it to be forgotten, that in like cases it hath chanced in other Countreys: where, whiles two such Titles haue ben at contention, the weaker hath ben glad, to call for foreign help to make him equal with his adversary, who many times hath taken the bone from both.  
For Religion likewise, behold how manifest it is, that they will haue the contention maintained. For being unpossible( as ●uery man seeth) to e●tinct the party catholic, whiles France, Flanders, spain, italy, Ireland, a great part of germany, Poolland, Swicherland& diuers other States cannot be induced to admit any other, yea whiles your own Authority in al public words,& appearance,& in al pretensed Letters to Princes, do give and make show, that catholics with you may live after their conscience, that none of them are impeached for their Religion nor faith: ye● whiles to crave the thank and glory to be accounted clement and merciful, your Go●ernors make choice, to pretend other crimes against such. catholics as they would kill, and rather to pine them and waste them away, by length of imprisonment,& oppressions, by pillage& endless vexations, then by speedy and violent death( which were less pain of the two,& the way to extinct them) are not al these evident argumen●s and plain demonstrations, that th●se contrivers will not haue the catholic party so utterly extinct, but that there should stil remain a Party of them, to uphold and maintain the inward division, how so ever they oppress it, and seek to make the other the strong●r?  
And what possibly can come of this among yourselves, but the same that you haue seen come to pass in Scotl. and France: when so ever any gap shal be opened, whereof both parties may haue hope to take hold? And who can say, that these practices are not purposely procured to bring forth this end, that is so evident to be s●●ne ensuring vpon them? And can there be to any Country● a more unnatural Treason intended? How so ●uer with fear you tie up most tungs among yourselves: there be numbers, that see it plainly enough,& where they dar● trust, do speak● it also. And as for the rest of the world abroad, few or none of any discourse, conceive otherwise, nor look for less.  
And now, 
The Conclusion.  good Reader, look what I haue here shewed you, to be the speech, sense, and sentence, of al foreign Nations, and of many of your own, if they durst show it( speaking s●uerally of the most number of them● whose judgements are regardable) in these few particulars, of which by iteration in a sort, I ha●e made new mention: the like could I also show you, of al the rest before spoken of, and so sensibly prove them, as by reason th●y should not be denied. For most certain, vndo●bted,& w●l known it is to them, that converse with Strangers abroad, and a●e trusted by your gravest at home, that it is not the stoping of the mouths of the multitude among yourselves, nor yet the forged fears pr●tended to your own, that can stay the tongues or pens of the world abroad, nor deceive them in seing the truth of those affairs, upon which the eyes and ears of al the West world are bent at this day.  
But these sufficing to bring more to mind, and plainly showing to them, that haue any eye open, that these painted pretences of plausible things, s●ggested to draw your queen on by little and little ●rom time to time, into this confusion, haue so far failed and wanted to performing that they promised, and of bringing forth the fruit, that the faire blossoms gave hope of, that after fourte●e yeares, following the trade and steps of those men in steede o● al quiet, security, and prospesperous reign, shee never fo●nd herself less quiet, less secure, nor her State more doubtful: wisdom( I ween) yea and Machiauell himself, if he were now living, would think it good policy to ●rie Ho bytimes, to beleeue words no longer, but deeds an other while:& rather wisely to aclowledge her sel●e seduced& out of the way, by following those erroneous guides, that forsaking the high way of her public office, haue lead her the by-path of their own private gain: than wilfully to run forward without sparing thick or thin or care of inconveniency.  
If your Q. therefore shal vouchsafe to consider, 
No benefit to her, nor hers, by none of al the changes.  by occasion of these few, what other important mutations and practices haue passed under her name and authority, since the time of her reign:& shal by that great wisdom, wherewith God hath endowed her, disco●er and find( as easily she may, since every man seeth it) that by none of them al, unto herself, or her State, to her realm or Dominions, to her Line or Succession, to her nobility, or people, no manner quiet nor security, no common benefit, nor care, no provision, nor honour, no estimation, nor other advancement hath ben● in deed and in truth purchased or procured, 
But preiudices many.  but clean contrarily by them al almost, herself in Honour touched, her security of State weakened, her assured friends in number minished, and in affection alienated, and thereby her realms& Dominions endangered of damage, her known Succession by penal law laboured to be brought in doubt( that of her own body fast growing to despair, and that of her next Line, brought even to the brink to be utterly extirped) her nobility so wasted in number, and their credit so consumed, that few or none of them haue authority with her, or reputation with her people: and finally, her Commons so corrupt with want of conscience& la●ke of fear to sin, and so fast growing to incivility by lack of Iustice and Religion, that al fidelity is ●ailed, al mutual trust ceased,& scant is one man found that dare and may safely trust an other: yea and that al this hath been by arte and cun●ing compassed and contrived by a couple of Companions( whom she called to credit, of base parents born, at s●hoole barely maintained, first called to court, the one from book, the other from Buttery, now more then Barons by Office& dignity, more then earls in possessions and wealth, and more then any Dukes in authority with her) chiefly to feed their own humours, to serve their own turns, and to bring their own private purposes about, which were, to roote out the old Religion, and with the name of a new, for a while, in short time to leave none at al, to raise a rabble of Rascals as base as themselves to countenance& accompany them, to enrich themselves without limit or measure, to plant them a Posterity among the Noblest, to ●stablish their own authority stable and permanent, and finally, to advance that family unto the crown, to which by marriage they haue united themselves: if this fruit and end only, herself( I say) shal see, to haue grown and been gathered of al the mutations in her time, and in truth to haue brought forth none other to herself, nor to any of hers, and the promised bringing also al Princes to her bent, to be at this day as far from performance, as when they began it, what show and face so ever they lay on the matter: than hath she great reason, now at length, to know these Catilines for such, as they are, and to cash& cast ●oth them and their counsels, out of her credit and court, and thereby recover herself out of their thraldom and subiection: in which by fraudulent fears, by crafty counsel, by false persuasions,& by many a loud lye vpon many an honest man, they haue long holden and de●●ined her.  
Out of which captivity if she were once delivered, and thereby at liberty to lay the fault where it is( which she can never do, whiles they be the chief of al her consultations there would be do doubt, but that grace would so work with her wisdom and good nature, that in short time she would redress these disorders, and restore herself again to her primitive quiet and first assured State.  

The best 〈◇〉 of her ●●●urne with safeti●.  The way whereunto( if I may presume to show it her) is, first to reconcile herself unto the Sea apostolic: whereby she may reign in that Christian unity of the catholic church, that al her Progenitors for ●ight hundred yeres and more, haue reigned in before her: whereby God may prosper again her attempts& procedings,& whereby her people may again uniformly, and for conscience sake, ●oth lou● and obey her.  
Than, to renew and establish the unfeigned amity of the old confederates and Allies of her crown, by which mutual amity every Prince is made the stronger.  
Than, to restore her cousin of Scotland to her liberty, State, Honour, and famed: whose prosperity( no doubt) is her own assurance.  
Than, in one place or other to mary herself at her own good liking, sins yet she is not past hope of child-bearing.  
Than, to reduce her nobility to their just and wonted credit, and by their aduise to govern hereafter.  
Than, to rule her people by Religion and Iustice.  
And lastly, to repair the wasted Treasures of her crown, by the due search and just correction of the bribery, corruptions, and oppressions long used unto her Subiects.  
These shal she find to haue been the steps and presidents of her Royal Progenitors. And in these shal she find true qui●tnes, both outward, and inward, true honour before God, and man, unfeigned amity abroad, and hearty obedience at home, faithful yove and reverence of her Coosins and Heires, and al duty and loyalty of her nobility: which are the principal and undoubted pillars of al security and safety of every Christen Princes State. And by these, shal she long( if God so please) enjoy her reign,& end it( when God will) with the quiet and peace, that she began it.  
Which way if her pleasure be not to take, but that( either for favour, or fear of the Faction that herself hath set up) she shal make choice to run on the race already begun, 
The inconveniences of going forward.  with what so ever event: it is not only likely, but it must be looked for, that she hath already seen the best and the quietest of her time.  
That she shal be, as she hath been, in every thing almost, stil circumvented more or less. Her name shalbe abused, her Authority missapplied, the Religion of her realm so oft turned this way, and that way, till none at al shalbe left in her peoples harts, the Iustice of the same shalbe set as an harlot out to hire, he● nobility shalbe wasted, till few be left of them, and they of no credit. She shal bear the infamy of consuming the old, and her Catilins shal haue the glory of erecting the new. She weakened by the one, and they strengthened by the other. Her people shal obey her no farther, then fear of mans law shal enforce thē, her foreign friends shal fall from her, her foreign enemies shal grow insolent& glory over her, her realm shal stil be impouerisshed and oppressed with Strangers, of whose love nor service she can never be sure: of foreign invasions ever in doubt, of tumults at home never assured, her Nobles brought low that should defend her, her kindred consumed, that should stand by and succeed her, her security talked of, but nothing intended, the succession of her own line in short time desperate, and she made the Instrument to extinct the next.  
Which when she hath done, and taken them away, whose lives are her surety: then shal the time be ripe, untimely also to make an end of her own, if God by some mean prevent not the malice of them, that this way lead her, for their owns ambition, to her own destruction. And than shal she leave her crown in question, the Religion in debate, her people divided for both, and her realm answerable for in●inite injuries to al Nations adjoining( the smart whereof, you my lords of the nobility, and your Successions, shal chiefly feel) without hearty friend abroad to succour or defend it.  
And after al these troubles and garboils in which she shal lead and end the rest of her reign, with the l●cke of al the comforts of this life, yet shal she leave the things, for which she forreinly contended, in little other terms, then she found them, as fourteen yeres experience already hath taught her. For stil remain both Flanders, and France, italy and spain in their former state touching Religion( which she was born in hand● by her caitiff Catilines, would with her haue renounced the obedience of the church of Rome) and Calice stil French as it was before: and their Princes stil so ready and able in al those their Contreis to impugn her Proceedings, that she hath no more hope, then she had at the first, of drawing them to follow her example therein.  
Whereby her wisdom may see, with what care and fear she turmoileth, how vainly she laboureth, and is likely at last in great infamy to end her daies, and with her body to bury her honour, with more reproach for other mens faults, then ever any Parent of hers, Prince of that realm, hath sustained for their own. Which God grant her as much grace to consider and prevent, as he hath given her wisdom to understand and perceive.  
FINIS.   

faults escaped in the Printing.  
Fol. page.. Lin. Fault. Correction. 5. 1. 9. pooke powke. 2●. 2. 17. her state her, of her state. 25. 2. 13. demands, demanders. 49. 1. 11. your queen the queen. 5●. 1. 27. forgeth, forgetteth. 73. 1. 19. Sate, State. 122. 2. 25. example: bishop examples: bishops 145. 1. margin. Barthol, Barr. Ibid. 2. margin. Donat, Dannet. 1●5. 2. 2. for coosen, for her coosen 166. 2. 6. her? herself?