THE book name the governor, devised by sir Thomas Elyot knight. ❧  
1534   

The proem of Thomas Elyot knight unto the most noble& victorious prince king Henry the eight king of england and france, defender of the true faith, and lord of ireland.  
I LATE considering( most excellent prince and mine onely redoubted sovereign lord) my duty, that I owe to my natural country, with my faith also of alligeance and oath, wherewith I am double bound unto your majesty, more over thaccompte that I haue to render for that one little talent delivered to me, to employ( as I suppose) to the increase of virtue, I am( as god iuge me) violently stirred to deuulgate or set forth some part of my study, trusting thereby to acquit me of my dueties to god, your highnes,& this my country. wherefore taking comfort& boldness, partly of your graces most benevolent inclination toward the universal weal of your subiectes, partly inflamed with zeal, I haue now enterprised to describe in our vulgar tongue, the form of a just public weal: which matter I haue gathered, as well of the sayings of most noble authors( greeks and latyns) as by mine own experience: I being continually trained in some daily affairs of the public weal of this your most noble realm almost from my childehode. Which attemptate is not of presumption to teach any person, I myself having most need of teaching: But only to the intent that men, which will be studious about the weal public, may find the thing thereto expedient compendiously written. And for as much as this present book treateth of the education of them, that hereafter may be deemed worthy to be gouernours of the public weal under your highnes( which Plato affirmeth to be the first and chief parte of a public weal, Salomon saying also, where gouernours be not, the people shall fall into ruin.) I therfore haue name it the governor,& do now dedicate it unto your highnes as the first fruits of my study: verily trusting that your most excellent wisdom coil therein esteem my loyal heart and diligent endeavour, by the example of Artaxerxes, the noble king of Persia: who rejected not the poor husband man, which offered to him his homely hands full of clean water, but most graciously received it with thankes, esteeming the present not after the value, but rather to the will of the giver. Semblably king alexander retained with him the poet Cherilus honourably, for writing his history, all though that the poet was but of a small estimation: which that prince did not for lack of judgment, he being of excellent learning, as disciple to Arystotell: but to thentent that his liberality employed on Cherilus, should animate or give courage to others much better learned, to contend with him in a semblable enterprise. And if, most virtuous prince, I may perceive your highness to be herewith pleased, I shall soon after( god giving me quietness) present your grace with the residue of my study& labours. Wherein your highnes shall well perceive, that I nothing esteem so much in this world, as your royal estate( my most dere common lord, and the public weal of my country) protestynge unto your excellent majesty, that where I commend herein any one virtue, or dispraise any one vice, I mean the general description of thone and tother, without any other particular meaning to the reproach of any one person: to the which protestation I am now driven through the malignity of this present time, all disposed to malicious detraction. wherefore I most humbly beseech your highnes, to dayne to be patron and defemder of this little work, again the assaults of malign interpreters: which fail not to rent and deface the renown of writers, they themselves being in nothing to the public weal profitable: which is by no man sooner perceived, than by your highnes, being both in wisdom and very nobility equal to the most excellent princis, whom I beseech god ye may surmounte in long life and perfect felicity.  
Amen.   


¶ The chapters contained in the first book.  
THe signification of a public weal, and why it is called in latin Respublica. Cap. 1. fol. 1.  
That one sovereign governor ought to be in a public weal,& what damage hath happened by lacking one sovereign governor. Cap. ii. fo. 6.  
That in a public weal ought to be inferior gouernours called magistrates. cap. 3. fol. 13.  
The education or form of bringing up the child of a gentle man, which is to haue authority in the public weal. ca. 4. fo. 15.  
The order of learning before the child cometh to thage of .vii. yeres. cap. v. fo. 17.  
when a tutor should be provided, and what shall app ertayne to his office. Ca. vi. fo. 19.  
In what wise music may be unto a noble man necessary. cap. 7. fol. 20.  
That it is commendable in a gentle man to paint or carve exactly, yf nature do thereto induce him. Cap. 8. fo. 23.  
What exact diligence should be in choosing of masters. Cap. ix. fo. 26.  
what order should be in learning,& which authors should be first radde. Ca. x. fo. 28.  
The most necessary studies succeeding the lesson of poets. cap. xi. fo. 33.  
why gentlemen in this present time be not equal in doctrine to the ancient noble men. Cap. xii. fol. 40.  
The second and thyrde decay of learning. Cap. xiii. fo. 43.  
How the students in the laws of this realm may take excellent commodity by the lessons of sundry doctrines. ca. xiiii. fo. 50.  
The causes why in england be few perfect school maisters. Ca. xv. fo. 56.  
Of sundry forms of exercise necessary for a gentleman. Cap. xvi. fol. 57.  
Exercises whereof cometh both recreation and profit. Cap. xvii. fo. 59.  
The ancient hunting of greeks romans and Persians. cap. xviii. fo. 62.  
That all daunsynge is not to be reproved. Cap. xix. fol. 67.  
The first beginning of daunsyng, and the old estimation thereof. Ca. xx. fo. 69.  
wherefore in the good order of daunsynge a man and a woman do dance together. Cap. xxi. fo. 77.  
Howe daunsynge may be an introduction into the first moralle virtue called Prudence. cap. xxii. fo. 79.  
Of providence& industry. cap. xxiii. fo. 81.  
Of circumspection. ca. xxiiii. fol. 83.  
Of election, experience, and modesty. cap. 25. 86.  
Of other exercises, which moderatelye used, be to every estate of man expedient. ca. xxvi. fol. 88.  
That shooting in a long bow is principal of all other exercises. cap. xxvii. fo. 91.   

¶ The chapiters contained in the second book.  
What thing he that is elected to be a governor of a public weal ought to premeditate. cap. pri. fo. 94.  
what majesty is. ca. ii. fo. 96.  
Of apparel belonging to a governor or great counsaylour. ca. iii. fo. 101.  
what very nobility is. cap. iiii. fo. 103.  
Of affability& the vtilite therof. ca. v. 106.  
How noble a virtue placabilite is. ca. vi. 111.  
That a governor ought to be mercyfulle, and the dyuersytie between mercy and vain pity. cap. vii. fo. 116.  
The three principal partes of humanity. cap. viii. fol. 121.  
Of what excellence benevolence is. ca. ix. 122.  
Of beneficence& liberality. cap. x. fo. 130.  
The true definition of amity, and between what persons it happeneth. cap. xi. fo. 132.  
The wonderful history of Titus and Gisyppus, wherein is the image of perfect amity. cap. xii. fol. 136.  
The diuisyon of Ingratitude and the dispraise therof. cap. xiii. fo. 152.  
The election of friends, and the diversity of flatterers. cap. xiiii. fo. 154.   

¶ The chapiters contained in the thyrde book.  
OF the most excellent virtue name justice. capi. i. fol. 158.  
The first parte of justice distrybutyfe. cap. ii. fo. 159.  
The three notable councils of reason, society, and knowledge. cap. iii. fo. 163.  
Of fraud and Deccite, which be again Iustice. Cap. iiii fol. 167.  
That justice ought to be between ennemyes. cap. v. fol. 170.  
Of faith called in latin Fides. ca. vi. fo. 171  
Of promise and covenant, and of what importance oaths were in old time. Capitul. vii. fol. 178.  
Of the noble virtue Fortytude, and the two extremities therof audacity and timerosytie. Cap. viii. fol. 181.  
In what acts fortitude is. Cap. ix. fo. 184.  
Of peynefulnesse a companion of Fortitude. Cap. x. fo. 185.  
Of the fair virtue patience, and the true defynition therof. Cap. xi. fol. 188.  
Of patience in susteynynge wrongs and rebukes. Cap. xii. fo. 189.  
Of repulse or hindrance of promotion. Capi. xiii. fol. 190.  
Of magnanimity, which may be name valiant courage. Cap. xiiii. fo. 193.  
Of obstinacy, a familiar 'vice following magnanimity. Cap. xv. fo. 196.  
Of a perillo{us} 'vice called ambition. xvi. fo. eo.  
The true signification of abstinence and continence. Cap. xvii. fol. 199.  
Examples of continence given by noble men Cap. xviii. fol. 202.  
Of constance called also stabilite. C. xix. 204  
The true signification of temperance Cap. xx. fol. 207.  
Of moderation a spice of temperance. Cap. xxi. fol. 208.  
Of Moderation in diet called sobriety. Ca. xxii. fo. 211.  
Of sapience& the definition therof .xxiii. 215.  
The true signification of understanding. Cap. xxiiii. fol. 222.  
Of experience preceding our time with a defence of histories. Ca. xxv. fo. 226.  
The experience necessary for the person of every governor. Cap. xxv. fo. 230.  
Of detraction& the image therof made by Apelles the noble painter. Ca. xxvi. 233.  
Of consultation& counsel, and in what form they ought to be used. ca. xxvii. 235.  
The principal considerations to be in every consultation. Cap. xxviii. fo. 237.  
The second consideration with the conclusion of this work. Cap. xix. fol. 239.    

Tabula Alphabetica.  

abstaining from rewardis. 199  
Adolescency. fol. 103.  
Alexands music. 21.  
Alexaunders cruelty. foli. 108.  
amity. fo. 121.  
Ambition. 198.  
Archa federis. 74.  
Arte of rhetoric in motyng. 53.  
audacity. 182.  
Ancient robes. 104.  
arundel a horse. 62.   

B  
Bee. fol. 7.  
benevolence. 121. 126  
Beneficence. 130.  
A brawl in daunsynge. fo. 80.  
Bucephal a horse. 61   

C  
Campus Martius. 61.  
cards. fol. 91.  
celerity, or quickness. fol. 80.  
Ceremonies. fo. 162.  
chess. fol. 91.  
charity. 121. 125.  
civil warres. fo. 11.  
Comedies. 47.  
Commodities that do happen by aduancement of good men. 191.  
Choribantes. 69.  
Cesars tyranny. 108.  
ꝯtinence. 204.  
confidence. 206.  
constance equal to Justyce. 205.  
cosmography, and the commodities ther of. fol. 35.  
Consideration. 82.  
Consideration in giving. 130.  
counsellors disers. fol. 90.  
Councellors. 163. 238  
cruelty. 113. 116.  
Churches material and ornamentis. 161.  
Curates. 69.  
Courage. 193.  
covetise. 198.  
Consideration of go uernours. 95.  
Consultation. 235.  
council. 235. 137. 238  
counsel proved by iii. things. 236.   

D  
damage ensuing lack of liberty of speech. 109.  
Decay of archers. 93  
Decii and their avow. 105.  
Defence with weapons. fol. 61.  
devotion. 160.  
Dimocratia. fo. 6.  
Dionise the tiran. 18.  
Discretion. 87.  
Disobedience. 95.   

E  
Education of noble wits. fo. 15.  
England divided. 11.  
Election. 86.  
Eloquence. 44. 4●.  
Epistol of king ●●ilip to Aristotle. ●●.  
Esops fables. eodem.  
Aequalitie in veils and corporalle substance. fo. 164.  
Estimation of disers folio. 90.  
experience or execution. fol. 86.  
Exercises for preser uyng of health. 92.   

F  
faithful tutor. 177.  
Faithefulnes in subiectes. 177.  
Faith neglectid. 172  
Festina lent. 81.  
fidelity. 172. 173.  
flattery. 156.  
Flatterers. 157.  
Form of an oath. 179.  
friends. 157.  
fraud and deceit. 167. 168. 169.  
frugality. 212.  
friendship. 150. 151. 154.   

G  
gentlemen. fo. 14.  
Gelo king of Sycyle. 72.  
gentle countenance. fol. 107.  
governance. 166. 181  
governess. 15.   

H  
Honour. fol. 4. 159.  
Histories. 36. 175. 226. 227.  
hawking. 66.  
Hangynges& plate meet for a noble man. fol. 102.  
Haut countenance. 106  
Henry beau clerk, king of England. folio. 40.  
honesty. 170.  
hunting of Persyans, greeks,& Romans. 64. 65, 66.   

I  
Infancy. 16.  
Instruction in infancy. fol. 18. 28.  
Industry. 82.  
idleness. 88.  
Iuell custom. 9.  
Ire, or wrath. 111.  
justice. 123. 158. 167.  
Iniuurie. fo. 167.  
Incontinence. 208.  
Image of detraction. fol. 134.   

K  
kings of romans. fo. 10.  
king Edgar. 12.  
king david daunfynge openly. 74.  
king Henry the seventh. fo. 85.  
king Xerxes. 89.  
king Codrus. 125.  
kindness in beasts. 152.  
knowledge. 162. 164 166.   

L  
Leonidas. fo. 20.  
Lisippus. 25.  
liberality. 88. 121.  
liberty in speaking. 108. 109.  
liberal man. 122. 130. 131.  
loyalty. 173. 174.  
logic. fol. 33.  
love. 121.   

M  
majesty. fo. 10.  
Mans qualities. 78.  
maturity. 80.  
Mansuetude. 88.  
mercy shewed by Augustus to his en nemye. 117.  
Mercy and gentleness. fo. 119.  
modesty. 87. 88.  
moral philosophy. folio. 38.  
Moderation of wrath fol. 210.  
Musis. 219.   

N  
nurses how they should be chosen. 15.  
Name of a king whence it proceeded. 158.  
nobility. 103. 104.  
Numa king of Romayns. ibidem.  
Nygardshyp. 213.   

O  
Office of a tutor. 20.  
Occupation. 12.  
Opinion. 189,  
opportunity. 86.  
Order. fol. 2.  
oaths. 179.   

P  
patience. 125. 189. 191.  
pattern of a perfit governor. 187.  
Peinfulnes in herig controversies. 187.  
perjury. 179.  
playing at dice. 89.  
phoenix Achilles tu tower. fol. 19.  
Plebs. fol. 2.  
Plebeii. codem.  
poets. 33. 46.  
policy of hannibal. 186.  
placability. 114.  
Populus. fo. 1.  
profit. eodem.  
providence. 81.  
Prudence. 79.  
Prodigalite. 131. 132.  
Princis of Grece. 9.  
public weal. 1.  
public. ibidem.  
public& commune. 2  
Preparation of gouernours. 95.  
Promise. 181.  
puissance lacking benevolence. 129.   

R  
Respublica. fol. 1.  
running. 59.  
rhetoric. 33.  
Reprinse in daunsynge. fo. 83.  
Remedy against impatience. 190.  
Rydinge and vauntynge of horses. 61.   

S  
Sapience word is to gouernours. 96.  
Sapience. 221.  
sharpness of Justyce. fol. 123.  
Science. fo. 221.  
Singles in dansing. 81  
simplicity. 169.  
shooting in a long bow. 92.  
sobriety. 212.  
slowness. 80.  
Swymmyng. 61.   

T  
Tables. fol. 90.  
Table to hang in gouernours chambers. fol. 98.  
temperance. 208.  
Tenyse play. 92.  
Timorositie. 182.  
Tullies officis. 38.  
Treatorie of lucifer. fol. 89.  
toleration of Fortune good& bad. 109  
Treason. 170.  
trust. 173.   

U  
Uayne pity. 119.  
virtue. 130.  
Uengeance for treason. 178.  
Ualiant man. 182. 184  
Understandyng. 4.  
wrestling. 59.   
FINIS TABVLAE.   

THE first book.  

¶ The signification of a public weal, and why it is called in latin Respublica.  
A public weal is in sundry wise defined by philosophers, but knowing by experience, that the often repetition of any thing of grave or sad importance, will be tedious to the readers of this work, who perchance for the more parte haue not ben trained in learning containing semblable matter: I haue compiled one definition out of many, in as compendious form, as my poor wit can devise: trusting that in those few words the true signification of a public wele shall evidently appear, to them whom reason can satisfy.  
¶ A public weal is a body living, compact 
public weal.  or made of sundry estates and degrees of men, which is disposed by the order of equytye, and governed by the rule and moderation of reason. In the latin tongue it is called Respublica, of the which the 
Respublica.  word Res, hath dyvers significations, and doth not onely betoken that, that is called a thing, which is distinct from a person, but also signifieth estate, condityon, substance, and profit.  
¶ In our old vulgar, profit is called 
profit.  weal. And it is called a wealthy country, wherein is al thing that is profitable: And he is a wealthy man, that is rich in money and substance. public( as Uarro saith) 
public.  is diriuied of people: which in latin is called Populus. wherefore it seemeth, that men haue ben long abused, in calling Rempublicam, a commune weal. And they which do suppose it so to be called, for that, that every thing should be to all men in commune, without discrepaunce of any estate or condition, be thereto moved more by sensualite, than by any good reason or inclination to humanity. And that shall so one appear unto them, that will be satysfied either with authority, or with natural order and example.  
¶ first the proper and true signification of the words, public and Comune, which be borrowed of the latin tongue, for the insufficiency of our own language, shal sufficiently declare the blindness of them, which haue hitherto holden and meynteyned the said opinions. As I haue said, public took his beginning of people, which in latin is Populus: in which word 
populus.  is contained, all the inhabitants of a realm or city, of what estate or condition so ever they be.  
¶ Plebs in english, is called the commonalty, 
plebs.  which signifieth onely the multitude, wherein be contained the base& vulgar inhabitants, not advanced to any honour or dignity: which is also used in our daily communication. for in the city of London, and other cities, they that be none aldermen, or sheriffes, be called commoners. And in the country, at a sessions, or other assembly, if no gentle men be there at, the saying is, that there was none but the communaltye, which proveth, in mine opinion, that Plebs in latin, is in englishe commonalty: and Plebeij be commoners. 
plebeii.   
¶ And consequently there may appear, like diversity to be in englishe, between a public weal, and a commune weal, as 
public& commune.  should be in latin, between Res publica, and Res plebeia. And after that signification, if there should be a commune weal, either the commoners onely must be wealthy, and the gentle and noble men, needy and miserable: orelles excludyng gentylitie, al men must be of one degree and sort, and a new name provided. For as much as Plebs, in latin, and comminers in english, be words onely made for the discrepance of degrees, whereof proceedeth order: which 
order.  in things, as well natural as supernatural, hath ever had such a pre-eminence, that thereby the incomprehensible majesty of god, as it were by a bright leme of a torch or candle, is declared to the blind inhabitants of this world.  
¶ More over, take away Order from all things, what should than remain? Certes nothing finally, except somme man wolde imagine eftsoons, Chaos, which of some is expounded, a confuse mixture. 
Chaos.   
¶ Also where there is any lack of order, needs must be perpetual conflycte. And in things, subject to nature, no thing of himself onely may be nourished: but when he hath destroyed that, wherewith he doth participate, by the order of his creation, he himself of necessity must than perish, whereof ensueth universal dyssolution.  
¶ But now to prove by example of those things, that be within the coumpasse of mannes knowledge, of what estimation order is, not onely among men, but also with god, all be it his wisdom, bountye, and magnificence, can be with no tongue or pen sufficiently expressed. Hath not he set degrees& estates in all his glorious archdukes?  
¶ first in his heavenly ministers, whom, as the church affyrmethe, he hath constituted to be in dyvers degrees, called hierarches. Also christ saith, by his evangelist, that in the house of his father( which is god) be many mansions.  
¶ But to treat of that, which by natural 
Elemen{is}.  understanding, may be comprehended, behold the four elements, whereof the body of man is compact, how they be set in their places, called spheres, higher or lower, according to the souerayntie of their natures: that is to say, the fire, as the most pure element, having in it nothing, that is corruptible, in his place, is hygheste, and above other elements.  
The air, which next to the fire, is most pure in substance, is in the second sphere or place: The water, which is somewhat consolidate, and approacheth to corruption, is next unto the earth: The earth, which is of substance gros and ponderous, is set, of all elements, most lowest.  
¶ behold also the order, that god hath put generally in all his creatures, beginning at the most inferior or base, and assendynge upward: he made not onely herbs to garnish the earth, but also trees of a more eminent stature, than herbs: and yet in the one and the other, be degrees of qualities, some pleasant to behold, some delicate or good in taste, other wholesome and medycinable, some commodyous and necessary. Semblably in birds, beasts, and fishes, some be good for the sustenance of man: some bear things profitable to sundry uses: other be apt to occupation and labour: in diverse is strength and fiersenes onely: in many is both strength and commodity: some other serve for pleasure: none of them hath all these qualities: few haue the more parte or many, specially beauty, strength, and profit. But where any is found, that hath many of the said properties, he is more set by, than al the other, and by that estimation, the order of his place and degree euidentely appeareth. So that every kind of trees, herbs, birds, beasts, and fishes, beside their diversity of forms, haue( as who saith) a peculyer dysposityon, appropered unto them, by god their creator: so that in every thing is order, and without order may be nothing stable or permanent. And it may not be called order, except it do contain in it, degrees, high and base, according to the merit or estimation of the thing that is ordered.  
¶ now to return to the estate of man kind, for whose use, all the said creatures were ordained of god, and also excelleth them all, by prerogative of knowledge & wisdom. It seemeth, that in him should be no less providence of god declared, than in the inferior creatures: but rather with a more perfect order and disposition. And therfore it appeareth, that god giveth not to every man like gifts of grace, or of nature, but to some more, to some less, as it liketh his divine majesty. Ne they be not in commune( as fantastical foles wolde haue all things) nor one man hath not all virtues, and good qualities. 
vuderstandynge.   
¶ Not with standing, for as much as understanding, is the most excellent gift, that man can receive in his creation, whereby he doth approach most nigh unto the similitude of god, which understanding is the principal parte of the soul: It is therfore congruent, and according, that as one excelleth an other, in that influence, as thereby being next to the similitude of his maker: so should the estate of his person be advanced in degree, or place, where understanding may profit, which is also distributed into sundry uses, faculties, and offices, necessary for the living and governance of mankind. And like as the angels, which be most fervent in contemplation, be highest exalted in glory( after the opinion of holy doctors) and also the fire, which is the most pure of elements, and also doth clarify the other inferior elementes, is deputed to the highest sphere or place. So in this world, they, which excel other in this influence of vnderstan dynge, and do employ it to the deteynyng of other within the bounds of reason, and show them, howe to provide for their necessary living: such ought to be set in a more high place, than the residue, where they may se, and also be sene, that by the beams of their excellent wit, shewed through the glass of authority, other of inferior understanding, may be directed to the way of virtue and commodious living.  
¶ And unto men of such virtue, by very equity appertaineth Honour, as their just 
Honour.  reward and duty: which by other mens labours, must also be meynteyned, according to their merits. For as much as the said persons, excellinge in knowledge, whereby other be governed: be ministers for the only profit and commodity of them, which haue not equal understanding: where they, which do exercise artificial science, or corporal labour, do not travail for their superiors only, but also for their own necessity. So the houseband man fedethe himself and the cloth maker: the cloth maker apparayleth himself and the housebande: they both succour other artificers: other artificers them: they and other artificers, them that be gouernours.  
¶ But they that be gouernours( as I before said) nothing do acquire by the said influence of knowledge for their own necessities, but do employ all the powers of their wits, and their diligence, to the only preservation of other their inferiors. among which inferiors also behoveth to be a disposition and order, according to reason: that is to say, that the slothful or idle person, do not participate with him, that is industrious, and taketh pain, where by the fruits of his labours, should be diminisshed, wherein should be none equality, but therof should procede dyscourage, and finally dysolution, for lack of provision. wherefore it can none other wise stand with reason, but that the estate of the person in pre-eminence of living, should be esteemed, with his understanding, labour, and policy: where unto must be added an augmentation of honour and substance, which not only impresseth a reverence, whereof proceedeth due obedience among subiectes, but also inflameth men, naturally inclined to idleness, or sensual appetite, to covet like fortune, and for that cause, to dis pose them to study or occupation.  
¶ Howe to conclude my first assertion or argument. where al thing is comune, there lacketh order: and where order lacketh, there all thing is odyouse, and uncomely. And that haue we in daily experience. for the tyrants and pots, garnish well the ketchyn, and yet should they be to the chambre none ornament. Also the beds, testars and pyllowes, beseem not the hall, no more than the carpets and kusshines become the stable. Semblably the potter and tynker, onely perfect in their craft, shal little do, in the ministration of Iustice. A ploughman or carter, shall make but a foble answer to an ambassador. Also a wayuer or fuller, should be an unmeet captain of an army, or in any other office of a governor. wherefore to conclude, it is only a public weal, where, like as god hath disposed the said influence of understanding, is also appoynted degrees and places, according to the excellency therof, and thereto also wolde be substance convenient, and necessary, for the ornament of the same: which also impresseth a reverence and due obedience to the vulgar people or commonalty, and without that, it can be no more said, that there is a public weal, than it may be affirmed, that a house without his proper and necessary ornaments, is well and sufficiently furnished.   

That one sovereign governor ought to be in a public weal. And what damage hath happened, where a multitude hath had equal authority without any sovereign. Cap. ii.  
like as to a castle or fortress, sufficeth one owner or sovereign, and where any mo be of like power and authority, seldom cometh the work to perfection, or being all redy made, where the one diligently ouerseth,& the other neglecteth, in that conten tion all is subverted and cometh to ruin, In semblable wise doth a public weal, that hath no chief gouernours than one. Example we may take of the greeks, among whom in diuers cities, wear diuers forms of public weals, governed by multitudes: wherein one was most tolerable, where the governance and rule was alway permitted to them, which excelled in virtue, and was in the greek tongue called Aristocratia, in latin Optimorum Potentia, in englishe, the rule of men of best disposition. which the Chebanes of long time observed.  
¶ An other public weal was among the Atheniensis, where equalytye was of estate among the people, and only by their hole consent, their city and dominions were governed: which mought well be called a Monster with many heeds, nor never it was certain or stable, and often times they banished, or slew the best cytezins, which by their virtue and wise doom, had most profited to the public weal. This maner of governance was called in greek Dimocratia, in latin, Popularis 
Dimocratia.  potentia: in english, the rule of the commonalty. Of these two gouernances, none may be sufficient. For in the first, which consisteth of good men, virtue is not so constant in a multitude, but that some being ones in authority, be incensed with glory, some with ambition, other with covetise and desire of treasure or possessions, whereby they fall in to contention, and finally, where any achiueth the superiority, the hole governance is reduced unto a few in nombre, which fearing the multitude, and their mutability, to the intent to keep them in dread to rebel, ruleth by terror, and cruelty, thinking thereby, to keep themself in surety. Not withstanding, rancour coarcted, and long detained in a narrow room, at the last brasteth out, with intolerable violence, and bringeth all to confusion. For the power, that is practised, to the hurt of many, can not continue.  
¶ The popular estate, if it any thing do vary from equality of substance, or estimation, or that the multitude of people, haue over much liberty, of necessity one of these inconveniences must happen, either tyranny, where he that is to much in favor, would be elevate,& suffer none equality, or elles in to the rage of a commonalty, which of al rules is most to be feared. For like as the communes, if they feel some severity, do humbly serve and obey, so where they embracing a licence, refuse to be brydeled, do flyng and plunge: and if they ones throw down their governor, they order every thing without iustice, only with vengeance and cruelty, and with incomparable difficulty, and vnneth by any wisdom, be pacified and brought again into order. wherefore undoubtedly, the best and the most sure governance, is by one King or Prince, which ruleth onely for the weal of his people: and that maner of guernaunce is beste approved, and hath longest continued, and is most ancient. For who can deny, but that all thing in heaven and earth is governed by one god, by one perpetual order, by one providence? One son ruleth over the day, and one moon over the night. And to descend down to the earth.  
¶ In a little beast, which of all other is most to be marveled at, I mean the Bee, 
Bee.  is left to man by nature, as it seemeth, a perpetual figure, of a just guernaunce or rule: who haue among them, one principal Bee, for their governor, which excelleth all other in greatness, yet hath he no prick or sting, but in him is more knowledge, joanne in the residue. For if the day following shall be fair and dry, and that the bees may issue out of their stalls, with out peril of rain, or vehement wind, in the morning erely he callethe them, making a noise, as it were the sown of a hurne, or a trumpet, and with that, al the residue pre pare them to labour, and fleeth abroad, gathering nothing, but that shall be sweet and profitable, all though they sit often times on herbs, and other things, that be venomous and stinking. The capirayne himself, laboureth not for his sustenance, but all the other for him: he onely seeth, that if any drane, or other unprofitable bee, entereth in to the hive, and consumeth the honey, gathered by other, that he be immediately expelled from that company. And when there is a neither nombre of bees increased, they semblably haue also a captain, which be not suffered to continue with the other. wherefore this new company, gathered in a swarm, having their captain among them, and enuir onynge him, to preserve him from harm, issue forth, seeking a new habitation: which they find in some three, except with some pleasant noise, they be allured and conveyed unto an other hive.  
¶ I suppose, who seriously beholdeth this example, and hath any commendable wit, shall therof gather much mattyer, to the fourmyng of a public weal. But because I may not be long therein, considering my purpose, I wolde the reader hereof, if he be learned, should repair to the Georgikes of virgil, or to Plini, or Collumella, where he shal finde the example more ample, and better declared.  
¶ And if any desireth to haue the governance of one person, proved by histories, let him first resort to the holy scripture, where he shall finde, that almighty god commanded moses onely, to bring his elected 
moses.  people out of captivity, giving only to him that authority, without appoyntinge to him any other assistance of equal power or dignity: except in the message to king pharaoh, wherein Aaron, rather as a 
Raron.  minister joanne a companion, went with moses. But only moses conducted the people through the red see, he onely governed them forty yeres in desert. And because Dathan and Abiron disdained his 
Dathan& Abiron.  rule, and coveted to be equal with him, the earth opened, and fire issued out, and swallowed them in, with all their whole family, and confederates, to the nombre of. 14700. And all though Hietro, Moses father in lawe, counseled him to depart his importable 
The counsel of Hietro.  labours, in continual judgements, unto the wise men, that were in his company: he not withstanding, still retained the souerayntie, by goddis commandement, until a little before he died, he resigned it to Iosue, assigned by god to be ruler after him.  
¶ Semblably after the death of Iosue, by 
Iosue successor to moses.  the space of. 246. yeres, succeeded from time to time, one ruler among the Iewes, which was chosen for his excellency in virtue, and specilly justice. wherefore he was called the iuge, until the Israelites desired of almighty god, to let them haue a king, as other people had: who appointed to them Saul, to be their king, who exceeded 
Saul.  all other in stature.  
¶ And so successively one king governed all the people of Israel, unto the time of Roboaz, son of the noble king Salomon: who being unlike to his father in wisdom, 
Roboaz  practised tyranny among his people. wherefore. ix. partes of them, which they called Tribus, forsook him,& elected Hieroboam, late servant to Salomon, to be their king, onely the .x. parte remaining with Roboaz. And so in that realm were continually two kings, until the king of meed had depopulate the country, and brought the people in captiuytie to the city of Babylon: So that during the time, that two kings rained over the iewes, was ever continual battle among themselves: where if one king had alway rained like to david or Salomon, of like lyhode the country should not so sone haue ben brought in captivity.  
¶ Also in the time of the Machabeis, as long as they had but one busshop, which was their ruler, and was in the stede of a prince, they valiantly resisted the gentiles: and as well the romans, than great lords of the world, as Persians, and diuers other realms, desired to haue with them amity and alliance: and al the inhabitants of that country, lived in great weal and quietness. But after that by simony and ambition, there happened to be two bishops, which divided their authoryties, and also the romans had divided the realm of judea to four princes, called Tetrarchas, and also constytuted a roman captain or presidente over them: among the heads there never cessed to be sedition, and perpetual discord: whereby at the last the people was destroyed, and the country brought to desolation and horrible barrenness.  
¶ The greeks, which were assembled to reuenge the reproach of Menelaus, that he took of the Troians by the rauisshynge of helen his wife, did not they by one assent elect Agamemnon to be their emperour or captain: obeying him as their sovereign, during the siege of Troy? all though that they had diuers excellent princis, not only equal to him, but also excelling 
princes of Grece.  him, as in prows Achilles, and ajax Thelemonion: in wisdom Nestor, and Ulisses, and his own brother, Menelaus: to whom they mought haue given equal authority with Agamemnon: but those wise princes considered, that without a general captain, so many persons as were there, of dyvers realms gathered together, should be by no means well governed wherefore homer calleth Agamemnon 
Agsmemnon.  the shepherd of people. They rather were contented to be under one mans obedience, than severally to use their authorities, or to join in one power and dignity, whereby at the last should haue sourded dissension among the people, they being separately inclined toward their natural sovereign lord: as it appeared in the particular contention, that was between Achilles and Agamemnon for their concubines, where Achilles, renouncynge the obedience, that he with all other princes had before promised, at the battle first enterprised against the trojans. For at that time no little murmur, and sedition was moved in the host of the greeks, which not withstanding was wonderfully pacified: and the army vnscatered, by the majesty of Agamemnon, 
majesty?  joining to him counsellors, Nestor and the witty Ulisses. 
Nestor. Ulisses.   
¶ But to return again. Athenes and other cities of Grece, when they had abandoned kings, and concluded to live as it were in a commonalty, which abusifly they called equality: howe long time did any of them continue in peace? Yea what vacation had they from the warres? or what noble man had they, which advanced the honour and weal of their city, whom they did not banish or slay in prison? Surely it shall appear to them, that will rede plutarch, or Emilius probus, in the lives of Milciades, Cimon, Themistocles, Aristides, and diverse other noble& valiant captains: which is to long here to rehearse. 
kings in Rome.   
¶ In like wise the romans, during the time that they were under kings, which was by the space of. 144. yeres, were well governed, nor never was among them discord or sedition: But after that by the persuasion of Brutus and Colatinus, whose wife( Lucretia) was ravished by the son 
Lucrecia.  of tarquin, king of romans, not only the said tarquin and all his posterytie, were exiled out of Rome for ever, but also it was finally determined among the people, that never after they wolde haue a king reign over them. Consequently the commonalty more and more encroached a licence, and at the last compelled the Senate to suffer them to choose yearly among them, gouernours of their own estate& condition, whom they called Trybunes: under 
Tribunes.  whom they resceyued such audacytie and power, that they finally obtained the highest authority in the public weal: in so much, that oftentimes they did repele the acts of the Senate, and to those Tribunes might a man appeal from the Senate, or any other office or dignity. But what came therof in conclusion? surely when there was any difficult war imminent, they were constrained to elect one sovereign and chief of all other, whom they name dictatory, as it were commander, 
dictatory.  from whom it was not lawful for any man to appeal. But because there appeared to be in him the prystinate authority and majesty of a king, they wolde no longer suffer him to continue in that dignity, than by the space of .vi. months, except he than resigned it, and by the consent of the people eftsoons did resume it. Finally until Octauius Augustus had destroyed Anthony, and also Brutus: and finished al the civil warres( that were so called because 
civil▪ warres  they were between the same self roman citezins) the city of Rome was never long quiet from factions or seditions among the people. And if the nobles of Rome had not bē men of excellent learning, wisdom, and prowess,& that the Senate, the most noble counsel in all the world, which was first ordained by Romulus, and increased by Tullus hostilius, the third king of romans, had not continued, and with great difficulty retained their authority, I suppose verily, that the city of Rome had ben utterly desolate sone after the expellynge of tarquin. And if it had ben eftsoons renewed, it should haue ben twenty times destroyed, before the time that Augustus reigned: so much discord was ever in the city, for lack of one governor.  
¶ But what need we to search so far from us, sens we haue sufficient examples nere unto us? behold the estate of Florence 
Florence and Gene.  and Gene, noble cities of Italy, what calamite haue they both sustened by their own factions, for lack of a continual governor?  
¶ Ferrare, and the most excellent city of 
Ferraria.  Uenise, having dukes, seldom suffer damage, except it happen by outward hostility.  
¶ We haue also an example at home, which is most necessary to be noted.  
¶ After that the Saxons by treason had 
england. divided.  expelled out of England the Britons, which were the ancient inhabitants, this realm was divided into sundry regions, or kyngedomes. O what misery was the people than in? O howe this most noble Isle of the world was decerpt and rent in pieces? the people pursued and hunted like wolfes, or other beasts savage: none industry availed, no strength defended, noo riches profited. Who wolde then haue desired to haue ben rather a man than a dog, when men either with sword or with hungre perished, having no profit or sustynance of their own corn or catell, which by mutual war was continually destroyed? Yet the dogges, either taking that that men could not quietly come by, or feeding on the dead bodies, which on every parte lay scattered plentously, did satisfy their hungre.  
¶ Where finde ye any good laws, that at that time were made and used? or any commendable monumente, of any science or craft in this realm occupied? such iniquity seemeth to be than, that by the multitude of sovereign gouernours, all things had ben brought to confusion, if the noble king Edgar had not reduced the 
king Edgar.  monarchy to his pristinate estate and figure: which brought to pass, reason was revived,& people came to conformity,& the realm began to take comfort, and to show some visage of a public weal: and so( lauded be god) haue continued: but not being alway in like estate or condition. Al be it, it is not to be despaired, but that the king our sovereign lord now reignynge, and this realm, alway having one prince, like unto his highnes, equal to the ancient princis, in virtue and courage, it shall be reduced( god so dysposyng) unto a public weal, excelling al other in pre-eminence of virtue, and abundance of things necessary.  
¶ But for as much as I do well perceive, that to write of the office or duty of a sovereign governor or prince, far exceedeth the compass of my learning, holy scripture affyrmynge, that the hartes of princes be in goddes own hands and disposition: I will therfore keep my pen within the space that is discrybed to me, by the three noble masters, reason, learning, and experience. And by their enseignement or teaching, I will ordynately treat of the two partes of a public weal, whereof the one shall be name due 
Due administration.  administration, the other necessary occupation, which shall be divided in to two volumes. In the first shal be comprehended the best form of education or bringing 
Occupation.  up of noble children, from their nativity, in such maner as they may be found worthy, and also able to be gouernours of a public weal. The second volume, which god grauntinge me quietness and liberty of mind, I will shortly after sand forth: It shall contain all the remenant, which I can either by learning or experience finde apt to the perfection of a just public weal: in the which, I shall so endeavour myself, that al men, of what estate or condition so ever they be, shall finde therein occasion to be alway virtuously occupied: and not without pleasure, if they be not of the schools of Aristippus, or Apicius: of whom the one supposed felycitye to be onely in lechery, the other in delicate feeding and gluttony. From whose sharp talons and cruel teeth, I beseech all gentle readers to defend these archdukes, which for their commodity is onely compiled,   

That in a public weal ought to be inferior gouernours called Magistrates, which shal be appoynted or chosen by the sovereign governor. Capitulo. iii.  
THere be both reasons and examples undoubtedly infinite, whereby may be proved, that there can be no perfect public weal, without one capital and sovereign governor, which may long endure or continue. But sens one mortal man can not haue knowledge of all things done in a realm or large dominion, and at one time discuss all controuersics, reform all transgressions, and exploit al consultations, concluded as well for outward, as inward affairs: it is expedyente, and also needful, that under the capytall governor be sundry mean authorities, as it were aiding him in the dystribution of iustice in sundry partes of a huge multitude: whereby his labours being leuigate, and made more tolerable, he shal govern with the better advise, and consequently with a more perfect governance. And as Iesus mirach, 
Sapi. vi.  saythe, The multitude of wise men is the wealth of the world. They which haue such authorities to them committed, may be called inferior gouernours, having respect to their office or duty, wherein is also a representation of governance: All be it they be name in latin Magistratus. And hereafter I intend to call them Magistrates, lac king an other more convenient word in english: but that will I do in the second parte of this work, where I purpose to writ of their sundry offices, or effects of their authority.  
¶ But for as much as in this parte, I intend to writ of their education and virtue in manners, which they haue in commune with princes, in as much as thereby they shal as well by examble, as by authority, order well them, which by their capital governor, shall be to their rule committed, I may without annoyance of any man, name them gouernours at this time, apropryatinge to the soueraygnes, names of kings and princis, sens of a long custom, these names, in commune form of speaking, be in a higher pre-eminence and estimation than gouernours. That in every commune weal ought to be a great nombre of such maner of persons, it is partly proved in the chapter next before written, where I haue spoken of the commodity of order.  
¶ Also reason and commune experience plainly declare, that where the dominion is large and populouse, there it is convenient, that a prince haue many inferior gouernours: which be name of Aristotel, 
Politic. li. iiii.  his eyes, ears, hands, and legs: which if they be of the beste sort( as he further more saith) it seemeth impossible, a coū tre not to be well governed by good laws. And except excellent virtue and learning do inhable a man of the base estate of the commonalty, to be thought of al men worthy to be so much advanced, else such gouernours would be chosen out of that estate of men, which be called worshipful, if among them may be founden a sufficient nombre, ornate with virtue and wisdom, meet for such purpose: and that for sundry causes.  
¶ first it is of good congruence, that the superiors in condition or haviour, should haue also pre-eminence in administration, if they be not inferior to other in virtue.  
Also they, having of their own revenues certain, whereby they haue competent substance to live without taking rewards: it is likely, that they will not be so desirous of lucre( whereof may be engendered corruption) as they, which haue very lytteli or nothing so certain.  
¶ More over, where virtue is in a gentle man, it is commonly mixed with more sufferance, 
Gentilmen.  more affability, and myldenes, than for the more parte it is in a person rural or of a very base lineage, and when it happeneth other wise, it is to be accounted loathsome and monstrous.  
¶ Furthermore, where the person is worshyppefull, his governance, though it be sharp, is to the people more tolerable, and they therwith the less grudge or be dysobedient.  
¶ Also such men having substance in goods by certain and stable possessions, which they may aporcionate to their own living and bringing up of their children in learning and virtues, may( if nature repugn not) cause them to be so instructed and furnished toward the administration of a public weal, that a poor mannes son, onely by his natural wit, without other help, never or seldom may attain to the like. toward the which instruction, I haue prepared this work.   

The education or form of bringing up of the child of a gentleman, which is to haue authority in a public weal. Capitulo. iiii.  
FOr as much as al noble authors do conclude, and commune experience proveth, that where the gouernours of realms& cities be founden adorned with virtues, and do employ their study and mind to the public weal, as well to the augmentation ther of, as to the establysshynge and long continuance of the same: there a public weal must needs be both honourable and wealthy. To the intent to declare, howe such personages may be prepared, I will use the policy of a wise and cunning gardener, who purposing to haue 
Education of noble wits.  in his gardeine a fine and precious herb, that should be to him and all other, repayrynge thereto, excellentely commodious, or pleasant: he will syrste search througheout his garden, where he can finde the most melowe and fertyle earth, and therein will he put the seed of the herb to grow, and be nourished, and in most diligent wise attend, that no weed be suffered to grow or approach nigh unto it: and to the end it may thrive the faster, as scone as the form of an herb ones appeareth, he will set a vessel of water by it, in such wise, that it may continually distyll on the root sweet drops: and as it springeth in stalk, under set it with some thing, that it break not, and alway keep it clene from weeds. Like order will I ensue, in the fourmynge the gentle wits of noble mennes children, who from the wombs of their mother, shalbe made propise or apt to the governance of a public weal.  
¶ first they, unto whom the bringing up of such children appertaineth, ought against 
Norcies▪ howe they ought to be chosen.  the time that their mother shall be of them delivered, to be sure of a nourise, which should be of no servile condition, or 'vice notable. For as some ancient writers do suppose, often times the child souketh the 'vice of his nourise, with the milk ofher pap. And also observe, that she be of mature or ripe age, not under. xx. yeres, or above. xxx. her body also being clene from all sickness, or deformyte, and having her complexion most of the right and pure sanguine. For as much as the milk therof coming, excelleth all other, both in sweetness and substance.  
¶ More over, to the nouryse should be appoynted 
A gonernes or drynoryce  an other woman, of approved virtue, discretion, and gravity, who shal not suffer in the childes prescence to be shewed any act or tatche dyshoneste, or any wanton or unclean word to be spoken. And for that cause all men, except phisytyons onely, should be excluded and kept out of the nursery.  
¶ perchance somme will scorn me, for that I am so serious, saying that there is no such damage to be feared in an infant, who for tenderness of yeres, hath not the understanding, to decern good from evil. And yet no man will deny, but in that innocency he wyldecerne milk from butter, and bread from pap, and er he can speak, he will with his hand or countenance sygnyfie, which he desireth. And I verily suppose, that in the brains and hartes of young children, which be membres spiritual, whiles they be tender, and the little slyppes of reason begin in them to burgyne, there may hap by evil custom, some pestyferours dew of vice to pierce the said membres, and infect and corrupt the soft and tender buds, whereby the fruit may grow wild, and some time contain in it fervent and mortal poison, to the utter destruction of a realm.  
¶ And we haue in daily experience, that 
Enfanc●e.  little infantes assay to follow, not onely the words, but also the faictes, and gesture of them, that be prouecte in yeres. For we daily here, to our great heaviness, children swear great oaths, and speak lascivious and unclean words, by the example of other, whom they here: whereat the lewd parentes do rejoice, sone after, or in this world, or else where, to their great pain and tourmente. Contrary wise, we behold some children, kneeling in their game before images, and holding up their little white hands, move their pratye mouths, as they were praying: other going and singing, as it were in procession. whereby they do express their disposition, to the imitation of those things, be they good or yuel, which they usually se or here. wherefore not onely princis, but also all other children, from their nurises paps, are to be kept diligently from the hearing or seeing of any vise or evil attach. And in continent, as sone as they can speak, it behoveth with most pleasant allurynges, to instil in them sweet manners and virtuous custom.  
¶ Also to provide for them such companions and play fellows, as shall not do in their presence any reproachable act, or speak any unclean word or oath, ne to ad uaunte them with flattery, remembering their nobylytie, or any other like thing, wherein they mought glory: unless it be to persuade them to virtue, or to with draw them from 'vice, in the remembering to them the danger of their evil example. For noble men more grievously offend by their example, than by their dede. Yet often remembrance to them of their estate, may happen to radicate in their hartes intolerable pride, the most dangerous poison to nobleness. wherefore there is required to be there in much cautel and sobrenes.   

The order of learning, that a noble man should be trained in, before he come to thaige of seven yeres. Cap. v.  
SOme old auctours hold opinion, that before the age of seven yeres, a child should not be instructed in letters, but those writers were either greeks or latins: among whom all doctrine and sciences were in their maternal tongues, by reason whereof they saved all that long time, which at this dayes is spent in understanding perfectly the greek or latin. wherefore it requireth now a longer time to the understanding of both. Therfore that infelycitie, of our time and country compelleth us to encroche somewhat vpon the yeres of children, and specially of noble men, that they may sooner attain to wysedowe and gravity, than private persons: considering, as I haue said, their charge and example, which above al things is most to be esteemed. Not withstanding I would not haue them enforced by violence to learn, but according to the counsel of Quintilian, to be sweetly alured thereto, with praises, and such pratye gifts as children delight in. And their first letters to be painted or lymned in a pleasant maner: wherein children of gentle courage haue much delectation. And also there is noo better allectiue to noble wits, joanne to induce them in to a contention with their inferior companions: they sometime purposely suffering the more noble children to vainquy she, and as it were giving to them place and certainty, though in dede the inferior children haue more learning. But there can be nothing more convenient, than by little and little to train and exercise them in speaking of latin: infourming them to know first the names in latin of al things that come in sight, and to name all the parties of their bodies: and giuing them some what that they covet or desire in most gentle maner, to teach them to ask it again in latin. And if by this means they may be induced to understand and speak latin, it shall afterward be less grief to them in a maner, to learn any thing, where they understand the language, wherein it is written. And as touching grammar, there is at this day better introductions, and more facile, than ever before were made, concerning as well greek as latin, if they be wisely chosen.  
¶ And it is no reproach to a noble man, 
Instruction in infancy.  to instruct his own children, or at the least ways, to examine them by the way of dalliance or solace, considering that the emperor Octauius Augustus, dysdayned not to rede the archdukes of Cicero, and virgil, to his children and nephews. And why should not noble men rather so do, joanne teach their children howe at dice and cards they may connyngly lese and consume their own treasure and substance?  
¶ More over, teaching representeth the authority of a pyrnce. wherefore Dionyse, 
Dionise the tirrante  king of Cicile, when he was for tyranny expelled by his people, he came in to Italy, and there, in a commune school taught grammar where with when he was of his enemies embraided,& called a school master, he answered them, That although Sicilians had exiled him, yet in despite of them all he reigned: notynge thereby the authority that he had over his scholars. Also when it was of him demanded, what availed him Plato, or philosophy, wherein he had ben studious, he answered, That they caused him to sustain adversity patiently, and made his exile to be to him more facile and easy. which courage and wisdom considered of his peoble, they eftsoons restored him unto his realm and estate royal, where if he had procured again them hostility, or warres, or had returned into Sicile with any violence, I suppose the people wolde alway haue resisted and kept him in perpetual exile: as the romans did the proud king tarquin, whose son ravished Lucrece. But to return to my purpose.  
¶ It shall be expedient, that a noble mannes son, in his infancy, haue with him continually, only such, as may accustom him by little and little to speak pure and elegant latin. Semblably the nourises and other women about him, if it be possible, to do the same: or at the least way, that they speak none englishe, but that, which is clean, polite, perfectly, and articulately pronounced, omittynge no letter or syllable, as foolish women often times do of a wantonness, whereby diuers noble men, and gentylmens children( as I do at this day know) haue attained corrupt and foul pronunciation. This industry used in fourmynge little infantes, who shall doubt, but that they( not lacking natural wit) shall be apt to receive learning, when they come to mo yeres? And in this wise may they be instructed, without any violence or inforsynge: using the more parte of the time, until they come to the age of .vii. yeres, in such dy sports as do appertain to children, wherein is no resemblance or similitude of 'vice.   

At what age a tutor should be provided, and what appertaineth to his office to do. Capi. vi.  
AFter a child is come to seven yeres of age, I hold it expedient, that he be taken from the company of women: saving that he may haue one year or two at the most, an ancient and sad matron attending on him in his chaumbre, which shall not haue any young woman in her company: For though there be no peril of offence in that tender and innocent age, yet in some children nature is more prove to 'vice than to virtue, and in the tender wits be sparks of voluptuositie: which norisshed by any occasion or object, increase often times in to so terrible a fire, that therwith all virtue and reason is consumed. wherefore to eschew that danger, the most sure counsel is, to withdraw him from all company of women, and to assign unto him a tutor, which should be an ancient and worshipful man, in whom is approved to be much gentleness, mixed with gravity,& as nigh as can be such one, as the child, by imitation following, may grow to be excellent. And if he be also learned, he is the more commendable,  
¶ Pelcus the father of Achilles, committed the governance of his son to phoenix, which was a stranger born: who as 
phoenix Achilles tutor.  well in speaking elegantely, as in doing valyauntely, was master to Achilles, as homer saith.  
¶ Howe much profited it to king Philip, father to the great Alexander, that he was delivered in hostage to the thebans 
Alexander the great. Epaminondas tutor to king philip.  where he was kept and brought up under the governance of Epaminondas, a noble and valiant capitain, of whom he received such learning, as well in acts martiall, as in other liberal sciences, that he excelled al other kings, that were before his time in Grece: and finally as well by wisdom as prows, subdued all that country?  
¶ Semblably he ordained for his son alexander a noble tutor, called Leonidas, 
Leonidas tutor to king Alexander.  unto whom for his wisdom, humanytie, and learning, he committed the rule and pre-eminence over all the maisters and servants of Alexander. In whom not with standing was such a famylier vice, which Alexander apprehendynge in chyldhode, could never abandon, some suppose it to be fury and hastiness, other superfluous drinking of wine, which of them it were, it is a good warning for gentle men, to be the more serious, inserchyng not only for the virtues, but also for the vices of them, unto whose tuityon and governance they will commit their children.  
¶ The office of a tutor is first to know 
Office of a tutor.  the nature of his pupil, that is to say, where to he is most inclined or disposed, and in what thing he setteth his most delectation or appetite. If he be of nature curteise, piteouse, and of a free and liberal heart, it is a principal token of grace( as it is by all scripture determined) Than shal a wise tutor, purposely commend those virtues, extoling also his pupil, for having of them: and therwith he shall declare them to be of al men most fortunate, which shal happen to haue such a master. And more over shall declare to him, what honour, what love, what commodity shal happen to him by these virtues. And if any haue benne of dysposytion contrary, than to express the enormities of their 'vice, with as much detestation as may be. And if any danger haue thereby ensued, misfortune, or punishment, to agreue it in such wise, with so vehement words, as the child may abhor it, and fear the like adventure.   

In what wise music may be to a noble man necessary: and what modesty ought to be therein. Cap. vii.  
THe discretion of a tutor, consisteth in temperance: that is to say, that he suffer not the child to be fatigate with continual study or learning: wherewith the delicate and tender wit may be dulled or oppressed: but that there may be therwith entrelased and mixed, some pleasant learning, and exercise, as playing on instruments of music, which moderately used, and without diminution of honour, that is to say; without wanton countenance and dissolute gesture, is not to be contemned: For the noble king and prophet david, king of Israel( whom almighty god said, he had chosen as a man according to his heart or desire) during his life, delighted in music: And with the sweet harmony, that he made on his harp, he constrained the iuel spirit, that vexed king Saul, to forsake him, continuing the time that he harped.  
¶ The most noble and valiant princis of Grece often times, to recrete their spirites, and in augmentinge their courage, embraced instruments musical.  
¶ Thus did the valiant Achilles( homer 
Achilles. Homerus. iliads primo.  saith) who after the sharp and vehement contention, between him and Agamemnon, for the taking away of his concubine: whereby he being set in a fury, had slain Agamemnon, emperour of the greeks army, had not Pallas the goddes with drawn his hand. In which rage he all inflamed, departed with his people to his own ships, that lay at road, intending to haue returned in to his country: but after he had taken to him his harp( where on he had learned to play of Chiron the 
Chiron.  centaur, which also taught him feats of arms, with physic and surgery) and playing thereon, had sungen the gestis and acts martiall of the ancient princes of Grece, as Hercules, Perscus, pirithous, Theseus, and his cousin Iason, and of diuers other of semblable value and prowess: he was therwith assuaged of his fury, and reduced in to his first estate of reason: in such wise, that in redoubing his rage,& that there by should not remain to him any note of reproach, he retaining his fiers& sturdy countenance, so tempered himself, in the enterteinemente and aunswerynge the messengers, that came to him from the residue of the greeks, that they reputynge al that his fiers demeanour to be( as it were) a divine majesty, never embraided him with any inordinate wrath or fury.  
¶ And therfore the great king Alexander, 
Alexanders music.  when he had vanquished Ilion, where some time was set the most noble city of troy, being demanded of one, if he wolde se the harp of Paris Alexander, who rauisshed helen, he there at gently simylynge, answered, It was not the thing that he much desired, but had rather se the harp of Achilles, whereto he sang, not the illecebrous dilectatyons of Uenus, but the valiant acts and noble affairs of excellent princis.  
¶ But in this commendation of music, I wolde not be thought to 'allure noble men, to haue so much delectation therein, that in playing and singing onely, they should put their hole study and felicity: As did 
music reprovable.  the epmerour Nero, which all a long somers day wolde sit in the Theatre( an open 
Theatre.  place where al the people of Rome beholded solemn acts and plays) and in the presence of all the noble men and senators, wolde play on his harp and sing without ceasing. And if any man happened by long sitting to sleep, or by any other countenance, to show himself to be weary, he was suddenly bobbed on the face by the scruantes of Nero, for that purpose attending. Or if any person were perceived to be absent, or were sene to laugh at the folly of the emperour, he was forth with accused, as it were of misprision. whereby the emperour found occasion to commit him to prison, or to put him to tortures. O what 
music miserable.  misery was it, to be subject to such a minstrel, in whose music was no melody but anguish and dolour?  
¶ It were therfore better, that no music were taught to a noble man, than by the exact knowledge therof, he should haue therein inordinate delight: and by that be illected to wantonness, abandoning gravity and the necessary cure and office in the public weal to him committed.  
¶ king Philip, when he hard that his 
king Philipips words. to Alexander.  son Alexander did sing sweetly and properly, rebuked him gently, saying, But Alexander, be ye not ashamed, that ye can sing so well and connyngly? whereby he mente, that the open profession of that craft was but of a base estimation. And that it sufficed a noble man, having therein knowledge, either to use it secretelye, for the refreshynge of his wit, when he hath time of solace: or else onely hearing the contention of noble musicyens, to give judgment in the excellency of their conninges. These be the causes, wherento having regard, music is not onely tolerable, but also commendable. For as Aristotle saith: music in the old time was numbered among sciences, for as much as nature seeketh not onely, howe to be in business well occupied, but also howe in quietness to be commmendably disposed.  
¶ And if the child be of a perfect inclination and towardness to virtue, and very aptly 
music {pro} fitable.  disposed to this science, and rypely doth understand the reason and concordance of tunes, the tutors office shal be, to persuade him, to haue principally in remembrance his estate, which maketh him exempt from the liberty of using this science in every time and place: that is to say, that it onely serveth for recreation, after tedious or laborious affairs. And to show him, that a gentleman playing or singing in a commune adyence, appayreth his estimation: The people forgetting reverence, when they behold him in similitude of a common servant or mynstrel. Yet notwithstanding, he shal commend the perfect understanding of music, declaring howe necessary it is for the better attaining the knowledge of a public weal. which as I before said, is made of an order of estates and degrees, and by reason therof containeth in it a perfect harmony: which he shall after ward more perfectly understand, when he shal happen to rede the books of Plato and Aristo. of public weals: wherein be written dyvers examples of music and gemetry. In this form may a wise and cyrcunspecte tutor, adapte the pleasant science of music to a necessary& laudable purpose.   

That it is commendable in a gentyllman to paint and kerue exactly, if nature ther to doth induce him. Cap. viii.  
IF the child be of nature inclined( as many haue ben) to peynte with a pen, or to form images in stone or three: he should not be therefrom with drawn, or nature be rebuked, which is to him beniuolent: but putting one to him, which is in that craft, wherein he delighteth, most excellent, in vacant times from other more serious learning, he should be in the most pure wise instructed in painting or keruinge. And now per chance some envious reader will here of take occasion to scorn me, saying, that I had well hied me, to make of a noble man, a mason or peynter.  
And yet if either ambition or voluptuous idleness wolde haue suffered that reader to haue sene histories, he should haue founden excellent princis, as well in payntyng as in keruynge, equal to noble artificers: such were Claudius Citus, the son of Uaspasian, Hadriane, both Antonines, and diuers other emperours and noble princis: whose archdukes of long time remained in Rome and other cities, in such places, where al men might behold them: as monuments of their excellent wits and virtuous occupation, in eschewing ofydelnes.  
¶ And not without a necessary cause, princis were in their chyldhode so instructed: for it served them afterward for deuysing ofingynes for the war: or for making them better, that be all redy devised. For as Uitruuius( which writeth of building to the emperour Augustus) saith: Al torments of war, which we call ingyns, were first invented by kings or gouernours of hostes: or if they were devised by other, they were by them made much better.  
¶ Also by the feat of portraiture or paintynge, a captain may dyscriue the country of his adversary, whereby he shall eschew the daungerous passages with his host or navy: also perceive the placis of advantage, the form of embataylyng of his ennemyes, the situation of his camp, for his most surety, the strength or weakness of the town or fortress, which he intendeth to assault. And that, which is most specially to be considered, in visitynge his own dominions, he shall set them out in figure, in such wise, that at his eye shal appear to him, where he shal employ his study and treasure, as well for the safeguard of his country, as for the commodity and honour therof, having at all times in his sight the surety and feebleness, advancement and hyndrance of the same. And what pleasure and also utility is it to a man, which in tendeth to edify, himself to express the figure of the work that he purposeth, according as he hath conceived it in his own fantasy, wherein by often amending and correcting, he finally shall so perfect the work unto his purpose, that there shal neither ensue any repentance, nor in the employment of his money he shall be by other dysceyued.  
¶ More over the feat of portraiture shal be an allectiue to every other study or exercise. For the wit thereto disposed, shal alway coueite congruent matter, wherein it may be occupied, And when he happeneth to rede or here any fable or history, forthwith he apprehendeth it more desircusly, and reteyneth it better than any other, that lacketh the said fcate: by reason that he hath found matter apt to his fantasy. finally every thing that portraiture may comprehend, will be to him delectable to rede or here. And where the lively spirit, and that which is called the grace of the thing, is perfectly expressed, that thing more persuadeth and steereth the beholder, and sooner instructeth him, than the declaration in writing or speaking doth the reader or hercr. Experience we haue ther of in learning of geometry, astronomy, and cosmogrophy, called in english the description of the world. In which studies I dare affirm, a man shal more profit in one wike by figures and cartis, well and perfectly made, than he shall by the onely reading or hearing the rules of that science, by the space of half a year at the least. wherefore the late writers deserve no small commendation, which added to the authors of those sciences apt and proper figures.  
¶ And he that is perfectly instructed in portraiture, and happeneth to rede any noble and excellent history, whereby his courage is inflamed to the imitation of virtue, he forthwith taketh his pen or pensyl, and with a grave and substantial study, gathering to him al the partes of imagination, endeavoureth himself to express lively, and( as I might say) actually, in portraiture, not onely the fact or affair, but also the sundry affections of every parsonage in the history recited, which mought in any wise appear or be perceived in their visage, countenance, or gesture: with like diligence, as Lysippus made in metal king 
Lisippus.  Alexander, fighting and struggling with a terrible lion of incomparable magnitude and fiersenes: whom, after long and dyfficulte battle, with wonderful strength and clean might, at the last he overthrew and vanquished. wherein he so expressed the similitude of Alexander, and of his lords standing about him, that they all seemed to live. Among whom the prows of Alexander appeared excelling all other, the residue of his lords after the value and estimation of their courage, every man set out in such forwardness, as they than seemed more promte to the helping of their master, that is to say, one lasse afeard than an other.  
¶ Phidias the Atheniense, whom all writers 
Phidias.  do commend, made of ivory the simu lachre or image of jupiter, honoured by the gentiles, on the high hill of Dlympus: which was done so excellently, that Pandenus, a counnynge painter, thereat admaruaylynge, required the craftis man, to show him where he had the example, or pattern of so noble a work. Than Phidias answered, that he had taken it out of three verses of homer the poet: the sentence whereof ensueth as well as my poor wit can express it in englishe.  

Than jupiter, the father of them all  
thereto assented with his brows black,  
Shaking his hear,& therwith did let fall  
A countenance, that made al heaven to quake.   
¶ Where it is to be noted, that Thetis the mother of Achilles, desired jupiter to incline his favour to the part of the Troians.  
¶ Howe( as I haue before said) I intend not by these examples, to make of a prince or noble mannes son a commune painter or keruer, which shal present himself openly, stained or imbrued with sundry colours, or powdered with the dust of stones that he cutteth, or perfumed with tedious savours of the metals by him yoten. But verily mine intent and meaning is onely, that a noble child, by his own natural disposition, and not by coercion, may be induced, to receive perfect instruction in these sciences.   

What exact diligence should be in choosing masters. Capitulo. ix.  
AFter that the child hath bē pleasantly trained and induced to know the partes of speech, and can separate one of them from an other, in his own language, It shal than be time, that his tutor or governor do make diligent search for such a master: as is exellentely learned both in greek and latin, and therewithal is of sober and virtuous disposition, specially chast of living, and of much affability and patience: leste by any unclean example the tender mind of the child may be infected, hard after ward to be recovered. For the natures of children be not so much or sone advanced by things well done or spoken as they be hindered and corrupted by that, which in acts or words is wontonly expressed. Also by a cruel and irous master, the wits of children be dulled: and that thing, for the which children be often times beaten, is to them ever after fastidious: whereof we need no better author for witness, than daily experience. wherefore the most necessary things to be observed by a master in his disciples or scholars( as Licon the noble gramarien said) is shamfastnes and praise. By shamefastness, as it were with a bridle, they rule as well their deeds, as their appetites. And desire of praise addeth to a sharp spur to their disposition toward learning and virtue. according there unto Quintilian instructynge an orator, desireth such a child to be given unto him, whom commendation fervently steereth, glory provoketh, and being vaniquisshed, wepeth. That child( saith he) is to be fed with ambition, him a lyttel chiding sore biteth, in him no part of sloth is to be feared.  
¶ And if nature disposeth not the chyldes wit to receive learning, but rather other wise: it is to be applied with more diligence and also policy, as choosing some book, whereof the argument or matter approacheth most nigh to the childes inclination or fantasy, so that it be not exstremely vicious, and therwith by little and little, as it were with a pleasant sauce, provoke him to haue good appatite to study. And surely that child, what so ever he be, is well blessed and fortunate, that findeth a good instructor or master. which was considered by noble king Philip, father to the great king Alexander, who immediately after his son was born, wrote a letter to Aristotle, the prince of philosophers, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
¶ Aristotle, we grete you well. letting 
The epistel of king Philip to Aristotel.  you wit, that we haue a son born, for the which we give due thankes unto god, not for that he is born onely, but also for as much as it happeneth him to be born, you living. trusting that it shall happen, that he by you taught and instructed, shall be hereafter worthy to be name our son, and to enjoy the honour and substance that we now haue provided. Thus fare ye well.  
¶ The same Alexander was wont to say opnly, that he ought to give as great thankes to Aristoble his master, as to king Philip his father, for of him he took the occasion to live, of the other he received the reason and way to live well. And what maner a prince Alexader was made by the doctrine of Aristotle, it shall appear in diuers places of this book: where his example to princis shall be declared.  
¶ The incomparable benefit of maisters, haue ben well remembered of dyvers princes. In so much as Marcus Antoninus, which among the emperours was commended for his virtue and sapience, had his master Proculus( who taught him grammar) so much in favour, that he advanced him to be proconsul: which was one of the highest dygnyties among the romans.  
¶ Alexander the emperour caused his master Julius Fronto, to be consul: which was the highest office, and in estate next the emperour:& also obtained of the senate, that the statue or image of Fronton was set up among the noble princis.  
¶ What caused trajan to be so good a prince( in so much that of late dayes, when an emperor received his crown at Rome, the people with a commune cry desired of god, that he mought be as good as was Trayane) but that he happened to haue plutarch, the noble phylosoper, to be his instructor?  
¶ I agree me, that some be good of natural inclination to goodness, but where good instructyon and example is thereto added, the natural goodness must there with needs be amended, and be more excellent.   

What order should be in learning, and which authors should be first red. Capitulo. x.  
now let us return to the order of learning apt for a gentle man. wherein I am of Quintilians opinion, that I wolde haue him learn greek and latin authors both at one time, or else to begin with greek, for as much as that is hardeste to come by: by reason of the diversity of tongues, which be five in nombre, and all most be known, or elles vneth any poet can be well understand. And if a child do begin therein at 
The first learning in childhood.  seven yeres of age, he may continually learn greek authors three yeres, and in the mean time use the latin tongue as a familiar language: which in a noble mannes son may well come to pass, having none other persons to serve him or keeping him company, but such as can speak latin elegantly. And what doubt is there? but so may he as soon speak good latin, as he may do pure french, which now is brought into as many rules and figures, and as long a grammar, as is latin or greek. I will not contend, who among them, that do writ grammers of greek( which now all most be innumerable) is the best: but that I refer to the discretion of a wise master. Alway I wolde advise him, not to detain the child to long in that tedious labours, either in the greek or latin grammar. For a gentle wit is there with sone fatigate.  
¶ grammar, being but an introduction to the understanding of authors, if it be made to long or exquisite to the lerner, it in a maner mortifyeth his courage: And by that time he cometh to the most sweet and plesante redynge of old authors, the sparks of seruente desire of learning is extyncte, with the burdone of grammar, like as a little fire is sone quenched with a gretheape of small sticks: so that it can never come to the principal logs, where it should long bourne in a great pleasant fire.  
¶ now to follow my purpose. After a few and quick rules of grammar, immediately, or interlasynge it therwith, wolde be red to the child, Esopes fables in greek: in which argument children much 
Esopes fables.  delight. And surely it is a much pleasant lesson, and also profitable, as well for that it is elegante and brief( and not with standing it hath much variety in words, and therwith much helpeth to the understanding of greek) as also in those fables is included much moral and polytyke wisdom. wherefore in the teaching of them, the master diligently must gather to gether those fables, which may be most accommodate to the advancement of some virtue, whereto he perceiveth the child inclined: or to the rebuk of somme vice, whereto he findeth his nature disposed. And therein the master ought to exercise his wit, as well to make the child plainly to understand the fable, as also declaring the signification therof compendiously, and to the purpose. Fore sene allwaye, that as well this lesson as all other authors, which the child shall learn, either greek or latin, verse or prose, be perfectly had without the book: whereby he shal not onely attain plenty of the tongues called copy, but also increase and nourish remembrance wonderfully.  
¶ The next lesson wolde be some quick 
The .ii. lesson to children. Lucianus.  and merry dialoges, elect out of Luciane, which be without ribawdry, or to much skornynge: for either of them is exactly to be eschewed, specially for a noble man, the one anoyenge the soul, the other his estimation, concerning his gravity.  
¶ The comedies of Aristophanes may 
Aristo.  be in the place of Luciane, and by reason they be in metre, they be the sooner learned by heart. I dare make none other compari son between them, for offending the friends of them both: but thus much dare I say, that it were better, that a child should never rede any parte of Luciane, than all Luciane.  
¶ I could rehearse diuers other poets, whi che for matter and eloquence, be very necessary, but I fear me to be to long from noble homer: from whom as from a fountain, 
Homerus.  proceeded al eloquence and learning. For in his books be contained, and most perfectly expressed, not only the documentis martial and discipline of arms, but also in comparable wysedomes, and instructions for politic governance of people: with the worthy commendation and laud of noble princis, wherewith the readers shall be so all inflamed, that they most feruentely shall desire and coueite, by the imitation or their virtues, to acquire semblable glory. For the which occasion Aristotle, most sharpest witted, and excellent learned Philosopher, as sone as he had received Alexander from king Philip his father, before any other thing taught him the most noble archdukes of homer. wherein Alexander found such sweetness and fruit, that ever after he had homer, not onely with him in all his journeys, but also laid him under his pillow, when he went to rest: and often times wolde purposely wake some houres of the night, to take as it were his pass time with that most noble poet. For by the redynge of his work, called Illiados, where the assembly of the most noble greeks again Troy is recited, with their affairs, he gathered courage and strength again his enemies, wisdom and eloquence for consultations and perswations to his people and army. And by the other work, called Odissea, which recounteth the sundry adventures of the wise Ulisses: he by the example of Ulisses, apprehended many noble virtues, and also learned to escape the fraud and deceitful imagynations of sundry& subtle crafty wits. Also there shal he learn to enserche and pceyue the manners and conditions of them that be his familiars, sifting out( as I might say) the best from the worst, whereby he may surely commit his affairs and trust to every person after his virtues. Therfore I now conclude, that there is no lesson for a young gentle man to be compared with homer, if he be plainly and substantially expouned and declared by the master.  
¶ notwithstanding, for as much as the said archdukes be very long, and do require therfore a great time to be all learned and kanned: some latin author wolde be therwith mixed, and specially virgil: which in his work called Eneidos, is most like to 
Uirgilius.  homer, and almost the same homer in latin. Also by the joining together of those authors, the one shall be the better understand by the other. And verily( as I before said) no one author serveth to so dyvers wits, as doth virgil. For there is not that affect or desire, whereto any childes fantasy is disposed, but in some of Uirgils archdukes may be founden matter thereto apt& propise. For what thing can be more familiar than his bucolikes? nor no work so nigh approacheth to the commune dalyance& manners of children,& the pretty controversies of the simplo foresees therein contained, wonderfully rejoiceth the child that heareth it well declared, as I know by mine own experience. In his Georgikes, lord what pleasant variety there is, the dyvers grains, herbs, and flowers, that be there described, that redynge therein, it seemeth to a man to be in a delectable garden or paradise. What thorough man knoweth so much of housebandry, as there is expressed? who delytynge in good horsys, shall not be thereto more enflamed, redynge there, of the bredyng, chesyng, and keeping of them? In the declaration whereof Uirgille leaveth far behind him all breders, hakney men, and skorsers, Is there any astronomer, that more exactly setteth out the order and course of the celestial bodies: or that more truly doth divine in his pronostications of the times of the year, in their qualities, with the future estate of all things provided by husebandry, than virgil doth recite in that work?  
If the child haue a delight in hunting, what pleasure shall he take of the fable of Aristeus? semblably in the hunting of Dido and Eneas, which is discryued most elegantly in his book of Eneidos.  
If he haue pleasure in wrestling, renning, or other like exercise, where shall he se any more pleasant esbatementes, than that which was done by Eurealus and other trojans, which accompanied Eneas?  
If he take solace in hearing minstrels, what mynstrel may be compared to Iopas, which sang before Dido and Eneas? or to blind Demodocus, that played& sang most sweetly at the dinner, that the king Alcinous made to Ulisses? whose dityes& melody excelled as far the songs of our minstrelles, as homer and virgil excel all other poets,  
¶ If he be more desirous( as the most parte of children be) to here things marvelous and exquisite, which hath in it a visa ge of some things incredyble: whereat shal he more wonder, than when he shal behold Eneas follow Sibille into hel? what shal he more dread, than the terrible visages of Cerberus, Gorgon, Megera, and other furies and monsters? howe shall he abhor tyranny, fraud,& avarice, when he doth se the pains of duke Theseus, sisyphus, and such other, tormented for their dissolute and vicious living? Howe glad sone after shall he be, when he shal behold in the pleasant fields of Elisius, the souls of noble princis and captains, which for their virtue and labours, in aduaunsing the public weals of their countryaes, do live eternally in pleasure inexplycable? And in the last books of Eneidos, shal he find matter to minister to him audacytie, valiant courage and policy, to take and sustain noble enterprises, if any shall be needful for the assailynge of his enemies. Finally( as I haue said) this noble virgil, like to a good norise, giveth to a child, if he will take it, every thing apt for his wit and capacity. wherefore he is in the order of learning to be preferred before any other author latin.  
¶ I wolde set next unto him two books of ovid, the one called Metamorphosios, which is as much to say, as changynge of men in to other figure or form: the other is entitled De fastis: where the ceremonies of the gentiles, and specially the romans, be expressed: both right necessary for the understanding of other poets. But by cause there is little other learning in them, concerning either virtuous manners or policy, I suppose it were better that as fables and ceremonies happen to come in a lesson, to be declared abondantly by the master, than that in the said two books, a long time should be spent and almost lost: which might be better employed on such authors, that do minister both eloquence, civil policy, and exhortation to virtue.  
¶ wherefore in his place, let us bring in Horace, in whom is contained much variety of learning, and quickenesse of sentence. This poet may be interlaced with the lesson of Odissea of homer, wherein is declared the wonderful prudence and fortitude of Ulisses, in his passage from troy. And if the child were induced to make versis by the imytation of virgil and homer, it should minister to him much dylectation and courage to study: ne the making of versis is not discommended in a noble man, sens the noble Augustus, and almost all the old emperours made books in versis.  
¶ The two noble poets, Silius and Lucane, be very expedient to be learned: for 
Silius. Lucanus.  the one setteth out the emulation in qualities and prows of two noble and valiant captains, one enemy to the other, that is to say, Silus writeth of Scipio the roman, and hannibal, duke of carthaginensys: Lucane declareth a semblable matter, but much more lamentable: for as much as the warres were civil, and as it were in the bowels of the romans, that is to say, under the standerdes of Julius caesar and pompey.  
¶ Hesiodus in greek, is more brief than virgil, where he writeth of housebandry, and doth not rise so high in philosophy, but is fuller of fables: And therfore is more illeccbrous.  
¶ And here I conclude, to speak any more of poets necessary for the childhood of a gentle man: for as much as these( I doubt not) will suffice, until he pass the age of .xiii. yeres, In which time childhood declyneth, and reason waxeth ripe, and apprehendeth things with a more constant judgment.  
¶ Here I wolde haue remembered, that I require not al these archdukes to be thoroughly read of a child in this time, which were almost impossible: But I only dosyre, that they haue in every of the said books so much instruction, that they may take thereby some profit. Than the chyldes courage 
poets de fended and prysed.  infiamed by the frequent redynge of noble poets, daily more and more desireth to haue experience in those things, that they so vehemently do commend in them, that they writ of.  
¶ Leonidas, the noble king of spartans being ones demanded, of what estimation in poetry Tirtaeus( as he supposed) was: it is written, that he answering said, That for steryng the mindes of young men, he was excellent, for as much as they being moved with his versys do renne into the battle, regarding no peril, as men all inflamed in martiall courage.  
¶ And when a man is comen to ripe yeres, and that reason in him is confirmed with serious learning and long experience: than shall he, in reading tragedies execrate and abhor the intolerable life of tyrants: And shall contemn the folly and dotage, expressed by poets lascivious.  
¶ Here will I leave to speak of the first parte of a noble mannes study: And will writ of the second parte, which is more serious, and containeth in it sundry manners of learning.   

The most commodious and necessary studies succeeding ordinatly the lesson of poets. Capitulo. xi.  
AFter .xiiii. yeres be passed of a chyldes age: his master, if he can, or some other, study ously exercised in the arte of an orator, shal first rede to him some what of that parte of logic, that is called Topica, either of Cicero, or else of that noble clerk 
logic. Topica.  of Almayne, which late flowered, called Agricola: whose work prepareth invention, telling the places, from whence an argument, for the proof of any matter, may be taken with little study. And that lesson with much and diligent learning, having mixed there with none other exercise, will in the space of half a year be perfectly kanned.  
¶ Immediately after that, the art of rhetoric 
Rhetorik.  wolde be semblably taught, either in greek out of Hermogines, or of Quintilian in latin, beginning at the third book, and instructynge diligently the child in that parte of rheteryke principally, which concerneth persuasion: for as much as it is most apt for consultation. There can be noo shorter instruction of Rhetoryke, than the treatise that tuli wrote unto his son, which book is name the partycion of rhetoric.  
¶ And in good faith, to speak boldly that I think, for him that needeth not, or doth not desire to be an exquisite orator, the little book, made by the famous Erasmus 
Erasmus. ( whom al gentle witt{is} ar bound to thank, and support) which he calleth Copiam uerborum& Rerum, that is to say, plenty of words and matters, shall be sufficient.  
¶ Isocrates, concerning the lesson of orators, is every where wonderful profitable, having almost as many wise sentences as he hath words, and with that is so sweet& delectable to rede, that after him almost all other seem unsavoury and tedious: and in persuadynge as well a prince as a private person to virtue, the two very little and compendious archdukes, whereof he made the one to king Nicocles, the other to his friend Demonicus, wolde be perfectly kanned and had in continual memory.  
¶ Demosthenes and tuli, by the consent of all learned men, haue pre-eminence and souerayntie over al orators: the one reignynge in wonderful eloquence in the public weal of the romans, who had the empire and dominion of all the world: the other of no less estimation in the city of Athenes, which of long time was accounted the mother of Sapience, and the palace of musis and all liberal sciences. Of which two orators may be attained, not onely eloquence excellent and perfect, but also precepts of wisdom and gentill manners: with most commodious examples of al noble virtues and policy. wherefore the master in redynge them, must well observe and express the partes and colours of rhetoryke in them contained, according to the precepts of that arte before learned. The vtilytie that a noble man shal haue by reading these orators is, that when he shall hap to reason in counsel, or shall speak in a great audience, or to strange ambassadors of great princis: he shall not be constrained to speak words sudden and dysordred, but shall bestow them aptly and in their places. wherefore the most noble Emperour Octauius is hyghelye commended, for that he never 
Octauius.  spake in the Senate, or to the people of Rome, but in an oration prepared and purposely made.  
¶ Also to prepare the child to vndestandynge of histories, which being replenished with the names of countres& towns unknown to the reader, do make the history tedious, or else the less pleasant, so if they be in any wise known, it increaseth an inexplicable delectation: It shal be therfore, 
cosmography& the commodity therof.  and also for refresshynge the wit, a convenient lesson, to behold the old tables of Ptholomee, wherein all the world is painted, having first some introduction in to the sphere, whereof now of late be made very good treatises, and more plain and easy to learn than was wont to be. All be it there is none so good learning, as the demontration of cosmography, by materyall figures and instruments, having a good instructor. And surely this lesson is both pleasant and necessary. For what pleasure is it, in one hour to behold those realms, cities, sees, rivers,& fountains, that vneth in an old mannes life can not be iournayde? what incredible delight is taken in beholding the dyuersities of people, beasts, fowls, fishes, trees, fruits, and herbs? To know the sundry manners and condition of people, and the variety of their natures, and that in a warm study or parlour, without peril of the see, or danger of long and painful journeys? I can not tel, what more pleasure should happen to a gentle wit, than to behold in his own house every thing that within al the world is contained.  
¶ The commodity therof knew the great king Alexander, as some writers do remember. For he caused the countrayes, whereunto he purposed any enterprise, diligently and cunningly to be dyscrybed and painted, that beholding the picture, he might perceive, which places were most daungerous, and where he and his host mought haue most easy and convenable passage.  
¶ Semblably did the Romayns in the rebellion of france, and the insurrection of their confederates, setting up a table openly, wherein Italy was painted, to the intent that the people looking in it, should reason and consult, in which places, it were best to resist or invade their enemies.  
¶ I omit for length of the matter, to writ of cyrus, the great king of pierce, Crassus the roman, and diuers other valiant and expert capitaines, which haue lost themselves& all their army by ignorance of this doctrine. wherefore it may not be of any wise man denied, but that cosmography is to all noble men, not onely pleasant but profitable also, and wonderful necessary.  
¶ In the parte of cosmography, wherewith history is mingled, Strabo reigneth, which took his argument of the divine 
Strabo.  poet homer.  
¶ Also Strabo himself( as he saith) laboured a great part of Africa and egypt, where undoubtedly be many things to be marveled at.  
¶ Solinus writeth almost in like form, 
Solinus.  and is more brief, and hath much more variety of things and matters, and is therfore marvelous delectable. Yet Mela is 
Wels.  much shorter, and his style( by reason that it is of a more antiquity) is also more clene and facile. wherefore he, or dionysius shall 
dionysius.  be sufficient,  
¶ cosmography being substantially perceived, it is than time to induce a child to the reading of histories. But first to set 
Histories and the form in redynge of them.  him in a fervent courage, the master in the most pleasant and elegant wise, expressing what incomparable delectation, vtilitic, and commodity shall happen to emperours, kings, princes, and all other gentyllmen, by redynge of histories: showing to him, that Demetrius Phalareus, a man of excellent wisdom and learning, and which in Athenes had ben long exercised in the public weal, exhorted Ptholome king of egypt, chiefly above al other studies to haunt& embrace histories,& such other books, wherein were contained precepts made to kings& princis, saying, That in them he should rede those things, which no man durst report unto his person.  
¶ Also Cicero, father of the latin eloquence, calleth an history the witness of times, maystres of life, the life of remembrance, of truth the light, and messenger of antiquity.  
¶ More over, the sweet Isocrates exhorteth the king Nycoles, whom he instructeth, to leave behind him statues and images that shall represent rather the figure and similitude of his mind, than the features of his body, signifying thereby the remenbrance of his acts written in histories.  
¶ By semblable advertisements shal a no ble heart be trained to delight in histories. And than according to the counsel of Quintilian, it is beste that he begin with Titus livius, not onely for his elegancy 
Titus livius.  of writing, which floweth in him like a fountain of sweet milk, but also for as much as by redynge that author, he may know, howe the most noble city of Rome of a small and poor beginning, by prows and virtue, little and little came to the empire and dominion of all the world.  
¶ Also in that city he may behold the form of a public weal, which if the insolency and pride of tarquin had not ex cluded kings out of the city, had ben the most noble and perfect of all other.  
¶ Xenophon, being both a philosopher, 
Xenophon.  and an excellent captain, so invented and ordered his work, name Paedia Ciri, which may be interpnted the childhood or discipline of Cyrus, that he leaveth to the readers therof an incomparable sweetness and example of living, specially for the conductynge and well ordering of hostes or armies. And therfore the noble Sci pion, who was called africanus, as well in peace as in war, was never sene without this book of Xenophon.  
¶ With him may be joined Quintus Curtius, 
Quintus Curtius.  who writeth the life of king Alexander elegantly& sweetly. In whom may be founden the figure of an excellent prince, as he that incomparably excelled all other kings and emperours, in wisdom, hardiness, strength, policy, agilite, valiant courage, nobility, liberality, and courtaisy. wherein he was a spectakle or mark for all princis to look on. Contrary wise, when he was ones vainquysshed with voluptie and pride, his tyranny and beastly cruelty abhorreth all readers. The comparison of the virtues of these two noble princes, equally described by two excellent writers, well expressed, shall provoke a gentle courage, to contend to follow their virtues.  
¶ Iulius caesar and sallust, for their compendious 
caesar sallust.  writing, to the understanding whereof is required an exact and perfect judgement, and also for the exquisite order of battle, and continuing of the history, without any variety, whereby the pain of study should be alleuyate, they two wolde be reserved, until he that shall rede them, shall se some experience in semblable matters. And than shall he finde in them such pleasure and commodity, as therwith a noble and gentle heart ought to be satisfied. For in them both it shall seem to a man, that he is present and heareth the counsels and exhortations of captains, which be called Conciones, and that he seeth the order of hostes, when they be embatayled, the fierce assaults and encountringes of both armies, the furyouse rage of that monster called war. And he shal ween that he heareth the terrible dintes of sundry weapons, and ordinance of battle: the conduct and policies of wise and expert capitains, specially in the commentaries of Iulius caesar, which he made of his exploiture in france and britain, and other countreyes now rekned among the provinces of Germany. which book is studyously to be red of the princes of this realm of England and their consaylours: considering that therof may be taken necessary instructyons concerning the warres, again Irysshe men or Scottes: who be of the same rudeness and wild disposition, that the Suises and Britons were in the time of caesar.  
¶ Semblable utility shal be founden in the history of Titus livius, in his thyrde Decades, where he writeth of the battles, that the romans had with hannibal and the Charthaginensis.  
¶ Also there be diuers orations, as well in all the books of the said authors, as in the history of Cornelyus Tacitus, which be 
Cornelius Tacitus.  very delectable, and for consayles very expedient to be had in memory.  
¶ And in good faith I haue often thought, that the consultations and orations, written by Tacitus, do import a majesty, with a compendious eloquence therein contained.  
¶ In the learning of these authors, a young gentyllmanne shall be taught to note and mark, not onely the order and elegancy, in declaration of the history, but also the occasion of the warres, the counsels and preparations on either parte, the estymation of the capitaines, the maner and form of their governance, the continuance of the battle, the fortune and success of the whole affairs. Semblably out of the warres in other daily affairs, the estate of the public weal, if it be prosperous or in decay, what is the very occasion of the one or of the other, the form and maner of the go uernaunce ther of, the good and evil qualities of them that be rulers, the commodities and good sequel of virtue, the dyscommodities, and yuel conclusion of vicious licence.  
¶ Surely if a noble man do thus seryously and diligently rede histories, I dare affirm, there is no study or science for him of equal commodity and pleasure, having regard to every time and age.  
¶ By the time that the child doth come to .xvii. yeres of age, to the intent his courage 
moral philosophy▪  be brydled with reason, it were needful to rede unto him some archdukes of philosophy, specially that parte that may inform him unto virtuous manners, which parte of philosophy is called moral. wherefore there would be red to him for an introduction, two the first books of the work of Aristotle, called Ethicae, wherein is contained the defynitions and proper sygnifications of every virtue, and that to be learned in greek: for the translations that we yet haue, be but a rude and gross shadow of the eloquence and wisdom of Aristotle.  
¶ Forth with wolde follow the work of Cicero, called in latin De officijs, whereunto 
Tullies offices.  yet is no proper english word to be given, but to provide for it some maner of exposition, it may be said in this form, Of the duties and manners apperteynyng to men.  
¶ But above al other, the archdukes of Plato 
Plato.  would be most studiously red, when the judgment of a man is come to perfectyon, and by the other studies is instructed in the form of speaking that philosophers used. lord god, what incomparable sweetness of words and matter shal he finde in the said archdukes of Plato& Cicero, wherein is joined gravity with delectation, excellent wisdom with divine eloquence, absolute virtue with pleasure incredible, and every place is so infarced with profitable counsel, joined with honesty, that those three books be almost sufficient to make a perfect and excellent governor.  
¶ The proverbs of Salomom, with the books of Ecclesiastes and Ecclesiasticus, be very good lessons.  
¶ All the historical partes of the bible, be right necessary for to be red of a noble man, after that he is mature in yeres. And the residue( with the new testament) is to be reverently touched, as a celestial jewel or relyke, having the chief interpreter of those books, true and constant faith, and dredefully to set hands thereon, remembering that Oza, for putting his hand to the holy shrine, that was called Archafederis, when it was brought by king david from the city of Gaba, though it were wavering and in danger to fall, yet was he landmen of god, and fell dead immediately.  
¶ It wolde not be forgotten, that the little book of the most excellent doctor Erasmus Roter.( which he wrote to Charles, now being emperour, and than prince of Castile) which book is entitled, the institution of a christen prince, wolde be as familiar alway with gentlemen, at al times and in every age, as was homer with the great king Alexander, or Xenophon with Scipio. For as all men may iuge, that haue read the work of Erasmus, there was never 
Erasmus of the institution of a christen prince.  book written in latin, that in so little a portion, contained of sentence, eloquence, and virtuous exhortation, a more compendious abundance.  
¶ And here I make an end of the learning and study, whereby noble men may attain to be worthy to haue authority in a public weal.  
¶ alway I shal exhort tutors and gouernours of noble children, that they suffer them not, to use ingourgytations of meate or drink, ne to sleep much, that is to say, above .viii. houres at the most. For undoubtedly, both repletion and superfluous sleep be capital enemies to study, as they be semblably to health of body& soul.  
¶ Aulus Gellius saith, that children, if they use to eat and sleep over much, be made therwith dull to learn. And we se, that ther of slowness is taken, and the childrens personages do wax uncomely, and grow less in stature. Galen will not permit, that pure wine, without allay of water, should in any wise be given to children, for as much as it humecteth the body, or maketh it moister and hotter, than is convenient: also it filleth the heed with fume, in them specially, which be like, as children of hote and moist temperature. These be well nigh the words of the noble Galen.   

Why gentlemen in this present time, be not equal in doctrine to the ancient noble men. Capitulo. xii.  
now will I some what declare of the chief causes, why in our time noble men be not as excellent in learning, as they were in old time among the romans and greeks. Surely as I haue diligently marked in day ly experience, the principal causes be these. The pride, avarice, and negligence of parentes, and the lack or fewenes of sufficient masters or teachers.  
¶ As I said, Pride is the first cause of this inconvenience. For of those persons be some, which without shane dare affirm, that to a great gentleman, it is a notable reproach, to be well learned, and to be called a great clerk: which name they account to be of so base estimation, that they never haue it in their mouths, but when they speak any thing in derision. which perchance they wolde not do, if they had ones layser to rede our own chronicle of England, where they shal finde, that king 
Henry beau clerk king of england.  Henry the first, son of Wylliam conqueror, and one of the most noble princis that ever reigned in this realm, was openly called Henry beau clerk, which is in english, fair clerk, and is yet at this day so name. And whether that name be to his honour, or to his reproach, let them iuge that do rede and compare his life with his two brethren, Wylliam, called Rouse, and Robert le courtoyse, they both not having semblable learning with the said Henry, the one for his dissolute living and tyranny, being hated of al his nobles and people, finally was suddenly slain by the shot of an arrow, as he was huntinge in a foreste, which to make larger, and to give his deere more liberty, did cause the houses of .lii. parisshes to be pulled down, the people to be expelled, and all being desolate, to be turned into desert, and made onely pasture for beasts savage. Which he wolde never haue done, if he had so much delighted in good learning, as did his brother. The other brother, Robert le courteous, being duke of Normandy, and the eldest son of Wylliam Conquer our, all be it that he was a man of much prowess, and right expert in marshal affairs, wherefore he was elect before Godfray of boulogne, to haue ben king of jerusalem: yet not with standing, when he invaded this realm with sundry puissant armies, also dyvers noble men aiding him, his noble brother Henry beau clerk, more by wisdom than power, also by learning, adding policy to virtue and courage, often times vanquished him, and did put him to flight. And after sundry victories, finally took him and kept him in prison, having none other means to keep his realm in tranquillitie.  
¶ It was for no rebuk, but for an excellent honour, that the emperour Antonine was surnamed philosopher, for by his most noble example of living and industry incomparable, he during al the time of his reign, kept the public weal of the romans in such a perfect estate, that by his acts he confirmed the saying of Plato, That blessed is that public weal, wherein either philosophers do reign, or else kings be in philosophy studious.  
¶ These persons, that so much contemn learning, that they wolde that gentilmens children should haue no parte or very little therof, but rather should spend their youth alway( I say not onely in hunting and hawking, which moderately used as solaces ought to be, I intend not to dispraise) but in those idle pastimes, which for the 'vice that is therein, the commandment of the prince, and the universal consent of the people, expressed in statutes& laws, do prohibit, I mean playing at dice& other games name vnleful. These personnes I say, I wolde should remember, orelles now learn, if they never elles hard it, that the noble philip, king of Macedonia, who subdued al Grece, above all the good fortunes that ever he had, most rejoiced, that his son Alexander was born in the time that Aristotle the philosopher flourysshed, by whose instruction he might attain to most excellent learning.  
¶ Also the same alexander often times said, That he was equally as much bound to Aristotle, as to his father king Philip: for of his father he received life, but of Aristotle he received the way to live nobly.  
¶ Who dispraised Epaminondas, the most valiant captain of thebans, for that he was excellentely learned and a great philosopher?  
¶ Who ever discommended Iulius caesar for that he was a noble orator, and next to Tully in the eloquence of the latin tongue, excelled all other?  
¶ Who ever reproved the emperour Hadriane, for that he was so exquisitely learned, not onely in greek and latin, but also in all sciences liberal, that openly at Athenes, in the universal assembly of the greatest clerkes of the world, he by a long time disputed with philosophers and Rheroricyens, which were esteemed most excellent: and by the judgement of them that were present, had the palm or reward of victory? And yet by the governance of that noble emperour, not only the public weal florysshed, but also dyvers rebellions were suppressed, and the majesty of the empire hugely increased.  
¶ Was it any reproach to the noble Germanicus ( who by the assignment of Augustus should haue succeeded Tiberius in the empire, if traitorous envy had not in his flourysshynge youth birefte him his life) that he was equal to the most noble poets of his time: and to the increase of his honour and most worthy commendation, his image was set up at Rome in the habit that poets at those dayes used?  
¶ finally, howe much excellent learning commendeth, and not dysprayseth nobilytie, it shall plainly appear unto them that do rede the lifes of Alexander, called severus, Tacitus, Probus, Aurelius, constantine, Theodosius, and Charles the great, surnamed charlemagne, all being emperours: and do compare them with other, which lacked or had not so much of doctrine.  
¶ verily they be far from good reason in mine opinion, which covayte to haue their children goodly in stature, deliver, well singing: wherein trees, beasts, fishes, and birds, be not onely with them equal, but also far do exceed them, And cunning, whereby onely man excelleth all other creatures in earth, they reject and account unworthy to be in their children. What unkind appetite were it, to desire to be father rather of a piece of flesh, that can only move and feel, than of a child, that should haue the perfect form of a man? what so perfectly expresseth a man, as doctrine?  
¶ Diogines the philosopher, seeing one without learning sit on a ston, said to them that were with him, behold where one ston sitteth on an other. which words well considered and tried, shal appear, to contain in them wonderful matter, for the approbation of doctrine.   

The second and thyrde decay of learning among gentlemen. Cap. xiii.  
THe second occasion, wherefore gentle mens children seldom haue sufficient learning, is avarice. For where their parentes will not adventure, to send them far out of their proper countreyes, partly for fear of death, which perchance dare not approach them at home with their father, partly for expense of money, which they suppose would be less in their own houses, or in a village with some of their covenants or friends, having seldom any regard to the teacher, whether he be well learned or ignorant. For if they hire a school master to teach in their houses, they chiefly inquire, with howe small a salary he will be contented, and never do inserche, howe much good learning he hath, and howe among well learned men, he is therein esteemed: using therein less diligence than in taking servants, whose service is of much less importance, and to a good school master, is not in profit to be compared.  
¶ A gentyllman, er he take a cook in his service, will first examine him diligently, howe many sorts of meats, pottages, and sauces he can perfectly make, and howe well he can season them: that they may be both pleasant and nourishing. Yea, and if it be but a fauconer, he will scrupulusly inquire, what skill he hath in feeding, called diet, and keeping of his hawk from al sickness: also howe he can reclaim her& prepare her to flight. And to such a cook or fauconer, whom he findeth expert, he spareth not to give much wages, with other bounteous rewards. But of a school master, to whom he will commytte his child to be fed with learning, and instructed in virtue, whose life shall be the principal monument of his name and honour, he never maketh further enquiry, but where he may haue a school master, and with howe little charge. And if one perchance be founden well learned, which will not take pains to teach without great salary: he than speaketh nothing more, or else saith, what shall so much wages be given to a school master, which wolde keep me two servants? To whom may be said these words, that by his son, being well learned, he shall receive more commodity and also worship, than by the service of a hundred cookes and fauconers.  
¶ The thyrde cause of this hyndrance, is negligence of parentes: which I note specially in this point. There haue ben dyvers, as well mean gentle men as of the nobility, which delytynge to haue their sons excellent in learning, haue provided for them cunning maisters, who substantially haue taught them grammar, and very well instructed them, to speak latin elegantly: whereof the parentes haue taken much delectation, but when they haue had of grammar sufficient, and be comen to the age of .xiiii. yeres, and do approach or draw toward the estate of man, which age is called mature or ripe( wherein not onely the said learning continued by much experience shall be perfectly digested and confirmed in perpetual remembrance, but also more serious learning contained in other liberal sciences, and also philosophy wolde than be learned) the parentes, this thing nothing regarding, but being sufficed, that their children can onely speak latin properly, or make verses without matter or sentence: they from thence forth do suffer them to live in idleness, or elles putting them to service, do as it were banish them from al virtuous study, and from exercise of that, which they be fore learned. So that we may behold dyvers young gentle men, which in their infancy and chyldehod, were wondered at for their aptness to learning, and prompt speaking of elegant latin, now being men,: haue not onely forgotten their congruite( as the commune word is) and vnneth can speak one hole sentence in true latin, but that wars is, haue all learning in derision, and in scorn therof, will of wantonness speak the most barberously that they can imagine.  
¶ now some man will require me to show mine opinion, if it be necessary, that gentle men should, after the age of .xiiii. yeres, continue in study. To be plain and true, therein I dare affirm, that if the elegante 
Eloquence commended  speaking of latin be not added to other doctrine, little fruit may come of the tongue, sins latin is but a natural speech, and the fruit of speech is wise sentence, which is gathered and made of sundry lernynges. And he that hath nothing but language only, may be no more praised than a popiniay, a pie, or a stare, when they speak featly. There be many now a days in famous schools and universities, which be so much given to the study of tongues only, that when they writ epistles, they seem to the reader, that like to a trumpet they make a soune without any purpose, where unto men hearken more for the noise than for any delectation that thereby is moved. wherefore they be much abused, that suppose eloquence to be onely in words or colours of rhetoric. For as Tully saith, what is so furiouse or mad a thing, as a vain soune of words of the best sort and most ornate, containing neither cunning nor sentence.  
¶ Undoubtedly, very eloquence is in every 
what eloquence is.  tongue where any matter or act done or to be done is expressed in words clene, pro pisa, ornate, and comely, whereof sentencis be so aptly compact, that they by a virtue inexplicable, do draw unto them the minds and consent of the herers, being therwith either persuaded, moved, or to delectation induced.  
¶ Also every man is not an orator, that can writ an epistle or a flattering oration in latin, whereof the last( as god help me) is to much used. For a right orator may not be without a much better furniture. tuli saith, that to him belongeth the exply catynge or vnfoldinge of sentence, with a great estimation, in giving counsel concerning matters of great importance: also to him appertaineth the sterynge and quickenynge of people, languysshynge or dyspeyryng, and to moderate them that be rash and vnbrydled. wherefore noble auctours do affirm, that in the first infancy of the world, men wandrynge like beasts in woods and on mountains, regarding neither the religion due unto god, nor the office perteynynge unto man, ordered all thing by bodily strength: until Mercurius( as Plato supposeth) or somme other man holpen by sapience, and eloquence, by some apt or proper oration, assembled them to gether, and persuaded to them, what commodity was in mutual couersation and honest manners.  
¶ But yet Cornelius Tacitus describeth 
Corn. Ta. de orat.  an orator, to be of more excellent qualities, saying, An orator is he, that can or may speak or reason in every question sufficiently, elegantly, and to persuade properly, according to the dignity of the thing that is spoken of, the opportunity of time, and pleasure of them that be herers.  
¶ Tully before him affirmed, that a man may not be an orator, heaped with preise, but if he haue gotten the knowledge of all things, and artes of greatest importance. And howe shall an orator speak of that thing, that he hath not learned? And because there may be nothing, but it may happen to come in praise or dispraise, in consultation or judgement, in accusation or defence: therfore an orator, by others instruction perfectly furnished, may in every matter and learning, commend or dispraise, exhort or dissuade, accuse or defend eloquently, as occasion happeneth. wherefore in as much as in an orator is required to be a heap of all maner of learning, which of some is called the world of science, of other the circled of doctrine, which is in one word of greek ENCYCLOPEDIA, therfore at this day, may be founden but a very few orators. For they that come in message from princes, be for honour name now orators, if they be in any degree of worship: onely poor men, having equal or more of learning, being called messengers.  
¶ Also they, which only teach rhetoric( which is the science, whereby is taught an artisiciall form of speaking, wherein is the power to persuade, move, and delight, or by that science onely do speak or writ without any admynistratyon of other sciences) ought to be name rhetoriciens, de clamatours, artificial speakers( name in greek Logodedali) or any other name than orators.  
¶ Semblably they that make verses, expressing 
poets.  thereby none other learning, but the craft of versifienge, be not of ancient writers name poets, but only called versifyers. For the name of a poet( whereat now, specially in this realm, men haue such indignation, that they use only poets and poetry in the contempt of eloquence) was in ancient time in high estymation: in so much that all wisdom was supposed to be therein included. And poetry was the first philosophy that ever was known, whereby men from their chyldhode were brought to the reason, how to live well, learning thereby not onely manners and natural affections, but also the wonderful archdukes of nature, myxtyng serious matter with things that were pleasant: as it shall be manifest to them that shall be so fortunate to rede the noble archdukes of Plato and Aristotle: wherein he shall finde the authority of poets frequentely alleged: ye and that more is, In poets was supposed to be science mystical and inspired: and therfore in latin they were called VATES, which word signifieth as much as prophetes. And therfore tuli in his Tusculane 
Ci. Tusc. quest. ●.  questions supposeth, that a poet can not abundantly express verses sufficient and complete, or that his eloquence may flow without labour, words well sounyng and plenteous, without celestial instincion, which is also by Plato ratified.  
¶ But sens we be now occupied in the defence of poets, it shall not be incongruent to our matter, to show what profit may be taken by the dyligente redynge of ancient poets: contrary to the false opinion that now raineth, of them that suppose, that in the archdukes of poets is contained nothing but bawdry( such is their foul word of reproach) and unprofitable leasynges. But first I will interpret some verses of Horace, wherein he expresseth the office of poets, and after will I resort to a more plain demonstration of some wisedoms and counsaylles contained in some verses of poets. Horace in his second book of epistles, saith in this wise, or much like,  

The poet facioneth by some pleasant mean, 
Horat. ep. li. ii. ep●a ad Augustum.   
The speech of children tender and unsure:  
Pulling their ears from words unclean,  
giving to them precepts that are pure:  
rebuking envy and wrath, if it dure:  
things well done he can by example commend,  
The needy and sick he doth also his cure  
To recomforte, if ought he can amend.   
¶ But they, which be ignorant in poets, will perchance object as their maner is, against these verses, saying, that in Therence and other, that were writers of comedies, yield, Catullus, Martialis, and all that rout of lascivious poets, that wrote epistles and ditties of love, some called in latin Elegiae, some Epigrammata, is nothing contained, but incitation to lechery.  
¶ first comedies, which they suppose to be a doctrinal of rybaudry, they be undoubtedly 
Comedies  a picture, or as it were a mirror of mans life: wherein evil is not taught, but dyscouered, to the intent that men, beholding the promptness of youth unto 'vice, the snares of har lottis and bawds, laid for young minds, the disceipt of servants, the chances of fortune, contrary to mens expectation, they being therof warned, may prepare themself to resist and prevent occasion. Semblably remembering the wysedomes, aduertysementes, counsayīes, dissuasyon from 'vice and other profitable sentences, most eloquently and familiarly shewed in those comedies, Undoubtedly there shall be no little fruit out of them gathered. And if the vices in them expressed, should be cause, that minds of the readers should be corrupted: than by the same argument not onely interludes in english but also sermons, wherein some vice is declared, should be to the beholders and herers like occasion to increase sinners. And that by comedies, good counsel is ministered: it appeareth by the sentence of Parmeno, in the second comedy of Therence.  

In this thing I triumph in mine own conceipte, 
Therent. in Euneu.   
That I haue founden for al young men the way,  
Howe they of harlots shal know the deceit,  
Their witt{is}, their manners, that thereby they may  
Them perpetnally hate: for so much as they  
Out of their own houses be fresh& delicate,  
feeding curiousely: at home all the day  
living beggarly, in most wretched ast ate.   
¶ There be many mo words spoken, which I purposelye omit to translate, not with standing the substance of the hole sentence is herein comprised. But now to come to other poets. what may be better said, joanne is witten by Plautus in his first comedy?  

¶ Verily virtue doth all things excel. 
Plautus ● Amphit. Alc. loqtur   
For if liberty, health, living, and substance,  
Our country, our parentes& children do well,  
It happeneth by virtue, she doth al advance.  
virtue hath all thing under governance,  
And in whom of virtue is fouden great plenty,  
Any thing that is good may never be deinte.   
¶ Also ovidius, that seemeth to be most of al poets lascivious, in his most wanton books, hath right commendable and noble sentences: as for proof therof, I will recite some that I haue taken at adventure.  

¶ time is in medicine, if it shall profit. 
ovidius de reme. amoris.   
wine given out of time, may be annoyance.  
A man shall irritate 'vice, if he prohibit.  
when time is not meet unto his utterance.  
Therfore, if thou yet by counsel arte recuperable  
Fle thou from idleness, and alway Be stable.   
¶ Martialis, which for his dissolute writing, is most seldom read of men of much gravity, hath not withstanding many commendable sentences and right wise counsels, as among diuers, I will rehearse one, which is first come to my remembrance.  

¶ If thou wyit eschew byttev adventure 
Wartialis li. xii. ad Julium.   
And aduoyde the gnawyng of a pensiful hart  
set in no one person all holly thy pleasure  
The less shalt thou joy, But less shalt thou smart.   
¶ I could recite a great nombre of semblable good sentences, out of these and other wanton poets, which in latin do express them incomparably, with more grace and delectation to the reader, than our englishe tongue may yet comprehend. wherefore sens good and wise matter may be pycked out of these poets, it were no reason for some little matter, that is in their verses, to abandon therfore all their archdukes, noo more than it were to forbear or prohibit a man to come into a fair garden, lest the redolent savours of sweet herbs and flowers, shall ive him to wanton courage, or leste in gadringe good and wholesome herbs, he may happen to be stung with a nettle. No wise man entereth into a garden, but he sone espieth good herbs from nettils, and treadeth the nettils under his feet, whiles he gadreth good herbs: whereby he taketh no damage. Or if he be stungen, he maketh light of it, and shortly forgetteth it.  
Semblably if he do rede wanton matter, mixed with wisdom, he putteth the worst under foot, and sorteth out the beste: or if his courage be stered or provoked, he remembreth the little pleasure and great detriment that should ensue of it: and withdrawynge his mind to some other study or exercise, shortly forgetteth it.  
¶ And therfore among the iewes though it were prohibyte to children, until they came to ripe yeres, to rede the books of Genesis, of the wretches, Cantica can●●orum, and some parte of the book of Ezechiel the prophet, For that in them was contained some matter, which mought happen to incense the young mind, wherein were sparks of carnal concupiscence, yet after certain yeres of mennes aeges, it was lawful for every man to rede and diligently study those archdukes. So al though I approve not the lesson of wanton poets, to be taught unto al children: yet think I convenient and necessary, that when the mind is become constant, and courage is assuaged, or that children of their natural disposition be shamefast and continent, none ancient poet wolde be excluded from the lesson of such one, as desireth to come to the perfecty on of wisdom.  
¶ But in defending of orators and poets, I had almost forgotten where I was. verily there may no man be an excellent poet, nor orator, unless he haue parte of all other doctrine, specially of noble philosophy. And to say the truth, no man can apprehend the very delectation, that is in the lesson of noble poets, unless he haue red very much, and in dyvers authors of dyvers lernynges. wherefore, as I late said, to the augmentation of understanding, called in latin Intellectus et mens, is required to be much redynge and vigilant study in every science, specially of that part of philosophy name moral, which instructeth men in virtue and politic governance. Also no noble autour, specially of them that wrote in greek or latin before .xii. C. yeres passed, is not for any cause to be omitted. For therein I am of Quintilians opinion, that there is few or none ancient work, that yieldeth not some fruit or commodity to the diligent readers. And it is a very gross or obstinate wit, that by reading much, is not some what amended.  
¶ concerning the election of other authors, to be red, I haue( as I trust) declared sufficiently my conceipte and opinion, in the x. and .xi. chapiters.  
¶ finally, like as a delicate three, that cometh of a kernel, which as sone as it burgeneth out leues, if it be plucked up, or it be sufficiently rooted, and laid in a corner, becometh dry or rotten, and no fruit cometh of it: if it be removed and set in an other air or earth, which is of contrary qualities where it was before, it either semblably death, or beareth no fruit, or else the fruit that cometh of it, loseth his verdure and taste, and finally his estimation. So the pure and excellent learning, whereof I haue spoken, though it be sown in a child never so timely, and springeth and burgeneth never so pleasantly, if before it take a deep root in the mind of the child, it be laid a side, either by to much solace, or continual attendance in service, or else is translated to an other study, which is of a more gross or vnplesaunt quality, before it be confirmed or stablished by often redynge or diligent exercise, in conclusion it vanisheth and cometh to nothing. wherefore let men reply as they list, in mine opinion, men be wonderfully disceiued now a days( I dare not say with the persuasion of avarice) that do put their children at the age of xiiii. or .xv. yeres, to the study of the laws of the realm of england. I will show them reasonable causes why, if they will patiently here me, informed partly by mine own experience.   

Howe the students in the laws of this realm, may take excellent commodity by the lessons of sundry doctrines. ca. xiiii.  
IT may not be denied, but that al laws be founded on the deepest part of reason, and as I suppose, no one lawe so much as our own: and the deeper men do investigate reason, the more difficile or hard must needs be the study. Also that reverend study is involved in so barber ouse a language, that it is not only void of al eloquence, but also being separate from the exercise of our lawe onely, it serveth to no commodity or necessary purpose, no man understanding it, but they, which haue studied the laws. Than children at .xiiii. or .xv. yeres old, in which time springeth courage, set al in pleasure, and pleasure is in nothing, that is not facile or elegant, being brought to the most difficult and grave learning, which hath nothing illecebrouse or delicate to tickyll their tender wits, and 'allure them to study( unless it be lucre, which a gentle wit little esteemeth) the more parte vainquysshed with tediousenesse, either do abandon the laws, and vnwares to their friends, do give them to gamyng, and other( as I might say) idle business, now called pastimes, or else if they be in any wise thereto constrained, they apprehendynge a piece therof, as if they being long in a dark dungeon, onely did se by the light of a candle. Than if after .xx. or .xxx. yeres study, they happen to come among wise men, hearing matters commened of, concerning a public weal, or outward affairs between princis, they noo less be astonied, than if they coming out of a dark house at none dayes, were suddenly stricken in the eyes with a bright son beam. But I speak not this in reproach of lawyers, for I know dyvers of them, which in consultation will make a right vehement raisin: and so do some other, which haue neither lawe nor other learning, and if they were fournyshed with excellent doctrine, their reason should be the more substantial and certain.  
¶ There be some also, which by their friends, be coarted to aplye the study of the lawe only, and for lack of plenteous exhybition be let of their liberty, wherefore they can not resort unto pastime. These of all other be most cast away, for nature repug nyng, they vnneth taste any thing that may be profitable, and also their courage is so mortified( which yet by solace perchance might be made quick or apt to some other study or laudable exercise) that they live ever after out of all estimation. wherefore tuli saith, we should so endeavour ourself, that we strive not with the vnyuersal nature of man, but that being conserved let us follow our own proper natures, for though there be studies of more grauytie and importance, yet ought we to regard the studies, whereto we be, by our own nature, inclined. And that this sentence is true, we haue daily experience, in this realm specially. For howe many men be there, whose sons in childhood are aptly disposed by nature to paint, kerue, or grave, to embrowder, or do other like things, wherein is any arte commendable concerning invention, which as sone as they spy it, be there with displeased, and forth with bindeth them apprentyses to taylours, weyuers, towkers, and some time to cobblers? which hath ben the inestimable loss of many good wits, and hath caused, that in the said artes, englysshemen be inferyours to all other people, and be constrained, if we will haue any thing well painted, kerued, or embroudred, to leave our own country men, and resort unto strangers: but more of this shal I speak in the next volume. But to resort unto lawyers.  
¶ I think verily, if children were brought up, as I haue written, and continually were retained in the right study of very philosophy, until they passed the age of .xxi. yeres, and than set to the laws of this realm( being ones brought to a more certain& compendious study, and either in englishe, latin, or good french, written in a more clene and elegant style) undoubtedly they should become men of so excellent wisdom, that throughout all the world should be founden in no commune weal more noble counsellors, our laws not only comprehendynge most excellent reasons, but also being gathered& compact( as I might say) of the pure meal or floure, sisted out of the best laws in all other countreys, as some what I do intend to prove evidently in the next volume, wherein I will render mine office or duty, to that honourable study, whereby my father was advanced to a iuge, and also I myself haue attained no little commodity.  
¶ I suppose, there be dyvers men will say, that the sweetness that is contained in eloquence,& the multitude of doctrines, should utterly withdraw the minds of young men from the more necessary study of the laws of this realm. To them will I make a brief answer, but true it shall be, and I trust sufficient to wise men. In the great multitude of young men, which alway will repair, and the lawe being ones brought in to a more certain and perfect language, will also increase in the reverent study of the lawe: vndoughtedly there shall never lack, but some by nature inclined, dyvers by desire of sundry doctrines, many for hope of lucre or some other advancement, will effectually study the laws, ne will be ther from withdrawn by any other lesson, which is more eloquent. Example we haue, at this present time, of dyvers excellent learned men both in the laws civil and also in physic, which being exactly studied in all partes of eloquence, both in the greek tongue and latin, haue not withstanding read and perused the great fardelles and trusses of the most barbarouse authors stuffed with innumerable gloses: whereby the most necessary doctrines of lawe& physic be mynced into fragments, and in all wise mens opinions, do perceive no less in the said lerninges, than they, which never knew eloquence, or never tasted other but the fecis or dragges of the said noble doctrines. And as for the multitude of sciences can not endamage any student, but if he be moved to study the lawe by any of the said motions, by me before touched, he shal rather increase therein than be hindered, and that shall appear manyfestely to them, that either will give credence to my report, or elles will rede the archdukes that I will allege, which if they understand not, to desire some learned man by interpretinge to cause them perceive it. And first I will begin at orators, who bear the principal title of eloquence.  
¶ It is to be remembered, that in the learning 
The art of retorike in mootinge.  of the laws of this realm, there is at this day an exercise, wherein is a maner of a shadow or figure of the ancient rhetoric. I mean the pleading used in court& Chancery called motes. Where first a case is appoynted to be moted by certain young men, conteinynge some doubtful controversy, which is in stede of the hede of a declamation called thema, the case being known, they which be appoynted to mote, do examine the case, and inuestygate what they therein can espy, which may make a contention, whereof may rise a question to be argued, and that of tuli is called constitutio,& of Quintilian status causae. Also they consider what pleas on every parte ought to be made, and howe the case may be reasoned. which is the first parte of rhetoric, name invention. Than appoint they, howe many pleas may be made for every parte, and in what formalytie they should be set, which is the second part of Rhetoryke, called disposition, wherein they do much approach unto rhetoric. Than gather they al in to perfect remembrance, in such order as it ought to be pleaded, which is the parte of rhetoric name memory. But for as much as the tongue, wherein it is spoken, is barberouse, and the stering of affections of the mind in this realm was never used: therfore there lacketh Eloquution, and Pronunciation, two the principal partes of rhetoric. notwithstanding some lawyers, if they be well retained, will in a mean cause pronounce right vehemently. More over, there seemeth to be in the said pledinges, certain partes of an oration, that is to say, for Narrations, Partitions, Confirmations, and Confutations, name of some Reprehentions, They haue Declarations, bars, Replications, and Reioyndres, only they lack pleasant form of beginning, called in latin Exordium: nor it maketh therof no great matter, they that haue studied rhetoric, shall perceive what I mean. Also in arguynge their cases, in mine opinion, they lack very little of the hole art: for therein they do diligently observe the rules of Confirmation and Confutation, wherein resteth proof and disproufe: having almost al the places, whereof they shall fetch their reasons, called of orators loci communes, which I omit to name, fearing to be to long in this matter. And verily I suppose, if there might ones happen some man, having an excellent wit, to be brought up in such form, as I haue hitherto written, and may also be exactly or deeply learned in the arte of an orator, and also in the laws of this realm, the prince so willing and thereto assisting, undoubtedly it should not be impossible for him, to bring the pleading and resonynge of the lawe, to the ancient form of noble orators: and the laws and exercise therof, being in pure latin or doulce french, few men in consultations, should( in mine opinion) compare with our lawyers, by this means being brought to be perfect orators, as in whom should than be founden the sharp wits of logicians, the grave sentences of philosophers, the elegancy of poets, the memory of civilians, the voice and gesture of them that can pronounce comedies: which is al that tuli, in the person of the most eloquent man 
Ci. de oratore. li. i.  Marcus Antonius, could require to be in an orator.  
¶ But now to conclude mine assertion. What let was eloquence to the study of the lawe in Quintus Sceuola, which being an excellent autour in the laws civil, was called of al lawiars most eloquent? Or howe much was eloquence mynished by knowledge of the laws in Crassus, which was called of all eloquent men the best lawyar?¶ Also servus Sulpitius, in his time one of the most noble orators, next unto tuli, was not so let by eloquence, but that on the civil laws he made notable commentes, and many noble archdukes by all lawyers approved. Who readeth the text of civil, called Pandectes or digests, and hath any commendable judgment in the latin tongue, but he will affirm, that Ulpianus, Sceuola, Caius, and all the other there name, of whose sayings all the said texts be assembled, were not onely studious of eloquence, but also therein wonderful exercised: for as much as their style doth approach nere to the antic& pure eloquence, than any other kind of writers, that wrote about that time?  
¶ Semblably tuli, in whom it seemeth, that Eloquence hath set her glorious Throne most ryhcly and preciously adorned for al men to wonder at, but no man to approach it, was not let from being an incomparable orator, ne was by the exact knowledge of other sciences withdrawn, from pleadyng infinite causes before the Senate and wretches, and they being of most wayghtye importance: In so much as Cornelius 
Corn. Ta. de orator.  Tacitus, an excellent orator, historien, and lawiar, saith, Surely in the books of tuli, men may deprehende, that in him lacked not the knowledge of geometry, ne music, ne grammar, finally of no maner of arte that was honest, he of logic perceived the subtlety, of that parte that was moral al the commodity, and of al things the chief motions and causes. And yet for all this abundance, and as it were a garnerde heaped with al maner sciences: there failed not in him substaunciall learning in the laws civil, as it may appear as well in the books, which he himself ●●●de of laws, as also, and most specially, in many of his most eloquent orations: which if one well learned in the laws of this realm, did rede and well understand, he should finde, specially in his orations called Actiones again Uerres, many places, where he should espy by likelihood the fountains, from whence proceeded dyvers grounds of our commune laws. But I will now leave to speak any more therof at this time.  
¶ moreover, when young men haue read laws, expouned in the orations of tuli, and also in histories, of the beginning of laws, and in the archdukes of Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotell, of the dyuersyties of laws and public weals, if nature( as I late said) will dispose them to that maner study: they shall be thereto the more incensed, and come unto it the better prepared and furnished. And they whom nature thereto nothing meueth, haue not only saved al that time, which many now a dayes do consume in idleness, but also haue won such a treasure, whereby they shall all way be able to serve honourably their prince,& the public weal of their country, pryncipally if they confer all their doctrines to the most noble study of moral philosophy, which teacheth both virtues manners, and civil policy: whereby at the last we should haue in this realm sufficiency of worshyppefull lawyers, and also a public weal equiualente to the greeks or romans.   

For what cause at this day there be in this realm few perfect school masters. Capitulo. xv.  
lord god howe many good and clene wits of children be now adays perished by ignorant school masters. Howe little substantial doctrine is apprehended by the fewenesse of good grammariens? Not with standing I know that there be some wellerned, which haue taught, and also do teach, but god knoweth a few, and they with small effect, having thereto no comfort: their aptist and most proper scholars, after they be well instructed in speaking latin, and understanding some poets, being taken from their school by their parentes, and either be brought to the court, and made lakaies or pages, or elles are bound prentices, whereby the worship that the master above any reward, couayteth to haue by the praise of his scholar, is utterly drowned. whereof I haue hard school maisters very well learned, of good right, complain. But yet( as I said) the fewenesse of good grammariens is a great impediment of doctrine. And here I wolde the readers should mark, that I note to be few good grammariens, and not none. I call not them gramariens, which only can teach or make rules, whereby a child shall only learn to speak congrue latin, or to make six versis standing in one foot, wherein perchance shall be neither sentence nor eloquence. But I name him a grammarien by the authority of Quintilian, that speaking latin 
Fab. Quintilian. li. i.  elegantly, can expound good authors, expressing the invention and disposition of the matter, their style or form of eloquence, explycatinge the figures, as well of sentences as words, leaving nothing, person or place name by the author, vndeclared, or hid from his scholars. wherefore Quintilian saith, It is not enough for him to haue read poets, but all kinds of writing must also be sought for, not for the histories only, but also for the property of words, which commonly do receive their authority of noble auctours. More over, without music, grammar may not be perfect: for as much as therein must be spoken of metres& harmonies, called rythmi in greek. Neither if he haue not the knowledge of storres, he may understand poets, which in description of times( I omit other things) they traict of the rising and going down of planets. Also he may not be ignorant in philosophy, for many places that be almost in every poet, fetched out of the most subtle parte of natural questions. These be well nigh the words of Quintilian. Than behold how few grammariens, after this description, be in this realm.  
¶ Undoutedly there be in this realm many well learned, which if the name of a school master were not so much had in contempt, and also if their labours with abundante salaries mought be requited, were right sufficient and able to induce their herers to excellent learning: so they be not plucked away green, and er they be in doctrine sufficiently rooted. But now adays, if to a bachelar or master of arte, study of philosophy waxeth tedious, if he haue a spone full of latin, he will show forth a hoggesheed, without any learning, and offer to teach grammar, and expoune noble writers: and to be in the room of a master, he will for a small salary, set a false colour of learning on proper wits, which will be washed away with one shower of rain. For if the children be absent from school, by the space of one month, the beste learned of them, will vnneth tell whether FATO, whereby Eneas was brought in to Itali, were other a man, a horse, a ship, or a wild goose: Al though 
Uirgilius Aeneid ● su secundo.  their master will perchance auaunte himself to be a good philosopher.  
¶ Some men peradventure do think, that at the beginning of learning, it forceth not, all though the masters haue not so exact doctrine as I haue rehearsed, but let them take good hede, what Quintilian saythe, It is so much the better, to be instructed 
Fab Qui. lib. i.  by them that are beste learned, for as much as it is dyfficultie to put out of the mind, that which is ones settylled, the double burden being painful to the masters that shal succeed, and verily much more to vnteache than to teach. wherefore it is written, that Timothe the noble musician, demanded alway a greater reward of them, whom other had taught, than of them that never any thing learned. These be the words of Quintilian or like.  
¶ Also the commune experience teacheth, that no man will put his son to a botcher to learn, or he bind him prentyse to a tailor. Or if he will haue him a cunning goldsmith, will bind him first prentice to a tynkar. In these things poor men be circumspectly, and the nobles and gentle men, who wolde haue their sons by excellent learning come unto honour, for sparing of coste, or for lack of dyligente search for a good school master, wilfully dystroy their children, causing them to be taught that learning, which wolde require six or seven yeres to be forgotten, by which time the more parte of that age is spent, wherein is the chief sharpness of wit, called in latin acumen, and also than approacheth the stubborn age, where the child brought up in pleasure, dysdayneth correction.  
¶ now haue I all declared( as I do suppose) the chief impechementes of excellent learning, of the reformation I need not to speak, sens it is apparent, that by the contraries, men pursuing earnestly with discrete judgment, and liberality, it should sone be amended.   

Of sundry forms of exercise necessary for every gentle man. Cap. xvi.  
AL though I haue hitherto advanced the commendation of learning, specially in gentle men: Yet it is to be considered, that continual study, without somme maner of exercise, shortly exhausteth the spirytes vytall, and hyndereth natural decoction and digestion, whereby mannes body is the sooner corrupted and brought in to dyvers sickenessis, and finally the life is thereby made shorter. Where contrary wise, by exercise, which is a vehement motion( as Galene prince of physicians defineth) the health of man is preserved, and his strength increased: for as much as the membres by meuynge and mutual touching, do wax more hard, and natural heat in all the body is thereby augmented. More over it maketh the spirits of a man more strong and valiant, so that by the hardness of the membres, all labours be more tolerable, by natural heat, the appetite is the more quick: the change of the substance received, is the more redy, the nourisshing of all partes of the body, is the more sufficient and sure. By valiant motion of the spirites, all things superfluous be expelled, and the conduitis of the body cleansed.  
¶ wherefore this parte of physic, is not to be contemned or neglected in the education of children, and specially from the age of .xiiii. yeres vppewarde, in which time strength, with courage increaseth.  
¶ More over, there be dyvers manners of exercises, whereof some, onely prepareth and helpeth digestion, some augmenteth also strength and hardiness of body, other serve for agility and nymblenes, some for celerity or spedines. There be also, which ought to be used for necessity only. Al these ought he that is a tutor to a noble man, to haue in remembrance: and as aportunitie serveth, to put them in experience. And specially them, which with health do join commodity( and as I might say) necessity: considering that be he never so noble or valiant, some time he is subject to peril, or( to speak it more pleasauntely) servant to fortune. touching such exercises, as many be used within the house, or in the shadow( as is the old maner of speaking) as deambulations or moderate walkynges, laborynge with poises made of lead or other metal, called in latin Alteres, lifting and throwing the heavy ston or bar, playing at tenyse, and dyvers semblable exercises, I will for this time pass over, exhorting them, which do understand latin, and do desire to know the commodities of sundry exercises, to resort to the book of Galene, of the governance of health, called in latin De sanitate tuenda, where they shall be in that matter abundantly satisfied, and find in the reading much delectation: which book is translated into latin, wonderful eloquently by doctor Linacre, late most worthy physician, to our most noble sovereign lord king Henry the .viii. And I will now onely speak of those exercises, apt to the furniture of a gentle mannes parsonage, adaptynge his body to hardenesse, strength, and agility, and to help therwith himself in peril, which may happen in warres or other necessity.   

Exercises, whereby should grow both recreation and profit. Cap. xvii.  
VUrastlynge is a very good exercise in the beginning of youth, so that it be with one that is equal in strength, or somewhat under,& that the place be soft, that in falling their bodies be not bruised.  
¶ There be diuers manners of wrastlinges, 
wrestling. Galenus.  but the best, as well for health of body, as for exercise of strength is, when laying mutuallye their hands one over a nothers neck, with the other hand they hold fast each other by the arm, and claspyng their legs together, they enforce themselves with strength and agility, to throw down each other, which is also praised by Galene. And undoubtedly it shall be found profitable in warres, in case that a capitain shall be constrained to cope with his adversary hand to hand, having his weapon broken or lost. Also it hath benne sene, that the weaker person, by the slight of wrestling, hath overthrown the stronger, almost or he could fasten on the other any violent stroke.  
¶ Also running is both a good exercise 
Renninge.  and a laudable solace. It is written of Epaminondas, the valiant captain of Chebanes( who as well in virtue and prowess, as in learning, surmounted al noble men of his time) that daily he exercised himself in the morning, with running and leapinge, in the evening in wrestling, to the intent that likewise in armour he mought the more strongly, embracinge his adversary, put him in danger. And also that in the chase running and leapinge, he mought either overtake his enemy, or being pursued, if extreme need required, escape him.  
¶ Semblably before him did the worthy Achilles, for whiles his ships lay at road, he suffered not his people to slomber in idleness, but daily exercised them and himself in running, wherein he was most excellent, and passed al other: and therfore homer through out all his work, calleth him swift foot Achilles.  
¶ The great Alexander, being a child, excelled all his companions in running, wherefore on a time, one demanded of him, if he wolde renne at the great game of Olympus, whereto out of al partes of Grece, came the most active and valiant persons, to assay maistries. whereunto Alexander answered in this form, I wolde very gladly renne there, if I were sure to renne with kings: for if I should contend with a private person, having respect to our both estates, our victories should not be equal.  
¶ needs must running be taken for a laudable exercise, sens one of the most noble captains of all the romans, took his name of running, and was called Papirius Cursor, which is in englishe, Papirius the Renner. And also the valiant Marius the roman, when he had been seven times consul, and was of the age of four score yeres, exercised himself daily among the young men of Rome, in such wise, that there resorted people out of far partes, to behold the strength and agility of that old Consul, wherein he compared with the young and lusty soudiours.  
¶ There is an exercise, which is right 
Swymmynge.  profitable in exstreme danger of warres, but because there seemeth to be some peril in the learning therof, and also it hath not ben of long time much used, specially among noble men, perchance some readers will little esteem it, I mean swymmynge. But not withstanding, if they revolve the imbecility of our nature, the hasardes and dangers of battle, with the examples, which shal here after be shewed, they will( I doubt not) think it as necessary to a captain or man of arms, as any that I haue yet rehearsed.  
¶ The Romaines, who above all things, had most in estimation martiall prowess, had a large and spaciouse field, without the city of Rome, which was called Marces field, in latin Campus Martius, wherein the youth of the city was exercised. This 
Campus Martius.  field adjoined to the river of Cyber, to the intent that as well men as children should wash and refresh them in the water after their labours, as also learn to swim, And not men and children only, but also the horses: that by such usage they should more aptly and boldly pass over great rivers, and be more able to resist or cut the waves, and not be afeard of pirries or great storms. For it hath ben often times sene, that by the good swymming of horses, many men haue benne saved: and contrary wise, by a timorouse roil, where the water hath vnneth come to his belly, his legs hath foltred, whereby many a good and proper man hath perished. What benefit received the hole city of Rome, by the swymmynge of Oratius Cocles? 
Oratins Cocles.  which is a noble history, and worthy to be remembered.  
¶ After the Romaines had expelled Carquine their king, as I haue before remembered, he desired aid of Porsena, king of Chuscanes, a noble and valiant prince, to recover eftsoons his realm and dignity: who with a great and puissant host, besieged the city of Rome, and so sodeinely and sharply assaulted it, that it lacked but little, that he ne had entred into the city with his host, over the bridge, called Sublitius: where encountered with him this Oratius with a few romans. And whiles this noble captain, being alone, with an incredible strength resisted all the host of Porcena, that were on the bridge, he commanded the bridge to be broken behind him, where with all the Chuscanes thereon standing, fell into the great river of Ciber, but Oratius al armed wart into the water, and swam to his company. Al be it that he was stricken with many arrows& darts, and also greuouslye wounded, not with standing by his noble courage and feat of swymmynge, he saved the city of Rome from perpetual servitude, which was likely to haue ensued by the return of the proud Carquine.  
¶ Howe much profited the feat in swimmynge 
Iuli{us} caesar swimmynge.  to the valiant Iulius caesar? who at the battle of Alexandri, on a bridge being abandoned of his people for the multitude of his ennemyes, which oppressed them, when he might no longer sustain the shot of darts and arrows, he boldly wart in to the see, and dyuynge under the water, escaped the shot, and swam the space of. CC. pasis to one of his ships, drawing his cote armour with his teeth after him, that his enemies should not attain it, and also that it mought somewhat defend him from their arrows: And that more marvel was, holding in his hand above the water, certain letters, which a little before he had received from the Senate. 
Sertorius   
¶ Before him Sertoryus( who of the spaniards was name the second hannibal for his prowess) in the battle that Scipio fought again the Cimbres, which muaded france, when by negligence of his people, his enemies prevailed, and put his host to the warse, he being sore wounded, and his horse being lost, armed as he was in a gesseron, holding in his hands a target, and his sword, lept into the river of Rone, which is wonderful swift, and swymmynge again the stream, came to his company, not without great wondering of all his enemies, which stood and beheld him.  
¶ The great king Alexander lamented, that he had not well learned to swim. For in Indee when he went against the puissant king Porus, he was constrained, in following his enterprise, to convey his host over a river of wonderful greatness: than caused he his horse men to gauge the water, whereby he first perceived, that it came to the breasts of the horses, and in the middle of the stream, the horsis went in water to the neck, wherewith the footmen being afeard, durst not adventure to pass over the river. alexander perceiving that, with a dolorous maner in this wise lamented, O howe most unhappy am I of all other, that haue not or this time learned to swim? And therwith he pulled a target from one of his soudiours, and casting it in to the water, standing on it, with his spear conveyed himself with the stream,& governing the target wisely, brought himself unto the other side of the water. whereof his people being abashed, some assayed to swim, some holding fast by the horses, other by spears,& other like weapons, many vpon farthels and trusses, gate over the river: in so much as nothing was perished save a little baggage, and of that no great quantity lost.  
¶ What utility was shewed to be in swymmynge at the first warres, which the romans had against the Carthaginensys? It happened a battle to be on the see between them, where they of Carthage, being vanquished, wolde haue set up their sails to haue fled, but that perceiving diuers young romans, threw themselves in to the see, and swymmyng unto the ships, enforced their enemies to strike on land, and there assaulted them so asprely, that the captain of the romans, called Luctatius, might easily take them.  
¶ now to behold, what excellent commodity is in the feat of swymmynge, sens no king, be he never so puissant or perfect in the experience of warres, may assure himself from the necessities, which fortune soweth among men that be mortal, And sens on the health and saulfegarde of a noble captain, often times dependeth the weal of a realm, nothing should be kept from his knowledge, whereby his person may be in every indemnify preserved.  
¶ among these exercises, it shall be conuenyente, 
Defence with waipons.  to learn to handle sundry waypons, specially the sword& the battle axe: which be for a noble man most convenient.  
¶ But the most honourable exercise in mine opinion, and that beseemeth the estate of every 
riding and vauntynge of horsis.  noble person, is to ride surely and clean, on a great horse and a rough, which undoubtedly not only importeth a majesty and dread to inferior persons, beholding him above the common course of other men, daunting a fierce and cruel beast, but also is no little succour, as well in pursuete of ennemyes and confoundyng them, as in escapynge imminente danger, when wisdom thereto exhorteth. Also a strong and hardy horse doth some time more damage under his master, than he with all his weapon: and also setteth forward the stroke, and causeth it to light with more violence.  
¶ Bucephall, the horse of great king Alexander, who suffered none on his back 
Bucephal.  safe onely his master, at the battle of Thebes being sore wounded, wolde not suffer the king to depart from him to a neither horse, but persystynge in his furyouse courage, wonderfully continued out the battle, with his feet and teeth beating down and destroyenge many ennemyes: and many semblable marvels of his strength he shewed. wherefore Alexander, after the horse was slain, made in remembrance of him a city in the country of India, and called it Bucephal, in perpetual memory of so worthy a horse, which in his life had so well served him.  
¶ What wonderful enterprises did Iulius caesar achieue by the help of his horse? which not onely did excel al other horsis in fierceness and swyste running, but also was in some partes discrepante in figure from other horses, having his fore houes like to the feet of a man. And in that figure Plinius writeth, that he saw him kerued before the temple of Uenus.  
¶ Other remembrance there is of dyvers horses, by whose monstrous power, men did exploit incredible affairs: but by cause the report of them conteynethe things impossible, and is not written by any approved author, I will not in this place rehearse them. saving that it is yet supposed, that the castle of arundel in Sussex, was made by one Beauuize, earl of South 
arundel.  hamton, for a monument of his horse called arundel, which in far countreyes had saved his master from many perils.  
¶ now considering the utility in riding great horses, it shal be necessary( as I haue said) that a gentleman do learn to ride a great and fierce horse whiles he is tender, and the braunes and sinews of his thighs not fully consolidate.  
¶ There is also a right good exercise, which is also expedient to learn, which is name the vauntynge of a horse: that is to leap on him at every side without styrope or other help, specially whiles the horse is going. And being therein expert, than armed at all poyntes to assay the same, the commodity whereof is so manifeste, that I need no further to declare it.   

The ancient hyuntynge of Greckes and romans. Cha. xviii.  
BUt now will I procede to writ of exercises, which be not utterly reproved of noble auctours, if they be used with opportunity& in measure, I mean hunting, hawking, and dancing. In hunting may be an imitation of battle, if it be such as was used among them of Persia: whereof Xenophon, the noble and most eloquent philosopher, maketh a delectable mention, in his book, called the doctrine of cyrus: and also maketh a neither special book, containing the hole discipline of the ancient hunting of the greeks, and in that form being used, it is a laudable exercise, of the which I will now some what writ.  
¶ cyrus, and other ancient kings of 
The hunting of Persians. Xenophon pedia Cyri. ii. i.  Persia( as Xenophon writeth) used this maner in all their hunting. first, where as it seemeth, there was in the realm of Persia but one city, which as I suppose, was called Persepolis, there were the children of the Persians, from their infancy, unto the age of seventeen yeres, brought up in the learning of iustice and temperance, and also to observe ꝯtinence in meate and drink: in so much, that whither so ever they went, they took with them for their sustenance, but onely bread and herbs, called Cressis, in latin Nasturtium: and for their drink, a dish to take water out of the rivers as they passed. Also they learned to shote, and to cast the dart or iauelyn. when they came to the age of .xvii. yeres, they were lodged in the palayses, that were there ordained for the king and his nobles, which was as well for the save guard of the city, as for the example of temperance, that they daily had at their eyes given to them by the nobles: which also might be called peers, by the signification of the greek word, wherein they were called Omotimi. More over, they were accustomend to rise alway in the first spring of the day, and pacyentely to sustain alway both could and heat: And the king did se them exercised in going and also in running. And when he intended, in his own person, to hunt, which he did commonly every month, he took with him the one half of the company of young men, that were in the palayses. Than took every man with him his bow and quiver with arrows, his sword or hache of steel, a little target, and two darts. The bow and arrows served to pursue beasts that were swift: and the darts, to assail them and all other beasts. And when their courage was chaufed, or that by fiersenesse of the beast they were in danger, than force constrained them to strike with the sword, or hache, and to haue good eye at the violent assault of the beast, and to defend them if need were, with their tergates, wherein they accounted to be the trewest and most certain meditation of warres. And to this hunting the king didde conduct them, and he himself first hunted such beasts as he happened to encounter. And when he had taken his pleasure, he than with most diligence didde set other forward, beholding who hunted valiantly, and refourmynge them, whom he saw negligent or slothful. But er they went forth to this hunting, they dined competentely: and during their hunting they dined no more. For if by any occasion their hyntinge continued above one day, they took the said dinner for their supper: and the next day, if they killed no game, they hunted until supper time: accountynge those two daies but for one. And if they took any thing, they eat it at their supper with joy and pleasure. If nothing were killed, they eat only bread and cressis, as I before rehearsed, and drank thereto water. And if any man will dispreyse this diet, let him think what pleasure there is in bread, to him that is hungry: and what dylectation is in drinking water to him that is thursty. Surely this maner of hunting may be called a necessary solace and pastime, for therein is the very imitation of battle. For not only it doth show the courage and strength, as well of the horse as of him that rideth, trauersynge over mountaines and valleys, encountrynge and ouerthrowyng great and mighty beasts: but also it increaseth in them both agility and quickness, also sleyght and policy to finde such passages and straites, where they may prevent or entrap their enemies. Also by continuance therein, they shall easily sustain travail in warres, hunger& evangelist, cold and heat. hitherto be the words of Xenophon, although I haue not set them in like order as he wrote them.  
¶ The chief hunting of the valiant 
The hunting of the greeks  greeks was at the lion, the libarde, the tiger, the wild swine, and the bear, and sometime the wolf, and the heart. Theseus, which was companion to Hercules, attained the greatest parte of his renown, for fighting with the great bore, which the greeks called Phera, that wasted and consumed the fields of a great country.  
¶ Meleager likewise for sleinge the great bore in Calidonia, which in greatness and fierceness, excelled al other bores: and had slain many noble and valiant persons.  
¶ The great Alexander, in times vacant from battle, delighted in that maner hunting. On a time he fought alone with a lion, wonderful great and fierce, being present among other strangers, the ambassador of Lacedemonia. And after long travail, with incredible might, he overthrew the lion, and slew him, whereat the said ambassador, wondering marvelously, said to the king, I would to god( noble prince) ye should fight with a lion for some great empire. By which words it seemed, that he nothing approved the valiauntnes of a prince by fighting with a wild beast, wherein much more was adventured, than might be by the victory gotten.  
¶ All be it pompey, Sertorius, and diuers 
The hunting of the romans.  other noble romans, when they were in Numidia, Libia, and such other countreys, which now be called Barbary and Morisco, in the vacaty on season from warres, they hunted lions, liberdes, and such other beasts, fierce and savage, to thentent thereby to exercise themselves and their soldiers. But al mgihty god be thanked, in this realm be no such cruel beasts to be pursued. Not withstanding, in the hunting of red dere and fallow, might be a great parte of semblable exercise, used by noble men, specially in forestis, which be spaciouse: if they wolde use but a few nombre of hounds, onely to harborowe or rouse the game, by their yornyng to give knowledge, which way it fleeth, the remnant of the disport to be in pursuing with iauelins and other waipons, in maner of war. And to them, which in this hunting do show most prowess and activity, a garland, or some other like token, to be given in sign of victory, and with a joyful maner to be brought in the presence of him that is chief in the company, there to receive condign praise for their good endeavour.  
¶ I dyspraise not the hunting of the fox with running hounds, but it is not to be compared to the other hunting in commodity of exercise. Therfore it wolde be used in the deep winter, when the other game is unseasonable.  
¶ Hunting of the hare with grehoundes, is a right good solace for men that be studyouse, or them to whom nature hath not given parsonage, or courage apt for the warres. And also for gentylwomen, which fear neither son nor wind for appayringe their beauty. And peradventure they shall be there at, lasse idle, than they should be at home in their chambers.  
¶ killing of dere with bows or greyhounds, serveth well for the pot( as is the commune saying) and therfore it must of necessity be some time used. But it conteynethe therein no commendable solace or exercise, in comparison to the other form of huntinge, if it be diligently perceived.  
¶ As for hawking, I can find no notable 
Haukinge.  remembrance, that it was used of ancient time among noble princes. I call ancient time, before a thousand yeres passed, sens which time, virtue and nobleness hath rather decayed than increased. Nor I could never know, who found first that dysporte.  
¶ Plinius maketh mention in his .viii. book of the history of nature, that in the partes of Grece, called Thracia, men and hawks, as it were by a confederacie, took birds to gether in this wise. The men sprang the birds out of the busihes, and the hawks sorynge over them, beate them down, so that the men mought easily take them. And than did the men depart equally the pray with the faukons, which being well served, eftsoons and of a custom repaired to such places, where being a loft, they perceived men to that purpose assembled.  
¶ By which rehearsal of Plinius, we may conject, that from Thratia came this disport of hawking. And I doubt not, but many other as well as I, haue sene a semblable experience of wild hobies, which in some countreys., that be champain, will sore and lye a loft, houeringe over larks and quails, and keep them down on the ground, whiles they, which await on the pray, do take them. But in what wise, or where so ever the beginning of hawking was, surely it is a right delectable solace, though therof cometh not so much utility( concerning exercise) as there doth of hunting. But I wolde our faukons mought be satisfied with the dyuysion of their pray, as the faukons of Tracia were, that they nedeed not to devour the hens of this realm, in such nombre, that unless it be shortly considered, and that faukons be brought to a more homely diet, it is right likely, that within a short space of yeres, our familiar poultry shalbe as scarce, as be now partriche and pheasant. I speak not this in dispraise of the faukons, but of them which keepeth them like cokneyes. The mean gentle men and honest householders, which care for the gentle enterteinement of their friends, do find in their dish, that I say truth, and noble men shal right shortly espy it, when they come suddenly to their friends house, vnpurueied for lack of long warning.  
¶ But now to return to my purpose. Undoubtedly hawking, measurably used and for a pastime, giveth to a man good appetite to his supper. And at the least way withdraweth him from other dalliance or disports dishonest, and to body and soul perchance pernicious.  
¶ now I purpose to declare some thing, concerning daunsynge, wherein is merit of praise and dispraise, as I shall express it in such form, as I trust the reader shal finde therein a rare and singular pleasure, with also good learning in things not yet commonly known in our vulgar. Which if it be read of him, that hath good opportunity and quiet silence, I doubt not, but he shall take thereby such commodity, as he looked not to haue founden in that exercise, which of the more parte of sad men is so little esteemed.   

That all daunsynge is not to be reproved. Capitulo. xix.  
I Am not of that opinion, that all dancing generally is repugnant unto virtue, all though some persons excellently learned, specially divines, so do affirm it: which alway haue in their mouths( when they come into the pulpette) the saying of the noble doctor, saint Augustine, That better it were, to delve or to go to thorough on the sondaye, joanne to dance. which mought be spoken of that kind of daunsynge, which was used in the time of saint Augustine, when every thing with the empire of Rome, declined from their perfection, and the old maner of dansynge was forgotten,& none remained, but that which was lascivious, and corrupted the minds of them that danced, and provoked sin, as semblably some do at this day. Also at that time idolatry was not clearly extinct, but diuers fragments therof remained in every region. And perchance solemn daunses, which were celebrate unto the paynims false goddis, were yet continued, for as much as the pure religion of Christ was not in al places consolidate, and the pastors and curates did wink at such recreations, fearing, if they should hastily haue remeued it,& induced suddenly the severity of goddis laws, they should stir the people thereby to a general sedition, to the imminent danger and subversion of Christis hole religion, late sown among them, and not yet sufficiently rooted. But the wise& discrete doctor saint Augustine, using the art of an orator, wherein he was right excellent, omytting all rigorous menace or terror, dissuaded them by the most easiest way, from that maner ceremony, belonging to idolatry, preferryng before it bodily occupation, thereby aggrauatynge the offence to god, that was in that ceremony, sens occupation, which is necessary for mans sustenance, and in due times virtuous, is not withstanding prohibited to be used on the sundays. And yet in these words of this noble doctor, is not so general dispraise to all daunsynge as some men do suppose. And that for two causes. first in his comparison, he prefereth not before daunsynge, or joineth thereto any vycious exercise, but annecteth it with tyllyng and diggynge of the earth, which be labours incident to mans living, and in them is contained nothing that is vicious. Wherefore the pre-eminence therof above daunsynge, qualifyeng the offence, they being done out of due time, that is to say, in an holy day, concludeth not daunsynge to be at all times and in every maner unlawful or vicious, considering, that in certain cases of exstreme necessytie, men might both thorough and delve without doing to god any offence. Also it shall seem to them, that seriously do examine the said words, that therein, saint Augustine doth not prohibit daunsynge so generally, as it is taken, but onely such daunses, which( as I late said) were superstytious, and contained in them a spice of idolatry, or elles did with unclean motions or countynances irritate the minds of the dancers to venereal lusts. whereby fornication and adultery were daily increased. Also in those dances were enterlased dities of wan ton love or rybaudry, with frequent remembrance of the most vile idols, Uenus& Baccus, as it were that the dance were to their honour and memory, which most of all abhorred from Christis religion, sauering the ancient error or paganism.  
¶ I would to god those names were not at this day, used in ballads and ditties, in the courts of pryncys and noble men, where many good wits be corrupted with semblable fantasies, which in better wise employed, mought haue been more necessary to the public weal, and their princes honour. But now will I leave this seryouse matter to divines, to persuade or dyssuade herein, according to their offices. And sens in mine opinion saint Augustine, that blessed clerk, reproveth not so generally all daunsynge, but that I may lawfully rehearse some kind therof, which may be necessary, and also commendable, taking it for an exercise: I shal now procede to speak of the first beginning therof, and in how great estimation it was had in dyvers regions.   

Of the first beginning of daunsinge, and the old estimation therof. Cap. xx.  
THere be sendry opinions of the oryginall beginning of daunsynge. The poets do fain, that when Saturne, which devoured dyvers his children, and semblably wolde haue done with jupiter, Bhea the mother of jupiter, devised, that Curetes( which were men of arms in that country) should dance in armor, playing 
Curetes.  with their sword and sheldes, in such form, as by that new and pleasant devise they should assuage the melancholy of Saturne, and in the mean time, Iupyter was conveyed into Phrigia, where Saturne also pursuyng him, Bhea semblably taught the people there, called Coribantes, to cance in a neither form: where with Saturne 
Choribantes.  was eftsoons demulced and appaised. which fable hath a resemblance to the history of the bible, in the first book of kings, where it is remembered, that Saul, whom god chase from a keeper of asses, to be king of iewes( who in stature excelled, and was above all other men by the heed) declinyng from the laws and precepts of god, was possessed of an iuell spirit, which often times tormented and vexed him: and other remedy found he none, but that david, which after him was king, being at that time a proper child, and playing sweetly on a harp, with his pleasant and perfect harmony, reduced his mind into his pristinate estate: and during the time that he played, the spirit cessed to vex him: which I suppose happened not onely of the efficacy of music( albeit therein is much power, as well in repressing as excytinge natural affects) but also of the virtue ingenerate in the child Dauyd, that played, whom god also had pndestinate to be a great king, and a great prophet. And for the common gifts of grace and of nature, that he was endowed with, all mighty god said of him, that he had found a man after his heart and pleasure. But now to return to speak of daunsynge.  
¶ Some interpreters of poets do imagine, 
Proteus.  that Proteus, who is supposed to haue turned himself into sundry figures, as some time to show himself like a serpent, some time like a lion, otherwiles like water, an other time like the flamme of fire, signifieth to be none other, but a deliver& crafty dancer, which in his dance could imagine the inflexions of the serpent, the soft and delectable flowing of the water, the swiftness and mountynge of the fire, the fierce rage of the lion, the violence& fury of the libbard. which exposition is not to be dispraised, sins it discordeth not from reason. But one opinion there is, which I coil rehearse, more for the merry fantasy, that therein is contained, than for any faith or credite that is to be given thereto.  
¶ over Syracusis( a great and ancient city in Sicile) there reigned a cruel tyrant 
Gelo the king of Sicile.  called GELO, which by horrible tyrannies and oppressions, brought himself into the hatred of all his people, which he perceiving, leste by mutual communication, they should conspire against him any rebellion, he prohibited all men under terrible menaces, that no man or woman should speak unto an neither, but in stede of words, they should use in their necessary affairs, countenances, tokens, and mouynges, with their feet, hands, and eyen, which for necessity first used, at the last grew to a perfect and delectable daunsynge. And GELO, not withstanding his foolish curiosity, at the last was slain of his people most miserably. But although this history were true, yet was not daunsynge at this time first begon: for Orpheus and Museus, the most ancient of poets, and also homer, which were long afore GELO, do make mention of dancing. And in DELVS, which was the most ancient temple of Apollo, no solemnity was done without daunsynge.  
¶ Also in indy, where the people honoureth the son, they assemble together, and when the son first appeareth, joined all in a dance, they salute him, supposing that for as much as he mouethe without sensible noise, it pleaseth him best to be like wise saluted, that is to say with a pleasant motion and silence.  
¶ The interpreters of Plato do think, that the wonderful and incomprehensible order of che celestial bodies, I mean stars and planets, and their motions harmonical, gave to them, that intentifly, and by the deep search of reason behold their coursys, in the sundry dyuersities of nombre and time, a form of imitation of a semblable motion: which they called daunsynge. wherefore the more nere they approached to that temperance, and welcome modulation, of the said superior bodies, the more perfect and commendable is their daunsynge: which is most like to the truth of any opinion that I haue hitherto founden.  
¶ Other fables there be, which I omit for this present time: And now I will express, in what estymation daunsyng was had in the ancient time, and also sundry forms of daunsynge, not all; but such as had in them a semblaunce of virtue or kunning.  
¶ when the ark of god( wherein was put 
Archa federis.  the tables of the commandments, the yard, wherewith moses divided the read see, and did the miracles in the presence of pharaoh, king of egypt: also a parte of manna, wherewith the children of Israel were fed forty yeres in desert) was recovered of the Philisties, and brought unto the city of Gaba, the holy king david, 
king david dancing openty.  wearing on him a linen surplice, danced before the said ark, following him a great nombre of instruments of music: where at his wife Micol, the daughter of king Saul, disdained and scorned him, wherewith( as holy scripture saythe) all mighty god was much displeased. And david not cessinge, danced ioyousely through the city, in that maner honourynge that solemn feast, which among the iewes was one of the chief and principal, wherewith god was more pleased, than with all the other observances that then were done unto him at that time.  
¶ I will not trouble the readers with the innumerable ceremonies of the gentiles, which were comprehended in daunsinges, sens they ought to be noumbred among superstytions. But I will declare, howe wise men and valiant captains embraced daunsyng for a sovereign and profitable exercise.  
¶ Licurgus, that gave first laws to the Lacedemones( a people in grece) ordained that the children there should be taught as diligently to dance in armour, as to fight. And that in time of warres, they should ive them in battle again their enemies, in form and maner of daunsynge.  
¶ Semblably the old inhabitants of Ethiopia, at the joining of their battles, and when the trumpets and other instruments soune, they dance: and in stede of a quiver, they haue their darts set about their heads, like to rays or beams of the son, wherewith they believe that they put their enemies in fear.  
¶ Also it was not lawful for any of them, to cast any dart at his enemy but daunsyng. And not onely this rude people esteemed so much daunsynge, but also the most noble of the greeks, which for their excellency in prowess and wisdom, were called half goddis, as Achilles, and his son Pirrhus, and diuers other. wherefore homer, among the high benefits that god giveth to man, reciteth daunsynge. For he saythe in the first book of Iliados, 
God granteth to some man prowess martiall  
To a neither daunsinge, with song harmonical.   
¶ Suppose ye, that the romans, which in gravity of manners passed the Greekes, had not great pleasure in dancing? Did not Romulus, the first king of Romaines, and builder of the city of Rome, ordain certain priestes& ministers to the god Mars. whom he aduaunted to be his father? which priests, for as much as certain times they danced about the city with tergates, that they imagined to fall from heaven, were called in latin Salij, which in to english may be translated daunsers: who continued so long time in reverence among the Romayns, that unto the time that they were christened, the noble men& princis children there, using much diligence and suite, coueyted to be of the college of the said daunsers  
¶ More over, the emperours, that were most noble, delighted in daunsyng, perceiving therein to be a perfect measure, which may be called modulation: wherein some daunsers of old time so wonderfully excelled, that they wolde plainly express in daunsynge, without any words, or dyttie, histories, with the hole circumstance of affairs in them contained: whereof I shal rehearse two maruailouse experiences.  
¶ At Rome, in the time of Nero, there was a philosopher called Demetrius, which was of that sect, that for as much as they abandoned all shane fastenes in their words and acts, they were called Cinici in englishe doggyshe. This Demetrius often reprouinge daunsynge, wolde say, that there was nothing therein of any importance, and that it was none other, but a counterfaytyng with the feet and hands, of the armonye that was shewed before in the rebeck, shawm, and other instrument, and that the motyons were but vain and separate from all understanding, and of no purpose or efficacy. whereof hearing a famous dancer, and one as it seemed, that was not without good learning, and had in remembrance many histories, he came to Demetrius, and said unto him, sire I humbly desire you, refuse not to do me that honesty with your presence, in beholding me dance, which ye shall se me do without soune of any instrument. And than if it shall seem to you worthy dispraise, utterly banish and confound my science. whereunto Demetrius granted. The young man danced the adultery of Mars and Uenus, and therein expressed howe Uulcane, husband to Uenus, therof being advertised by the son, laid snares for his wife and Mars: also howe they were wounden and tied in Uulcanes net: more over, howe al the goddes came to the spectable: finally howe Uenus all ashamed and blusshynge, fearfully desired her lover Mars to deliver her from that peril, and the residue contained in the fable: which he did with so subtle& crafty gesture, with such a plain declaration of every act in the matter( which of all thing is most dyfficyle) with such a grace and beauty, also with a wit so wonderful and pleasant, that Demetrius, as it seemed, thereat reioysyng and delytynge, cried with a loud voice, O man I do not onely se, but also here what thou dost: And it seemeth also to me, that with thy hands thou spekeste. which saying was confirmed by al them that were at that time present.  
¶ The same young man song and danced on a time before the emperour Nero, when there was also present a strange king, which understood none other language but of his own country: yet notwithstanding, the man danced so aptly and plainly, as his custom was, that the strange king, all though he perceived not what he said, understood every deal of the matter. And when he had taken his leave of the emperour to depart, the emperour offered to give him any thing that he thought mought be to his commodity. Ye may( said the king) bounteouselye reward me, if ye lend me the young man that danced before your majesty. Nero wondering, and requiring of him, why he so importunately desired the dancer, or what commodity the dancer might be unto him. sir, sadie the king, I haue dyvers confins and neighbours, that be of sundry languages and manners, wherefore I haue often times need of many interpreters. wherefore if I had this man with me, and should haue any thing to do with my neighbours, he wolde so with his fashion and gesture express every thing to me, and teach them to do the same, that from henceforth I should not haue need of any interpreter.  
¶ Also the ancient philosophers commended daunsynge: in so much, as Socrates, the wisest of al the greeks in his time, and from whom all the sects of philosophers, as from a fountain were deriuied, was not ashamed to account daunsynge among the serious disciplines, for the commendable beauty, for the apt and proportionate meuynge, and for the crafty disposition and facionynge of the body.  
¶ It is to be considered, that in the said anciente time, there were dyvers manners of daunsyng, which varied in the names, like wise as they did in tunes of the instrument, as semblably, we haue at this day. But those names, some were general, some were special: the general names were given of the universal form of daunsynge, whereby was represented the qualities or conditions of sundry estates: as the majesty of princis was shewed in that dance which was name Eumelia, and belonged to tragedies: dissolute motions, and want on countenances, in that which was called Cordax, and pertained to comedies: wherein men of base haviour onely danced. Also the form of battle and fighting in armour, was expressed in those daunses, which were called Enopliae. Also there was a kind of daunsynge called Hormus of all the other most like to that, which is at this time used, wherein danced young men and maidens: the man expressing in his motion and countenance strength and courage, apt for the warres: the maiden moderation and shamefastness, which represented a pleasant coniunction of fortitude and temperance.  
¶ In stede of these we haue now base daunses, bargenettes, pauyons, turgions, and roundes. And as for the specialle names, they were taken as they be now, either of the names of the first inuentours: or of the measure and noumbre that they do contain: or of the first words of the ditie, which the song comprehendeth, whereof the dance was made. In every of the said daunses, there was a concinnitie of meuing the foot and body, expressing some pleasant or profitable affects or motions of the mind.  
¶ Here a man may behold, what craft was in thauncient time in daunsynge, which at this day no man can imagine or conject. But yf men wolde now apply the first parte of their youth, that is to say from seven yeres to twenty, effectually in the sciences liberal, and knowledge of histories, they should revive the ancient form as well of daunsynge, as of other exercises. whereof they mought take not only pleasure, but also profit and commodity.   

¶ wherefore in the good order of dancing a man and a woman daunseth together. Cap. xxi.  
IT is diligently to be noted, that the company of man and woman in daunsynge, they both observing one nombre and time in their meuynges, was not begun without a special consideration, as well for the necessary coniunction of those two persons, as for the intimation of sundry vtues: which be by them represented.  
¶ And for as much as by the joining of a man and a woman in daunsynge may be signified matrimony, I could in declaring the dignity and commodity of that sacrament, make entire volumes, if it were not so commonly known to all men, that almost every frere limit our carrieth it written in his bosom. wherefore leste in repeating a thing so frequent and commune, my book should be as fastidious or fulsome to the readers, as such merchant preachers be now to their customers, I coil reuerentely take my leave of divines. And for my parte, I will endeavour myself, to assemble out of the books of ancient poets, and philophers, matter as well apt to my purpose, as also new, or at the leste wise infrequent or seldom hard of them, that haue not radde very many authors in greek& latin.  
¶ But now to my purpose. In every dance of a most ancient custom, there daunseth to gether a man and a woman, holding each other by the hand or the arm, which betokeneth concord. now it behoveth the daunsers, and also the beholders of them, to know al qualities incident to a man, and also all qualities to a woman likewise appertaynynge.  
¶ A man in his natural perfection is fiers, 
A mannes qualities.  hardy, strong in opinion, coueytous of glory, desirous of knowledge, appetiting by generation to bring forth his semblable. The good nature of a woman is to be mild, timorous, tractable, benign, of sure remembrance,& shamfast. Diuers other qualities of each of them might be found out, but these be most apparent, and for this time sufficient.  
¶ wherefore when we behold a man and a woman dancing to gether, let us suppose there to be a concord of al the said qualities, being joined together, as I haue set them in order. And the meuynge of the man would be more vehement, of the woman more delicate, and with less aduansynge of the body, signifienge the courage and strength that ought to be in a man,& the pleasant soberness that should be in a woman. And in this wsse Fiersenes, joined with mildness, maketh severity: hardiness with Timerositie, maketh magnanimity, that is to say, valiant courage: wilful opinion and Tractabilitie,( which is to be shortly persuaded and moved) maketh Constance, a virtue: covetise of glory, adorned with benignity, causeth honour: Desire of knowledge, with sure remembrance, procureth Sapience: Shamfastnes joined to appetite of generation, maketh ꝯtinence: which is a mean between chastity and inordinate lust. These qualities, in this wise being knit together, and signified in the personages of man and woman daunsinge, do express or set out the figure of very nobility: which in the higher estate it is contained, the more excellent is the virtue in estimation.   

¶ Howe dancing may be an introduction unto the first moral virtue called prudence. Cap. xxii.  
AS I haue all redy affirmed, the principal cause of this my little enterprise, is to declare an induction or mean, howe children of gentle nature or disposition may be trained into the way of virtue with a pleasant facility: And for as much as it is very expedient, that there be mixed with study some honest& moderate disport, or at the lest way recreation, to recomfort and quicken the vital spirites, leste they long trauaylynge or being much occupied in contemplation or remembrance of things grave and serious, mought happen to be fatigate, or perchance oppressed. And therfore tuli, who vneth found ever any time vacaunt from study, permytteth in his first book of offices, that men may use play and disport: yet not withstanding in such wise as they do use sleep and other maner of quiet, when they haue sufficiently disposed earnest matters& of weighty importance.  
¶ now because there is no pass time to be compared to that, wherein may be founden both recreation and meditation of virtue: I haue among all honest pastimes, wherein is exercise of the body, noted daunsyng to be of an excellent utility comprehending in it wonderful figures( which the greeks do call Idea, of virtues and noble qualities, and specially of the commodious virtue called prudence, whom tuli defineth 
Ci. offi. i. Prudence.  to be the knowledge of things, which ought to be desired& followed: and also of them, which ought to be fled from or eschewed. And it is name of Aristotel the mother of virtues, of other philosophers it is called the capitain or maystres of virtues, of some the house wife, for as much as by her diligence she doth investigate& prepare places apt and convenient, where other virtues shall execute their powers or offices. wherefore as Salomon saith, like as in water be shewed the visages of them that behold 
Prov. 27.  it, so unto men that be prudent, the secrets of mens hartes be openly discovered. This virtue being so commodious to man, and as it were the porch of the noble palace of mannes Reason, whereby all other virtues shall entre, it seemeth to me right expedient, that as sone as opportunity may be founden, a child, or young man, be thereto induced. And because that the study of virtue is tedious for the more parte to them that do flourysshe in young yeres, I haue devised, how in the form of dancing now late used in this realm among gentlemen, the hole description of this virtue prudence may be founden out and well perceived, as well by the daunsers, as by them which standing by, coil be diligent beholders and markers, having first mine instruction surely grauē in the table of their remembrance. wherefore all they that haue their courage stered toward very honour or perfect nobility, let them approach to this pass time, and either themselves prepare them to dance, or else at the leste way behold with watchynge eyen, other that can dance truly, keeping just measure and time. But to the understanding of this instruction, they must mark well the sundry motions and measures, which in true form of daunsinge is to be specially observed.  
¶ The first meuing in every dance is called honour, which is a reverent inclination or courtesy, with a long deliberation or pause, and is but one motion, comprehending the time of three other motions or setting forth of the foot: By that may be signified, that at the beginning of all our acts, we should do due honour to god, which is the roote of prudence, which honour is compact of these three things, fear, love,& reverence. And that in the beginning of al things, we should aduysedly, with some tract of time, behold and foresee the success of our enterprise.  
¶ By the second motion, which is two in nombre, may be signified celerite and slowness: 
celerity, or quiknes& slowness.  which two, all be it they seem to discord in their effects and natural properties: therfore they may be well resembled to the brawl in daunsynge( for in our 
A brawl.  english tongue we say men do brawl, when between them is altercation in words) yet of them two springeth an excellent virtue, whereunto we lack a name in english. wherefore I am constrained to usurp a latin word, calling it maturity, which word though it be strange and dark, yet by declaring the virtue in a few mo words, the name ones brought in custom, shall be as easy to understand as other words late comen out of Italy and france, and made denysens among vs.  
¶ maturity is a mean between two extre 
Matnritie.  mities, wherein nothing lacketh or exceedeth, and is in such estate, that it may neither increase nor minysshe without losinge the denomiation of maturity. The greeks in a proverb do express it properly in 
{αβγδ}  two words, which I can none otherwise 
{αβγδ}  interpret in english, but speed the slowly.  
¶ Also of this word maturity, sprang 
{αβγδ}.  a noble and precious sentence, recited by 
Festin● lent.  sallust in the battle again Catiline, which is in this maner or like, consult before thou enterprise any thing, and after thou 
Priusque in cipias consulto  hast taken counsel, it is expedient to do it maturely.  
Maturum in latin may be interpretid ripe 
Maturum.  or redy: as fruit when it is ripe, it is at the very point to be gathered and eaten. And every other thing, when it is ready, it is at the instant after to be occupied. Therfore that word maturity, is translated to the acts of man, that when they be done with such moderation, that nothing in the doing may be sene superfluous or indigent, we may say, that they be maturely done: reserving the words ripe& redy, to fruit and other thiges separate from affairs, as we haue now in usage. And this do I now remember for the necessary augmentation of our language.  
¶ In the excellent& most noble emperour Octauius Augustus, in whom reigned all nobility, nothing is more commended, than that he had frequently in his mouth this word Matura, do maturelly. As he should haue said, do neither to much ne to little, to soon ne to late, to swiftly nor slowly, but in due time and measure.  
¶ now I trust I haue sufficiently expounded the virtue called maturity, which is the mean or mediocrity between sloth and celerity, commonly called spedinesse: and so haue I declared, what utility may be taken of a brawl in daunsynge.   

The thyrde and fourthe branches of prudence. Capitu. xxiii.  
THe thyrde motion, called singles, is of two unities separate in pasinge forward: 
Singles in dancing.  by whom may be signified providence and industry, which after every thing maturely achieved, as is before written, maketh the first pace forward in daunsynge. But it shall be expedient to expound, what is the thing called providence, for as much as it is not known to every man.  
¶ providence is, whereby a man not onely 
Pronidence what it is.  forseeth commodity and incommoditye, prosperity and adversity, but also consulteth, and there with endeavoureth as well to repel annoyance, as to attain and get profit and advantage. And the difference between it and consideration is, that consideration 
Consideration what it is.  onely consisteth in pondering and examining things, conceived in the mind: providence in helping them with counsel and act. wherefore to consideration pertaineth excogitation and auysement, to providence, provision and execution. For like as the good husband, when he hath sown his ground, setteth up cloughtes or threads, which some call shailes, some blenchars, or other like shows, to fear away birds, which he forseeth ready to devour and hurt his corn, also perceiving the improfytable weeds appearing, which will annoy his corn or herbs, forth with wedeth thē clene out of his ground, and coil not suffer them to grow or increase. Semblably, it is the parte of a wise man, to foresee and provide, that either in such things, as he hath acquired by his study or diligence, or in such affairs ás he hath in hand, he be not indomaged or impeached by his aduersaries.  
¶ In like maner a governor of a public weal ought to {pro}uide as well by menaces, as by sharp and terrible punysshementes, that persons evil and unprofitable, do not corrupt and devour his good subiectes. finally there is in providence such an admyration and majesty, that not onely it is, attributed to kings and rulers, but also to god creator of the world.  
¶ industry hath not ben so long time used 
Industry.  in the english tongue, as providence: wherefore it is the more strange, and requireth the more plain exposition. It is a quality, proceeding of wit and experience, by the which a man perceiveth quickly, innenteth freshly, and counsayleth speedily: wherefore they that be called Industrious, do most craftily and deeply understand in al affairs, what is expedient, and by what means& ways, they may soonest exploit them. And those things, in whom other men travail, a person industrious lightly and with facility spedeth, and findeth new ways and means to bring to effect that he desireth.  
¶ among dyvers other remembered in histories, such one among the greeks was Alcibiades, who being in chyldehoode 
Alcibiades.  most amiable of all other, and of most subtle wit, was instructed by Socrates. The said Alcibiades, by the sharpness of his wit, the doctrine of Socrates, and by his own experience in sundry affairs in the commune weal of the Athenienses, became so industrious, that were it good or yuel that he enterprised, nothing almost escaped that he acheued not, were the thing never so difficyle( or as who saith) impenitrable: and that many sundry things, as well for his country, as also again it, after that, he for his inordinate pride and lechery, was out of Athenes exiled.  
¶ Among the Romains, Caius Iulius Ce 
jul. caesar.  star, which first took vpon him the perpetual rule and governance of the empire, is a noble example of industry, for in his incomparable warres, and business almost incredible, he did not onely excogitate most excellent pollycies and devices, to vanquyshe or subdue his ennemyes, but also prosecuted them with such celerity and effect, that diuers and many times he was in the camp of his ennemyes, or at the ga tes of their towns, or fortresses, when they supposed, that he and his host had ben two days journey from thence, leaving to them no time or leisure, to consult or prepare again him sufficient resistance.  
And over that, this quality, INDVSTRIE, so reigned in him, that he himself wolde minister to his secretaries at one time and instant, the contents of three sundry epistles or letters. Also it is a thing wonderful to remember, that he being a prince of the most ancient and noble house of the romans, and from the time that he came to mans estate, almost continually in warres, also of glory insatiable, of courage invincible: could in affairs of such importance and difficulty, or( which is much more to be marveled at now) wolde so exactly writ the history of his own acts and gestes: that for the native& inimitable eloquence, in expressing the counsels, devises, conventions, progressions, enterprises, exploitures, forms, and sacions of imbataylynge, he seemeth to put all other writers of like matters to silence.  
¶ Here is the perfect pattern of industry, which I trust shall suffice to make the proper signification therof, to be understand of the readers. And consequently to incense thē to ap{pro}ch to the true practising therof.  
¶ So is the sengles declared in these two qualities, providence and industry, which seriousely noted, and often remembered of the daunsers and beholders, shall acquire to them no little fruit and commodity, if there be in their minds any good and laudable matter for virtue to work in.   

¶ Of the fifte branch called circumspection, shewed in reprinse. Cap. xxiii.  
COmmonly next after singles in dancing 
Reprinse in dancing.  is a reprinse, which is one moving only, putting back the right foot to his fellow: And that may be well called circumspection, which signifieth as much, as beholding on every part, what is well and sufficient, what lacketh, howe, and from whence it may be provided: Also what hath caused profit or damage in the time passed, what is the estate of the time present, what advantage or peril may succeed, or is immynent. And because in it is contained a deliberation, in having regard to that that followeth, and is also of affinytie with providence and industry, I make him in the form of a retreat. In this motion a man may, as it were on a mountain or place of espial, behold on every side far of, measurynge and esteeming every thing: and either pursewe it, if it be commendable, or eschew it, yf it be noyful. This quality( like as providence and industre be) is a branch of Prudence, which some call the pryncesse of virtues: and it is not onely expedient, but also needful to every estate and degree of men, that do continue in the life called active.  
¶ In the Iliados of homer, the noble 
Nestor.  duke Nestor, a man of marvelous eloquence and long experience, as he that lived three mennes lives, as he there auanteth, in the counsel that he gave to Agamemnon, to reconcile to him Achilles, the most strong and valiant man of all the greeks, he persuaded Agamemnon specially to be circunspecte, declaring, howe that the private contention between them, should replenishe the host of the greeks with much dolour: whereat king Priamus and his children should laugh, and the residue of the Troyanes in their mindes, should rejoice and take courage.  
¶ Among the Romayns Quintus Fabius 
Fabius.  for this quality is soueraignely extolled among historiens: and for that cause he is often times called of them Fabius cunctator, that is to say, the tarier or delayer. For in the warres between the Romayns and hannibal, he knowing all costs of the country, continually kept him and his host on mountaines and high places, within a small distance of Hanniballes army: so that neither he wolde flee from his enemies, nor yet join with them battle. By which wonderful policy, he caused Annibal so to travail, that some time for lack of victual, and for weariness, great multitudes of his host perished. Also he oftentimes awaited them in dangerous places, vnredy, and than skyrmyshed with them, as long as he was sure to haue of them advantage: and after he repaired to the high places adjoining, using his accustomend maner to behold the passage of Anniballe. And by this means, this most circumspectly capitayn Fabius, wonderfully infeblyd the powar of the said hannibal, which is no lasse esteemed in praise, than the subduing of Cartage by the valiant Scipio. For yf Fabius had not so fatigate hannibal and his host, he had shortly subverted the city of Rome, and than could not Scipio haue been able to acheue that enterprise.  
¶ What more clear mirror or spectacle can 
King Henry the seueth.  we desire of circumspection, than king HENRY the SEVENTH, of most noble memory, father unto our most dread sovereign lord, whose worthy renome, like the son in the mids of his sphere, shineth& ever shall shine in mennes remembrance? what incomparable circumspection was in him alway founden, that not withstanding his long absence out of this realm, the disturbance of the same by sundry seditions among the nobility, civil warres and battles, wherein infinite people were slain, beside skirmysshes and slaughters in the private contentions and factions of dyvers gentlemen, the laws laid in water( as is the {pro}uerbe) affection& avarice, subduing iustice& equity: Yet by his most excellent wit, he in few yeres, not onely brought this realm in good order, and under due obedience, revived the laws, auanced justice, refurnyshed his dominions, and repaired his manors, but also with such circumspection treated with other princis and realms, of leagues, of alliance, and amities, that during the more part of his reign, he was little or nothing inquieted without war hostility or martiall business. And yet all other princis either feared him, or had him in a fatherly reverence. which praise with the honour thereunto dew, as inheritance descendeth by right unto his most noble son, our most dere common lord that now presently reigneth. For as tuli saith, The best inheritance, that the fathers leave to their children, excelling al other patrimony, is the glory or praise of virtue and noble acts: and of such fair inheritance his highnes may compare with any prince that ever reigned, which he daily augmenteth, adding thereto other sundry virtues, which I forbear now to rehearse, to the intent I will exclude all suspicion of flattery, sens I myself in this work do specially reprove it. But that which is presently known, and is in experience needeth no monument. And unto so excellent a prince, there shal not lack hereafter condign writers to register his acts, with eloquent style in perpetual remembrance.   

Of the sixte seventh and eight branches of prudence. Cap. xxv.  
ADouble in daunsynge is compact of the nombre of three, whereby may be noted these three branches of prudence, election, experience, and modesty: by them the said virtue of prudence is made complete, and is in her perfection. Election is of an excellent power and authority, and hath such a majesty, that she will not be approached unto of every man. For some there be, to whom she denieth her presence, as children, natural fools, men being frantic, or subdued with affects, also they that be subiectes to flatterers and proud men. In these persons reason lacketh liberty, which should prepare their entry unto election. This Election, which 
Election.  is a parte, and as it were a member of prudence, is beste described by opportunity, 
opportunity.  which is the principal parte of counsel, and is compact of these things following.  
¶ The importance of the thing consulted, The faculty and power of him that consulteth, The time when, The form how, The substance wherewith to do it, The disposition and usages of the countreys, For whom and again whom it ought to be done. Al these things pmpensed and gathered together seriousely, and after a due examination, every of them justly pondered in the balance of reason. Immediately cometh the authority of election, who taketh on her to appoint, what is to be effectually followed or pursued, reiectinge the refidue. And than ought experience to be at hand, to whom is committed the actual execution. 
Experience or execution  For without her, Election is frustrate, and all invention of man is but a fantasy. And therfore who aduisedlye beholdethe the estate of mans life, shall well perceive, that al that ever was spoken or written, was to be executed, and to that intent was speech specially given to man, wherein he is most dyscrepante, from brute beasts, in declaring by them what is good, what vicious, what is profitable, what improfitable, which by clearness of wit do excel in knowledge, to these that be of a more inferior capacity. And what utility should be acquired by such declaration, if it should not be experienced with diligence?  
¶ The philosopher Socrates had not ben 
Socrates.  name of apollo the wisest man of al Grecia, if he had not daily practised the virtues, which he in his lessons commended.  
¶ Iulius Cacsar, the first emperour, al 
jul. caesar.  though, there were in him much hid learning, in so much as he first found the order of our kalandre, with the Cikle and bysexte, called the leap year: Yet is he not so much honoured for his learning, as he is for his diligence, wherewith he exploited or brought to conclusion those counsels, which as well by his excellent learning and wisdom, as by the aduise of other expert counsellors were before trayted, and( as I might say) ventilate.  
¶ Who will not repute it a thing vain and scornefulle, and more like to a may game, than a matter serious or commendable, to behold a parsonage, which in speech or writing expresseth nothing but virtuous manners, sage and discrete counsels and holy advertisements: to be resolved in to all vices, following in his acts no thing that he himself in his words approveth and teacheth to other?  
¶ Who shal any thing esteem their wisdom, which with great studies finde out remedies and provisions necessary for thingss dysordred or abused, and where they themselves may execute it, they leave it untouched, whereby their devices, with the soune that pronounced them, be vanished and come to nothing?  
¶ Semblably it is to be thought in all other doctrine. wherefore as it seemed, it was not without consideration affirmed by tuli, that the knowledge and contemplation of Natures operatyons, were lame and in a maner imperfcte, if there followed none actual experience. Of this shal be more spoken in the later end of this work.  
¶ Herwith wolde be conjoined or rather 
modesty.  mixed with it, the virtue called modesty: which by tuli is defined to be the know 
Offi. i.  lege of opportunity of things to be done or spoken, in apoyntinge and setting them in time or place to them convenient& proper. wherefore it seemeth, to be much like to that, which men commonly call discretion. 
Discretion.  Al be it discretio in latin signifieth separation: wherein it is more like to Election. But as it is commonly used, it is not onely like to modesty, but it is the self modesty. For he that forbereth to speak, all though he can do it both wisely and eloquentely, because neither in the time nor in the herers, he findeth opportunity, so that no fruit may succeed of his speech, he therfore is vulgarely called a discrete person.  
¶ Semblably they name him discrete, that 
Discrete.  punisheth an offeder less than his merites do require, having regard to the weakness of his person, or to the aptness of his amendment.  
¶ So do they in the virtue called liberality, 
liberality  where in giving, is had consideration, as well of the condition, and necessity of the person that receiveth, as of the benefit that cometh of the gift received. In every of these things and their semblable, is modesty: which word not being known in the english tongue, ne of all them which understood latin, except they had read good auctours, they improprely name this virtue dyscrecion. And now some men do as much abuse the word 
modesty abused.  modesty, as the other did discretion. For if a man haue a sad countenance at all times, and yet not being moved with wrath, but patient, and of most gentyllnesse, they which wolde be sene to be learned, will say that the man is of a great modesty. Where they should rather say, that he were of a great Mansuetude: which term being 
Mansuetude.  semblably before this time unknown in our tongue, may be by the sufferance of wise men, now received by custom, whereby the term shall be made famyliare. That like as the romans translated the wisdom of Grecia into their city, we may, if we list, bring the lernynges and wysedomes of them both into this realm of england, by the translation of their archdukes, sens like enterprise hath ben taken by french men, Italyons, and Germaynes, to our no little reproach for our negligence and sloth.  
¶ And thus I conclude the last parte of daunsynge, which diligently beholden, shall appear to be as well a necessary study, as a noble and virtuous pastime, used and continued in such form as I hitherto haue declared.   

Of other exercises, which if they be moderately used, be to every estate of man expedient. Cap. xxvi.  
I Haue shewed howe hunting and daunsynge may be in the nombre of commendable exercises, and passetymes, not repugnanute to virtue. And undoubted, it were much better to be occupied in honest recreation, than to do nothing. For it is said of a noble autour, In doing nothing, men learn to do evil. And ovidius the poet saith,  

If thou flee idleness, cupid hath no might,  
His howe lieth broken, his fire hath no light. 
ovid de remedio amoris. idleness.    
¶ It is not only called idleness, wherein the body or mind ceaseth from labour, but specially idleness is an omission of all honest exercise: the other may be better called a vacation from seryouse business, which was some time embraced of wise men and virtuous.  
¶ It is written to the praise of Xerxes king 
king Xerxes.  of Persia, that in time vacaunt from the affairs of his realm, he with his own hands had planted innumerable trees, which long or he died brought forth abundance of fruit, and for the crafty and delectable order in the setting of them, it was to all men, beholding the princis industry, exceeding marvelous.  
¶ But who abhorreth not the history of 
Sardanapalus.  Serdanapalus, king of the same realm? which having in detestation all princely affairs, and leaving al company of men, enclosed himself in a chamber with a great multitude of concubines: and for that he would seem to be some time occupied, or else that wanton pleasures and quietness became to him tedious, he was found by one of his lords in a womans attire spynnynge in a distafe among persons defamed, which known abroad, was to the people so odious, that finally by them he was burned, with all the place whereto he fled for his refuge.  
¶ And I suppose there is not a more plain 
Playing at dise.  figure of idleness, than play inge at dice. For besides, that therein is no maner of exercise of the body or mind, they which play thereat, must seem to haue no portion of wit or kunning, if they will be called fair players, or in some company avoid the stab of a dagger, if they be taken with any crasty conveyance. And by cause alway wisdom is therein suspected, there is seldom any playing at dice, but thereat is vehement chydyng and brawling, horrible oaths, cruel, and some time mortal menacis. I omit stroke, which now and than do happen, often times between brethren and most dere friends, if fortune bring alway to one man evil chances, which maketh the play of the other suspected. O why should that be called a play, which is compact of malice and robbery? Undoubtedly they that write of the first inventions of things, haue good cause to suppose Lucifer, prince of divels, to be the first inventor of dice playing,& hell the place where it was founden, although some do writ, that it was first invented by Attal{us}. For what better allectiue could lucifer devise to 'allure and bring men pleasantly into damnable servitude, than to purpose to them in form of a play, his principal 
The treasury of Lucifer.  treasury, wherein the more parte of sin is contained, and all goodness and virtue confounded?  
¶ The first occasion to play, is tediousness of virtuous occupation: Immediately succeedeth couaytynge of an other mans goods, which they call playing: thereto is annexed avarice and straight keeping, which they call winning: sone after cometh sweryng, in rentinge the membres of god, which they name nobleness( for they will say, he that sweareth deep, sweareth like a lord) than followeth fury or rage, which they call courage: among them cometh inordinate watch, which they name painfulness: he bringeth in gluttony, and that is good fellowship:& after cometh sleep supersluous, called among them natural rest: and he some time bringeth in lechery: which is now name dalliance. The name of this treasury is verily idleness: the door whereof is left wide open to dice players: if they hap to bring, in their company, learning, virtuous business, liberality, paciencie, charity, temperance, good diet, or shamefastness, they must leave them without the gates. For evil custom, which is 
Il custom  the porter, will not suffer them to entre.  
¶ Alas what pity is it, that any christen man should by wanton company be trained, I will no more say into this treasury, but in to this loathsome dungeon, where he shall lie fetored in chains of ignorance, and bound with the strong chain of obstinacy, hard to be loosed but by grace?  
¶ The most noble emperour Octaui{us} Augustus, who hath among writers in diuers of his acts an honourable remembrance: onely for playing at dice, and that but seldom, sustaineth in histories a note of reproach.  
¶ The Lacedemoniens sent an ambassade 
Counsaillors disers  to the city of corinth, to haue with them alliance: but when the ambassadors found the princis and counsellors playing at dice, they departed without exploytynge their message, saying, that they would not maculate the honour of their people with such a reproach, to be said, that they had made alliance with disars.  
¶ Also to Demetrius, the king of Parthians sent golden dice, in the rebuk of his lytenesse.  
¶ every thing is to be esteemed after his value. But who hearing a man, whom he 
The estimation of dysars.  knoweth not, to be called a dysar, doth not anon suppose him to be of light credence, dissolute, vain, and remiss? who almost trusteth his brother, whom he knoweth a dice player? yea among themselves they laugh, when they perceive or here any doctrine or virtuous word procede from any of their companions, thynkyge that it becometh not his person: much more when he doth any thing with devotion or wisdom.  
¶ Howe many gentle men, howe many merchants, haue in this damnable pastime consumed their substance, as well by their own labours, as by their parentes, with great study and peynefull travail in a long time acquired, and fynisshed their lives in debt and penury? How many goodly and bold yemenne hath it brought unto theft, whereby they haue prevented the course of nature, and dyed by the order of laws miserably? These be the fruits and revenues of that dyuylyshe merchandise, beside the final reward, which is more terrible, the report whereof I leave to dyuines, such as fear not to show their lernynges, or will not their mouths so full with sweet meats, or benefices, that their tongues be not let to speak trouth: for that is their duty and office, except I with many other be much dysceyued.  
¶ playing at cards and tables is some 
cards& Tables.  what more tolerable, onely for as much as therein wit is more used, and less trust is in fortune, all be it therein is neither laudable study nor exercise. But yet men delitynge in virtue, mought with cards and tables devise games, where in mought be much solace and also study commodious, as devising a battle, or contention between virtue and 'vice, or other like pleasant and honest invention.  
¶ The chess of al games, wherein is no bo dily exercise, is most to be commended, for 
Chess.  therein is right subtle engine, whereby the wit is made more sharp, and remembrance quickened. And it is the more commendable and also commodious, if the players haue read the moralization of the chess, and when they play do think vpon it: which books be in english. But they be very scarce, because few men do seek in plays for virtue or wisdom.   

That shotinge in a long bow is principal of all other exercises. Cap. xxvii.  
tuli saith in his first book of Officis, We be not to that intent brought up by nature, that we should seem to be made to play and dysport, but rather to gravity and studies of more estymation. wherefore it is written of Alexander, emperor of Rome for his gravity called severus, that in his childhood, and before he was taught the letters of greek or latin, he never exercised any other play or game, but onely one, wherein was a similitude of Iustice: and therfore it was called in latin Ad judices, which is in english to the wretches. But the form therof is not expressed by the said author, nor none other that I haue yet read. wherefore I will repair again to the residue of honest exercise.  
¶ And for as much as Galene in his second 
Exercise for preserving of health.  book of the preservation of health, declareth to be in them these qualities or dyuersyties, that is to say, that somme be done with extendynge of might, and as it were vyolentely, and that is called valiant exercise: Some with swift or hasty motion, other with strength and celerytie, and that may be called vehement: The partycular kinds of every of them, he describeth, which were to long here to be rehearsed  
¶ But in as much as he also saythe, that he that is of good estate in his body, ought to know the power and effect of every exercise: but he nedethe not to practise any other, but that which is moderate and mean between every extremytie: I will now briefly declare, in what exercise now in custom among us, may be most found of that medyocritie, and may be augmented or minished, at the pleasure of him that doth exercise, without thereby appaypayrynge any parte of dilectation or commodity therof proceeding.  
¶ And in mine opinion none may be compared 
The commendation of shooting in a long bow.  with shootynge in the long bow, and that for sundry vtylytyes that come therof, wherein it incomparably excelletly all other exercise. For in drawing of a bow, easy and congruent to his strength, he that shooteth, doth moderately exercise his arms, and the other parte of his body: and if his bow be bigger, he must add to more strength, wherein is no less valiant exercise than in any other, whereof Galene writeth.  
¶ In shootynge at butts, or broad arrow marks, is a mediocrity of exercise of the lower partes of the body and legs, by going a little distance a measurable pace. At rovers or pricks, it is at his pleasure that shoteth, howe fast or softly he listeth to go: and yet is the praise of the shooter, neither more ne less, for as far or nigh the mark is his arrow, when he goeth softly, as when he sinneth.  
¶ Tenyse, selledome used, and for a little 
Tenyse.  space, is a good exercise for young men, but it is more violent than shotynge, by reason that two men do play. wherefore neither of them is at his own liberty to measure the exercise. For if the one strike the ball hard, the other that intendeth to receive him, is than constrained to use semblable violence, if he will return the ball from whence it came to him. If it trille fast on the ground, and he intendeth to stop, or if it rebounde a great distance from him, and he wolde eftsoons return it, he can not than keep any measure in swyftnes of motion.  
¶ Some men wolde say, that in mediocrity, which I haue so much praised in shootynge, why should not bouling, claishe, pynnes, and koytynge, be as much commended? verily as for two the last, be to be utterly abjected of all noble men, in like wise foot ball, wherein is nothing but beastly fury, and extreme violence, whereof proceedeth hurt, and consequently rancour and malice do remain with them that be wounded. wherefore it is to be put in per petuall silence.  
¶ In claysse is employed to little strength, in boulynge often times to much, whereby the sinews be to much strained, and the veins to much chafed: whereof often times is sene to ensue ache, or the decreas of strength or agility in the arms, where, in shooting, if the shoter use the strength of his bow within his own tiler, he shall never be therwith grieved or made more feeble.  
¶ Also in shooting is a double utility, where in it excellethe all other exercises and games incomparably. The one is that it is, and alway hath ben, the most excellent artillery for warres, whereby this realm of england hath ben not only best defended from outward hostility, but also in other regions a few english archers haue ben sene to prevail against people innumerable. Also won inpreignable cities and strong holds, and kept them in the mids of the strength of their enemies. This is the feat, whereby english men haue bē most dread and had in estimation with out ward princis, as well ennemyes as allies. And the commodity therof hath been approved as far as jerusalem, as it shall appear in the lives of richard the first,& Edwarde the first, kings of england, who made several iourneis to recover that holy city of jerusalem into the possession of christen men, and achieved them honourably, the rather by the power of this feat of shootynge.  
¶ The premises considered, O what cause 
decay of Archers.  of reproach shall the decay of archers be to us now living? Ye what irrecuperable damage either to us or them, in whose time need of semblable defence shall happen? which decay, though we already {per}ceiue, fear, and lament,& for the restoring therof cease not to make ordinances, good laws and statutes: yet who effectually putteth his hand to continual execution of the same laws and prouysyons? or beholding them daily broken, wynketh not at the offenders? But I shall hereof more speak in an neither place, and return now to the second utility, found in shotynge in the long bow, which is killing ofdere, wild foul, and other game, wherein is both profit and pleasure above any other artillery.  
¶ And verily I suppose, that before crossbows and handgunnes were brought into this realm, by the slight of our enemies, to thentent to destroy the noble defence of archery, continual use of shotynge in the long bow made the feat so perfect and exact among englishe men, that they than as surely and soon killed such game, which they listed to haue, as they now can do with the crossebowe or gun. But this sufficeth, for the declaration of shootyng, whereby it is sufficientely proved, that it incomparably excellethe all other exercise, pastime, or solace.  
¶ And hereat I conclude to writ of exercise, which appertaineth as well to princis and noble men, as to all other by their example: which determine to pass forth their lives in virtue& honesty: And hereafter, with the assistance of god, unto whom I render this mine account, for the talent that I haue of him received, I purpose to write of the principal, and( as I might say) the partycular study and affairs of him, that by the providence of God, is called to the most diffycult cure of a public weal.   
Libri primi finis.   

THE second book.  

¶ What things he, that is elected or appoynted to be a governor of a public weal, ought to premeditate. Cap. I.  
IN THE book preceding I haue( as I trust) sufficiently declared, as well what is to be called a very and right public weal, as also, that there should be therof one prince and sovereign above all other gouernours. And I haue also expressed my conceit and opinion, touching not only the studies, but also the exercises concerning the necessary education of noble men and other, called to the governance of a public weal, in such form as by the noble example of their lives, and the fruit therof coming, the public weal that shal happen to be under their governance, shall not fail to be accounted happy, and the authority on them to be employed well and fortunately. now will I treat of the preparation of such personages, when 
Preparation of gouernours.  they first receive any great dignity charge or governance of the weal public.  
¶ first SVCHE persons, being now adulte, that is to say, passed their childehode, as well in manners as in yeres, if for their vtues and learning, they hap to be called to receive any dignity, they should first amoue al company from them,& in a secret oratory or privy chamber, by themself, assemble al the powers of their wits, to remember these .vii. articles, which I haue not of mine own heed devised, but gathered as well out of holy scripture, as out of the archdukes of other excellent writers of famous memory, as they shall soon perceive, which haue radde& perused good authors in greek and latin.  
¶ first and above all thing, let them consider, that from god only proceedeth al honour, 
The first consideration of gouernours.  And that neither noble progeny, succession, nor election be of such force, that by them any estate or dignity may be so stablished, that god being stirred to vengeance, shall not shortly resume it, and perchance translate it where it shall like him. And for as much as examples greatly do profit in the stede of experience, here shal it be necessary to remembre the history of Saul, whom god himself elected to be the first king of Israel, that where god commanded him by the mouth of Samuel the prophet, that for as much as the people 
Saul and Amalech.  called Amalech, had resisted the children of Israel, when they first departed from egypt, he should therfore destroy al the country, and slay men women and children, al beasts and cattle, and that he should nothing save or keep ther of. But Saul after that he had vaynquyshed Amalech, and 
Disobedience.  taken Agag king ther of prisoner, he having on him compassion, saved his life onely. Also he preserved the best oxen, catell, and vestures, and all other thing that was fairest, and of most estimation, and wolde not consume it, according as god had commanded him, saying to Samuel, that the people kept it to the intent, that they wolde make ther of to almighty god a solemn sacrifice. But Samuel reprouynge him said, Better is Obedience, than sacrifice. with other words that do follow in the history. finally for that offence only, almighty god abjected Saul, that he should no more reign over Israel: and caused Samuel forthwith to enoynte david king, the youngest son of a poor man of Bethleem, name Isai, which was keeping his fathers sheep.  
¶ Sens for ones neglectyng the commandment of god, and that neither natural pity, nor the intent to do sacrifice, with that which was saved might excuse the transgressyon of goddis commandment, nor mitigate his grievous displeasure: howe vigilant ought a christen man, being in authority, howe vigilant( I say) industrious and diligent ought he to be in the administration of a public weal? dreading alway the words, that be spoken by eternal sapience to them that be gouernours 
The words of Sapience to ●ouernours. Sapiencie  of public weals, All power and virtue is given of the lord, that of all other is highest, who shall examine your deeds, and inserche your thoughts. For when ye were the ministers of his realm, ye judged not vpryghtely, ne observed the lawe of justice, nor ye walked not according to his pleasure. He shall shortly and terryblye appear unto you. For most hard and grievous judgement, shall be on them, that haue rule over other. To the poor man mercy is granted, but the great men shal suffer great torments. He that is lord of all excepteth no person, ne he shall fear the greatness of any man, for he made as well the great as the small, and careth for every of them equally. The stronger or of more might is the person: the stronger pain is to him immynent. Ther fore to you gouernours be these my words, that ye may learn wisdom and fall not.  
¶ This notable sentence is not only to be imprinted in the hartes of gouernours, but also to be oftentimes revolved and called to remembrance.  
¶ They shall not think, howe much honour 
The. ●i. consideration.  they receive, but howe much care& burden. He they shall not much esteem their revenues and treasure, considering that it is no buten or pray, but a laborious office and travail.  
¶ Let them think, the greater dominion 
The third.  they haue, that thereby they sustain the more care and study. And that therefore they must haue the lasse solace and pastime, and to sensual pleasures lasse opportunity.  
¶ Also when they behold their garmentis and other ornaments, rich and precious, 
The .iiii.  they shall think, what reproach were to them to surmount in that, which be other mennes archdukes and not theirs, and to be vanquished of a poor subject in sundry virtues, whereof they themselves be the artifycers.  
¶ They that regard them, of whom they 
The .v.  haue governance, no more than shall appertain to their own private commodities, they no better esteem them than other men doth their horses& mules, to whom they employ no lasse labour and diligence, not to the benefit of the sely beasts, but to their own necessities and singular advantage.  
¶ The most sure foundation of noble renome, 
The sixth.  is a man to be of such virtues& qualities, as he desireth to be openly published. For it is a faint praise, that is gotten with fear, or by flaterars given, and the same is but fume, which is supported with silence provoked by menacis.  
¶ They shall also consider, that by their 
The .vii.  pre-eminence, they sit as it were on a pillar on the top of a mountain, where al the people do behold them, not only in their open affairs, but also in their secret pastimes, privy dalliance, or other improfytable or wanton conditions, which sone be discovered by the conversation of their most familiar seruantis, which do alway embrace that study, wherein their master delighteth, according to the saying of Iesus mirach, As the iuge of the people is, so be his ministers: And such as be the gouernours of the city, such be the people. which sentence is confirmed by sundry histories. For Nero, Caligula, Domiciane, Cucius Commodus, Uarius Heliogabalus, monstrous emperours, nourished about them, rybaudes, and other voluptuous artifycers.  
¶ Maximianus, Dioclesian, Maxencius, and other persecutors of christen men, lac ked not inuentours of cruel and terrible torments.  
¶ Contrary wise, reigning the noble Augustus, Nerua, trajan, Hadriane, the two Antonines, and the wonderful emperour Alexander, for his gravity called severus, the imperial palace was alway replenished with eloquent orators, delectable poets, wise philosophers, most cunning and expert lawyers, prudent and valiant captains.  
¶ Mo semblable examples shall here of be founden, by them which purposely do rede histories, whom of all other I most desire to be princis and gouernours.  
¶ These articles well and substantially graven in a noble mannes memory, it shall also be necessary to cause them to be delectably written and set in a table within his bed chamber, adding to, the versis of Claudiane the noble poet, which he wrote to Honorius emperour of Rome, The versis I haue translated out of latin into englshe, not observing the order as they stand, but the sentence belonging to my purpose.  
¶ The table of gouernours to be hanged in their chambers. 

Though thy power stretchith both far& large 
Claudian{us}   
Through ind the rich, set at the worldis end,  
And meed with Arabi be both under thy charge  
And also ceres, that silk to us doth send  
If fear the trouble,& small things the offend,  
Corrupt desire thyn heart hath ones embraced  
Thou arte in bondage, thyn honour is defaced.   

Thou shalt be deemed than worthy for to reign  
when of thyself thou winnest the mastery.  
evil custom bringeth virtue in dysdaine  
licence superfluous persuadeth much folly,  
In to much pleasure set not felicity,  
If lust or anger do thy mind assail  
Subdue occasion, and thou shalt sone preuayle.   

¶ what thou mayst do, delight not for to know,  
But rather what thing will become the best.  
Embrace thou virtue,& keep thy courage low,  
And think that alway measure is a feest.  
love well thy people, care also for the masspriest.  
And when thou studiest for thy commodity  
Make them all parteners of thy felicity.   

¶ Be not much moved with singular appetite  
except it profit unto thy subjects all  
At thyn example the people will delight  
Be it vice or virtue with the they rise or fall  
No laws avail, men turn as doth a ball  
For where the ruler in living is not stable  
Both lawe& counsel is turned into a fable.    
¶ These verses of Claudiane, full of excellent wisedoms, as I haue said, would be in a table, in such a place as a governor ones in a day may behold them, specially as they be expressed in latin by the said poet, unto whose eloquence no translation in english may be equivalent. But yet were it better to can them by heart, ye and if they were made in the form of a dytie, to be sungen to an instrument, O what a sweet song would it be in the ears of wise men? For a mean musician might ther of make a right pleasant harmony, where almost every note should express a counsel virtuous or necessary.  
¶ Ye haue now hard, what premeditations be expedient before that a man take on him the governance of a public weal. These notable premeditations and remembrances should be in his mind, which is in authority often times renewed. Than shall he procede further in furnishynge his person, with honourable manners and qualytyes, where of very nobility is compacte, whereby all other shall be induced to honour, love, and fear him, which things chiefly do cause perfect obedience.  
¶ Now of these manners will I writ in such order, as in my conceit they be( as it were) naturally disposed and set in a noble man, and soonest in him noted or espied.   

The exposition of majesty. Cap. II.  
IN a governor or man, having in the public weal some great authority, the fountain of all excellent manners is majesty, which is the whole proportion and figure of noble estate, and is properly a beauty or comeliness in his countenance, language and gesture, apt to his dignity, and accommodate to time, place, and company, which like as the son doth his beams, so doth it cast on the beholders and herers a pleasant and terrible reverence. In so much as the words or countenances of a noble man, should be in the stede of a firm and stable lawe to his inferyours. Yet is not majesty alway in halt or fierce countenance, nor in speech outrageous or arrogant, but in honourable and sober demeanour, deliberate and grave {pro}nunciation, words clene and facile, voided of rudeness and dishonesty, without vain or inordinate ianglynge, with such an excellent temperance, that he among an infinite nombre of other persons, by his majesty may be espied for a governor.  
¶ whereof we haue a noble example in homer of Ulisses, that when his ship and 
Ulisses.  men were perished in the see, and he vnethe escaped and was cast on land upon a cooste, where the inhabitants were called Pheacas, he being al naked, saving a mantell sent to him by the kings daughter, without other apparaylle, or seruant, represented such a wonderful majesty in his countenance and speech, that the king of the country, name Alcinous, in that extreme calamity, wished, that Ulisses would take his daughter Nausicaa, to wife, with a great part of his treasure. And declarig the honour that he bare toward him, he made for his sake dyvers noble esbatementes and passetymes. The people also wondering at his majesty, honoured him with sundry presentes. And at their proper charges and expenses, conveyed him into his own realm of Ithaca, in a ship of wonderful beauty, well ordynaunced and manned for his defence & safe conduct. The words of Alcinous, whereby he declareth the majesty, that he noted to be in Ulisses, I haue put in englishe, not so well as I found them in greek.  
¶ Alcinous to Ulisses. 

¶ when I the consider Ulysses, I perceive  
Thou dost not dissemble to me in thy speech  
As other haue done, which craftily can deceive  
untruly reportyng, where they list to preach  
Of thiges never done, such falsehood they do tech.  
But in thy words, there is a right good grace.  
And that thy mind is good, it showeth i thy face    
¶ The estimatyon of majesty in countenance, shall be declared by two examples now ensuing.  
¶ To Scipio, being in his manor place, called Linternum, came dyvers great thieves and pirates, only to the intent to se his person, of whose wonderful prowess and sundry vyctories they hard the renown. But he not knowing, but that they came to endamage him, armed himself and such servants as he than had with him, and disposed them about the imbatylmentes of his house, to make defence, which the capitains of the thieves perceiving, despeched the multitude from them, and laying apart their harness and weapons, called to Scipio with a loud voice, saying that they came not as enemies, but wondering at his virtue and prowess, desired only to see him, which if he vouchsafe safe, they wolde account for an heavenly benefit. That being shewed to Scipio by his servants, he caused the gaates to be set wide open, and the thieves to be suffered to entre: who kissing the gates and posts with much reverence, as they had been of a Temple or other place dedicate, humbly approached to Scipio, which vysaged them in such form, that they as subdued with a reverent dread, in beholding his majesty, at the last joyfully kyssing his hand oftentimes, which he benignly offered to them, made humble reverence, and so departed, laying in the porch semblable offerings, as they gave to their goddes: And forth with returned to their own habitations, rejoicing incredibly, that they had sene and touched a prince so noble and valiant.  
¶ It is no little thing to marvel at, the majesty shewed in extreme fortune and misery. The noble roman Marius, when he had ben .vii. times Consul, being vaynguyshed by Scilla, after that he had long hid himself in marises and desert places, was finally constrained by famine to repair to a town called Minturne, where he trusted to haue ben succoured. But the inhabitants, dreding the cruelty of Scilla, took Marius, and put him into a dungeon, And after sent to slay him their commune hangman: which was born in Cimbria, a country sometime destroyed by Marius. The hangman, beholding the honourable port and majesty, that remained in Marius, not withstanding that he was out of honourable apparel, and was in garments torn and filthy, he thought that in his visage appeared the terrible battle, wherein Marius vanquished his country men: he therfore all trembling, as constrained by fear, did let fall out of his hand the sword, wherewith he should haue slain Marius, and leuing him untouched, fled out of the place. The cause of his fear reported to the people, they moved with reverence, afterward studied and devised howe they might deliver Marius from the malice of Scilla.  
¶ In Augustus, emperour of Rome, was a native majesty. For as Suetom{us} writeth, from his eyen proceeded rays or beams, which pierced the eyen of the beholders. The same emperour spake seldom openly, but out of a comentarie, that is to say, that he had before provided and written, to the intent that he would speak no more ne lasse than he had purposed.  
¶ More over, toward the acquiringe of majesty, three things be required in the oration of a man having authority, that it be compendious, sententious, and delectable: having also respect to the time when, the place where, and the persons to whom it is spoken. For the words perchance apt for a banquet or time of solace, be not commendable in time of consultation or service of god. That language that in the chamber is tolerable, in place of judgment or great assembly is nothing commendable.   

¶ Of apparel belonging to a noble man being a governor or great counsaylour. Cap. iii.  
apparel may be well a part of majesty. For as there hath ben ever a discrepance of vesture of youth and age, men and women, and our lord god ordained the apparel of priestis distinct from seculars, as it appeareth in holy scripture: also the gentiles had of ancient time sundry apparel to sundry estates, as to the senate, and dignities called magistrates, And what enormity should hit now be thought and a thing to laugh at, to se a iuge or sergeant at the lawe in a short coat guarded and pounced after the galyarde fation, or an apprentyse of the lawe or pleder, come to the bar with a myllayne or french bonette on his heed, set full of aglettes? So is there apparel comely to every estate and degree, and that which exceedeth or lacketh, procureth reproach, in a noble man specially. For apparel simplo or scant reprouethe him of avarice. If it be alway exceeding precious and often times changed, as well in to charge as strange and new fashions, it causeth him to be noted dissolute of manners.  
¶ The most noble emperours of Rome, Augustus, trajan, Hadriane, Antonine, severus, and Alexander, which were of al other incomparable in honourable living, used a discrete moderation in their apparel, all though they were great emperours and gentiles. Howe much more ought than christen men, whose denomination is founded on humility, and they that be not of the estate of princes, to show a moderation and constance in vesture, that they diminysshe noo part of their majesty, either with new fanglenesse, or with over sumptuous expenses, and yet may this last be suffered, where there is a great assembly of strangers: for than some time it is expedient, that a noble man, in his aparayle, do advance himself to be both rich and honourable. But in this as well as in other partes of majesty, time is to be highly considered.  
¶ Semblable deckinge ought to be in the 
Hangynges and plate meet for a noble man.  house of a noble man, or man of honour. I mean concerning ornaments of hall and chambers, in arise, painted tables, and images couteynynge histories, wherein is represented some monumente of virtue, most cunnyngely wrought, with the circumstance of the matter briefly declared, whereby other men in beholding, may be instructed, or at the least ways to virtue persuaded. In like wise his plate and vessayle wolde be engraved with histories, fables, or quick and wise sentences, comprehendyng good doctrine or counsels, whereby one of these commodities may happen, either that they which do eat or drink, having those wysedomes ever in sight, shall happen with the meate to receive some of them, or by purposing thē at the table, may sussitate some dysputation or reasoning, whereby somme parte of time shall be saved, which elles by superfluous eating and drinking, wolde be idly consumed.   

¶ What very nobility is, and whereof it took first that denomination. Capitulo. iiii.  
now it is to be feared, that where majesty approacheth to excess,& the mind is obsessed with inordinate glory, lest pride, of al vices most horrible, should suddenly entre and take prisoner the heart of a gentyllman called to authority. wherefore in as much as that pestilence corrupteth all sences, and maketh them incurable by any persuasion or doctrine, therfore such persons, from their adolescency, 
Adolescencye, is the age next to the state of man. nobility begun.  ought to be persuaded and taught the true knowledge of very nobylytie, in form following or like.  
¶ first that in the beginning, when private possessions and dignity were given by the consent of the people, who than had all thing in commune, and equality in degree and condition, Undoutedly they gave the one and the other to him, at whose virtue they marveled, and by whose labour and industry they received a commune benefit, as of a commune father, that with equal affection loved them. And that promptitude or readiness in employinge that benefit was than name in english gentleness, as it was in latin BENIGNITAS, and in other tongues after a semblable signification: and the persons were called gentle men, more for the remembrance of their virtue and benefit, than for discrepaunce of estates.  
¶ Also it fortuned by the providence of god, that of those good men were engendered good children, who being brought up in virtue, and perceiving the cause of the advancement of their progenitors, endeavoured themselves by imitation of virtue, to be equal to them in hon our and authority: by good emulation they retained still the favour and reverence of people. And for the goodness that proceeded of such generation, the estate of them was called in greek EVGENIA, which signifieth good kind or lineage: but in a more brief maner, it was after called nobility, and the persoues noble, which signifieth excellent, and in the analogy or signification it is more ample than gentill, for it containeth as well all that, which is in gentleness, as also the honour or dignity therfore received, which be so annexed the one to the other, that they can not be separate.  
¶ It wolde be more over declared, that where virtue joined with great possessions 
nobility ancient.  or dygnytie, hath long continued in the blood or house of a gentle man, as it were an inheritance, there nobility is most shewed, and these noble men be most to be honoured: for as much as continuance in all thing that is good, hath ever pre-eminence in praise and comparison. But yet shall it be necessary, to advertise those persons, that do think, that nobility may in no wise be but onely where men can auaunte them of ancient lineage, an ancient rob, or great possessions, at this day very noble men do suppose to be much error and folly. whereof there is a familiar example, which we bear ever with us: for the blood in our bodies being in youth warm, pure, and lusty, is the occasion of beauty, which is every where commended and loved, but in age being putryfied, it loseth his praise. And the gouts, carbuncles, kankers, lepryes, and other like sores and sicknesses, which do procede of blood corrupted, be to al men detestable. And this persuasion to any gentleman, in whom is apt disposition to very nobility, will be sufficient, to withdraw him from such 'vice, whereby he may empayre his own estimation, and the good renown of his ancestors.  
¶ If he haue an ancient rob, left by his 
ancient robes.  ancestor, let him consider, that if the first owner were of more virtue than he is, that succeedeth, the rob being worn, mynssheth his praise, to them which know or haue hard of the virtue of him that first owed it. If he that weareth it be vyclouse, it more detecteth howe much he is unworthy to wear it, the remembrance of his noble ancestor making men to abhor the reproach given by an evil successor,  
¶ If the first owner were not virtuous, it condemneth him that weareth it of much folyshenesse, to glory in a thing of so base estimation, which lacking beauty or gloss, can be none ornament to him that weareth it, nor honourable remembrance to him that first owed it.  
¶ But now to confirm by true histories, that according as I late affirmed, nobilitic 
nobility wherein it is.  is not only in dignity, ancient lineage, nor great revenues lands or possessions, let young gentlemen haue often times told to them, and( as it is vulgarely spoken) laid in their laps, how Numa Pompilius was taken from husbandry, which he 
Numa klg of Romais  exercised, and was made king of Romayns by electyon of the people. What caused it suppose you, but his wisdom and virtue, which in him was very nobility: and that nobility brought him to dignity? And if that were not nobylytie, the romans were marvelously abused, that after the death of Romulus their king, having among them a hundred senators, whom Romulus did set in authority, and also the blood royal, and old gentlemen of the Sabynes, who by the procurement of the wives of the Romains, being their daughters, inhabited the city of Rome, they would not of somme of them elect a king, rather than advance a ploughman and stranger to that authority.  
¶ Quintius, having but .xxx. acres of land, 
Quintius dictatory.  and being ploughman therof, the Senate and people of Rome sent a messenger to show him that they had chosen him to be dictatory, which was at that time the highest dignity among the Romains,& for three months had authority royal. Quintius hearing the message, let his plough stand,& went into the city,& prepared his host, again the Samnites, and vanquished them valiantly. And that done, he surrendered his office, and being discharged of the dignity, repaired again to his thorough, and applied it diligently.  
¶ I would demand now, if nobility were only in the dignity, or in his prowess, which he shewed against his enemies. If it were only in his dignity, it therwith cessed, and he was( as I might say) estsones unnoble, and than was his prowess unrewarded, which was the chief and original cause of that dignity: which were incongruent and without reason. If it were in his prowess, prowess consistynge of valiant courage and marshal policy, if they still remain in the person, he may never be with out nobility, which is the commendation, and as it were the surname of vtue.  
¶ The two romans, called both Decii, were of the base estate of the people, and 
Decii and their a●owe.  not of the great blood of the romans, yet for the preservation of their country, they avowed to die, as it were in a satisfaction for all their country: and so with valiant hartes they pierced the host of their enemies, and valiantly fighting dyed there honourably, and by their example gave such audacity and courage to the residue of the romans, that they employed so their strength against their ennemyes, that with little more loss, they obtained victory.  
¶ Ought not these two romans, which by their death gave occasion of victory, be called noble? I suppose no man that knoweth what reason is, will deny it.  
¶ More over, we haue in this realm coins, which be called nobles, as long as they be sene to be gold, they be so called: but if they be counterfeited, and made in brass, copper, or other vile metal, who for the prit onely, calleth them nobles? whereby it appeareth, that the estimation is in the metal, and not in the print or ●ygure.  
¶ And in a horse or good greyhound, we praise that we se in them, and not the beauty or goodness of their progeny. which proveth, that in esteeming of money and catell, we be lead by wisdom, and in approving of man, to whom beasts and money do serve, we be onely induced by custom.  
¶ Thus I conclude, that nobylytie is not after the vulgar opinion of men, but is onely the praise and surname of virtue. which the longer it continueth in a name or lineage, the more is nobility extolled and marveled at.   

Ofaffabilitie, and the utility ther of in every estate. Cap. v.  
TO that, which I before name gentleness, be incident three special qualities, Affabilite, placability,& Mercy, of whom I will now separately declare the proper significations.  
¶ affability is of a wonderful efficacy or power in procuryng love. And it is in sundry wise, but most properly, where a man is facyle or easy to be spoken unto. It is also where a man speaketh courteysely with a sweet speech or countenance, wherewith the herers( as it were with a delicate odour) be refreshed, and allured to love him, in whom is this most delectable quality. As contrary wise, men vehementely hate them, that haue a proud and halt countenance, 
Hault coū tenance.  be they never so high in estate or degree. How often haue I hard people say, when men in great auctoutie haue passed by, without making gentle countenance, to those which haue done to them reverence, This man weeneth with a look, to subdue all the world? Nay nay, mens hartes be free, and will love whom they list. And thereto al the other do consent in a murmur, as it were bees. lord god howe they be sore blinded, which do ween, that halt countenance is comeliness of nobility, where undoubtedly, nothing is thereto, a more greater blemyshe: As they haue well proved, which by fortunes mutabilite haue changed their estate, when they perceive that the remembrance of their pride, withdraweth all pity, all men rejoicing at the change of their fortune.  
¶ Dionise, the proud king of Sicile, after that for his intolerable pride, was driven by his people out of his realm, the remenbraunce of his halt and stately countenance, was to all men so odious, that he could be in no country well entertained. In so much as if he had not be relieved by learning, teaching a grammar school in Italy, he for lack of friends had ben constrained to beg for his living.  
¶ Semblably Perses king of Macedonia,& one of the richest kings that ever was in Grece, For his execrable pride, was at the last abandoned of all his allies and confederates, by reason whereof, he was vainquyshed, and taken prisoner by Paulus Emilius, one of the consuls of Rome:& not onely he himself bound, and led as a captive, in the triumph of the said Paulus, but also the remembrance of his pride was so odious to people, that his own son, destitute of friends, was by need constrained to work in a smythes forge, not finding any man that of his hard fortune had any compassion.  
¶ The pride of Carquine, the last king of romans, was more occasion of his exile, than the rauysshynge of Lucrecia, by his son Arunci{us}, for the malice that the people by his pride had long gathered, finding valiant captains, Brutus, Colatinus, Lucretius, and other nobles of the city, at the last braste out, and taking occasion of the rauisshement, all though the king were thereto not party, they utterly expulsed him for ever out of the city. These be the fruits of pride, and that men do call stately countenance.  
¶ when a noble man passeth by, showing to men a gentle and familiar visage, it is a 
gentle countenance.  world to behold, howe people taketh comfort, howe the blood in their visage quickeneth, howe their flesh stirreth and hartes leap for gladness: Than they all speak, as it were in an harmony, the one saith, who beholding this mannes most gentle countenance, will not with al his heart love him? A neither saith, He is no man but an angel, se howe he rejoiceth all men that behold him. finally, all do grant, that he is worthy all honour that may be given or wished him.  
¶ But now to resort to that, which most properly( as I haue said) is affabilite, which is facile or easy to be spoken unto.  
¶ Marcus Antonin{us}, emperour of Rome( as Lampridius writeth) enserched, who were most homely and plain men within the city, and secretly sent for them into his chamber, where he diligently enquered of them, what the people conjected of his living, commanding them vpon pain of his high indignation, to tell him truth, and hide nothing from him. And vpon their report, if he hard any thing worthy never so little dispraise, he forthwith amended it. And also by such means, he corrected them that were about his person, finding them negligent, dyssemblars, and flatterers.  
¶ The noble Trayane, when his nobles& counsellors noted him to familiar and curtaise, and therfore did blame him, He answered, that he wolde be a like emperour to other men, as if he were a subject, he wolde wish to haue over himself.  
¶ O what damage hath ensued to princes 
liberty in speaking.  and their realms, where liberty of speech hath ben restrained?  
¶ What availed fortune incomparable to 
Alexanders cruelty in sleinge his friends.  the great king Alexander, his wonderful puissance and hardiness, or his singular doctrine in philosophy, taught him by Aristotle, in delivering him from the death in his young and flourishyng age? where if he had retained the same affability, that was in him in the beginning of his conquest, and had not put to silence his counsellors, which before used to speak to him frankly, he might haue escaped all violent death: and by simylitude haue enjoyed the hole monarchy of al the world. For after that he waxed to be terrible in manners, and prohibited his friends, and discrete servants, to use their accustomend liberty in speech, he felle in to the hateful grudge among his own people.  
¶ But I had almost forgotten Iulius caesar, 
Iulius caesar example of tyranny  who being not able to sustain the burden of fortune, and enuienge his own felicity, abandoned his natural disposition, and as it were being dronke with over much wealth, sought new ways, howe to be advanced above the estate of mortal princis: wherefore little and little he withdrew from men his accustomend gentleness, becoming more sturdy in language, and strange in countenance, than ever before had been his usage. And to declare more plainly his intent, he made an edict or decree, that noo man should press to come to him uncalled, and that they should haue good await, that they spake not in such familiar fashion to him, as they before had ben accustomend: whereby he so did alienate from him the hartes of his most wise and assured adherentys, that from that time forward, his life was to them tedious: and abhorring him as a monster or commune enemy, being knit in a confederacy, slew him sitting in the Senate, of which conspiracy was chief captain Marcus Brutus, whom of al other he best loved, for his great wisdom and prowess. And it is of some writers suspected, that he was begotten of caesar, for as much as caesar in his youth loved Seruilia, the mother of Brutus, and as men supposed, used her more familiarly than honesty required. Thus caesar by omitting his old affability, did incense his next friends and companions to sle him.  
¶ But now take hede what damage ensued 
damage ensuing by lack of liberty of speech.  to him by his decree, wherein he commanded, that no man should be so hardy to approach or speak to him, One which knew of the conspiracy against him,& by all lykelihode did participate therein, being moved either with love or pity, or other wise his conscience remording against the destruction of so noble a prince, considering that by Cesars decree he was prohibited to haue to him any familiar access, so that he might not plainly detect the conspiracy, he thereto vehemently moved, wrote in a bill all the form therof, with the means howe it might be espied,& sens he might find none other opportunity, he delivered the bill to caesar the same day that his death was prepared, as he went toward the place, where the Senate was holden. But he being radicate in pride,& neglecting to look on that bill, not esteeming the {per}son that delivered it, which {per}chance was but of a mean haviour, continued his way to the Senate, where he incontinent was slain by the said Brut{us}& many mo of the Senate for that purpose appoynted.  
¶ Who beholding the cause of the death of this most noble caesar, unto whom in eloquence, doctrine, marshal prowess, and gentleness, no prince may be compared, and the acceleration or hast to his confusion, caused by his own edict or decree, will not commend affability, and extol liberality of speech? whereby onely love is in the hartes of people perfectly kindled, all fear excluded, and consequently realms, dominions, and all other authorities consolydate and perpetually established. The sufferance of noble men to be spoken unto, is not only to them an incomparable sur etie, but also a confounder of repentance, enemy to prudence, whereof is engendered this word, Had I wist, which hath benne ever of all wise men reproved.  
¶ On a time king Philip, father to the 
Jugement suspended through liberty of speech. Plutarch{us}.  great Alexander, sitting in judgement, and having before him a matter against one of his soudiours, being over commen with watch, fel on a slombre, and suddenly being awaked, immediately wolde haue given a sentence against the poor soldier. But he with a great voice& outcry said? king Philip, I appeal. To whom wilt thou appeal said the king? To the( said the soldier) when thou arte thoroughly awaked. with which answer the king suspended his sentence, and more diligently examining the matter, found, the soldier had wronge: which being sufficiently discussed, he gave judgment for him, whom before he wolde haue condemned.  
¶ Semblably happened by a poor woman, against whom the same king had given judgment, but she as desperate, with a loud voice, cried, I appeal, I appeal. To whom appelest thou said the king? I appeal, said she, from the, now being drunk, to king philip the sober. At which words, though they were undiscrete and foolish, yet he not being moved to displeasure, but gathering to him his wits, examined the matter more seriously: whereby he finding the poor woman to sustain wrongs, reversed his judgment, and according to truth and justice, gave to her that she demanded. wherein he is of noble authors commended, and put for an honourable example of affability.  
¶ The noble emperour Antonine, called 
Antonine philosophus. herodian{us}  the philosopher, was of such affability, as Herodiane writeth, that to every man that came to him, he gently delivered his hand. And would not {per}mitte, that his guard should prohibyte any man to approach him.  
¶ The excellent emperour Augustus on a a time, in the presence of many men, played on cimbales, or an other like instrument. 
Augustus▪  A poor man standing with other, and beholding 
Suetoni{us}.  the emperour, said with a loud voice to his fellow, Seest thou not, howe this voluptuous lecher tempereth al the world with his finger? which words the emperour so wisely noted, without wrath or displeasure, that ever after, during his life, he refrained his hands from semblable lightness.  
¶ The good Antonine, emperor of Rome 
Antonin{us} Plus.  coming to supper to a mean gentylman, beheld in the house certain pyllers of a delicate ston, called porpheri, asked of the 
Lamppridi{us}  good man, where he had bought those pillars. Who made to the emperour this answer, sir, when ye come into any other mans house, than your own, ever be you both doom and defe. which liberal taunte that most gentle emperour took in so good {per}t, that he oftentimes rehearsed that sentence to other, for a wise and discrete counsel.  
¶ By these examples appeareth now evidently what good cometh of affabylitie or sufferance of speech, what most pernicious danger alway ensueth to them, that either do refuse counsel, or prohibit liberty of speech, sens that in liberty( as it hath ben proved) is most perfect surety, according as it is remembered by plutarch, of Theopompus, king of Lacedemone, who being demanded, howe a realm might be beste and most surely kept, If( said he) the prince give to his friends liberty, to speak to him things that be just, and neglecteth not the wrongs, that his subject sustaineth.   

¶ Howe noble a virtue placability is. Cap. VI.  
PLacabylitie is no little parte of benignity, and is properly where a man is by any occasion moved to be angry, and not withstanding either by his own reason ingenerate, or by counsel persuaded, omytteth to be revenged, and often times receyuethe the transgressoure ones reconciled, into more favour: which undoubtedly is a virtue wonderful excellent. For as tuli saith, No thing is 
Cice. off. 1.  more to be marveled at, or that more becometh a man noble and honourable, joanne mercy and placability. The value therof 
Ire or wrath.  is beste known by the contrary, which is ire, called vulgarely wrath, a vice most ugly, and farrest from humanity.  
For who beholding a man in estymation of nobility and wisdom, by fury changed into an horrible figure, his face infarced with rancour, his mouth foul and imbosed, his eyen wide starynge, and sparkelynge like fire, not speaking, but as a wild bull, roringe and brayinge out words despytefull and venomous, forgetting his estate or condytion, forgetting learning, ye forgetting all reason, will not haue such a passion in extreme detestation? Shall he not wish to be in such a man placability? whereby onely he should be eftsoons restored to the form of a man, whereof he is by wrath despoiled, as it is wondrously well described by yield in his craft of love.  

¶ Man to thy visage it is convenient  
Beastly fury shortly to assuage. 
Ouidi{us} de erte amandi   
For peace is beautiful to man onely sent,  
wrath to the beasts cruel and savage.  
For in man the face swelleth, when wrath is in rage  
The blood becometh won, the eyen fiery bright  
like Gorgon the monster, appearing in the night.   
¶ This Gorgon, that Quide speaketh of, is supposed of poets to be a fury or infernal 
wrath  monster, whose hears were all in the figure of adders, signifying the abundance of mischief, that is contained in wrath. wherewith the great king Alexander being 
Alexander in fury.  ( as I might say) obsessed, did put to vengeable death his dere friend clytus, his most prudent counsaylour Calisthenes, his most valiant captain Philotas, with his father Parmenio, and dyvers other. whereof he so sore after repented, that oppressed with heaviness, had slain himself, had he not ben let by his servants. wherefore his fury and inordinate wrath, is a fowle and grievous blemish to his glory, which without that 'vice, had incomparably excelled all other princis.  
¶ Who abhorreth or hateth not the violence 
The horrible cruelty of Sylla& Marius.  or rage that was in Scylla and Marius? noble Romains,& in their time in highest authority within the city, having the governance of the more parte of the world. Scilla, for the malignity that he had toward Marius, caused the heads of a thousand and seven hundred of the chief citizens of Rome to be stricken of,& brought to him fresh bledinge and quyck, and ther on fed his most cruel cyen, which to eat his mouth naturally abhorred. Marius with no less rancour inflamed, beside a terrible slaughter, that he made of noble men, leanyng to Scilla, also caused Caius caesar( who had ben both Consul and Censor, two of the most honourable dignities in the city of Rome) to be violently drawn to the sepulture of one Uarius, a simple and seditious person, and there to be dishonestly slain. With like bestial fury, he caused the heed of Marcus Antonius, one of the most eloquent orators of all the romans, to be brought unto him, as he sate at dinner, and there took the heed all bloody between his hands, and with a malicious countenance reproached him of his eloquence, wherewith he had not onely defended many an innocent, but also the hole public weal by his wise consultations singularly profited.  
¶ O what calamity happened to that most noble city of Rome, by the implacabilitie or wrath insatiable, of these two capitains, or( as I might rather say) devils? the nobles between them exhauste, the chyualrye almost consumed, the laws oppressed, and lacking but little, that the public weal had not ben extinct, and the city utterly desolate.  
¶ The undiscrete hastiness of themper or Claudius, caused him to be noted for foolish. For he moved with wrath, caused dyvers to be slain, for whom after he demanded, and wolde send for to supper. not withstanding that he was right well learned,& in dyvers great affairs appeared to be wise. These discommodities do happen by implacable wrath, whereof there be examples innumerable.  
¶ contrariwise, the valiant king Pirrhus 
Pyrrhus.  hearing that two men at a feast,& in a great assembly and audience, had openly spoken words, to his reproach, moved with displeasure, sent for the persons: and when they were come, he demanded where they spake of him any such words? whereunto one of them answered, If( said he) the wine had not the sooner failed us, all that which was told to your highness, in comparison of that which should haue ben spoken, had been but trifles. The wise prince with that plain confession was mitigate,& his wrath converted to laughing.  
¶ Iuli{us} caesar, after his victory against the 
placability.  great pompey, who had married his daughter, sitting in open judgment, one Sergius Galba, one of the nobles of Rome, a friend unto pompey, said unto him, I was bound for thy son in law pompey in a great somme, when he was consul the third time, wherefore I am now sewed. What shall I do? Shall I myself pay it? by which words he mought seem to reproach caesar of the selling of Pompeis goods, in defraudynge his creditours. But caesar than having a gentle heart and a patient was not meeued with any displeasure toward Galba: but caused Pompeies debts to be discharged.  
¶ we lack not of this virtue dimesticalle examples, I mean of our own kings of england, but most specially one, which in mine oppinyon, is to be compared with any, that ever was written of in any region or country.  
¶ The most renowned prince king Henry the fist, late king of england, during 
A good judge, a good prince a good king  the life of his father, was noted to be fiers and of wanton courage: it happened, that one of his servants, whom he well favoured, was for felony by him committed, arraigned at the kings bench: where of the prince being advertised, and incensed by light persons about him, in furious rage came hastily to the bar, where his seruant stood as a prisoner, and commanded him to be vngyued and set at liberty. whereat all men were abashed, reserved the chief Iustice, who humbly exhorted the prince, to be contented, that his servant might be ordered, according to the ancient laws of this realm: or if he wolde haue him saved from the rigour of the laws, that he should obtain, if he mought, of the king his father, his gracious pardon, whereby no lawe or justice should be derogate. With which answer the prince nothing appeased, but rather more inflamed, endeavoured himself to take away his seruant. The iuge considering the perilous example, and inconvenience that might thereby ensue, with a valiant spirit and courage, commanded the prince vpon his allegiance, to leave the prisoner, and depart his way, with which commandment the prince being set all in a fury, all chafed and in a terrible maner, came up to the place of judgment, men thinking that he would haue slain the iuge, or haue done to him some damage: but the iuge sitting still without moving, declaring the majesty of the kings place of judgment, and with an assured and bold countenance, had to the prince, these words following,  
¶ sir, remember yourself, I keep here the place of the king your sovereign lord and father, to whom ye owe double obedience, wherefore eftsoons in his name, I charge you desyste of your wylfulnes and unlawful enterprise,& from henceforth give good example to those, which hereafter shall be your proper subiectes. And now, for your contempt and disobedience, go you to the prison of the kings bench, whereunto I commit you, and remain ye there prisoner until the pleasure of the king your father be further known. with which words being abashed, and also wondering at the marvelous gravity of that worshypfulle Sustyce, the noble prince laying his weapon apart, doing reverence, departed, and went to the kings bench, as he was commanded. whereat his servants disdaynynge, came and shewed to the king all the hole affair. whereat he awhyles studying, after as a man all ravished with gladness, holding his eyen and hands up toward heaven, abraided, saying with a loud voice, O merciful god, howe much am I, above all other men, bound to your infinite goodness, specially for that ye haue given me a iuge, who feareth not to minister justice, and also a son, who can suffer semblably, and obey justice?  
¶ now here a man may behold three persons, worthy excellent memory, first a iuge, who being a subject, feared not to execute justice on the eldest son of his sovereign lord, and by the order of nature his successor. Also a prince, and son and heir of the king, in the mids of his fury, more considered his evil example,& the wretches constance in iustice, than his own estate or wilful appetite. Thirdly, a noble king and wise father, who contrary to the custom of parentes, reioyced to se his son, and the heir of his crown, to be for his bysobedyence, by his subject corrected. wherefore I conclude, that nothing is more honourable, or to be desired in a price or noble man, than placabilite. As contrary wise, nothing is so detestable or to be feared in such one, as wrath and cruel malignity.   

¶ That a governor ought to be merciful, and the diversity of mercy and vain pity. Cap. VII.  
MERCY IS and hath been ever of such estimation with mankind, that not onely reason persuadeth, but also experience proveth, that in whom mercy lacketh, and is not founden, in him all other virtues be drowned, and lose their just commendation.  
¶ The 'vice called cruelty, which is contrary 
cruelty▪  to Mercy, is by good reason most odious of all other vices, in as much as like a poison or continual pestilence, it destroyeth the generation of man. Also likewise as norishyng meats and drinks in a sick body, do lose their bounty and augment the malady, semblably dyvers vtues in a person cruel and malicious, be not onely obfuscate or hid, but do minister occasion and assistance to cruelty.  
¶ But now to speak of the inestimable price and value of mercy, Let gouernours, which know, that they haue réceyued their powar from above, revolve in their minds, in what peril they themself be in daily, if in god were not abundance of mercy, but that as soon as they offend him grievously, he should immediately strike them with his most terrible dart of vengeance: All be it vneth any hour passeth, that men deserve not some punishment.  
¶ The most noble emperours, which for their merites resceyued of the gentyls divine honours, vanquished the great hartis of their mortal enemies, in showing mercy above mens expectation.  
¶ Iulius caesar, which in policy, eloquence, celerity and prowess, excelled al other captains, in mercy onely, surmounted himself, that is to say, contrary to his own affects and determynate purposes, he not onely spared, but also resceyued into tender familyaritie his sworn enemies. wherefore if the disdain of his own blood and alliance had not traitorously slain him, he had reigned long and prosperously.  
¶ But among many other examples of mercy, whereof the histories of Rome do 
Seneca de clementia.  abound, there is one remembered by Seneca, which may be in the stede of a great noumbre.  
¶ It was reported to the noble emperour Octauius Augustus, that Lucius Cinna, 
Mercy she wid by Augustus until his enemy.  which was susters son to the great Ponpei, had imagined his death: Also that Cinna was appointed to execute his feat, whiles the emperour was doing his sacrifice. This report was made by one of the conspirators, and therwith diuers other things agreed: the old hostility between the houses of Ponpei and caesar, the wild& seditious wit of Cinna, with the place and time, where and when the emperour should be disfurnyshed of servants. No wonder though the emperours mind were inquiete, being in so perilous a conflict, considering on the one parte, that if he should put to death Cinna, which came of one of the most noble and ancient houses of Rome, he should ever live in danger, onelas he should destroy all that noble family, and cause the memory of them to be utterly exterminate: which might not be brought to pass, without effusion of the blood of persons innumerable, and also peril of the subuercion of the empire, late pacified. On the other parte, he considered the imminente danger, that his person was in, wherefore nature stered him to provide for his surety: whereto he thought than to be none other remedy, but the death of his adversary. To him being thus perplexed, cam his wife Liuia, the empresse, who said unto him, Pleaseth it you sir to here a womans aduise. Do you as physicians be wont to do, where their accustomend remedies preue not, they assay the contrary. By severity ye haue hitherto nothing profited: prove therfore now, what mercy may aduaile you. forgive Cinna, he is taken with the maynure, and may not now indomage you, profit he may much to the increase of your renown& perpetual glory. The emperour rejoiced to himself, that Cinna had found such an aduocatrice, and giuing her thankes, caused his counsellors, which he had sent for, to be countermaunded, and calling to him Cinna only, commanded the chaumbre to be avoyded, and an other chair to be set for Cinna, and that done, he said in this maner to him, I desire of the this one thing, that whiles I speak, thou wilt not let or disturb me: or in the mids of my words make any exclamation.  
¶ What time Cinna, I found thee in the host of mine enemies, all though thou were not by any occasion made mine enemy, but by succession from thyn auncetors born mine enemy, I not onely saved thee, but also gave unto the all thyn inheritance: And at this day thou art so prosperous and rich, that they, which had with me victory, do envy the, that were vanquished. Thou askeddest of me a spiritual promotion, and forth with I gave it the, before many other, whose parentes had served me in warres. And for that I haue done so much for the, thou hast now pourposed to slay me. At that word, when Cinna cried out, saying, that such madness was far from his mind. Cinna( said the emperour) thou kepeste not promise, it was covenanted, that thou shouldst not interrupt me. I say thou preparest to kill me. And thereto the emperour name his companions, the place, time, and order of all the conspiracy, and also to whom the sword was committed. And when he perceived him astonied, holding than his peace, not for because that he so promised, but that his conscience him moved. For what intent diddest thou thus,( said Augustus) because thou wouldest be Emperour? In good faith the public weal is in an evil astare, if nothing lettethe the to reign, but I only. Thou canst not maintain or defend thine own house. It is not long sens that thou in a private judgment, were overcomen of a poor man but laate infraunchysed. Therfore thou mayst nothing do lyghtlyer than plead against the emperour. Say now, do I alone let thee of thy purpose? supposist thou that paul, Fabius Maximus, the Cosses,& Seruiliis, ancient houses of Rome, and such a sort of noble men( not they which haue vain and glorious names, but such as for their merites be adorned with their proper images) will suffer the? Finally said the emperor( after that he had talked with him by the space of two hours) I give to the thy life Cinna the second time: first being mine enemy, now a traitor and murderer of thy sovereign lord, whom thou oughtest to love as thy father. Howe from this day let amity between us two begin, and let us both contend, whether I with a better heart haue given to the thy life, or that thou canst more genrilly recompense my kindness.  
¶ Sone after Augustus gave to Cinna the dignity of consul vndesired, blaming him, that he durst not ask it, whereby he had him most assured and loyal. And Cinna afterward dying, gave to the emperour al his goods& possessions. And never after was Augustus in danger of any treason.  
¶ O what sufficient praise may be given to this most noble and prudent emperor, that in a chamber aloone, without men, ordinance, or weapon, and perchance without harness, within the space of .ii. houres, with words well couched, tempered with majesty, not only vanquished and subdued one mortal enemy, which by a malignity engendered of a domestical hatred, had determined to slay him, but by the same feat excluded out of the hole city of Rome, all displeasure and rancour toward him, so that there was not left any occasion, whereof might procede any little suspicion of treasonne, which other wise could not haue happened without slaughter of people innumerable.  
¶ Also the empresse Liuia, may not of 
A wisewoman.  right be forgotten, which ministered to her lord that noble counsel in such a perplexity, whereby he saved both himself and his people. Suppose ye that al the Scnatours of Rome, and counsellors of the emperour, which were little fewer than a thousand, could haue better advised him? This history therfore is no less to be remembered of women than of princis, taking thereby comfort to persuade sweetly their housebandes to mercy and patience, to which counsel only, they should be admitted and haue fre liberty. But I shall forbear to speak more of Liuia now, for as much as I purpose to make a book onely for ladies, where in her laud shalbe more amplye expressed. But to resort now to mercy.  
¶ transversely nothing more entirely and fastly 
mercy and gentleness.  joineth the hartes of subiectes to their prince or sovereign, than mercy and gentleness. For Seneca saith, A temperate dread represseth high and sturdy minds: fear frequent and sharp, set forth with extremity, steereth men to presumption and hardiness, and constraineth them to experimente all things. He that hastily punissheth, oft times sone repenteth. And who that over much correcteth, observeth none equity. And if ye ask me what mercy is, it is a temperance of the mind of him, that hath power to be avenged, and it is called in latin Clementia, and is alway joined with reason. For he that for every little occasion is moved with compassion, and beholding a man punished condygnely for his offence, lamenteth or waylethe, is called pitiouse, which is a sickness of the mind, wherewith at this day the more parte of men be diseased. And yet is the sikenes much wars by adding to one word, calling it Uayne pity.  
¶ Some man perchance will demand of me, what is Uaine pity? To that I will answer 
Uayn pity  in a description of daily experience.  
¶ behold what an infinite nombre of englishe men and women, at this present time, wander in all places throughout this realm, as beasts brute and savage abandonyng al occupation, service, and honesty. How many seemly personagis, by outrage in riot, gaminge, and excess of apparel, be induced to theft and robbery, and sometime to murder, to the inquietation of good men, and finally to their own destruction?  
¶ Howe consider semblably, what noble statutes, ordinances, and acts of counsel, from time to time haue ben excogitate, and by grave study and mature consultation, en acted and decreed, as well for due punysshemente of the said idle persons and vagabonds, as also for the suppression of unlawful games, and reducynge apparel to conuenyente moderation and temperance? Howe many proclamations ther of haue bē dyuulgate, and not obeied? Howe many commyssions directed, and not executed?( mark well here, that dissobedient subiectes,& negligent gouernours, do frustrate good laws) A man hering, that his neighbour is slain or robbed, forth with hateth the offeder, and abhorreth his enormytie, thinking him worthy to be punished, according to the laws. Yet when he beholdeth the transgressor, a seemly parsonage, also to be his seruant, acqueyntance, or a gentle man born( I omit now to speak of any other corrupty on) he forth with changeth his opinion, and prefereth the offenders condition or parsonage, before the example of iustice, condempninge a good and necessary lawe, for to excuse an offence pernycious and damnable, ye and this is not onely done by the vulgar or commune people, but much rather by them, which haue authority to them committed concerning the effectual execution of laws. They behold at their eye the continual increase of vagabonds, in to infinite numbers, the obstinate resistance of them that daily do transgress the laws made against games, and apparel, which be the straight paths to robbery, and semblable mischief. Yet if any one comissioner, moved with zeal to his country, according to his duty do execute duly, and frequently the lawe or good ordinance, wherein is any sharp punisshmente, some of his companions thereat reboyleth, infamynge him to be a man without charity, calling him secretly a pike thank, or ambitious of glory, and by such maner of obloquy, seek means to bring him in to the hatred of people. And this may well be called vain pity, wherein is contained neither iustice nor yet commendable charity, but rather thereby ensueth negligence, contempt, dissobedyence, and finally all mischief and incurable misery.  
¶ If this sickness had reigned among the old romans, suppose ye that the estate of their public weal had syxe hundred yeres increased,& two hundred yeres continued in one excellent estate and wonderful majesty? Or think ye that the same Romayns might so haue ordered many great countreyes, with fewer ministers of iustice, than be now in one shire of england?  
¶ But of that matter, and also of rigour and equality of punishment. I will traite more amply in a place more propise for that purpose. And here I conclude to write any more at this time of mercy.   

The principal partes of humanity. Cap. VIII.  
THe nature& condition of man, wherein he is less than god almighty, and excelling not withstanding al other creatures in earth, is called humanity: which is a general name to those virtues, in whom seemeth to be a mutual concord and love, in the nature of man. And al though there be many of the said virtues, yet and there three principal, by whom humanity is chiefly compact, benevolence, Beneficence, and liberality, which maketh up the said principal virtue called benignity or gentleness.  
¶ benevolence, if it do extend to a hole country or city, is properly called charity, 
charity.  and some time zeal: and if it concern one person, than is it called benevolence. And if it be very fervent and to one singular person, than may it be name love or amity. 
benevolence. love. amity.  Of that virtuous disposition proceedeth an act, whereby some thing is complied, which is profitable and good to him that receiveth it. And that virtue, if it be in operation, or( as I might say) endeavour, is called than Beneficence: and the dede( vulgarly name a good turn) may be called a benefit. If it be in money, or other thing that hath substance, it is than 
liberality  called liberality, which is not alway a virtue as Beneficence is: for in well doing( which is the right interpretation of Beneficence) can be no 'vice included. But liberality, 
Seneca de benef.  though it procede of a free and gentle heart, willing to do some thing thankful, yet may it transgress the bonds of virtue, either in excessyue rewards, or expenses, or else employenge treasure, promotion, or other substance on {per}ersons unworthy, or on things inconvenient, and of small importance. Al be it some think such maner of erogation not to be worthy the name of liberality.  
¶ Aristotle defineth a liberal man, which 
A liberal man. Ethic. 2.  doth erogate, according to the rate of his substance, and as opportunity happeneth. He saith also in the same place, that Liberalytie is not in the multitude or quantity of that which is given, but in the habit or fashion, of the giver. For he giveth according to his habilitie. Neither tuli approveth it to be liberality, wherein is any mixture of avarice or rapine: for it is not properly liberality, to exact injustly, or by violence or craft to take goods from particular per sons, and distribute them in a multitude: or to take from many injustly, and enrich therwith on person or few. For as the same autour saith, the last precept concerning benefits or rewards is, to take good hede, that he contend not against equity, ne that he uphold none injury.  
¶ now will I procede seriously and in a due form to speak more pticulerly of these three virtues. Not withstanding there is such affinity between beneficence and liberality, being always a virtue, that they tend to one conclusion or purpose, that is to say, with a free& glad will to give to a neither that thing, which he before lacked.   

Of what excellence benevolence is. Cap. ix.  
VUhan I remember, what incomparable goodness hath ever proceeded of this virtue BENEVOLENCE, mercyfulle god what sweet flauour feel I, persynge my spirits, whereof both my soul and body, to my thinking do conceive such recreation, that it seemeth me to be in a paradise, or other semblable place of incomparable delights and pleasures.  
¶ first I behold the dignity of that virtue, considering that god is thereby chiefly known and honoured, both of angel and man. As contrary wise, the devil is hated and reproved both of god and man for his malice, which 'vice is contrarious and repugnant to benevolence. wherefore without benevolence may be no god. For god is all goodness, al charity, al love, which holy be comprehended in the said word benevolence.  
¶ now let us see, where any other virtue may be equal in dignity with this virtue benevolence: or if any virtue remaineth, where this is excluded? For what cometh of Prudence, where lacketh benevolence? but deceit, johann, avarice, and tyranny. What of Fortitude? but beastly cruelty, oppression, and effusion of blood. What iustice may there be without benevolence? sens the first or chief portion of iustice( as tuli saith) is to indomage no man, unless thou be wronfully vexed. And what is the cause hereof, but equal& entier love, which being removed or cessinge, who endeavoureth not himself to take from a neither al thing that he coveteth, or for every thing that discontenteth him, would not forthwith be avenged: whereby he confoundeth the virtue called Temperance, which is the moderatrice as well of al motions of the mind, called affects, as of all acts proceeding of man.  
¶ Here it sufficiently appeareth( as I suppose) of what estymatiom benevolence is. now will I endeavour me to recreate the spirites of the diligent reader, with some delectable histories, wherein is any noble remembrance of this virtue benevolence, that the worthiness therof may appear in a more plain declaration: For in every discipline, example is the beste instructor. But first I will aduertyse the reader, that I will now write of benevolence onely, which is most universal, wherein is equality without singular affection or acceptance of personages.  
¶ And here it is to be noted, that if a governor 
That justice never lack benevolence.  of a public weal, iuge, or any other minister of iustice, do give sentence against on e that hath transgressed the laws, or punissheth him according to the quality of his trespass: benevolence thereby is not any thing perished: for the condemnation or punishment, is either to reduce him that erreth into the train of virtue, or to preserve a multitude from damage, by putting men in fcare, that be prove to offend, dreding the sharp correction, that they behold a nother to suffer. And that maner of seuerytie is touched by the prophet david in the fourthe psalm, saying in this wise, Be you angry, and look that you sin not. And tuli saith, in his first book of Officis: It is to be wished, that 
sharpness of justice.  they, which in the public weal haue any authority, may be like to the laws, which in correcting be lad onely by equity, and not by wrath or displeasure  
¶ And in that maner, when Chore, Dathā, and Abirō, moved a sedition against Moyses, he prayed god, that the earth might open and swallow them, considering that the fury of the people might not be by aany other means assuaged, ne they kept in due rule or obedience.  
¶ Helias, the holy prophet of god, did 
Helias.  his own hands put to death the priestes of the Idol Baal, yet cessed he not with fasting, praying, long and tedious pilgrimages, to pacify the displeasure that god took against the people of Israel. But to return to benevolence.  
¶ Moyses, be king highly entertained with pharaoh king of Aegipte, and so much in his favour, by the means of the kings sister, that( as Iosephus saythe) he being made captain of a huge army, was sent by pharaoh against the Ethiopians or Mores, where he made such exployture, that he not only achieved his enterprise, but also had given unto him, for his prowess, the kings daughter of Ethiopia to be his wife, with great abundance of riches. And also for his endeavour, prowess, and wisdom, was much esteemed by pharaoh and the nobles of egypt, so that he mought haue lived there continually in much honour& wealth, if he would haue preferred his singular aduayle before the universal weal of his own kindred or family: But he inflamed with fervent benevolence or zeal toward them, to redeem them out of their miserable bondage, chase rather to be in the daungerous indignation of pharaoh, to commit his person to the changeable myrides of a multitude, and they most unstable, to pass great and long journeys through deserts, replenished with wild beasts and venemo{us} serpentes, to suffer exstreme hunger and thirst, lacking often time not onely victual, but also fresh water to drink: than to be in a palace of pharaoh, where he should haue ben satisfied with honour, richesse, and ease, and all other things pleasant.  
¶ Who that readeth the book of Exodi, shal find the charity of this man wonderful. For when almighty god, being grievously moved with the children of Israel, for their ingratitude, for as much as they often times murmured against him, and vneth mought be kept by Moyses from idolatri, he said to Moyses, That he would destroy them utterly, and make him ruler of a much greater and better people. But Moyses brenninge in a marvelous charity towards them, said unto god, This people good lord haue most greuouslye sinned, yet either forgive them this trespass, or if ye do not, strike me clean out of the book that he wrote. And dyvers other times he importunatelye cried to god for the safe guard of them, notwithstanding that many times they concluded to haue slain him, if he had not been by his wisdom, and specially by the power of god, preserved.  
¶ But peradventure some, which seek for stertynge holes to maintain their vices, will object, saying, that Moyses was a holy prophet, and a person elect by predestination, to deliver the children of Israel out of captivity, which he could not haue done, if he had not ben of such patience and charity. Therfore let us se what examples of semblable benevolence we can finde among the gentiles, in whom was no virtue inspired, but that only which natural reason induced.  
¶ when a furious and wilful young man, in a sedition, had strike out one of the eyes 
patience.  of king Licurgus, the people would haue slain him, and the king wolde not suffer them, but had him home to his house, and by such wise means corrected the young man, that at the last he brought him to good manners and wisdom.  
¶ Also the same Licurge, to thentent that theffect of his benevolence, toward the commune weal of his country might persist and continue, and that his excellent laws being stablished, should never be alterate, he dydlette swear all his people, that they should change no parte of his laws, until he were returned, saynynge to them, that he would go to Delphos, where Apollo was chiefly hououred, to consult with that god, what seemed to him to be added to, or minished of those laws, which also he feigned to haue received of the said Apollo. But finally he went into the Isle of Crete, where he continued and dyed, commanding at his death, that his bones should be cast in to the see, least if they were brought to Lacedemonia his country, the people should think themself of their oath and promise discharged.  
¶ Semblable love Codrus, the last king of 
Codrus king of Athenes.  Athenes, had to his country. For where the people called doors( whom some think to be now Sicilians) would aduenge their old grudges again the Atheniensis, they demanded of some of their goddis, what 
charity.  success should happen, yf they made any warres. Unto whom answer was made, that if they slew not the king of Atheniensis, they should than haue the victory. when they came to the field, straite commandment was given among them, that above all thing, they should haue good await of the king of Athenes, which at that time was Codrus. But he before knowing the answer made to the doors, and what commandment was given to the army, did put of his princely habit or robes, and in apparel al ragged and rent, carienge on his neck a bundle of twygges, entred into the host of his enemies, and was slain in the press by a soul diour, whom he wounded with a hook purposely. But when it was perceived& known to be the corps of king Codrus, the doors al dismayed departed from the field, without proferynge battle. And in this wise the Atheniensis, by the virtue of their most benevolent king, who for the saulfgarde of his country, willingly dyed, were clearly delivered from battle.  
¶ O noble Codrus, howe worthy had you been( if god had ben pleased) to haue aboden the reparation of mankind, that in the habit and religion of a christen prince, ye mought haue shewed your wonderful benevolence and courage for the safe guard of christen men, and to the noble example of other princis?  
¶ CVRTIVS, a noble knight of the 
Curtius.  romans, had no less love to his country than Codrus. For soon after the beginning of the city, there happened to be a great earth quauc, and after there remained a great del or pytto without botume, which to behold, was horrible and loathsome, and out of it proceeded such a damp or air, that corrupted all the city with pestilence. wherefore whannej they had counsaylled with such idols as they than worshipped, answer was made, that the earth should not close, until there were thrown into it the most precious thing in the city. which answer received, there was thrown in rich jewels of gold and precious ston: but all availed not. At the last Curtius, being a young and goodly gentle man, considering, that no riches throwhen in, profited, finally conjected, that the life of man was above all things most precious, to thentent the residue of the people might be saved by his onely death, he armed himself at all poyntes, and sitting on a courser, with his sword in his hand redy drawn, with a valiant& fierce courage enforsed his horse to leap into the del or pit, and forth with it joined to gether and closed, leuinge only a sign where the pit was, which long after was called Curtius lake.  
¶ I pass over the two Decius, Marcus Regulus, and many other princis and noble men, that for the weal of their country died willingly. And now will I speak of such as in any other form haue declared their benevolence.  
¶ Xenophon the condisciple of Plato, wrote 
The power of benevolence.  the life of cyrus king of Persya most elegantly, wherein he expresseth the figure of an excellent governor or captain: he sheweth there, that Cresus king of Lidia, whom Cyrus had taken prisoner, subdued his country, and possessed his treasure, said on a time to Cyrus, when he beheld his liberality, That such largeness as he used, should bring him in poverty, where if he listed, he might accumulate up treasure incomparable. Than Cyrus demanded of Cresus, what treasure suppose ye should I now haue, if during the time of my reign, I wolde haue gathered& kept money, as ye exhort me to do? Than Cresus name a great somme. well said Cyrus, send ye some man, whom ye beste trust, with Histaspa my servant. And thou Histaspa, go about to my friends, and show them that I lack gold toward a certain business, wherefore I will, they send me as much as they can, and that they put it in writing, and send it sealed by the seruant of Cresus. In the same wise Cyrus wrote in a letter, and also that they should receive Histaspa as his counsaylour and friend,& sent it by him. Histaspa, after that he had done the message of Cyrus, and was returned with the seruant of Cres9, who brought letters from Cyrus friends, he said to Cyrus, O sir, from henceforth look that ye ye take me for a man of great substance. For I am hyghely rewarded with many great gifts for bringing your letters. Than Cyrus at the hour appoynted, lad with him king Cresus into his camp, saying to him, now behold here is our treasure: account if ye can, howe much money is redy for me, if I haue need of any to occupy. when Cresus beheld, and reckoned the innumerable treasure, which in sundry partes were laid about the pauilyon of Cyrus, he found much more than he said to cyrus, that he should haue in his treasure, if he himself had gathered& kept it. And when al appeared sufficiently, cyrus than said, How think you Cresus, haue I not treasure? And ye counseled me, that I should gather and keep money, by occasion whereof I should be envied and hated of my people. And more over put my trust to servants hired to haue rule therof. But I do all otherwise, for in making my friends rich, I take them all for my treasure,& haue them more sure and trusty keepers, both of me& my substance, than I should do those, whom I must trust onely for their wages.  
¶ lord god, what a notable history is this, and worthy to be graven in tables of gold? considering the virtue and power of benevolence therein expressed. For the beneuolente mind of a governor, not only bindeth the hartes of the people unto him, with the chain of love, more stronger than any material bonds, but also guardeth more saufely his person, joanne any tour or garrison.  
¶ The eloquent tuli saith in his offycis, 
office. 2.  A liberal heart is cause of benevolence, although perchance power sometime lacketh. Contrary wise, he saythe, They that desire to be feared, needs must they dread them, of whom they be feared.  
¶ Also Plini the younger saythe, He that is 
In panegyrico.  not environed with charity, in vain is he guarded with terror, sens armour with armour is stered. which is ratyfyed by the most grave philosopher Seneke, in his 
De clementia.  book of mercy, that he wrote to NERO, where he saith, He is much deceived, that thinketh a man to be sure, where nothing from him can be safe. For with mutualle assurance, surety is obtained.  
¶ Antoninus pus, emperour of Rome, so 
Antonin{us} pus.  much tendered benevolence of his people, that when a great nombre had conspired treason against him, the senate being therwith greuousely moved, endeavoured them to punish the said conspirators, but the emperor caused the examination to cease, saying, It should not need to seek to busily for them that intended such mischief, leste if they found many, he should know, that many hated him. Also when the people( for as much as on a time they lacked corn in their graynardes, would haue slain him with stoones) rather than he wolde haue the sedytious persons to be punished, in his own person declared to them the occasion of the scarsytie, wherewith they being pacified, every man held him contented.  
¶ I had almost forgotten a notable and 
king. Philip.  worthy remembrance of king philip, father to great king Alexander. It was on a time to him reported, that one of his captains had menacinge words towardis him: whereby it seemed he intended somme damage toward his person. wherefore his counsel advised him, to haue good await of the said captain, and that he were put vnderwarde. To whom the king answered, If any parte of my body were sick or else sore, whether should I therfore cut it from the residue, and cast it from me, or else endeavour myself, that it might be healed? And than he called for the said capytain, and so entertained him with familia ritie and bounteous rewards, that ever after he had him more assured and loyal, than ever he was.  
¶ Agesilaus, king of Lacedemonia, to 
Agesilaus  him that demanded, howe a king might most surely govern his realm, without soldiers or a guard to his person, answered, If he reigned over his people, as a father doth over his children.  
¶ The city of Athenes, from whence issued 
The .xxx. ancients of Athenes.  all excellent doctrine and wisdom, during the time that it was governed by those {per}sons, unto whom the people might haue a familiar access, and boldly expound their griefs and damages, prospered marvelously, and during a long season, reigned in honour and weal. Afterward the Lacedemons, by the mutabilite of fortune, vanquished them in battle, and committed the city of Athenes, to the keeping of xxx. of their own captains, which were for their pride and avarice called ancients. But now se howe little surety is in great 
puissance lacking be neuolence.  nombre or strength, where lackith benevolence. These .xxx. ancients were continually environed with sundry garrysons of armed men, which was a terrible visage, to people that before lived under the obedience of their laws only. finally the Athenienses, by fear being put from their accustomend access to their gouernours to require iustice, and therwith being fatigate as men oppressed with continual injury, took to them a desperate courage, and in conclusion expelled out of the city all the said ancients, and reduced it unto his pristinate governance.  
¶ What misery was in the life of Dyonise 
Dionyse king of Sicile.  the tyrant of Cicile? who knowing, that his people desired his destruction, for his ravine and cruelty, wolde not be of any man shaven, but first caused his own daughters to clip his bear de: And afterward also mystrustyng them, he himself with a brenning coal seared the hears of his beard: and yet finally was destroyed.  
¶ In like wretchedness was one Alexander, prince of a city called Pherea, for he 
Alexander Phereus.  having an excellent fair wife, not onely excluded al men from her company, but also as often as he wolde lie with her, certain persons should go before him with torches, and he following with his sword redy drawn, wolde therwith enserche the bed, coffers, and all other places of his chaumbre, leste any man should be there hid, to the intent to slay him. And that not withstanding, by the procuremente of his said wife( who at the last fatygate with his most foolish ialousy, converted her love into hatred) he was slain by his own subiectes.  
¶ now doth IT appear, that this reverend virtue BENEVOLENCE, is of all men, most specially of gouernours and men of honour, incomparably before other to be embraced. The treasure of a gentile countenance, sweet answers, aid in ad uersitie, not with money only, but also with study and diligent endeavour, can never be wasted, ne the love of good people thereby acquired, can be from their hartes in any wise separate. And here I make an end to speak any more at this time of benevolence.   

Of beneficence and liberality. Cap. x.  
ALthough philosophers, in the description of virtues, haue divised to set them as it were in degrees, having respect to the quality& condition of the person, which is with them adorned, as applieng Magnificence to the substance and estate of princis, and to private persons Beneficence and liberality: yet 
Aristotel. Ethic. 1.  ben not these in any part defalcate of their condign praises. For if virtue be an election annexid unto our nature, and consisteth in a 
virtue what it is.  mean, which is determined by reason, and that mean is the very mids of two things vycious, the one in surplusage, the other in lack: than needs must Beneficence and liberality be ●apitall virtues,& Magnificence proceedeth from them, approaching to the extreme partes. And may be turned into vice, if he lack the bridle of reason. But Beneficence can by no means be vicious, 
Beneficence  and retain still his name. Semblably liberality( as Aristotle saith) is a measure, 
liberality  as well in giving as in taking of money and goods. And he is onely liberal, which distributeth according to his 
Considerations iu giving.  substance, and where it is expedient. Ther fore he ought to consider, to whom he should give, howe much, and when. For liberality taketh his name of the substance of the person, from whom it proceedeth: for it resteth not in the quantity or quality of thin ges that be given, but in the natural disposition of the giver.  
¶ The great Alexander on a time after he had vanquished Darius in battle, one 
Alexand.  of his soldiers brought unto him the heed of an enemy that he had slain, which the king thankfully, and with sweet countenance received, and taking a cup of gold filled with good wine, said unto the sowldyour, In old time a cup of gold was the reward of such virtue, as thou hast shewed, which semblably thou shalt receive. But when the soldier for shamefastness refused the cup, Alexander added unto it these words, The custom was to give the cup empty, but Alexander giveth it to the full of wine, with good handsel.  
¶ wherewith he expressed his liberal hart, and as much comforted the soldier, as if he had given to him a great city.  
¶ More over, he that is lyberalle, neglecteth not his substance or goods, ne giveth 
Liberal.  it to all men, but useth it so, as he may continually help therwith other, and giveth when, and where, and on whom it ought to be employed. Therfore it may be said, that he useth every thing beste, that exerciseth virtue, which is to the thing most appropred. For richesse is of the nombre of things, that may be either good or evil, which is in the arbytremente of the giver. And for that cause liberality and Benefycence be of such affinity, that the one may never from the other be separate. For the employment of money is not liberality, if it be not for a good end or purpose.  
¶ The noble emperours Antonine& Alexander severus, gave of the revenues of 
Antonyne and liberal Alexander emperors.  the empire innumerable substance, to the reedifieng of cities& commune houses decayed for age, or by earth quaues subvted, wherein they practised liberality& also Beneficence.  
¶ But Tyberius, Nero, Caligula, Heliogabalus,& other semblable monsters, which 
Prodigalite.  exhausted and consumed infinite treasures in bordell houses, and places, where abominations were used, also in enryching slaves, concubines, and bawds, were not name liberal, but suffren therfore perpetual reproach of writers, being called devourers and wasters of treasure. wherefore in as much as liberality holly resteth in the giving of money, it sometime coloureth a vice: But Beneficence is never taken but in the better parte, and( as tully saith) is taken out of virtue, where liberality cometh out of the coffer.  
¶ Also where a man distributeth his substance to many persons, the lasse liberality shal he use to other: so with bounteousnes, bounty is minyshed. Onely they that be called beneficial, and do use the virtue of Beneficence, which consisteth in counsaylynge, and helping other with any assistance in time of need, shall alway finde coadiutours& supportours of their gentle courage. And douteles, that maner of gen tylnes, that consisteth in labour, study, and diligence, is more commendable, and extendeth further, and also may more profit persons, than that which resteth in rewards and expenses. But to return to liberality.  
¶ What greater folly may be, than that thing 
prodigality.  that a man most gladly doth, to endeavour him with all study, that it may no longer be done? wherefore tuli calleth them prodigalle, that in inordinate feasts and banquets, vain plays, and huntynges, do spend all their substance, and in those things, whereof they shall leave but a short or no remembrance. wherefore to resort to the counsel of Arystotle before expressed, liberality, in a noble man specially, is commended, all though it somewhat exceed the terms of measure. And yf it be well and duly employed, it acquireth perpetual honour to the giver, and much fruit and singular commodity thereby increaseth. For where honest and virtuous personages be advanced, and well rewarded, it steereth the courages of men, which haue any spark of virtue, to increase therein with all their force and endeavour. wherefore next to the helping and relieuyng of a commonalty, the great parte of liberality is to be employed on men of virtue and good qualities, wherein is required to be a good election and iuge ment, that for hope of reward or favour, under the cloak of virtue, be not hid the most mortal poison of flattery.   

¶ The true description of amity or frendeshyp. Cap. XI.  
I HAVE AL redy treated of benevolence and Beneficence generally. But for as much as friendship, called in latin AMICITIA, comprehendeth both those virtues more specially, and in an higher degree, and is now so infrequente or strauuge among mortal men, by the tyranny of covetise or ambition, which haue long reigned, and yet do, that amity may now vnethe be known, or found throughout the world, by them that seek for her as diligently, as a maiden would seek for a small silver pin in a great chamber, strawed with white rushes. I will therfore borrow so much of the gentle reader, though he be nigh weary of this long matter, barram of eloquence and pleasant sentence, and declare somewhat by the way, of very& true friendship. which perchance may be an allectiue to good men to seek for their semblable, on whom they may practise amity. For as tuli saith, nothing is more to be loved, or to be joined together, than simylytude 
Ci. off. i.  of good manners or virtues: wherein be the same or semblable studies, the same wills or desires: in them it happeneth, that one in an other as much delighteth as in him self. But now let us enserch what friendship or amity is. 
Ethi. vi.   
¶ Aristotle saith, Frendeshyp is a virtue, or joineth with virtue. which is affirmed 
tuli de amicitia.  by tuli, saying, friendship can not be without virtue, ne but in good men onely. Who be good men, he after declareth, to be those persons, which so do bear themselves, and in such wise do live, that their faith, surety, equality, and liberality, be sufficiently proved. Ne that there is in them any covetise, wylfulnesse, or folehardynes, and that in them is great stability or constance: them suppose I( as they be taken) to be called good men, which do follow( as much as men may) nature the chief capitain or guide of mannes life More over, the same tuli defineth friendship in this maner, saying, It is noon other thing, but a perfect consent of al things appertaining as well to god as to man, with benevolence and charity. And that he knoweth nothing given of god, except sapience, to man more commodious. which definition is excellent& very true. For in god and all thing that cometh of god, nothing is of more greater estimation, than love, called in latin AMOR, whereof AMICITIA cometh, name in english friendship or amity: the which taken away from the life of man, no house shall abide standing, no field shall be in Culture. And that is lightly perceived, if a man do remember, what cometh of dissension and discord, finally he seemeth to take the son from the world, that taketh friendship from mannes life.  
¶ Sens friendship can not be but in good men, ne may not be without virtue, we may be assured, that therof none evil may procede, or therwith any yuel thing may participate. wherefore in as much as it may be but in a few persons( good men being in a small nombre) And also it is rare and seldom, as all virtues be commonly, I will declare after the opinion of philosophers, and partly by commune experience, who among good men be of nature most apt to friendship.  
¶ between all men that be good, can not alway be amity, but it also requireth, that they be of semblable or much like manners or study, and specially of manners. For Gra uitie and affability, be every of them laudable qualities. So be severity and placability. Also Magnificence& liberality, be noble virtues: and yet frugality, which is a soberness or moderation in living, is, and that for good cause of all wise men extolled. Yet where these virtues and qualities be separately in sundry persons assembled, may well be perfect concord, but frendeshyp is there seldom or never. For that, which the one for a virtue embraceth, the other contemneth, or at the leste neglecteth, wherefore it seemeth, that it, wherein the one delighteth, is repugnant to the others nature: And where is any repugnaunce, may be none amity, sens frendeshyp is an entier consent of wills and desires. Therfore it is seldom sene, that frendeshyp is between these persons, A man sturdy of opinion inflexible, and of sour countenance and speech, with him that is tractable, and with reason persuaded, and of sweet countenance and entertainment. Also between him, which is elevate in authority, and a nother of a very base estate or degree, ye& if they be both in an equal dignity, if they be desirous to clyme: as they do ascend, so friendship for the more parte decayeth. For as tuli saythe, in his first book of offices, what thing so ever it be, in the which many can not excel, or haue therein superiorytie, therein often times is such a contention, that it is a thing of all other most difficile, to keep among them good or virtuous company: that is as much to say, as to retain among them friendship and amity. And it is oftentimes sene, that diuers, which before they came in authority, were of good& virtuous conditions, being in their prosperity were utterly changed, and dispisyng their old friends, set all their study and pleasure on their new acquaintance. wherein men shall perceive to be a wonderful blindness, or( as I might say) a madness, if they note diligently all that I shall hereafter writ of frendeshyp. But now to resort to speak of them, in whom frenshyp is most frequent, and they also thereto be most aptly disposed.  
¶ Undoutedly it be specially they, which be wise, and of nature inclined to Beneficence, liberality, and Constance. For by wisdom is marked and substantially decerned the words, acts, and demeanour of all men, between whom happeneth to be any entercours or familiarity, whereby is engendered a favour or disposition of love. Beneficence, that is to say, mutually putting to their study and help in necessary affairs, induceth love. They that be liberal, do withhold or hide nothing from them, whom they love, whereby love increseth. And in them that be constant is never mystruste or suspicion, nor any surmise or yuelle report can with draw them from their affection. And hereby friendship is made perpetual and stable. But yf similitude of study or learning be joined unto the said virtues, friendship much rather happeneth, and the mutual enteruewe and conversation is much more pleasant, specially if the studies haue in them any delectable affection or motion. For where they be to serious, or full of contention, frendeship is oftentimes assaulted, whereby it is often in peril. Where the study is elegant, and the matter illecebrous, that is to say sweet to the reader, the course whereof is rather gentle persuasion and quick reasonynges, than over subtle argument, or litigious controuersyes: there also it happeneth, that the students do delight one in a neither, and be without envy or malicious contention.  
¶ now let us try out, what is that friendship, that we suppose to be in good men. verily it is a blessed and stable connexyon of sundry wills, making of two persons one, in having and suffering. And therfore a friend is properly name of Philosophers, the other. I. For that in them is but one mind and one possession: and that, which more is, a man more rejoiceth at his friends good fortune, than at his own.  
¶ orestes and pylades, being wonderful like in al features, were taken to geder, and presented unto a tyrant, who deadly hated orestes. But when he beheld them both, and wolde haue slain orestes only, he could not decern the one from the other: And also pylades, to deliver his friend, affirmed, that he was Orestes: on the other parte Orestes, to save pylades, denied, and said, that he was Orestes( as the truth was) Thus a long time they together contendynge, the one to die for the other, at the last so relented the fierce and cruel heart of the tyrant, that wondringe at their marvelous friendship, he suffered them freely to depart, without doing to them any damage.  
¶ Pitheas and Damō, two Pythagoriens, 
Pithias? Damon.  that is to say, students of Pythagoras learning, being joined together in a perfect friendship: for that one of them was accused to haue conspired against Dionyse, king of Sicile, they were both taken and brought to the king, who immedyately gave sentence, that he that was accused, should be put to death. But he desired the king, that er he died, he might return home, to set his household in order, and to dystribute his goods. Whereat the king laughing, demanded of him skornfully, what pledge he wolde leave him, to come again. At the which words, his company on stepped forth and said, that he wolde remain there as a pledge for his friend, that in case he came not again, at the day to him appoynted, he wyllngly would lose his hede. which condition the tyrant received. The young man that should haue died, was suffered to depart home to his house, where he did set all thing in order, and disposed his goods wisely. The day appointed for his return was commen, the time much passed. wherefore the king called for him that was pledge. Who came forth merrily, without semblaunte of dread, offering to abide the sentence of the tyrant, and with out grudginge, to die for the saving the life of his friend. But as the office of justice had closed his eyen with a kerchief,& had drawn his sword, to haue landmen of his hede, his fellow came renning and crying, that the day of his appoyntmente was not yet paste: wherefore he desired the minister of iustice to lose his fellow, and to prepare to do execution on him, that had given the occasion, whereat the tyrant being all abashed, commanded both to be brought in his presence, and when he had enough wondered at their noble hartes, and their constance in very friendship, he offering to them great rewards, desired them to receive him into their company: and so doing▪ thē much honour, did set them at liberty.  
¶ Undoughtedly that friendship, which doth depend either on profit or else in pleasure, if the habilitie of the person, which might be profitable, do fail or diminish, or the disposition of the person, which should be pleasant, do change or appayre, the ferventnes of love ceaseth, and joanne is there no friendship.   

The wonderful history of Titus& Gisippus,& whereby is fully declared the figure of perfect amity. Ca. XII.  
BUt now in the mids of my labour, as it were to pause and take breath, and also, to recreate the readers, which fatigate with long precepts, desire varietic of matter, or some new pleasant fable or history, I will rehearse a right goodly example of friendship, which example studiousely read, shal minister to the readers singular pleasure, and also incredible comfort to practise amity.  
¶ There was in the city of Rome a noble senator, name Fuluius, who sent his son, called Titus, being a child, to the city of Athenes in Grece( which was the fountain of al maner of doctrine) there to learn good letters: and caused him to be hosted with a worshipful man of that city, called Chremes. This Chremes happened to haue also a son, name Gisippus, who not onely was equal to the said young Titus in yeres, but also in stature, proportion of body, favour, and colour of visage, countenance and speech. The two children were so like, that without much difficulty it could not be decerned of their proper parentes, which was Titus from Gisippus, or Gisippus from Titus. These two young gentyllmen, as they seemed to be one in form and parsonage, so shortly after acquaintance, the same nature wrought in their hartes such a mutual affection, that their wills and appetites daily more and more so confederated themselves, that it seemed none other, when their names were declared, but that they had only changed their places, issuing( as I might say) out of the one body,& entering into the other. They to gether, and at one time went to their learning and study, at one time to their meales and refectyon, they delighted both in one doctrine, and profited equally therein, finally they to gether so increased in doctrine, that within a few yeres, few within Athenes might be compared unto them. At the last dyed Chremes, which was not onely to his lonne, but also to Titus cause of much sorrow and heaviness. Gysippus, by the goods of his father was known to be a man of great substance: wherefore there were offered to him great and rich marriages. And he than being of ripe yeres, and of an habile& goodly parsonage, His friends, kin, and allies exhorted him busily to take a wife, to the intent he might increase his lineage and progeny. But the young man, having his heart all redy wedded to his friend Titus,& his mind fixed to the study of philosophy, ferynge that marriage should be the occasion to sever him both from thone and tother, refused of long time to be persuaded, until at the last, partly by the importunate calling on of his kynnesmenne, partly by the consent and advise of his dere friend Titus, thereto by other desired, he assented, to mary such one as should like him. What shall need any words? his friends found a young gentle woman, which in equality of yeres, virtuous conditions, nobility of blood, beauty, and sufficient richesse, they thought was for such a young man apt and convenient. And when they and her friends vpon the conuenantes, of marriage were thoroughly accorded, they counseled Gisippus to repair unto the maiden, and to behold howe her person contented him. And he so doing, found her in every form and condition, according to his expectation and apperite, whereat he much rejoiced, and became of her amorous, in so much as many and often times, leaving Titus at his study, he secretly repaired unto her. Not with standing the fervent love that he had to his friend Titus, at the last surmounted shamefastness. wherefore he dysclosed to him his secret journeys, and what delectation he took in beholding the excellent beauty of her, whom he purposed to marye: and howe with her good manners and sweet enterteynemente, she had constrained him to be her lover. And on a time, he having with him his friend Titus, went to his lady, of whom he was resceyued most joyously. But Titus forthwith as he beheld so heavenly a parsonage, adorned with beauty inexplicable, in whose visage was most amiable countenance, mixed with maydenly shamefastenesse, and the rare and sober words, and well couched, which issued out of her pretye mouth, Titus was thereat abashed, and had the heart through pierced with the fiery dart of blind cupid, of the which wound the anguish was so exceeding and vehement, that neither the study of philosophy, neither the remenbrance of his dere friend Gisippus, who so much loved and trusted him, could any thing with draw him from that unkind appetite, but that of force he must love inordinately that lady, whom his said friend had determined to mary. Al be it with incredible pains he kept his thoughts secret, until that he& Gisippus were returned unto their lodgynges. Than the miserable Titus, withdrawynge him as it were to his study, all tormented and oppressed with love, threw himself on a bed, and there rebuking his own most despiteful unkindness, which by the sudden sight of a maiden, he had conspired against his most dere friend Gisippus, against all humanity and reason, cursed his fate or constellation, and wished that he had never comen to Athenes. And therwith he sent out from the bottom of his heart deep and cold sighs, in such plenty, that it lacked but little that his hart ne was ryuen in pieces. In dolour and anguish tossed he himself by a certain space but to no man wolde he dyscouer it. But at the last, the pain became so intolerable, that would he or no, he was enforced to keep his bed, being for lack of sleep and other natural sustenance, brought in such feebleness, that his legs mougt not sustain his body. Gisippus, missynge his dere friend Titus, was much abashed, and hearing that he lay sick in his bed, had forthwith his heart pierced with heaviness, and with all speed came to him, where he lay. And beholding the rosiall colour, which was wont to be in his visage, turned into sallow, the residue pale, his ruddy lips wan,& his eyen ledy and hollow, mought vneth keep himself from weeping, but to the intent he wolde not dyscomforte his friend Titus, dissimuled his heaviness, and with a comfortable countenance demanded of Titus, what was the cause of his disease, blaming him of unkindness, that he so long had sustained it, without giving him knowledge, that he mought for him haue provided some remedy, if any might haue begotten, though it were with the dyspendynge of all his substance. With which words the mortal sighs renewed in Titus, and the salt tears braste out of his eyen, in such abundance, as it had ben a land flood running down of a mountain after a storm. That beholding Gisyppns, and being also resolved in to tears, most heartily desired him, and( as I might say) conjured him, for the fervent and entier love that had been, and yet was between them, that he would no longer hid from him his grief: and that there was nothing to him so deere or precious( all though it were his own life) that might restore Titus to health, but that he should gladly, and without grutchynge employ it. with which words, obtestations, and tears of Gysippus, Titus constrained, al blusshynge and ashamed, holding down his hede, brought forth with great difficulty his words in this wise.  
¶ My dere and most loving friend, with 
The words of Titus to Gisyppus.  draw your friendly offers, cease of your courtaisie, refrain your tears and regretynges, take rather your knife and slay me here where I lie, or otherwise take vengeance on me, most miserable and false traitor unto you, and of all other most worthy to suffer most shameful death. For where as god of nature, like as he hath given to us similitude in all the partes of our body, so had he conjoined our wills, studies and appetites to gether in one, so that between two men was never like concord and love, as I suppose: And now, not with standing, only with the look of a woman, those bonds of love be dissolved, reason oppressed, friendship is excluded, there availeth no wisdom, no doctrine, no fidelity or trust: ye your trust is the cause that I haue conspired against you this treason. Alas Gysippus, what envious spirit mened you to bring me with you to her, whom ye haue chosen to be your wife, where I received this poison? I say Gysyppus, where was than your wisdom, that ye remembered not the fragility of our commune nature? what needed you to call me for a witness of your private delights? why wolde ye haue me see that, which you yourself could not behold without rauysshyng of mind and carnal appetite? Alas why forgot ye, that our minds& appetites were ever one? and that also what so ye liked was ever to me in like degree pleasant. What will ye more? Gysippus I say, your trust is the cause that I am entrapped. The rays or beams issuynge from the eyen of her, whom ye haue chosen, with the remembrance of her incomparable virtues, hath thrilled throughout the mids of my hart and in such wise brenneth it, that above althinges I desire to be out of this wretched and most unkind life, which is not worthy the company of so noble and loving a friend as ye be. And therwith Titus concluded his confession, with so profound and bitter a sigh, received with tears, that it seemed, that all his body should be dissolved and relented into salt drops.  
¶ But Gysippus, as he were therwith nothing 
The annswere of Gisippus.  astonied or dyscontented, with an assured countenannce, and merry regard, imbrasynge Titus, and kissing him, answered in this wise. Why Titus, is this your only sickness and grief, that ye so vncur ●esely haue so long counceyled, and with much more vnkindnesse kept from me, than ye haue conceived it? I knowledge my folly, wherewith ye haue with good right imbraided me, that in showing to you her, whom I loved, I remembered not the commune estate of our nature, ne the agreablenesse or( as I mought say) the unity of our two appetites. transversely that default can be by no reason excused. wherefore it is onely I, that haue offended. For who may by right prove, that ye haue trespassed, that by the inevitable stroke of Cupides dart are thus bitterly wounded? think ye me such a sole or ignorant person, that I know not the power of Uenus, where she listeth to show her importable violence? Haue not ye well resisted against such a goddesse, that for my sake haue stryuen with her all most to the death? What more loyaltye or truth can I require of you? Am I of that virtue, that I may resist against celestial influence, preordynate by providence divine? If I so thought, what were my wits? where were my study so long time spent in noble Philosophy? I confess to you Titus, I love that maiden as much as any wise man might possible: and took in her company more delight and pleasure than of al the treasure and lands that my father left me, which ye know was right abundaunte. But now I perceive, that the affection of love toward her surmouuteth in you above measure, what shall I think it of a wanton lust, or sudden appetite in you, whom I haue ever known of grave and sad dysposytion, inclined alway to honest doctrine, fleynge al vain dalliance and dyshoneste pastime? Shal I imagine to be in you any malice or fraud sens from the tender time of our childhood, I haue alway founden in you, my sweet friend Titus, such a conformytye with all my manners, appetites, and desires, that never was seen between us any maner of contention? Nay god forbid, that in the friendship of Gysyppus and Titus, should happen any suspicion: or that any fantasy should pierce my head, whereby that honourable love between us should be the mountenaunce of a cromme, perished. Nay nay Titus, it is( as I haue said) the onely providence of god: she was by him from the beginning prepared to be your lady and wife. For such fervent love entereth not in to the heart of a wise man and virtuous, but by a divine dysposyton: whereat yf I should be dyscontented▪ or grudge, I should not only be injust to you, with holding that from you, which is undoubtedly yours, but also obstinate and repugnant against the determination of god, which shal never be founden in Gisyppus. Therfore gentle friend Titus, dysmaye you not at the chance of love, but receive it joyously with me, that am with you nothing discontented, but marvelous glad, sens it is my hap to find for you such a lady, with whom ye shall live in felicity,& receive fruit to the honour and comfort of all your lineage. Here I renounce to you clearly al my title and interest, that I now haue or might haue in the fair maiden. Call to you your pristinate courage, wash clene your visage and eyen thus bywepte, and abandon all heaviness, the day appointed for our marriage approacheth: let us consult, howe without dyfficultie ye may holy attain your desires. Take hede, this is mine aduise, ye know well, that we two be so like, that being a parte and in one apparel, few men do know vs. Also ye do remember, that the custom is, that not withstanding any ceremony do one at the time of the spousayles, the marriage notwithstanding is not confirmed, until at night that the husband putteth a ring on the finger of his wife, and vnloseth her girdle. Therfore I myself will be present with my friends, and perform all the partes of a bride. And ye shall abide in a place secret, where I shall appoint you, until it be night. And than shall ye quickly conuaie yourself into the maidens chamber: and for the similitude of our personages,& of our apparel, ye shall not be espied of the women, which haue with none of us any acquaintance, and shortly get you to bed, and put your own ring on the maidens finger, and undo her girdle of virginity, and do all other thing, that shal be to your pleasure. Be now of good cheer Titus, and comfort yourself with good refections and solace, that this won and pale colour, and your cheeks meygre and lean, be not the cause of your discovering. I know well, that ye having your purpose, I shall be in obloquy& derision of all men, and so hated of all my kindred, that they shall seek occasion to expulse me out of this city, thinking me to be a notable reproach to all my family. But let god therein work. I force not what pain that I abide, so that ye my friend Titus may be safe, and pleasantly enjoy your desires, to the increasynge of your felicity.  
¶ WITH these words Titus began to ive, as it were out of a dream, and doubtynge, whether he hard Gisyppus speak, or elles saw but a vision, lay still as a man abashed. But when he beheld the tears, tryckelynge down by the face of Gysyppus, he than recomforted him, and thanking him for his incomparable kindness, refused the benefit that he offered, saying, that it were better, that a hundred such unkind wretches, as he was, should perish, than so noble a man, as was Gysippus, should sustain reproach or damage. But Gysyppus estesones comforted Titus, and therwith swore and protested, that with fre and glad will he would that this thing should be in form aforesaid accomplysshed, and therwith inbraced and sweetly kissed Titus. Who perceiuynge the matter sure, and not feigned, as a man not sick, but only awaked out of his flepe, set himself up in his bed, the quick blood some what resorted unto his visage, and after a little good meats and drinks taken, he was shortly and in a few dayes restored in to his old fashion and figure. To make the tale short. The day of marriage was commen. Gysyppus accompanied with his allies& friends, came to the house of the damosell, where they were honourably& joyously fested. And between him and the maiden was a sweet entertaynemente, which to behold, all that were present, took much pleasure and comfort, praising the beauty, goodlynesse, virtue, and courtesy, which in this couple were excellent above all other, that they had ever sene. What shal I say more? the covenants were radde and sealed, the dowar appointed, and all other bargains concluded,& the friends of either parte took their leave& depted: the bride, with a few women( as was the custom) brought into her chamber: than as it was before agreed, Titus conveyed himself, after Gysippus returned to his house, or perchance to the chamber appointed for Titus, nothing sorrowful, although that he heartily loved the maiden, but with a glad heart and countenance, that he had so recovered his friend from death, and so well brought him to the effect of his desire. now is Titus in bed with the maiden, not known of her, nor of any other, but for Gysippus. And first he sweetly demanded her, if that she loved him,& dayned to take him for her husband, forsaking all other. which she al blushing with an eye half laughing, half mourning( as in point to depart from her maidenheed, but supposing it to be Gysippus that asked her) affirmed. And than he eftsoons asketh her, if she in ratifieng that {pro}mise, would receive his ring, which he had there already: whereto she consenting, putteth the ring on her finger, and vnloseth her girdle. what thing else he did, they two only knew of it. Of one thing I am sure, that night was to Titus more comfortable, than ever was the longest day of the year, ye and I suppose a hoole year of dayes. The morrow is comen. Gysippus, thinking it expedient, that the trouth should be discovered, assembled all the nobility of the city at his own house, where also by appoyntemente was Titus, who among them had these words, that do follow.  
¶ My friends Atheniensis, there is at this 
The oration of Titus to the Atheniensis.  time shewed among you an example, almost incredible, of the divine powar of honourable love, to the perpetual renome and commendation of this noble city of Athenes, whereof ye ought to take excellent comfort,& therfore give due thankes to god, if ther remain among you any token of the ancient wisdom of your most noble progenitors. For what more praise may be given to people, than benevolence, faithfulness, and constance? without whom all countrayes and cities be brought unto desolation and ruin, like as by them they be come prosperous, and in most high felilicitie. What shall I long tarry you in coniectyng mine intent and meaning? Ye all know, from whence I came unto this city, that of adventure I found in the house of Chre mes his son Gysippus, of min own age, and in every thing so like to me, that neither his father, nor any other man could discern of us the one from the other, but by our own insignement or showing: in so much as there were put about our necks lacis of sundry colours, to daclare our personages. what mutual agreement& love haue ben alway between us, during the eight yeres, that we haue ben together, ye all be witnesses, that haue ben beholders& wonderars of our most sweet conversation and consent of appetites, wherein was never any discord or variance. And as for my part, after the decesse of my father, natwith standing that there was descended& happened unto me great possessions, fair houses, with abundance of riches: also I being called home by the desirous& importunate let ters of mine allies and friends, which be of the most noble of all the senators, offered the aduancement to the highest dignities in the public weal, I will not remember the lamentations of my most natural mother, expressed in her tender letters, all be sprent and blotted with abundance ofteares, wherein she accuseth me of unkindness, for my long tarrying, and specially now in her most discomfort. But all this could not remove me the breadth of my naylle from my dere friend Gysippus. And but by force could not I, nor yet may be drawn from his sweet company, but yf he thereto coil consent. I choosynge rather to live with him, as his company on and fellow, ye and as his servant, rather than to be consul of Rome. Thus my kindness hath be well acquitted( or as I might say) redoubled, delivering me from the death, ye from the most cruel and peynefull death of all other. I perceive ye wonder hereat noble Atheniensis, and noo marvel. For what person should be so hardy, to attempt any such thing against me, being a roman, and of the noble blood of the romans? Or who should be thought so malicious, to slay me, who( as all ye be my wretches) never trespassed against any person within this city? Nay nay my friends, I haue none of you all therein suspected. I perceive ye desire and hearken to know, what he was, that presumed to do so cruel and great an enterprise. It was love, noble Atheniensis, the same love, which( as your poets do remember) did wound the more parte of all the goddis, that ye do honour, that constrayaed jupiter to transfourme himself in a swan, a bull, and dyvers other likenesses: the same love that caused Hercules, the vaynquysher and destroyer of Monsters& Giauntes, to spin on a rock, sitting among maidens in a womannes apparel: the same love that caused to assemble all the noble princes of Asia and Grece in the fields of Troy: the same love I say, against whose assaults may be found no defence or resistance, hath suddenly and unware landmen me unto the heart, with such vehemence and might, that I had in short space dyed with most fervent torments, had not the incomparable friendship of Gysippus holpen me. I see, you wolde fain know, who she is, that I loved. I will no longer delay you noble Atheniensis: It is Sophronia, the lady, whom Gysippus had chosen to haue to his wife, and whom he most entirely loved. But when his most gentle heart perceived, that my love was in a much higher degree than his toward that lady, and that it proceeded neither of wantonness, neither of long conversation, nor of any other corrupt desire or fantasy, but in an instant, by the onely look, and with such feruence, that immediately I was so cruciate, that I desired,& in all that I might provoked death to take me. He by his wisdom so one perceived,( as I doubt not but that ye do) that it was the very provision of god, that she should be my wife,& not his. whereto he giving place, and more esteeming true friendship, than the love of a woman, where unto he was induced by his friends,& not by violence of cupid constrained as I am, hath willingly granted to me the interest that he had in the damosell. And it is I Titus, that haue verily weded her, I haue put the ring on her finger, I haue undo one the girdle of shane fastenes. what coil ye more, I haue lain with her, and confirmed the matrimony, and made her a wife.  
¶ At these words all they that were present, began to murmur, and to cast a disdainous and grievous look vpon Gisippus. Than spake again Titus.  
¶ LEAVE your grudgynges and menasynge countenance, toward Gysyppus, he hath done to you all honour, and no dede of reproach. I tell you, he hath accomplished all the partes of a friend: that love, which was most certain, hath he continued. He knew, he might find in Greece an other maiden, as faire& as rich as this that he had chosen,& one perchance, that he might love better. But such a friend, as I was( having respect to our similitude, the long approved concord, also mine estate and condytion) he was sure to finde never none. Also the damosell suffereth no disper gemente in hyr blood, or hindrance in her marriage, but is much rather advanced( no dispraise to my dere friend Gysippus). Also consider noble Atheniensis, that I took her not my father living, when ye might haue suspected, that as well her riches as her beauty, should haue thereto alured me: but soon after my fathers decease, when I far exceeded her in possessions and substance, when the most notable men of Rome and of Italy, desired mine alliance. Ye haue therfore all cause to rejoice and thank Gysippus, and not to be angry, and also to extol his wonderful kindness toward me, whereby he hath won me and al my blood such friends to you and your city, that ye may be assured, to be by us defended against all the world: which being considered, Gisippus hath well deserved a statue or image of gold, to be set on a pillar, in the mids of your city, for an honourable monumente, in the remembrance of our incomparable friendship,& of the good that thereby may come to your city. But if this persuasion can not satisfy you, but that ye will imagine any thing to the damage of my dere friend Gysippus, after my departing, I make mine avow unto god, creator of all thing, that as I shall haue knowledge therof, I shall forth with resort hither, with the inuyncible power of the romans, and reuenge him in such wise against his enemies, that al Grece shal speak of it to their perpetual dishonour, shane, and reproach.  
¶ And therwith Titus& Gysippus rose, but the other for fear of Titus dissembled their malice, making semblant, as they had ben with all thing contented.  
¶ Sone after Titus, being sent for by the authority of the senate and people of Rome, prepared to depart out of Athenes, And wolde fain haue had Gysippus to haue goone with him, offrynge to divide with him all his substance and fortune. But Gysippus, considering howe necessary his counsel should be to the city of Athenes, wolde not depart out of his country, not withstanding that above all earthly things, he most desired the company of Tit{us}: which abode also, for the said consideration, Titus approved.  
¶ Titus with his lady, is departed towards the city of Rome. Where at their coming, they were of the mother of Titus, his kynsemen, and of al the senate and people joyously received. And there lived Titus with his lady in joy inexplycable, and had by her many faire children: and for his wisdom and learning was so hyghely esteemed, that there was no dignity or honourable office within the city, that he had not with much favour and praise a chyeued and occupied.  
¶ But now let us resort to Gisippus, who immediately vpon the departing of Titus, was so malygned at, as well by his own kynsemen, as by the friends of the lady, that he, to their seeming shamefully abandoned, lcauynge her to Titus, that they spared not daily to vex him with all kinds of reproach, that they could devise or imagine: and first they excluded him out of their counsel, and prohibited from him al honest company. And yet not being therewith satisfied, finally they adjudged him unworthy to enjoy any possessions or goods, left to him by his parentes, whom he( as they supposed) by his vndescrete friendship had so dystayned. wherefore they dyspoyled him of all things, and almost naked, expelled him out of the city. Thus is Gysippus, late wealthy, and one of the most noble men of Athenes, for his kind heart, banished his own country for ever, and as a man dismayed, wandring hither and thither, finding no man that wolde succour him. At the last, remembering in what pleasure his friend Titus lived with his lady, for whom he suffered these damages, concluded to go to Rome, and declare his infortune to his said friend Titus. What shall need a long tale? in conclusion, with much pain, cold, hunger, and thirst, he is commen to the city of Rome, and diligently enquiringe for the house of Titus, at the last he came to it: but beholding it so beauteous, large, and pryncely, he was ashamed to approach nigh to it, being in so simple estate and vnklad, but standeth by, that in case Titus came forth out of his house, he mought present himself to him. He being in this thought, Titus holding his lady by the hand, issued out from his door, and taking their horses to solace themself, beholded Gisyppus: and beholding his vile apparel, regarded him not, but passed forth on their way, wherewith Gysippus was so wounded to the heart, thinking Titus had contemned his fortune, that oppressed with mortal heaviness, fell in a sown, but being recovered by some that stood by, thinking him to be syeke, forth with departed, intending not to abide any longer, but as a wild beast to wander abroad in the world. But for werinesse he was constrained to entre into an old barn, without the city, where he casting himself on the bare gronde, with weeping and dolorous crying bewailed his fortune: But most of all accusynge the ingratitude of Titus, for whom he suffered all that misery: the remembrance whereof was so intolerable, that he determined no longer to live in that anguyshe and dolour. And therwith drew his knife, purposing to haue slain himself. But ever wisdom( which he by the study of Philosophy had attained) withdrew him from that desperate act. And in this contention, between wisdom and will, fatigate with long iournaies and watch, or as god would haue it, he fell into a dede sleep. His knife( wherewith he wolde haue slain himself) falling down by him. In the mean time a commune and notable rufyan or thief, which had robbed and slain a man, was entred into the barn, where Gysyppus lay, to the intent to soiorne there all that night. And seeing Gisippus bewept, and his visage replenysshed with sorrow, and also the naked knife by him, perceived well, that he was a man desperate, and supprised with heaviness of heart, was weary of his life: which the said rufyan taking for a good occasion to escape, took the knife of Gysyppus, and putting it in the wound of him that was slain, put it all bloody in the hand of Gysyppus, being fast a sleep, and so departed. soon after the dead man being found, the officers made dyligente search for the murderar: at the last they entering into the barn, and finding Gisippus on sleep, with the bloody knife in his hand, awaked him, wherewith he entred again in to his old sorrows, complaining his yuel fortune. But when the officers laid unto him the death of the man, and the having of the bloody knife, he thereat rejoiced, thanking god, that such occasion was happened, whereby he should suffer death by the laws, and escape the violence of his own hands. wherefore he denied nothing that was laid to his charge, desiring the officers to make hast that he might be shortly out of his life. Whereat they marveled. anon report came to the senate, that a man was slain, and that a stranger, and a greek born, was found in such form, as is before mentioned. They forthwith commanded him to be brought unto their presence, sitting there at that time Titus, being than consul, or in other like dignity. The miserable Gisippus was brought to the barr̄, with bills and staues like a fellow, of whom it was demanded, if he slew the man, that was foundended. he nothing denied, but in most sorrowful maner cursed his fortune, naming himself of all other most miserable. At the last one demanding him, of what country he was, he confessed to be an Atheniense, and therwith he cast his sorrowful eyen upon Titus, with much indignation, and braste out into sighs and tears abundantly: that beholding Titus, and espienge by a little sign in his visage, which he knew, that it was his dere friend Gisyppus, and anon considering, that he was brought into dyspayre by some my saduenture, rose out of his place, where he sate, and falling on his knees before the wretches, said, that he had slain the man, for old malice that he bare toward him, and that Gysippus, being a stranger, was guiltless, and all men might perceive, that the other was a desperate person. wherefore to abbreviate his sorrows, he confessed the act, whereof he was innocent, to the intent that he would finish his sorrows with death. wherefore Titus desired the wretches, to give sentence on him, according to his merits. But Gysippus, perceiving his friend Titus( contrary to his expectation) to offer himself to the death, for his safe guard, more importunately cried to the senate to procede in their judgment on him, that was the very offendar. Titus denied it, and affirmed with reasons and arguments, that he was the murderer, and not Gisyppus. Thus they of long time, with abundance of tears contended, which of them should die for the other, whereat all the Senate and people were wonderly abashed, not knowing what it ment. The murderer in dede, happened to be in the press at that time, who perceiving the marvelous contention of these two persons, which were both innocent,& that it proceeded of an incō parable friendship, was vehemently provoked to dyscouer the truth. wherefore he broke through the press, and coming before the senate, spake in this wise,  
¶ Noble fathers, I am such a person, whom ye know haue ben a commune baratour and thief by a long space of yeres: ye know also, that Titus is of a noble blood, and is a proved to be alway a man of excellent virtue and wisdom, and never was malicious. This other stranger seemeth to be a man full of simplicity, and that more is, desperate for some grievous sorrow that he hath taken, as it is to you evident. I say to you fathers, they both be innocent, I am that person, that slew him, that is foundended by the barn, and robbed him of his money, and when I found in the barn this stranger lyenge on sleep, having by him a naked knife: I, the better to hide mine offence, did put the knife into the wound of the ded man, and so al bloody laid it again by this stranger. This was my mischievous devise to escape your judgment. Where unto now I remit me holy, rather than this noble man Titus, or this innocent stranger should vnworthely die.  
¶ Here at all the Senate and people took comfort, and the noise of rejoicing hartes filled all the court. And when it was further examined, Gisippus was dyscouered, the friendship between him and Titus was through out the city publysshed, extolled,& magnified. wherefore the Senate consulted of this matter, and finally at the instance of Titus and the people, discharged the fellow. Titus recognysed his negligence, in forgetting Gisippus. And Titus being advertised of the exile of Gisippus, and the dipiteful cruelty of his kindred, was therwith wonderful wrath, and having Gisippus home to his house( where he was with incredible joy received of the lady, whom sometime he should haue wedded) honourably apparyled him: and there Titus offered to him, to use al his goods and possessions at his own pleasure and appetite. But Gisippus, desiring to be again in his proper country, Titus by the consent of the Senate and people, assembled a great army, and went with Gysyppus unto Athenes: where he having delivered to him al those, which were causers of banysshynge and dyspoylynge of his friend Gysyppus, did on them sharp execution: and restorynge to Gysyppus his lands and substance, stablished him in perpetual quietness, and so returned to Rome.  
¶ This example in the affects of friendship, expresseth( if I be not deceived) the description of friendship, engendered by the similitude of age and parsonage, augmented by the conformity of manners and studies, and confirmed by the long continuance of company.  
¶ It wolde be remembered, that friendship 
None evil may be in friendship.  is between good men onely, and is engendered of an opinion of virtue. Than may we reason in this form, A good man is so name, because all that he willeth or doth, is only good: in good can be none evil, therfore nothing that a good man willeth or doth, can be evil. likewise virtue is the affection of a good man, which neither willeth nor doth any thing that is evil. And 'vice is contrary unto virtue, for in the opinion of virtue, is neither evil nor vice. And very amity is virtue. wherefore nothing evil or vicious may happen in friendship. Therfore in the first election of friends, resteth al the importance, wherefore it would not be without a long beliberation and proof, and as Aristotle saith, in 
Ethie.  as long time as by them both, being to gether conversant, a hole bushel of salt might be eaten. For oftentimes with fortune( as I late said) is changed, or at the least minished the ferventnes of that affection, according as the sweet poet Duide affirmeth, saying in this sentence,  

¶ Whiles fortune the favoureth, friends thou 
ovi. de 'pon.  hast plenty.  
The time being troublous thou arte al alone,  
Thou seest coluers haunt houses made white and dent.  
To the ruynous tower all most cometh none,  
Of emotes innumerable vneth thou findest one  
In emty barns, and where faileth substance  
happeneth no friend, in whom is assurance.   
¶ But if any happeneth in every fortune to be constant in friendship, he is to be made of above all things that may come unto man, and above any other that be of blood or kindred, as tuli saith. For from kindred may be taken benevolence, from friendship it can never be severed. wherefore benevolence taken from kindred, yet the name of kynseman remaineth: take it from friendship, and the name of friendship is utterly perished.  
¶ But sens this liberty of speech is now 
Howe to discernea friend from a flatterer.  usurped by flatterers, where they perceive, that assentation and praises be abhorred: I am therfore not well assured, howe a man now a dayes shal know or discern such admonicion from flattery, but by one onely means, that is to say, to remember, that friendship may not be but between good men. Than consider, if he that doth admonysshe thee, be himself voluptuous, ambitious, covetous, arrogant, or dissolute, refuse not his admonicion, but by the example of the emperour Antonine, thankefully take it: and amend such default, as thou perceyueste, doth give occasion of obloqui in such maner as the reporter also by thine example may be corrected. But for that admonicion onely, account him not immediately, to be thy friend, until thou haue of him a long and sure experience. For undoubtedly it is wonderful difficile, to finde a man very ambitious or covetous, to be assured in friendship. For where findest thou him( saythe tuli) that will not prefer honours, great offices, rule, authority, and richesse before friendship? Therfore( saith he) it is very hard to finde friendship in them, that be occupied in acquiring honour, or about the affairs of the public weal. Which saying is proved true by daily experience. For disdain and contempt be companions with ambition, like as envy and hatred be also her followers.   

The division of Ingratitude, and the dispraise therof. Ca. XIII.  
THe most damnable 'vice, and most against iustice, in mine opinion, is INGRATITVDE, commonly called vnkindnesse. All be it, it is in diuers forms, and of sundry importance, as it is discrybed by Seneca in this form.  
¶ He is unkind, which denieth to haue received any benefit, that in dede he hath received, He is unkind, that dissimuleth, he is unkind, that recompenseth not: But he is most unkind, that forgetteth. For the other, though they render not again kindness, yet they owe it, and there remaineth some steps or tokens of deserts, enclosed in an yuel conscience, and at the last by some occasion may hap to return to yield again thankes, when either shane thereto provoketh them, or sudden desire of thing, that is honest, which is wont to be for that time in stomachs, though they be corrupted, if a light occasion do move them. But he that forgetteth kindness, may never be kind, sens al the benefit is quiter fallen from him: And where lacketh remembrance, there is no hope of any recompense.  
¶ In this 'vice, men be much warse than 
kindness in bestis.  beasts. For dyvers of them will remember a benefit, long after they received it. The courser, fierce and courageous, will gladely suf●re his keeper, that dresseth and feedeth him, to vaunt him easily, and steereth not, but when he lystethe to provoke him: where if any other should ride him, though he were a king, he will steer and plonge, and endeavour himself to throw him. such kindness hath ben founden 
Kidnes in dogges.  in dogges, that they haue not only dyed in defendynge their masters, but also some, after their maisters haue died or ben slain, haue abstained from meate, and for famine haue dyed by their masters.  
¶ Plini remembreth of a dog, which in Epiro( a country in Grece) so assaulted the murdrer of his master in a great assembly of people, that with barkynge and biting he compelled him at the last, to confess his offence.  
¶ The dog also of one Iayson, his master being slain, wolde never eat meate, but dyed for hunger.  
¶ Many semblable tokens of kindness Plini rehearseth, but principally one of his own time, worthy to be here remembered.  
¶ when execution should be done on one Titus Habinius and his servants, one of them had a dog, which mought never be driven from the prison, nor never would depart from his masters body: and when it was taken from the place of execution, the dog houled most lamentably, being compased with a great nombre of people, of whom when one of them had cast meate to the dog, he brought and laid it to the mouth of his master. And when the corps was thrown in to the river of Tiber, the dog swam after it, and as long as he mought, enforced himself to bear and sustain it, the people scateryng abroad to behold the faithfulness of the beast.  
¶ Also the lion, which of all other beasts is accounted most fierce and cruel, hath ben founden to haue in remembrance a benefit shewed unto him.  
¶ awl. Bellius remembreth out of the history of Appion, howe allon, out of whose foot a young man had ones taken a stub, and cleansed the wound, whereby he waxed hole, after knew the same man, being cast to him to be devoured, and wolde not hurt him, but lyckynge the legs and hands of the man, which lay dysmayde, lokinge for death, took acquaintance of him, and ever after followed him, being superadd in a small lyam, whereat wondered all they that beheld it. which history is wonderful pleasant, but for the length therof I am constrained to abrege it.  
¶ Howe much be they repugnaunte, and( as I mought say enemies) both to nature and reason, which being advanced by any good fortune, will contemn or neglect such one, whom they haue long known, to be to them benevolent, and joined to them in a sincere and assured friendship, approved by infallible tokens, ratified also with sundry kinds of benefycence? I require not such excellant friendship, as was between Pitheas and Damon, between orestes and pylades, or be twene Gysyppus and Titus, of whom I haue before written( for I firmly believe, they shall never happen in pairs or couples) nor I seek not for such as will alway prefer the honour or profit of their friend before their own, ne( which is the least parte of friendship) for such one as desirously will participate with his friend all his good fortune or substance. But where at this day may be founden such friendship between two, but that if fortune be 
friendship of time.  more Beneuolente to the one, than to the other, the friendship waxeth tedious, and he that is advanced, desyrethe to be matched with one having semblable fortune? And if any damage happeneth to his old friend, he pytyeth him, but he soroweth not, and though he seem to be sorrowful, yet he helpeth not: and though he wolde be sene to help him, yet travaileth he not: And though he wolde be sene to travail, yet he suffereth not. For( let us lay a parte assistance with money, which is a very small portion of frendeshyp) who will so much esteem friendship, that therefore will entre in to the displeasure, not of his prince, but of them, whom he supposeth may minish his estimation towards his prince, ye and that much less is, will displease his new acquaintance, equal with him in authority or fortune, for the defence, help, or advancement of his ancient and well approved friend? O the most miserable estate at this present time of mankind, that for the thing, which is most proper unto them, the example must be founden among the savage and syerce beasts.   

The election of friends, and the diversity of flatterers. Cap. XIIII.  
A Noble man above all thing ought to be very circumspect, in the election of such men, as should continually attend vpon his person, at times vacant from busy affairs, whom he may use as his familiars, and saufely commit to thē his secrets. For as plutarch saith, what so ever he be that loveth, doteth, and is blind in that thing, which he doth 
Plutarch{us} de cognoscendo amico ab adulatore.  love: except by learning he can accustom himself to ensue and set more price by those things, that be honest and virtuous, than by them that he seeth in experience, and be familiarly used. And transversely as the worms do breed most gladly in soft wode and sweet, so the most gentle and noble wits, inclined to honour, replenished with most honest and curtaise manners, do soonest admit flaterars, and be by them abused. And it is no marvel. For like as the wild corn, being in shape and greatness like to the good, if they be mengled, with great difficulty will be tried out, but either in a narrow hole seeue they will stil abide with the good corn, orelles, where the holes be large, they will issue out with the other: so flattery from friendship is hardly severed, for as much as in every motion and affect of the mind, they be mutually mengled together. Of this perverse and cursed people be sundry kindes, Some apparently do flatter, praising and extollynge every thing that is done by their superior, and bearing him on hand, that in him it is of every man commended, which of truth is of al men abhorred and hated, to the affyrmaunce whereof they add to oaths, adiurations, and horrible curses, offering themselves to eternal pains, except their report be true. And if they perceive any parte of their tale mistrusted, than they set forth suddenly an heavy and sorrowful countenance, as if they were abjected and brought into extreme desperation. Other there be, which in a more honest term may be called Assentatours or followers, which do await diligently, what is the form of the speech and gesture of their master, and also other his manners and fashion of garments: and to the imytation and resemblance therof they apply their study, that for the simylitude of manners they may the rather be accepted in to the more familiar acquaintance. like to the servants of Dionyse, king of Sicile, which al though they were inclined to al vnhappynes and mischief, yet after the come mynge of Plato, perceiving, that for his doctrine and wisdom the king had him in high estimation, they than counterfeited the countenance and habit of the Philosopher, thereby increasing the kings favour towards them, who than was holy given to study of philosophy. But after that Dionyse, by their incitation had expelled Plato out of Sicile, they abandoned their habit and severity, and estsones returned to their mischievous and voluptuous living.  
¶ The great alexander bare his head some parte on the one side, more than the other, which diuers of his servants did counterfeit.  
¶ Semblably did the scholars of Plato, the most noble Philosopher, which for as much as their master had a broad breast, and high shoulders, and for that cause was name Plato, which signifieth broad or large, they stuffed their garments, and made on their shoulders great bolsters, to seem to be of like form as he was. whereby he should conceive some favour towards them, for the demonstration of love that they pretended in the ostentation of his person. Which kind of flattery I suppose Plato could right well laugh at.  
¶ But these maner of flaterars may be well found out and perceived by a good wit, which sometime by himself dyligentely considereth his own qualities and natural appetite. For the company or communication of a person familiar, which is alway pleasant and without sharpness, inclinyng to inordinate favour and affection, is alway to be suspected.  
¶ Also there is in that friend small commodity, which followeth a man like his shadow, meuynge only when he meueth, and abiding where he list to tarry. These be the mortal enemies of noble wits, and specially in youth, when commonly they be more inclined to glory than grauite. wherefore that liberality, which is on such flatterers employed, is not onely perished, but also spilled& devoured. wherefore in mine opinion, it were a right necessary lawe, that should be made to put such persons openly to tortures, to the fearful example of other, sens in all pryncys laws( as plutarch saith) not onely he that hath slain the kings son and heir, but also he that counterfayteth his seal, or adulteratethe his coin, with more base mettall, shall be judged to die as a traitor. In reason how 
Flateri {per}nicions to gentle nature.  much more pain( if there were any greater pain joanne death) were he worthy to suffer, that with false adulation, doth corrupt and adulterate the gentle and virtuous nature of a noble man, which is not only his image, but the very man himself? For without virtue man is but in the number of beasts. And also by perverse instruction and flattery, such one slayeth both the soul and good renome of his master. By whose example and negligence peryssheth also an infinite number of persons, which damage to a realm neither with treasure ne with power can be redoubed.  
¶ But hard it is, alway to eschew these flatterers, which like to crows, do pike out mennes eyes er they be ded. And it is to noble men most difficile, whom all men covayte to please, and to displease them it is accounted no wisdom, perchance lest there should ensue thereby more peril than profit.  
¶ Also Carneades, the Philosopher, was 
Plutarch{us} de libe. educandi. A notable example.  wont to say, that the sons of noble men men learned nothing well but only to ride. For whiles they learned letters, their masters flattered them, praising every word that they spake. In wrestling their teachers and companions also flattered them, submyttyng themselves, and falling down to their feet: But the horse or courser, not understanding who rideth him, ne whether he be a gentle man or yeoman, a rich man or a poor, if he sit not surely, and can skill of riding, the horse casteth him quickly. This is the saying of Carneades.  
¶ There be other of this sort, which more 
subtle flatterers. Ex Plutarcho de cogn. amico ab adu latore.  covertly lay their snares to take the hartes of princis and noble men. And as he, which intendeth to take the fierce& mighty lion, pytcheth his haye or net in the wood among great trees and thorns, where as is the most haunt of the lion, that being blinded with the thickness of the comfort, may er he be ware, suddenly tumble into the net: where the hunter seelynge both his eyen, and binding his legs strongly to gether, finally daunteth his fierceness, and maketh him obedient to his ensygnes and tokens. semblably there be some, that by dyssimulation can ostente or show a high gravity, mixed with a sturdy entertainment and fashion, exilinge themselves from all pleasure and recreation, frownyng and gruching at every thing, wherein is any mirth or solace, all though it be honest, taunting and rebukyug immoderately them, with whom they be not contented, naming themselves therfore plain men, although they do the semblable, and often times warse in their own houses. And by a simplicity and rudeness of speaking, with long deliberation used in the same, pretend the high knowledge of counsel to be in them onely: and in this wise pytchynge their net of adulation, they entrap the noble and virtuous heart, which onely beholdeth their feigned severity and counterfeit wisdom, and the rather by cause this maner of flattery is most unlike to that, which is commonly used.  
¶ Aristotell in his politykes, exorteth gouernours, 
Many friends necessary for a governor.  to haue their friends for a great number of eyen, ears, hands, and legs, considering that no one man may see or here all thing, that many men may se and here: ne can be in all places, or do as many things well, at one time, as many persons may do. And often times a beholder or loker on, espieth a default, that the doer forgetteth or skyppeth over: which caused the emperour Antonine to enquire of many, what other men spake of him, correctinge thereby his defaults, which he perceived to be justly reproved.  
¶ This I trust shal suffice, for the expressing of that incomparable treasure, called amity: in the declaration whereof I haue aboden the longer, to the intent to persuade the readers, to enserche therfore vigilantly, and being so happy to finde it, according to the said description, to embrace and honour it, abhorring above all things ingratytude, which pestilence hath long time reigned among us, augmented by detraction, a corrupt and lothly sickness, whereof I will trayte in the last parte of this work, that men of good nature espienge it, need not( if they list) be therwith deceived.   
Finis libri secundi.   

THE THYRDE book.  

Of the noble and most excellent virtue, name Iustice. Ca. I.  
THE most excellent and incomparable virtue, called justice, is so necessary and expedient for the governor of a public weal, that without it, none other virtue may be commendable, ne wit or any maner of doctrine profitable. tuli 
office. i. From whence the name of a king first proceeded.  saith, At the beginning, when the multitude of people were oppressed by them that abounded in possessions and substance, they espienge some one, which excelled in virtue and strength, repaired to him: who ministringe equity, when he had defended the poor men from injury, finally retained together and governed the greater persons with the lasse, in an equal and indifferent order. wherefore they called that man a king, which is as much to say, as a ruler. And as Aristotell saith, Iustice is not only a portion or spice of virtue, but is entirely the same virtue. And therof only( saith tuli) men be called good men, as who saythe, without Iustice, al other qualities and virtues cannot make a man good.  
¶ The ancient civilians say, justice is a will perpetual and constant, which giveth to every man his right. In that it is name constant, it importeth fortitude: in discernyng what is right or wrong, prudence is required: And to proportion the sentence or judgment, in an equality, it belongeth to temperance. Al these together conglutinate and effectually executed, maketh a perfect definicion of iustice.  
¶ Iustice, all though it be but one entire virtue, yet is it described in two kinds or spices, the one is name justice distrybutyue, which is in dystrybution of honour, money, benefit, or other thing semblable: the other is called commutative or by 
Iustice con mutatif. Diorthotica. Iustice correctif.  exchange. And of Aristotel it is name in greek DIORTHOTICE, which is in english correctiue. And thatparte of justice is contained in intremedelynge, and sometime is voluntary, sometime involuntary intermedlynge. Uoluntary is buying or selling, love, surety, letting, and taking, and all other thing, wherein is mutual consent at the beginning: and therfore it is called voluntary. Intermedlynge involuntary, sometime is privily done, as stelynge, adultery, poysonyng, falsehede, disobeyed, secret murder, false witness, and perjury. sometime it is violent, as batry, open murder, and manslaughter, robbery, open reproach, and other like. justice dystributiue hath regard to the person, justice commutative hath no regard to the person, but onely considering the inequalite, whereby the one thing exceedeth the other, endeavoureth to bring them both to an equality.  
¶ now will I return again to speak first of Iustice distributive, leaving Iustice commutative to an other volnme. Which I suppose shall succeed this work, god giving me time and quietness of mind to perform it.   

The first parte of Iustice distributive ca. ii.  
IT is not to be doubted, but that the first and principal part of Iustice distributive is,& ever was, to do to god that honour, which is due to his divine majesty. Whihonour( as I before said in the first book, where I wrote of the motion called honor in daunsynge) consisteth in love, fear, and reverence. For sens all men grant, that justice is to give to every man his own, much more to render one good dede for a neither, most of all to love god, of whom we haue all thing, and without him we were nothing, and being perished, we were eftsoons recovered. Howe ought we( to whom is given the very light of true faith) to embrace this part of iustice more, or at the least noo less than the gentiles, which wandrynge in the darkness of ignorance, knew not god as he is, but deuidynge his majesty in to sundry portions, imagined Idols of diuers forms and names, and assigned to them particular autorites, offices, and dignities. not withstanding, in the honouring of those goddes, such as they were, they supposed alway to be the chief parte of iustice.  
¶ Romulus, the first king of romans, 
The houour that the gentiles bare to their goddes. Plutarch{us} in vita romuli.  for his fortune and benefits, which he ascribed to his goddes, made to their honour great and noble Temples, ordeynyng to them images, sacrifices, and other ceremonies. And more over( which is much to be marveled at) he also prohibited, that any thing should be read or spoken, reproachable or blasphemous to god. And therfore he excluded al fables, made of the aduoutryes and other enormities, that the 
dionysius halicar. li. i.  Greekes had feigned their goddes to haue committed, Inducing his people to speak, and also to conject nothing of god, but onely that, which was in nature most excellent, which after was also commanded by Plato in the first book of his public weal.  
¶ Numa Pompilius, the next king after Romulus,& elect by the Senate, although he were a stranger born, and dweliynge with his father in a little town of the Sabynes, considering from what estate he came to that dignity, being a man of excellent wisdom and learning, thought he could never sufficiently honour his goddes for that benefit, by whose providence he supposed, that he had attained the governance of so noble a people and city. He therfore not onely increased within the city Temples, alters, ceremonies, priestes, and sundry religions, but also, with a wonderful wisdom& policy, which is to long to be now rehearsed, brought all the people 
devotion cause of tranquilitie.  of Rome to such a deuocy on, or( as I mought say) a superstition, that where alway before, during the time that Romul{us} reigned, which was, 37. yeres, they ever were continually ocupied in warres and johann, by the space of, xliii. yeres( so long reigned Numa) they gave themself al, as it were to an observance of religion, abandonyng warres, and applyeng in such wise their study to the honouring of their goddes, and increasynge their public weal, that other people adjoining, wondringe at them, and for their devotion having the city in reverence, as it were a palace of god, all that season never attempted any warres against them, or with any hostility invaded their country. Many mo princis and noble men of the romans could I rehearse, who for victories against their enemies, raised Temples, and made solemn and sumptuouse plays in honour of their goddes, rendering( as it were) unto them their duty, and all ways accuntynge it the first parte of Iustice. And this parte of iustice toward god, in honouring him with convenient ceremonies, is not to be contemned. Example we haue among us that be mortal. For if a man being made rich, and advanced by his lord or master, will provide to receive him, a fair and pleasant lodging, hanged with rich Aresse or tapestrye, and with goodly plate and other things necessary most freshly adorned, but after that his master is ones entred, he will never enterteyne or countenance him, but as a stranger: suppose ye, that the beauty and garnyshyng of the house shall onely content him, but that he will think, that his servant brought him thither onely for vain glory, and as a beholder and wonderer at the riches that he himself gave him, which the other unthankfully doth attribute to his own fortune or policy? much rather is that servant to be commended, which having a little reward of his master, will in a small cottage make him hearty cheer, with much humble reverence.  
¶ Yet wolde I not be noted, that I wolde seem so much to extol reverence by itself, that churches and other ornaments dedicate to god, should be therfore contemned. 
Churches material and ornaments.  For undoubtedly such things be not only commendable, but also expedient for the augmentation and continuing of reverence. For be it either after the opinion of Plato, that all this world is the temple of god, or that man is the same temple, these material churches, where unto repaireth the comgregation of chrysten people, in the which is the corporal presence of the son of god, and very god, ought to be like to the said temple, pure, clean, and well adorned, that is to say, that as the heaven visible is most pleasantly garnished with planets, and stars, resplendishynge in the most pure firmament of azure colour, the earth furnished with trees, herbs,& flowers of diuers colours, fashions, and savours, bestis, fowls,& fishes of sundry kindes: Semblably the soul of man, of his own kind being incorruptibill, neat, and clear, the sences and powars wonderful and pleasant, the virtues in it contained noble and rich, the form excellent& royal, as that, which was made to the similitude of god. More over, the body of man is of all other mortal creatures in proportion and figure most perfect and elegante. What perverse or frowarde opinion were it to think, that god, still being the same god that he ever was, would haue his majesty now contemned, or be in less estimation? but rather more honoured for the benefits of his glorious passion, which may be well perceived, who so peruseth the holy history of the evangelists, where he shal find in order, that he desired cleanness and honour.  
¶ First in preparation of his coming, which was by the washing and clensinge of the body of man by baptism in water, the soul also made clene by penance, the election of the most pure and clene virgin to be his mother, and she also of the line of prtncis most noble and virtuous.  
¶ It pleased him much, that Mary humbly kneeled at his feet, and washed them with precious balm, and wiped them with her hear.  
¶ In his glorious transfiguration, his visage shone like the son, and his garments were wonderful white, and more pure( as the evangelist saith) than any warkeman could make them.  
¶ Also at his coming to jerusalem, toward his passion, he wolde than be received with great routs of people, who laying their garments on the way as he road, other casting bows abroad, went before him in form of a triumph. All this honour wolde he haue before his resurrection, when he was in the form of humylitye. Than howe much honour is due to him now, that all power is given to him, as well in heaven as in earth, and being glorified of his father, sitteth on his right hand, iudgynge all the world.  
¶ In redynge the bible men shall finde, 
Ceremonies.  that the infinite number of the sturdye hearted Iewes, could never haue ben governed by any wisdom, if they had not ben brydeled with ceremonies.  
¶ The superstition of the gentiles, preserved often times as well the greeks as the romans from final destruction. But we will lay all those histories a parte,& come to our own experience.  
¶ For what purpose was it ordained, that christen kings( all though they by inheritance succeeded their progenitors kings) should in an open and stately place be fore al their subiectes, receive their crown and other Regalities: but that by reason of the honourable circumstances than used, should be impressed in the hartes of the beholders perpetual reverence: which( as I before said) is fountain of obedience, or elles mought the kings be anointed and receive their charge in a place secret, with less pain to them, and also their ministers?  
¶ let it be also considered, that we be men and not angels: wherefore we know nothing but by outward signification. honour, whereto reverence pertaineth, is( as I haue said) the reward of virtue, which honour is the estimation of people, which estimation is not every where perceived, but by some exterior sign, and that is either by laudable report, or excellency in vesture, or other thing semblable. But report is not so commune a token, as apparel. For in old time kings ware crownes of gold, and knights only ware chains.  
¶ Also the most noble of the romans ware sundry garlondes, whereby was perceived their merit. O creatures most unkind, and bar rain of Iustice, that will deny that thing to their god and creator, which of very duty and right is given to him by good reason afore all princes, which in a degree incomparable be his subiectes and vassals, by which opinion they seem to despoil him of reverence, which shal cause all obedience to cease, whereof will ensue utter confusion, if good christen princis, moved with zeal, do not shortly provide to extinct utterly all such opinions.   

The three noble counsels of reason, society,& knowledge. Cap. III.  
verily the knowledge of Iustice is not 
counsellors of Iustice.  so difficile or hard to be attained unto by man, as it is commonly supposed, if he wolde not willingly abandon the excellency of his proper nature, and fo lisshely applicate himself to the nature of creatures unreasonable, in the stede of reason embrasynge sensuality, and for Societe and benevolence, following wylfulnesse and malice, and for knowledge, blind ignorance and forgetfulness. Undoughtedly reason, society called company, and knowledge remaining, Iustice is at hand, and as she were called for, joineth herself to that company, which by her fellowship is made inseparable, whereby happeneth( as I might say) a virtuous and most blessed conspiracy. And in their short precepts and advertisements, man is persuaded to receive and honour iustice. Reason bedyng him, Do the same thing to an other, that thou wouldest haue done to the. society, without which mans life is unpleasant and full of anguish, saythe, love thou thy neighbour, as thou dost thyself. And that sentence or precept came from heuin, when society was first ordeimed of god, and is of such authority, that the only son of god, being demanded of a doctor of lawe, which is the great commandment in the lawe of god, answered, Thou 
mat. 22.  shalt love thy lord god with all thy heart, and in all thy soul, and in all thy mind, that is the first and great commandment. The second is like to the same, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. In these two commandments do depend al the lawe and prophetes. behold howe our saviour christ joineth benevolence with the love of god, and not only maketh it the second precept, but also resembleth it unto the first?  
¶ knowledge also, as a perfeyt instructrice 
knowledge  and mistress, in a more brief sentence than yet hath benne spoken, declareth, by what mean the said precepts of reason and society may be well understand, and thereby Iustice finally executed. The words be these in latin, NOSCE TE IPSVM, which 
that this sentence nosce te ipsum, know thyself. induceth to the veri knowledge of justice.  is in english, know thyself. This sentence is of old writers supposed for to be first spoken by Chilo, or some other of the seven ancient greeks, called in latin SAPIENTES, in english sages or wise men. Other do accommodate it to Apollo, whom the paynims honoured for god of wisdom. But to say the truth, were it Apollo, that spake it, or Chilo, or any other, transversely it proceeded of god, as an excellent and wonderful sentence. By this counsel, man is induced to understand the other two precepts,& also thereby is accomplished not only the second parte, but also the residue of Iustice, which I before haue rehearsed. For a man knowing himself, shal know that which is his own, and perreineth to himself. But what is more his own, than his soul? Or what thing more apterteyneth to him, than his body? His soul is vn doughtedly and freely his own. And none other person may by any mean possess it or clayine it. His body so pertaineth unto him, that none other, without his consent, may vindicate therein any property. Of what valour or price his soul is, the similitude, whereunto it was made, the immortalytie, and life everlasting, and the powars and qualities therof, abundantly do declare. And of that same matter and substance that his soul is of, be all other souls, 
the equality in souls& corporal substance.  that now are, and haue ben, and ever shall be, without syngularytie or pre-eminence of nature. In semblable estate is his body, and of no better clay( as I might frankly say) is a gentle man made, than a carter, and of liberty of will, as much is given of god to the poor herdeman, as to the great and mighty Emperour. Than in knowing the condition of his soul and body, he knoweth himself, and consequently in the same thing he knoweth every other man.  
¶ If thou be a governor, or hast over other soueraygntie, know thyself. That 
knowledge of a gouer nour.  is to say, know that thou arte verily a man, compact of soul and body, and in that all other men be equal unto the. Also that every man taketh with thee, equal benefit of the spirit of life, nor thou hast any more of the dew of heaven, or the brightness of the son, than any other person. Thy dignity or authority, wherein thou only differest from other, is( as it were) but a weighty or heavy cloak, freshly gliteryng in the eyen of them that be poreblind, where unto the, it is peynefull, if thou wear him in his right fashion, and as it shall beste become the: And from the it may be shortly taken, of him that did put it on the, if thou use it negligently, or that thou wear it not commely, and as it appertaineth. Therefore whiles thou wearest it, know thyself, know that the name of a sovereign or ruler, without actual governance, is but a shadow, that governance standeth not by words onely, but principally by act and example, that by example of gouernours men do rise or fall in virtue or 'vice. And as it is said of Aristotell, rulers more grievously do sin, by example than by their act. And the more they haue under their governance, the greater account haue they to render, That in their own precepts and ordinances they be not found negligent. wherefore there is a noble aduer tisement of the emperour Alexander, for his gravity called severus.  
¶ On a time, one of his noble men exhorted 
Lampridius  him to do a thing, contrary to a lawe or edicte, which he himself had enacted: But he firmly denied it. The other still persistynge, said, The emperour is not bound to observe his own laws. whereunto the said emperour displeasanntely answering, said in this maner, God forbid, that ever I should devise any laws, whereby my people should be compelled to do any thing, which I myself can not tolerate.  
¶ wherefore ye that haue any governance, by this most noble princis example know the bounds of your authority, know also your office and duty, being yourselves men mortal, among men, and instructors and leaders of men. And that as obedience is due unto you, so is your study, your labour, your industry with virtuous example, dew to them that be subject to your authority. Ye shal know al way yourself, if for affection or motion ye do speak or do nothing unworthy the immortality& most precious nature of your soul, and remembering that your body is subject to coruption, as al other be, and life time uncertain. If ye forget not this commune estate, and do also remember, that in nothing but only in virtue ye are better than an other inferior person: According to the saying of Agesilaus, king of Lacedemones, who hearing 
Agesilaus  the great king of Persia praised, asked howe much that great king was more than he in iustice. And Socrates, being demanded, 
Socrates.  if the king of Persia seemed to him happy, I can not tell( said he) of what estimation he is in virtue and learning. Consider also, that authority being well and diligently used, is but a token of superiority, but in very dede it is a burden and loss of liberty.  
¶ And what governor in this wise knoweth himself, he shal also by the same rule know all other men, and shall needs love them, for whom he taketh labours, and for saketh liberty.  
¶ In semblable maner, the inferior person 
knowledge of subiect{is}  or subject ought to consider, that all be it( as I haue spoken) he in the substance of soul and body, is equal with his superyor. yet for as much as the powers& qualities of the soul and body, with the disposition of reason, be not in every man equal, therfore god ordained a diversity or precminence in degrees to be among men, for the necessary derection and preservation of thē in conformity of living. whereof nature ministereth to us examples abundantly, as in bees( whereof I haue before spoken in the first book) cranes, read dere, wolfes,& diuers other fowls& bestes, which herdeth or flocketh, among whom is a governor or leader, toward whom al the other haue a vigilant eye, awaytyng his signs or tokens, and according thereto reparinge them selfe most diligently. If we think, that this natural instinction of creatures vnresonable is necessary and also commendable, howe far out of reason shall we judge thē to be, that wolde exterminate all superiority, extinct all governance and laws, and under the colour of holy scriptuxe, which they do violently wraste to their purpose, endeavour themselves, to bring the life of mau into a confusion inevitable, and to be in much warse estate, than the afore name beasts. Sens without governance and laws, the persons most strong in body, should by violence constraigne them that be of less strength and weaker, to labour as bondmen or slaves for their sustenance and other necessaries, the strong men being without labour or care. Than were al 
The neces site that is in governance.  our equality dashed, and finally as beasts savage, one shal desire to slay a nother. I omit continual manslaughters, rauishementes, aduoutryes, and euormyties horrible to rehearse, which( governance lacking) must needs of necessity ensue: except these evangelical persons could persuade god, or compelle him to change men in to angels, making them all of one disposition, and confirmyng them al in one form of charity. And as concerning al men in a generalty, this fentence, know thyself, which of all other is most compendious, being made but of three words, every word being but one syllable, induceth men sufficiently to the knowledge of iustice.   

Of fraud and deceit, which be against justice. Cap. IIII.  
tuli saith, that the foundation of perpetual 
Ci. offi. 1. The exce lency of Iustice  praise and renome, is Iustice, without the which nothing may be commendable. which sentence is verified by experience. For be a man never so valiant, so wise, so liberal or plenteous, so famylyare or courtayse, if he be seen to exercise injustice or wrong, it is often remembered: But the other virtues be seldom reckoned, without an exception, which is in this maner. As in praising a man for some good quality, where he lacketh Iustice, men will commonly say, He is an honourable man, a bounteous man, a wise man, a valiant man, saving that he is an oppressor, an extortioner, or is deceitful, or of his promise unsure. But if he be just, with the other virtues, than is it said, he is good and worshipful, or he is a good man, and an honourable, good and gentle, or good and hardy. so that justice onely, beareth the name of good, and like a captain or leader precedeth all virtues in every commendation.  
¶ But where as the said tuli saith, that injury, which is contrary to Iustice, is 
injury by two means done.  done by two means, that is to say, either by violence or by fraud, fraud seemeth to be properly of the fox, violence or force of the lion, the one and the other be far from the nature of man, but fraud is worthy most to be hated. That maner of injury, which is done with fraud and deceit, is at this 
fraud& deceit.  present time so commonly practised, that if it be but a little, it is called policy, and if it be much, and with a visage of grauite. it is than name and accounted wisdom. And of those wise men speaketh tuli, saying, Of all injustice, none is more capital than of those persons, that when they disceiue a man most, do it, as they wolde seem to be good men. And Plato faith, It is extreme 
Plato de repub. li.  injustice, one to seem righteous, which in dede is unjust, Of those two maner of fraudes will I severally speak. But first will I declare the most mischiuous importance of this kind of injury in a generalte. like as the physicians call those diseases most pryllous, against whom is founden no preservative,& ones entred, be seldom or never recovered: Semblably those injuries be most to be feared, against the which can be made no resistance, and being taken, with great difficoultie or never they can be redressed.  
¶ injury apparante and with power infor ce, either may be with like power resisted, or with wisdom eschewed, or with entreaty refrained. But where it is by crafty enginne imagined, wholly prepared, covertly dyssembled, and dysceitefully practised, transversely no man may by strength withstand it, or by wisdom escape it, or by any other maner of mean resist or a void it. wherefore of all injuries, that which is done by fraud, is most horrible, and detestable, not in the opinion of man onely, but also in the sight and judgment of god. For unto him nothing may be acceptable, where in lacketh verity, called commonly truth, he himself being all verity: and al thing containing untruth, is to him contraryons and adverse. And the devil is called a liar, and the father of leasinges. where fore all thing, which in visage or appearance pretendeth to be any other joanne verily it is, may be name a leasynge, the execution whereof is fraud, which is in effect but vntrouth, enemy to truth, and consequently enemy to god. For fraud is( as experience teachethe us) an evil deceit, craftly imagined and devised, which under a colour of truth and simplycitie, indomageth him that nothing mystrusteth. And because it is evil, it can by no means be lawful. wherefore it is repugnant unto iustice.  
¶ The Neapolitanes, and Nolanes 
the frande of an arbitrour. ( people in Italy) contended to gether for the limits and bounds of their lands and fyeldes, And for the dyscussyng of that controversy, either of them sent their ambassadors to the senate and people of Rome( in whom at that time was thought to be the most excellent knowledge and execution of iustice) desiring of them an indifferent Arbitour, and such as was substancyally learned in the laws civil, to determine the variance, that was between the two cities: compromyttynge themselves in the name of all their country, to abide and perform all such sentence and award, as should be by him given. The Senate appointed for that purpose one name Quintus Fabius Labeo, whom they accounted to be a man of great wisdom and learning. Fabi{us}, after that he was come to the place, which was in controversy, he seperatinge the one people from the other, communed with them both a parte, exhorting the one and the other, that they wolde not do or desire any thing with a couetyfe mind, but in treadynge out of their bounds, rather go short therof than over. They, doing according to his exhortatyon, left between both companies a great quantity of ground, which at this day we call batable. That perceiving Fabius, assigned to every of them the bounds that they themselves had appoynted. And all that land, which was left in the mids, he adjudged to the Senate and people of Rome. That maner of dealynge( saith tuli) is to disceyue, and not to give judgement. And verily every good man will think, that this lack of iustice in Fabius, being a noble man and well learned, was a great reproach to his honour.  
¶ It was a notable rebuk unto the Israhelites, 
fraud in confederacies.  that when they besieged the Gabaonites( a people of Chanani) they in conclusion received them in to a perpetual league. But after the Gabaonites had yielded them, the iewes perceiving they were restrained by their oath to slay them, or cruelly entreat them, made of the Gabaonytes, being their confederates, their skullions and drudges, wherewith al mighty god was no thing contented. For the league or truce, wherein friendship and liberty was intended( which caused the Gabaonites to be yoleden) was not duly observed, which was clearly against Iustice.  
¶ truly in every covenant, bargain, or promise ought to be a simplicity, that is to say, one plain understanding or meaning 
simplicity in conenaunt promise.  between the partes: And that simplicity is properly iustice. And where any man of a covetous or malicious mind will digress purposely from that symplicite, taking advantage of a sentence or word, which might be ambiguous or doubtful, or in some thing either superfluous or lacking in the bargain or promise, where he certainly knoweth the trouth to be other wise: this in mine opinion is damnable fraud, being as plain against Iustice, as if it were enforced by violence.  
¶ finally, all deceit and dyssimulation, in the opinion of them which exactly honour iustice, is near to dispraise than commendation, all though therof mought ensue some thing good. For in virtue may be nothing fucate or counterfeit: But therein is onely the image of verity, called simplicity. wherefore tuli, being of the opinion of Antipater the philosopher, saythe, To concele any thing, which thou knowest, to the intent that for thine own profit thou wouldest a neither, who shall take any damage or benefit thereby, should not know it, is not the act of a person plain or simple, or of a man honest, just, or good: but rather of a person crafty, vngentyll, subtle, deceitful, malicious, and wily.  
¶ And after he saythe, Reason requireth, that nothing be done by treason, nothing by dyssimulation, nothing by disobeyed. which he excellently( as he doth all thing) afterward in a brief conclusion proveth, saying, Nature is the fountain, whereof the lawe springeth, and it is according to nature, no man to do that, whereby he should take( as it were) a pray of a neither mannes ignorance.  
¶ Of this matter tuli writeth many proper examples and quick solutions. But now here I make an end to write any more at this time of fraud, which by no means may be joined to the virtue, name iustice.   

That Iustice ought to be between ennemyes. Cap. V.  
SVCHE IS THE excellency of this virtue justice, that the practise therof hath not onely obtained dign commendatyon of such personnes, between whom hath benne mortal hostylytie, but also often times, hath extyncte the same hostylytie. And the fierce hartes of mutual ennemyes hath benne thereby rather subdued, joanne by armour or strength of people. As it shall appear be examples ensuing.  
¶ when the valiant king Pyrrus warred most asprely against the romans, 
Treason hated of enemies.  one Timochares, whose son was yomā for the mouth with the king, promised to Fabricius, than being consul, to sle king Pyrrus: which thing being to the senate reported, by their ambassade warned the king, to be ware of such maner of treason, saying, The Romayns maintained their warres with arms, and not with poison. And yet not withstanding, they dyscouered not the name of Timochares, so that they embraced equytie as well in that they slew not their enemy by treason, as also that they betrayed not him, which purposed them kindness.  
¶ In so much was Iustice of old time esteemed, that without it none act was allowed, were it never so noble or profitable.  
¶ What time Xerxes, king of Persya, 
honesty preferred before commodity.  with his army was expulsed out of Grece, all the navy of Lacedemonia lay at road in an haven, called Gytheum, within the do minion of the Atheniensis. Themistocles, one of the princis of Athenes, a much noble captain, said unto the people, that he had advised himself of an excellent counsel, where unto if fortune inclined, nothing might more augment the power of the Atheniensis. But it ought not to be diuulgate or published. He therfore desired to haue one appoynted unto him, to whom he might secretly discover the enterprise. Where vpon there was assigned to him one Aristides, who for his virtue was surnamed ryghtwise. Themistocles declared to him, that his purpose was to put fire in the navy of the Lacedemones, which lay at Gytheum, to thentent that it being burned, the dominion and hole power over the see, should be only in the Atheniensis. This devise herde and perceived, Aristides coming before the people, said, The counsel of Themistocles was very profitable, but the enterprise was dishonest and against iustice. The people hearing that the act was not honest or just, cried with one voice, Nor yet expedient. And forthwith they commanded Themystocles, to cease his enterprise. whereby this noble people declared, that in every act, special regard, and above all thing, consideration ought to be had of Iustice& Honestitie.   

Of faith or fidelity, called in latin Fides, which is the foundation of Iustice. Capi. VI.  
THat which in latin is called FIDES, is a parte of iustice, and may diversely be interpnted: and yet finally tendeth to one purpose in effect. Some time it may be called faith, some time credence, other wiles trust. Also in a french term it is name loyalty. And to the imitation of latin, it is often called Fydelytie. All which words, if they be entirely, and( as I mought say) exactelye understanden, shall appear to a studious reader, to signify one virtue or quality, all though they seem to haue some diversity. As belcuinge the precepts and promise of god, it is called faith. In contracts between man and man, it is commonly called credence. between persons of equal estate or condytion, it is name trust. Fro the subject or servant to his sovereign or master, it is properly name fidelity,& in a french term loyalty.  
¶ wherefore to him, that shal either speak or writ, the place is diligently to be observed, where the proper signyfication of the word may be best expressed. Considering( as Plato saythe) that the name of every thing is none other, but the virtue or effect 
Plato in Cratylo.  of the same thing, conceived first in the mind, and than by the voice expressed, and finally in letters signified.  
¶ But now to speak, in what estymation 
faith neglected.  this virtue was of old time among gentiles, which now( alas to the lamentable reproach, and perpetual infamy of this present time) is so neglected throughout christendom, that neither regard of religion or honour, solemn oaths or terrible cursis, can cause it to be observed. And that I am much a shamed to write, but that I must needs now remember it: neither seals of arms, sign manuels, subscryption, nor other specyalties, ye vneth a multitude of witnesses be now sufficient, to the observing of promises. O what public weal should we hope to haue there, where lacketh fidelity? which as tuli saith, is the foundation of Iustice. What marvel is it, though there be in al places contention infinite, and that good laws be turned into Sophemes& insolubles, sens every where fidelity is constrained to come in trial and credence( as I might say) is become a vagabounde?  
¶ To Iosue, which succeeded Moyses in the governance and leadyng of the iewes, almighty god gave in commandment to sle as many as he should happen to take of the people, called Cananees. There happened to 
Of what authority fidelity is.  be nigh to jerusalem a country, called Gabaon,& in dede the people ther of were Cananees, who hearing of the precept given to Iosue, as men( as it seemed) of 
Cananees preserved by Iosue.  great wisdom, seute an ambassade to Iosue, which approached their country, saiinge, They were far dystaunte from the Cananees, and desired to be in perpetual league with him and his people. And to dissemble the length of their iournay, as their country had ben far thence, they had on them old worn garments, and torn shone. Iosue supposing all to be true that they spake, concluded peace with them, and confirmed the league, and with a solemn oath ratified both the one and the other. afterward it was dyscouered, that they were Cananees, which if Iosue had known before the league made, he had not spared any of them. But when he revolved in his mind, the solemn oath that he had made, and the honour, which consisted in his promise: he presumed, that faith being observed vnperysshed, should please all mighty god above al things, which was than proved. For it appeareth not, that god ever did so much as in any wise imbrayed him for breaking of his commandment.  
¶ By this example appeareth, in what estimation and reverence, leagues and truces, made by princis, ought to be had, to the breach whereof none excuse is sufficyente. But let us leave princis affairs to their counsellors. And I will now write of the partes of fidelity, which be more frequent and accustomend to be spoken of. And first 
Trust and fidelity.  of loyalty and trust,& last of Credence, which principally resteth in promise.  
¶ In the most renowned warres, btewene 
The loyalty of Saguntines.  the romans and hannibal, duke of Carthaginensis, a noble city of spain, called Saguntum, which was in amity and league with the romans, was by the said 
Titus livius. Ualerius max.  hannibal strongly besieged, in so much as they were restrained from victual and all other sustenance. Of the which necessity, by their privy messages they assertayned the romans. But they being busied, about the preparatyons for the defence of Italy, and also of the city, against the intolerable power of hannibal, having also late, two of their most valiant captains, Publius Scipio, and Lucius Scipio, with a great host of Romayns, slain by hannibal in spain, deferred to send any speedy socours to the Saguntines. But not with standing that hannibal desired to haue with them amity, offering them peace, with their city and goods at liberty: considering that they were brought into extreme necessity, lacking victual, and dispayaing to haue socours from the romans, All the inhabitants, confortynge and exhorting each other to die, rather than to violate the league and amity that they of long time had continued with the Romayns, by one hole assent, after they had made sundry great piles of wood and other matter to brenne, they laid in it al their goods and substance, And last of al, conueyeng themselves into the said piles or bonfires, with their wives and children, set al on fire, and there were burned, er Annibal could entre the city.  
¶ Semblable loyalty was in the inhabitants of Petilia the same time, who being like wise besieged by hannibal, sent for socoures to Rome: But for the great loss, that a little erst the romans had sustained at the battle of Cannas, they could in no wise deliver them. wherefore they discharged them of their promise, and licenced them to do that thing, which might be most for their safeguard. By which answer they seemed to be discharged,& leefully mought haue entred in to the favour of hannibal: yet not withstanding, this noble people, preseruinge loyalte before life, putting out of their city their women,& al that were of yeres unable for the warres that they might more frankely sustain famine, obstynately defended their walls, that in the defence they all perished. So that when Annibal was entred, he found, that he took not the city, but rather the sepulchre of the loyal city Petilia.  
¶ O noble fidelity, which is so much the more to be wondered at, that it was not only in one or a few persons, but in thuosandes of men: and they not being of the blood or alliance of the romans, but strangers, dwelling in far countries from them, being onely of gentle nature and virtuous courage, inclined to love honour, and to be constant in their assurance.  
¶ now will I write from henceforth of particular persons, which haue shewed examples of loialte, which I pray god may so cleue to the minds of the readers, that they may be alway redy to put the semblable in experience.  
¶ Howe much ought all they, in whom is 
The commendation of loyalty.  any portion of gentle courage, endeavour themselves, to be always trusty and loyal to their sovereign, who putteth them in trust, or hath ben to them beneficial, as well reason exhorteth, as also sundry examples of noble personages, which as compendiously as I can, I will now bring to the readers remembrance.  
¶ What time Saul, for his grievous offences 
faithfulness in subiectes.  was abandoned of all mighty god, ( whom of a very poor mannes son, god ausunced to the kingdom of Israel) and that david being his seruant, and as poor a mannes son as he, was elected by god to reign in Israel, and enointed king by the prophet samuel, Saul being therfore in a rage, having indjgnation at david pure sued him with a great host, to haue slain him: who( as long as he might) fled, and forbore Saul as his sovereign lord. On a time, david was so enclosed by the army of Saul, that he might by no ways escape, but was fain to hide him and his men, in a great cave, which was wide and deep in the earth. during the time that he was in the cave, Saul, not knowing therof, entred in to the cave, to do his natural easement: which the people of david perceyuinge, exhorted him, to slay Saul, having such opportunity, saying, God had brought his enemy into his hands, and that Saul being slain, the war were all at an end, considering that the people lo ued better david joanne Saul. But david, refusing their counsel, said, He wolde not lay violent hands on his sovereign lord, being a king anointed of god: but softly approached to Saul, and cut of a peace of the nether parte of his mantell. And after that Saul was departed out of the cave toward his camp, david called after him, saying, Whom pursuest thou noble prince? with other words rehearsed in the bible, in the first book of kings: and than shewed to him the parte of his mantell. Whereat Saul being abashed, recognized his vnkindnesse, calling david his dere son and trusty friend, recommendynge to him his children and progeny, sens by the will of god he was elected to succeed him in the kingdom of Israel. And so departed Saul from david.  
¶ Yet not withstanding, afterward he pursued him in Gaddy. And in a night, when Saul and his army were at rest, and that david by an espial, knew they were all fast on sleep, took with him a certain of the most assured and valiant personages of his host, and in most secret wise came to the pavilion of king Saul, where he found him sleeping, having by him his spear and a cup with water. wherefore one of the company of david said, that he with the spear of Saul, wolde strike him through, and slay him. Nay said david, our lord forbid, that I suffer my sovereign lord to be slain. For he is anointed of god. And therwith he took the spear, with the cup of water. And when he was a good distance from the host of Saul, he cried with a loud voice to Abuer, which was joanne marshall of the army of Saul, who answered and said, what arte thou that thus dyseasest the king, which is now at his rest? To whom david said, Abner, thou and thy company are worthy death, that haue so neglygentely watched your prince. Where is his spear, and the cup of water, that stood at his beds hede? Suerlye ye be but dede men, when he shall know it. And there with he shewed the spear and cup with water. which Saul perceiving, and hearing the voice of david, cried unto him, saying, Is not this the voice of my deere son david? I vncurteysely do pursue him, and he notwithstanding doth to me good for evil. with other words, which to abbreviate the matter, I pass over.  
¶ This noble history, and other semblable, 
Mistories i hangingis  either wroughgt in Aresse, or cunningly painted, will much better beseem the houses of noble men, than the Concubines, and voluptuous pleasures of the same Da, vid, and solomon his son, which be more frequentely expressed in the hangynges of houses and counterpoyntes, than the virtue and holiness of the one, or the wise experiments of the other. But now will I pass over to histories, which be more strange, and therfore I suppose more pleasant to the reader.  
¶ Xerxes being king of Persia, the great city of Babylon rebelled against him, which 
loving ser uaunte.  was of such strength, that the king was not of power to subdue it: that perceyning a gentleman, one of the counsel of king Xerxes, name Zopirus, a man of notable wisdom, vnwyttynge to any pesonne, did cut of his own ears and nose, and rejoicingly departed toward Babylon: And being known by them of the city, was demanded, who had so dyffigured him. Unto whom he answered, with apparent tokens of heaviness, that for as much as he had given to Xerxes counsel and advise, to be reconciled unto their city, he being moved with ire and displeasure toward him, in most cruel wise, caused him to be so shamefully mutulate. adding there unto reproachful words against Xerxes. The Babylonians beholding his miserable estate, and the tokens, which( as it seemed to them) approved his words to be true, much pitied him: And as well for the great wisdom, that they knew to be in him, as for the occasion, which they supposed should incense him to be shortly avenged, made him their chief capitain, and committed holy to him the governance and defence of their city: which happened in every thing according to his expectation. Where upon he shortly gave notice to the king of all his affairs and exploitures. And finally so endeavoured himself, by his wisdom, that he accorded the king and the city, without any loss or damage to either of them, wherefore on a time the said king Xerxes, cutting an oddly great pomegarnate, and beholding it fair and full of kernels, said in the presence of all his counsel, He had lever haue such one friend, as Zopirus was, joanne as many Babylons, as there were kernels in the pomegarnate. And also that he rather wolde, that Zopirus were restored again to his nose, and his ears, than to haue a hundred such cities as Babylon was, which by the report of writers was incomparably the greatteste and fairest city of all the world.  
¶ The Parthiens, in a ciuyle discord among themselves, drove Arthabanus their king out of his realm, and elected among them one Cinnamus, to be their king. Iazate king of Adiabenes, unto whom 
Cinnamus  Arthabanus was fled, sent an ambassade unto the Parthiens, exhorting them to receive again Arthabanus: but they made answer, that sens the departing of Arthabanus, they had by a hole assent chosen Cinnamus, unto whom they had done their fealty, and were sworn his subiectes, which oath they might not lawfully break. There of hearing Cinnamus, who at that time was king over them, wrote unto Arthabanus and Iasate, that they should come, and that he would render the realm of Parthia unto Arthabanus. And when they were come, Cinnamus met with them, adorned in the robes of a king, and as he approached Arthabanus, a lightyng down of his horse, said in this wise, sir, when the people had expelled you out of your realm, and would haue translated it unto a neither, at their instance and desire I took it. But when I perceived their rancour aswaged, and that with good will they wolde haue you again, which are their natural souerayge lord, and that nothing letted, but onely that they wolde nothing do contrary to my pleasure, with good will, and for no dread or other occasion, as ye may perceive, do here render your realm eftsoons unto you, and therwith taking the diadem of from his own head, did set it immediately vpon the head of Arthabanus.  
¶ The fidelity of Ferdynando( king of 
A faithful Tutor,  Aragone) is not to be forgotten, whom his brother Henry, king of Castill, decessing, made governor of his son, being an infant. This Fernando with such iustice ruled and ordered the realm, that in a parlement, holden at Castille, it was trayted by the hole consent of the nobles and people, that the name or title of the kingdom of Spaygne should be given unto him. which honour he feigning to receive thankfully, did put upon him a large and wide rob, wherein he secretly bare the young prince his nephew, and so cam to the place, where for the said purpose the nobles and people were assembled, demanding of every man his sentence. Who with one voice gave unto him the kingdom of spain. With that he took out of his rob the little baby his nephew, and setting him on his shoulder, said all aloude unto them, Loye Castilians, behold here is your king. And than he confirming the hartes of the people toward his nephew, finally delivered to him his realm in peace,& in all things abundant. This is the fidelity that appertaineth to a noble and gentle heart.  
¶ In what hatred and perpetual reproach ought they to be, that corrupted with pestilencial avarice or ambition, do betray their masters, or any other that trusteth them? O what monstrous personnes haue we read and herde of, which for the inordinate and devilish appetite to reign, haue most tyrannously slain the children, not onely of their sovereign lords, but also of their own natural brethren, committed unto their governance? of whom purposely I leave at this time to writ, because the most cursed remembrance of them shall not consume the time, that the well disposed reader mought occupy in examples of virtue.  
¶ This one thing I wolde were remembered, 
Uengeance for treason.  that by the just providence of god, disloyalte or treason, seldom escapeth great vengeance: Albe it that it be pretended for a necessary purpose.  
¶ Example we haue of Brutus and Cassyus, two noble romans, and men of excel lent virtues, which pretendinge an horarable zeal to the liberty and commune weal of their city, slew Iulius caesar, who trusted them most of al other, for that he usurped to haue the parpetuall dominion of the empire, supposing thereby to haue brought the senate and people to their pristinate liberty. But it did not so succeed to their purpose. But by the death of so noble a prince happened confusion and civil battles: And both Brutus and Cassius, after long warres, vanquished by Octa uian, nephew& heir unto caesar, at the last falling in to extreme desperatyon, slew themselves. A worthy and conuenyente vengeance, for the murder of so noble and valiant a prince. Many other like examples do remain, as well in writing as in late remembrance, which I pass over for this time.   

Of promise and covenant. cap. VII.  
concerning that parte of fydelytie, which concernethe the keeping of promise, or covenants, experience declareth howe little it is now had in regard, to the notable rebuk of al us, which do profess Christes religion. considering that the Turkes and saracens haue us therfore in contempt and derision, they having fidelity of promise above all thing in reverence. But no marvel that a bare promise holdeth not, where an oath vpon the evangelists, solemnly and openly taken, is but little esteemed. Lord god, how frequent and familiar a thing with every estate and degree throughout christendom, is this reverent oath on the gospels of christ? Howe it hath ben hitherto kept, it is so well known and had in daily experience, that I shal not need to make of the neglectynge therof any more declaration. Only I will show, howe the Gentiles, lacking true religion, had solemn oaths in great honour, and howe terrible a thing it was among them, to break their oaths or vows. In so much as they supposed, that there was no power, victory, or profit, which might be equal to the virtue of an oath.  
¶ Among the egyptians, they which were 
Periurye punished.  perjured, had their heads landmen of, as well for that they violated the honour due unto god, as also that thereby faith and trust among people might be decayed.  
¶ The Scithes swore onely by the chair or throne of their king, which oath if they broke, they therfore suffered death.  
¶ The ancient romans( as tuli writeth) 
the form of an oath among ancient romans.  swore in this maner, He that should swear, held in his hand a ston, and said in this wise, The city, with the goddes therof being safe, so jupiter cast me out of it, if I deceive witting, as I cast from me this ston. And this oath was so straightly observed, that it is not remembered, that ever any man broke it.  
¶ plutarch writeth, that the first Temple 
The gretteste oath.  that Numa Pompilius, the second king of romans, made in the city of Rome, was the temple of faith. And also he declared, that the greatest oath, that might be, was faith: which now a dayes is vneth taken for any oath, but most commonly 
oaths used.  is used in moekage, or in such things as men force not, though they be not believed.  
¶ In daily communication the matter savoureth not, except it be as it were seasoned with horrible oaths, As by the holy blood of christ, his wounds, which for our redemption he paynefully suffered, his glorious heart, as it were numbles chopped in pieces. Children( which abhorreth me to remember) do play with the arms and bones of christ, as they were cherry stones. The soul of god, which is incomprehensible, and not to be name of any creature without a wonderful reverence and dread, is not onely the oath of great gentlemen, but also so vndyscretely abused, that they make it( as I might say) their gonnes, wherewith they thunder out thretenynges and terrible menacys, when they be in their fury, though it be at the damnable play of dice. The mass, in which houourable ceremony is left unto us, the memorial of Christis glorious passion, with his corporal presence in form of bread, the invocation of the three divine personnes in one deity, with al the hole company of blessed spirits and souls elect, is made by custom so simple an oath, that it is now all most neglected and little regarded of the nobilirie, and is only used among husband men and artificers: onelas some tailor or barber, as well in his oaths as in the excess of his apparel, will counterfeit and be like a gentleman.  
¶ In judicial causes, be they of never so light importance, they that be no parties but strangers, I mean witnesses and jurates, which shall procede in the trial, do make no less oath, but openly do renounce the help of god and his saints,& the benefit of his passion, if they say not true, as far forth as they know. Howe yuel that is observed, where the one party in degree far exceedeth the other, or where hope of reward or affection taketh place, no man is ignorant, sens it is every year more commune than haruist. Alas what hope shal we haue of any public weal, where such a pe stilence reigneth? Doth not Salomon say, A man much sweryng, shall be filled with iniquity, and the plague shall not depart from his house? O merciful god, howe many men be in this realm, which be horrible swerers, and commune jurates perjured? Than howe much iniquity is there?& how many plagues are to be feared, where as be so many houses of swerers? transversely I am in more dread of the terrible vengeance of god, than in hope of amendment of the public weal. And so in mine opinion ought all other to be, which believe, that god knoweth all thing that is done here in earth: and as he himself is al goodness, so loveth he all thing that is good, which is virtue, and hateth the contrary, which is 'vice. Also all thing that pleaseth him, he preserveth, and that thing that he hateth, he at the last destroyeth, but what virtue may be without verity, called truth, the declaration where of is faith or fidelity? For as tuli saythe, faith is a constance and truth of things spoken or couenaunted. And in a neither place he saythe, nothing keepeth so to gether a public weal, as doth faith. Than followeth it well, that with our faith a public weal may not continue. And Aristotle saith, By the same craft or means, that a public weal is first constituted, by the same craft or means is it preserved. Than sens faith is the foundation of Iustice, which is the chief constitutour and maker of a public weal, and by the afore mentioned authority, conseruatour of the same, I may well conclude, that faith is both the original, and( as it were) principal constitutour and conseruatour of the public weal.  
¶ It is also no little reproach unto a man, 
promise.  which esteemeth honesty, to be lyte in making promise: or when he hath promised, to break or neglect it. wherefore nothing ought to be promised, which should be in any wise contrary to iustice.  
¶ On a time, one remembered king Agesilaus 
Plutarchin apophthegma.  of his promise. By god, said he, that is truth, if it stand with iustice: if not, I than spake, but I promised not.  
¶ But now at this present time, we may make the exclamation, that Seneca doth, saying, O the foul and dishonest confession 
Seneca de benefi. iii.  of the fraud or mischief of mankind now a dayes, seals be more set by than souls. Alas what reproach is it to christen men, and rejoicing to Turkes and saracens, that nothing is so exactly observed among them, as faith, consistinge in lawful promise and covenant: And among christen men, it is so neglected, that it is more often times broken than kept? And not onely sealinge( which Seneca disdained, that it should be more set by then souls) is vneth sufficient, but also it is now come in to such a general contempt, that al the learned men in the laws of this realm, which be also men of great wisdom, can not with all their study, devise so sufficient an instrument, to bind a man to his promise or covenant, But that there shall be some thing therein espied, to bring it in argument, if it be denied. And in case that both the parties be equal in estymation or credence, or elles he that denieth, superyour to the other, and no witnesses deposeth on knowledge of the thing in demand, the promise or covenant is utterly frustrate, which is one of the principal decays of the public weal, as I shall traite therof more largely here after. And here at this time I leave to speak any more of the partes of that most royal and necessary virtue, called Iustice.   

Of the noble virtue fortitude, and of the two extreme vices, Audacite, and Timerositie. Ca. VIII.  
IT IS TO be noted, that to him, that is 
governance double.  a governor of a public weal, belongeth a double governance, that is to say, an interior or inward governance, and an exterior or outward governance. The first is of his affects and passions, which do inhabit within his soul, and be subiectes to reason. The second is of his children, his servants, and other subiectes to his authority. To the one and the other is required the virtue moral called fortitude, which as much as it is a virtue, is a mediocrity or mean between two extremities, the one in surplusage, the other in lack. The surplusage is called audacity, the lack Timorositie or fear. I name 
audacity  that AVDACITIE, which is an excessife and inordinate trust, to escape al dangers, and causeth a man to do such acts, as are not to be ieoperded. TIMOROSITIE is 
Timorosytie.  as well when a man feareth such things, as be not to be feared, as also when he feareth things to be feared, more joanne needeth. For some things are necessary and good to be feared, and not to fear them is but rebuk. infamy and reproach, be of al honest men to be dread. And not to fear things that be terrible, against which no power or wit of man can resist, is fool hardiness, and worthy no praise, as earth quakes, rages of great and sudden floddes, which do bear down before them mountaines and great towns. Also the horrible fury of sudden fire, devouring all thing that it apprehendeth. Yet a man that is valiant, called in latin 
A valyan man.  Fortis, shall not in such terrible adventures be resolved into waylinges or desperation. But where force constraineth him to abide, and neither power or wisdom assayed, may suffice to escape, but will he or no, he must needs perish, there doth he patiently sustain death, which is the end of al euyls. And like as an excellent physician cureth most dangerous diseases and deadly wounds, so doth a man that is valiant, advance himself as inuyncible in things that do seem most terrible, not unadvisedly, and as it were in a bestely rage, but of a gentle courage, and with premeditation, either by victory, or by death winnynge honour and perpetual memory, the just reward of their virtue.  
¶ Of this maner of valiaunce was Horatius Cocles, an ancient roman, of whose example I haue all redy written in the first book, where I commended the feat of swymmynge.  
¶ Pirrhus, whom hannibal esteemed to be 
King Pirrhus the hardy.  the second of the most valiant captains, assaultyng a strong fortress in Sicile called Erice, first of all other scaled the walls, where he behaved him so valiantly, that such as resisted some he slew, and other by his majesty and fierce countenance he did dyscomfit. And finally before any of his army, entred the walls, and there alone sustained the hole bronte of his ennemyes, until his people, which were with out, at the last myssynge him, stered partly with shane, that they had so lost him, partly with his courageous example, took good heart, and enforced themselves in such wise, that they climbed the walls, and came to the succour of Pirrhus, and so by his prowess won the garrison.  
¶ What valiant heart was in the roman Mutius Sceuola, which when Porcena, king of Ethruscanes, had by great power constrained the Romayns, to keep them within their city, took on him the habit of a beggar, and with a sword privily hide under his garment, went to the ennemyes camp, where he being taken for a beggar, was nothing mystrusted: and when he had espied the kings pauillion, he drew him thither, where he found dyvers noble men sitting. But for as much as he certainly knew not, which of them was the king, at the last perceiving one to be in more rich apparel than any of the other, and supposing him to be Porcena, he or any man espied him, stepped to the said lord, and with his sword gave him such a stroke, that he immediately died. And Sceuola being taken( for he could not escape such a multitude) boldly confessed, that his hand erred,& that his intent was to haue slain king Porcena. wherewith the king( as reason was) all chauffed, commanded a great fire forthwith to be made, wherein Sceuola should haue ben burned, but he nothing abashed, said to the king, think not Porcena, that by my death onely, thou mayst escape the hands of the Romayns, for there be in the city three hundred young men, such as I am, that be prepared to slay thee by one means or other, and to thaccomplysshemente therof, be also determined to suffer all torments, whereof thou shalt haue of me an experience in thy sight: and incontinently went to the fire, which was made for to brenne him, and with a glad countenance, did put his hand into the flamme, and there held it without changing of any countenance, until his said hand was burned unto ashes. In like wise he wolde haue put his other hand into the fire, if he had not been withdrawn by Porcena, who wondering at the valiant courage of Sceuola, lycenced him to return unto the city. But when he considered, that by the words of Sceuola, so great a nombre of young men of semblable prowess, were confederate to his destruction, so that or all they could be apprehended, his life should be alway in jeopardy, he dyspayrynge of winning the city of Rome, raised his siege, and departed.   

¶ In what acts fortitude is, and considerations thereto belonging. Ca. ix.  
BUt all though I haue now rehearsed sundry examples, to the commendation of Fortitude, concerning acts martiall, yet by the way I would haue it remembered, that the praise is properly to be referred unto the virtue, that is to say, to enterprise things dreadful, either for the public weal, or for winnyng of perpetual honour, or else for eschewing reproach or dishonour. whereunto be annexed these considerations, what importance the enterprise is, and wherefore it is done, with the time and opportunity when it ought to be done. For( as tuli saith) to entre in battle, and to fight vnauysedly, is a thing wild,& a maner of beasts: but thou shalt fight valiantly, when time requireth and also necessity. And alway death is to be preferred before servitude, or any dishonesty. And therfore the acts of Annibal, against the Saguntynes, which never did him displeasure, is not accounted for any prowess. Neither catiline, which for his singular commodite,& a few other, making detestable warres against his own country, intending to haue burned the noble city of Rome, and to haue destroyed all the good men, is not numbered among valiant men, all though he fought manly and with great courage, until he was slain.  
¶ What availed the boldness of Uarro& Flamimus, noble capitayns of Romayns, which despisynge the prowess and craft of hannibal,& contemning the sober council of Fabius, having only trust in their own hardiness, lost two noble armies, whereby the power of the Romayns was nigh utterly perished. wherefore eftsoons I say, 
who may be called a valiant man.  that a valiant man is he, that doth tolerate or suffer that, which is needful, and in such wise as is needful, and for that which is needful, and also when it is needful. And he that lacketh any of this, may be called hardy, but not valiant.  
¶ More over, all though they, which be hardy, or persons desperate, haue a similytude, and seem to be valiant, yet be they not valiant, no more than kings in may games and interludes be kings. For they that be hardy, er they come to the peril, seem to be fierce and eager, and in beginning their enterprise wonderful hasty, but when they feel the thing more hard and grievous than they esteemed, their courage decayeth more and more, and as men abashed and unprepared, their hartes utterly do fail, and in conclusion they appear more faint, than they that be cowards.  
¶ Also in Desperation can not be fortitude: for that being a moral virtue, is ever voluntary. Desperation is a thing as it were constrained, ne hath any maner consyderatyon, where fortitude expendeth every thing and act diligently, and doth also moderate it with reason.  
¶ Here now appeareth( as I suppose) th●t neither they, which employ their force without just cause or necessity, ne they, which without forecaste, or( as I might say) circumspection, will take in hand an hard enterprise: ne they, which heedlong will fall into dangers, from whence there is no hope to escape: nor yet men desperate, which die willingly without any motion of honor or zeal toward the public weal, be in the nombre of valiant persons, but of a refuse company, and rather to be rekned with bestes savage, than among men, which do participate with reason. For as Curtius 
Q. curstus  saythe, It appertaineth to men, that be valiant, rather to despise death, joanne to hate life.  
¶ A Man is called in latin VIR, whereof saythe tuli, virtue is name. And the most proper virtue longynge to a man, is FORTITVDE, whereof be two excellent properties, that is to say, the contempt of death, and of grief. But what very fortitude is, he more plainly declareth afterward, in a more larger circumscription, saying, things human ought to be little east med, death not regarded, labours& griefs to be thought tolerable. when this is ratified by judgment and a constant opinion, than that is valiant and stable fortitude. But there unto I wolde should be added, which opinion and judgment proceedeth of a reason, and not repugnant to Iustice. And than it shall accord with this saying of Aristotle, A valiant man sustaineth, and 
Aristotle.  doth that, which belongeth to fortitude, for cause of honesty. And a little before he saith, A man that is valiant, as well suffereth, as doth that, which agreeth with his worship, and as reason commandeth. So no violence or sturdy mind, lacking reason and honesty, is any parte of fortitude. Unto this noble virtue be attendant, or as it were continual adherents, diuers virtues, which do ensue, and be of right great estimation.   

¶ Of peynefulnesse, the first companion of Fortitude. Cap. x.  
IN them, which be either gouernours or capitains, or in other office, where unto appertaineth great cure or dispatchynge of sundry great affairs, peynfulnesse, named in latin TOLLERANTIA, is wonderful commendable. For thereby things be in such wise exploited, that utility proceedeth therof, and seldom repentance. For as much as thereof cometh an excellent fruit, called opportunity, which is ever ripe, and never in other estate. For lack of this virtue, much wisdom, and many a valiant enterprise, haue perished and turned to none effect. For if things sharply invented, prudently discussed, and valiantly enterprised, be not diligently followed, and without ceasing applied and poursewed, as it were in a moment all thing is subverted: and the pains before taken with the time therein spent, is utterly frustrate.  
¶ The peinfulnes of Quintus Fabius( be inge dictatory or principal captain of the Romayns) in leading his army by mountains, and other hard passages, so disappointed hannibal of the hope of victory, wherein he so much gloried, that at the last he trained and drew hannibal& his host into a field, enclosed about with mountains, and deep rivers, where Fabius had so environed him, by the fortifieng of two mountayns with his people, that they were in je oper die, either to be famyshed, for lack of victual, or elles in fleing, to be slain by the romans, yf the crafty and polytyke wit of hannibal had not delivered them. Which for the notable invention, I will borrow so much time of the reader, to renew the remembrance therof in our Englishe tongue.  
¶ hannibal, perceyuinge the danger that he and his army were in, commanded in 
The policy of Annibal to escape from the romans.  the deep of the night, when nothing was sterynge, to be brought before him, about two thousand great oxen and bulls, which a lyttel before his men had taken in foragynge, and caused fagottes made of dry sticks to be fastened unto their horns, and set on fire. The beasts, troubled with the flamme of fire, ran as they were wood up toward the mountains, where as lay the host of the romans. hannibal with his hoole army following in array.  
The romans, which kept the mountains being sore afraid of this new and terrible sight, forsook their places. And Fabius dreading the deceitful wit of Annibal, kept the army within the trench, and so hannibal with his host escaped with out damage. But Fabius, being payneful in pursuinge hannibal from place to place, awaytynge to haue him at advantage, at the last did so fatigate him and his host, that thereby in conclusion his power mynished, and also the strength of the Carthaginenses, of whom he was general capitain. In so much as they were at the last constrained to countermande him by sundry messengers, willing him to abandon the warres in Italy, and to return to the defence of his own city. Which by the opinion of most excellent writers should never haue happened, yf Fabius would haue left any part of his purpose, either for the tediousness of the pain and travail, or for the intolerable rebukesg, yuen unto him by Minutius, who imbrayded him with cowardice.  
¶ among the virtues, which abounded in Iulius caesar, none was accounted more excellent, than that in his counsels, affairs, and exploitures, he omitted no time, ne forsook any pain. wherefore most soonest of any man, he achieved& brought to good pass, all thing that he enterprised.  
¶ Suppose ye that the same Anniballe, of whom we late spake, could haue won from the romans, all spain, and haue pierced the mountains, called Alpes, making a way for his army, where before was never any passage,& also haue gotten all italy unto Rome gates, yf he had not been a man peynefull and of labour incomparable?  
¶ Iulius caesar, after he had the entire governance and dominion of the empire of 
Peynefulnes in hearing controversies.  Rome, never omitted labour and diligence as well in commune causes as private, concerning the defence and assistance of innocents. Also he laborously and studiously discussed controversies, which almost daily, he hard in his own person.  
¶ trajan, and both Antonines emperors of Rome, and for their virtue worthy to be emperours of all the world, as well in exterior affairs, as in the affairs of the city, were ever so continually occupied, that vneth they found any little time, to haue any recreation or solace.  
¶ Alexander also, for his incomparable gravity, 
The pain of a perfit governor  called severus, being but of the age of .xviii. yeres, when he first was made emperour, finding the noble city of Rome, than mistress of the world, thoroughly corrupted with most abominable vices, by the most shameful example and living of that detestable monster, Uarius Heliogabalus next emperour before him, a great parte of the senate and nobility, being resolved into semblable vices, the chivalry dispersed, martiall prows abandoned,& well nigh the majesty imperial dissolved and brought in contempt, was so inflamed with the zeal of the pristinate honour of the Romayns, that he utterly laid apart al pleasures and quietness,& holly gave his wit and body to study and travails intolerable,& choosing out of all partes of the world, men of greatest wisdom& experience,& consultyng with them, never ceased, until he had reduced, as well the Romayns as all other cities& provinces, unto them subject, to their old moderation and temperance.  
¶ Many other examples could I rehearse to the commendation of peinfulnes: but these shal suffice at this present time, to prove that a governor must needs be peinefull in his own person, if he desire to haue those thin ges prosper, that ar under his governance.   

¶ Of the noble and fair virtue name patience. Cap. XI.  
patience is a noble virtue, apperteinyng as well to inward governance, as to exterior governance: and is the vanquyshour of injuries, the sure defence against al affects and passions of the soul, retaining always glad semblant in adversity and dolour.  
¶ saint Ambrose saith in his book of offices, 
Ambrossi{us} Off. ●.  Better is he, that contemneth injury, than he that soroweth. For he that contem neth it, as he nothing felt, passeth not on it: But he that is sorowfulle, is therwith tormented, as though he felt it.  
¶ which was well proved by Zeno Eleates, a noble philosopher, who being a man of excellent wisdom and eloquence, came to a city, called Agrigentum, where reigned Phalaris, the most cruel tyrant of al the world, who kept and used his own people in most miserable servitude. And first he thought by his wisdom and eloquence, to haue so persuaded the tyrant to temperance, that he should abandon his cruel and avaricious appetite: but custom of 'vice more prevailed in him than profitable counfayle. wherefore Zeno, having pity at the wretched estate of the people, excited dyvers noble men, to deliver the city of that servile condytion. This counsel was not so secretly given, but that notice therof came to the tyrant, who causing al the people to be assembled in the market place, caused Zeno there to be cruciate with sundry torments, always demandyng of him, who did participate with him of his said counsel: but for no pains would he confess any person, but induced the tyrant to haue in mistrust his next friends and familiar servants. And reproving the people for their cowardice and dread, he at the last so inflamed thē unto liberty, that suddenly with a great violence they fell on the tyrant, and pressed him with stoones. The old Zeno, in all his exquisite torments never made any lamentable cry, or desire to be relyued.  
¶ But for this form of patience, this onely example sufficeth at this time, sens there be so frequent examples of martyrs, which for true religion sustained patiently not onely equal torments with Zeno, but also far exceeding. But now coil I writ of that patience, that pertaineth unto interior governance, whereby the natural passions of man be subdued, and the malice of fortune sustained. For they which be in authority,& be occupied about great affairs, their lives be not only replenished with labours and grievous displesures, but also they be subiectes to sundry chances.  
¶ The mean to obtain patience, is by 
patience howe hit may be obtained.  two things principally, A direct and upright conscience,& true and constant opinion in the estimation of goodness: which seldom cometh onely of nature, except it be wonderful excellent, but by the diligent study of very philosophy.( not that which is sophisticate, and consisteth in sophisms) nature is thereto prepared& holpen. This 
Opinion good or yl  opinion is of such power, that ones cleuing fast to the mind, it draweth a man as it were by violence to good or evil. Therfore tuli saith, Like as when the blood is corrupted, and either fleume or colere, black or red, 
Tusc. g. 3.  is superhabundant, than in the body be engendered sores& diseases: so the vexation of evil opinions,& their repugnancy, dispoyleth the mind of all health, and troubleth it with griefs.¶ contrariwise afterward tuli describeth good OPINION, and calleth it the beauty of the soul, saying in this wise, As of bodily membres, there is an apt figure, with a maner plesantnesse of colour,& that is called beauty: so in the soul, the equality and constance of opinions,& iuge mentes ensuing virtue, with a stable& stead fast purpose, or containing the self same effect, that is in virtue, is name beauty. which sentences deeply investigate, and well perceived, by them that be about princis and gouernours, they may consider, howe ware and circumspect they ought to be in the inducynge them to opinions.   

¶ Of patience in susteynyng wrongs and rebukes. Cap. XII.  
unto him that is valiant of courage, it is a great pain and difficulty to sustain injury, and not to be forth with revenged: and yet oftentimes there is accounted more valiantness, in the sufferance, than in an hasty reuengyng. As it was in Antoninus the emperour, called the philosopher, against whom rebelled one Cassius,& usurped the imperial maiestic in Syria,& in the cast parts. Yet at the last the same Cassus being slain by the captains of Antonine next adjoining, he ther of vnwittinge, was therwith sore grieved. And therfore taking to him the children of Cassius, entreated them honourably, whereby he acquired ever after, the incomparable and most assured love of his subiectes.  
¶ As much dishonour& hatred his son Commodus won by his impatience, wherein he so exceeded, that for as much as he found not his bain heat to his pleasure, he caused the keeper therof to be thrown in to the hote brennyng fornais. What thing might be more audible, joanne that most dyuellyshe impatience?  
¶ Iulius caesar, when Catullus the poet wrote against him contumelious or reproachable versis, not onely forgave him, but to make him his friend, caused him oftentimes to soup with him.  
¶ The noble emperour Augustus, when it was shewed him, that many men in the city had of him vnsittynge words, thought it a sufficient answer, that in a fre city men must haue their tongues needs at liberty. Nor never was with any person, that spake evil of him, in word or countenance wors discon tented.¶ Some men coil not praise this maner of patience, but account it for folishenes: 
Remedy against impatience.  but if they behold on the other side, what incommodity cometh of impatience, howe a man is therwith abstract fro reason,& turned into a monstrous figure, and do conferre all, that with the stable countenance and pleasant regard of him that is p acient, and with the commodity that doth ensue therof, they shall affirm, that that simplicity is an excellent wisdom.  
¶ More over, the beste way to be aduenged, is so to contemn injury and rebuk, and live with such honesty, that the doer shall at the last be therof ashamed, or at the leste, lese the fruit of his malice, that is to say, shall not rejoice and haue glory of thy hyndrance or damage.   

¶ Of patience in repulse or hindrance of promotion. Ca. XIII.  
TO a man, having a gentle courage, likewise as nothing is so pleasant, or equally rejoiceth him, as reward or preferremente suddenly given, or above his merit: so nothing may be to him more dyspleasaunt or payneful, than to be neglected in his pain taking, and the reward and honour, that he looketh fore, and for his merites is worthy to haue, to be given to one of lasse virtue, and perchance of no virtue or laudable quality.  
¶ Plato in his Epistoll to Dion king of Scicile saith, It is good right, that they, which be good men, and do the semblable, obtain honour, which they be worthy to haue.  
¶ Undoughtedly in a prince or noble man, 
Commodities which do happen by the aduancement of good men.  may be nothing more excellent, ye nothing more necessary, than to advance men after the estimation of their goodness, and that for two special commodities, that come therof. first that thereby they provoke many men to apprehended virtue. Also to them, which be good, and all redy advanced, they give such courage, that they endeavour themselves with al their power, to increase that opinion of goodness, where by they were brought to that advancement, which needs must be to the honour and benefit of those, by whom they were sópromoted. contrary wise, where meu from their infancy haue ensued virtue, worn the florysshynge time of youth in painful study, abandoning al lusts and other thing, which at that time is pleasant, trusting thereby to profit the public weal, and to obtain honour: when either their virtue and travail is little regarded, or the preferment, which they looked for, is given to other not equal in merit, it not onely pierceth their heart with moehe anguish, and oppresseth thē with dyscomforte, but also mortyfyeth the courages of many other, which be aptly disposed to study virtue,& hoped thereby to haue the proper reward therof, which is commendation and honour, which being given to men, lacking virtue and wisdom, shall be occasion for them to do evil, as Democritus saith. For who doubteth, but that authority in a good man doth publish his virtue, which before lay hide. In an evil man it ministereth boldness and licence to do yuel, which by dread was before covered.  
¶ Surely this Repulse, or( as they vulgarly speak) putting back from promotion, is no little pain or dyscomforte, but it may be withstand, or at the least remedied with patience, which may be in this wise induced.  
¶ First, considering that the world was 
patience howe hit may be induced.  never so constant, that at all times before, good men were justly rewarded, and none but they onely promoted.  
¶ Cato, called Uticensis, at whose wisdom all the world wondered, and whose gravity, as well the senate and people of Rome, as other kings and princes, reuerensed, looking to be one of the consuls, was openly rejected, wherewith his friends and kynsemen took no little discomfort. But Cato himself, so little regarded that repulse, that where always he went very homely, he the next day following, decked and trimmed himself more freshclye than he was wont: and when he had shewed himself so to the people, at after none he walked with one of his friends in the market place, bare legged, and in single apparel, as he was accustomend.  
¶ Scipio called Nasica, who by the hoole senate was judged the beste man in the city, and of an ancient house, was like wise put back, fro being consul.  
¶ Lelius like wise, which was openly called the wise man, was semblably refused. And dyvers other, of whom histories do make memcion, were abject, when they had well deserved honours, and their inferyors in merites promoted.  
¶ Also a mannes confeyence shal well comfort him, when he hath so lived, that where he is known, men do iuge him worthy preferment. And than may he say to them, which marvel, why he is not advanced, as Cato say de to a person, that told to him, that men wondered, why among 
A Wise sentence of Cato.  so many noble mennes images, as were set up in the city, Catos image was not espied. By god said Cato, I had lever that men wondered why I haue none image set up, than why men should set up mine image. So if men marvel, why a man is not advanced, knowing him a good man, than iuge they him to be worthy promotion, which judgment proceedeth of favour: and than though he lack promotion, yet hath he perfect glory, which every noble heart desireth. For tuli saith, The perfect and most principal glory, consisteth in those three things, If the multitude love us: if they put confidence in us: if also, as it were meruaylynge at us, they think us worthy to haue honour given unto vs.  
¶ With this glory and cleanness of conscience, shall a wise man content him, and be induced to patience,& not be grieved with his fortune, but to follow Democritus, in laughing at the blind judgements of men, in bestowynge promotions.  
¶ I omit at this time, to writ any more of this virtue patience, sens to the instytution of a governor, this seemeth to be sufficient, to the residue he shal be better persuaded by the archdukes of plutarch, Seneca, and Pontane, where they write of patience, which archdukes he may rede at his leasour.   

Of magnanimity, which may be name valiant courage. Cap. XIIII.  
magnanimity is a virtue much commendable, and also expedient to be in a governor, and is as I haue say de, a companion of fortitude, And may be in this wise defined, that it is an excellency of mind, concerning things of great importance or estimation, doing althynge, that is virtuous, for the achieuing of honour.  
¶ But now I remember me, this word magnanimity, being yet strange, as late borrowed out of the latin, shall not content all men, and specially them, whom nothing contenteth out of their accustom Mumpsimus: I will adventure to put for magnanimity, a word more familiar, calling it 
Courage,  good courage, which having respect to the said definition, shall not seem much inconuenyente. But now concerning a more larger description of the said virtue, Aristotle saith, That man seemeth to be of noble courage, that is worthy, and also iugeth himself worthy to haue things that be great. He saith also afterward, Noble courage is an ornament of virtues, for it maketh them the more ample, and without them she herself may not be.  
¶ But I will for a little time leave this noble Philosopher Arystotelle, and reuerentely interpret a place in the offices of tuli, where he most eloquentely and plainly setteth out this virtue saying, alway a valiant and noble courage is discerned by two things specially, whereof one is in dyspysynge things outward, when a man is persuaded, neither to marvel at any thing, neither to wish or desire any thing, but that which is honest. More over, that a man should not bow for any fortune or trouble of mind. A neither thing is, when thou art of that mind or courage, as I before said, that thou joanne practise those things, not onely which be great, and most profitable, but also that be very dyfficile and full of labour and peril, as well concerning mannes life, as many other things thereto perteynynge.  
¶ And afterward the same tuli saythe, To esteem little those things, which unto the more parte of men seemeth excellent, and also with reason firm and stable to comtempne them, is sign of a noble and valiant courage. Also to tolerate those things, which do seem bitter or grievous( whereof there be many in the life of man, and in fortune) in such wise as thou depart not from the estate of nature, neither from the worship perteyninge unto a wise man, betokeneth a good courage, and also much constance.  
¶ By this it seemeth, that magnanimity, or good courage, is as it were the garment of virtue, where with she is set out( as I mought say) to the vttermooste. I mean not, that thereby virtue is amended or made more beauteous, which of herself is perfect: but like wise as a lady of excellent beauty, though she be all ways sayre, yet a rich and a fresh garment declareth her estate, and causeth her the more to be looked on, and thereby her natural beauty to be the better perceived. Semblably doth magnanimity, joined with any virtue, set it wonderfully forth to be beholden, and( as I might say) marveled at, as it shall appear abundantly in the examples ensuing.  
¶ Agesylaus, king of Lacedemonia, in the beginning of his youth, perceiving all Greece to be in great fear, for the famed that was sprade of the Persians, coming with an infinyte army: with a noble courage proffered, not only to defend his own country, but also with a small host to pass the sees into Asia, and from thence either to bring victory of the Persians, or else a sure and honourable peace. With whose courage, the Lacedemones hyghely recomforted, delivered unto him .x. thousand soldiers, with the which host he went into Asia, and there vanquished the Persians, and returned joyfully into his country, with his people all safe, to his perpetual renown, and also the honour and surety of all Greece.  
¶ Antigonus, king of Macedonia, being on the see, one of his capitains advised him to depart, saying, The navy of his enemy was much greater in noumbre than his: where unto with a noble courage he answered, And for howe many ships account you our person? wherewith his people took such comfort, that they boldly did set forth, and vaynquisshed their enemies.  
¶ such noble courage was in great king Alexander, that in his warres against Darius, he was sene of al his people fighting in the press of his enemies bare headed.  
¶ I will not be so vncurtaise, to leave vnremembred in this place, the notable magnanimity of a king of england, which I happened to rede late in an old chronicle.  
¶ Edgar, who in the time that the Saxons had this realm in subiection, had subdued all the other kings Saxons, and made them his trybutaries. On a time he had them all with him at dinner, and after it was shewed him, that Aynande, king of Scottes, had said, that he wondered howe it should happen, that he and other kings, that were talle and great personages, wolde suffer themselves to be subduaed by so little a body as edgar was. edgar dissembled and answered nothing, but feigning to go on hunting, took with him the Scottyshe king in his company, and purposely withdrew him from them that were with him: And causing by a secret servant, two swords to be conueyde into a place in the forest, by him appoynted. As soon as be came thither, he took the one sword, and delivered the other to Kinande, bidding him to prove his strength, and to assay, whither his deeds wolde ratify his words. whereat the Scottysshe king being abashed, beholding the noble courage of Edgar, with an horrible fear confessed his error, desiring pardon, which he with most humble submission, at the last obtained.  
That noble king edgar, declaring by his magnanimity, that for his virtue and not by chance, he was elected to reign over so noble a region.  
¶ Plato for his divine wisdom and eloquence, name the god of Philosophers, was sent for by Dionyse king of Sicile, to the intent, as it seemed, that he wolde be of him instructed, concerning the politic governance of his realm. But when he had ben with him a certain space,& wolde not flatter with the king, and uphold his tyranny, the king became weary of him, in so much that if it had not ben at therequest of Architas, price of Tarent, he would haue put him to death. wherefore partly at the desire of that prince, partly for fear of the Athenienses, he lycenced Plato to depart without damage: but at his departing, he said unto him, as it were in despite, O howe euylle wilt thou speak of me Plato, when thou comest among thy companions& scholars? Than Plato with a noble courage answered, God defend, there should be in my school so much vacant time from the study of wisdom, that there might be any place left, ones to remember the.  
¶ now will I make an end of this virtue,& procede further to write of some vices, which commonly do follow magnanimity, and with great difficulty may be eschewed.   

¶ Of Obstinacy, a familiar 'vice, following magnanimity. Cap. XV.  
THE PRINCE OF orators, Marcus Cullius, in his first book of officis, saith, In height and greatness of courage, is most soonest engendered Obstinacye, and inordinate desire of sovereignty. obstinacy is an affection immovable, fixed to coil, abandoning reason, which is engendered of pride, that is to say, when a man esteemeth so much himself above any other, that he reputeth his own wit onely, to be in perfection, and contemneth al other council. Undoutedly this is an horrible& perilous vice, and very familiar with them, which be of most noble corages. By it many a valiant captain and noble prince, haue not onely fallen themselves, but also brought al their countreys in danger, and oftentimes to subuercion and ruin.  
¶ The wise king Salomon saith, among proud men be all way contentions: And they that do all things with counsel, be governed by wisdom. I need not to rehearse examples out of old writers, what damage hath ensued of obstinacy, considering that every history is full therof,& we still haue it in daily experience. But of one thing am I sure, where Obstinacy ruleth, and reason lacketh place, there council availeth not: And where council hath not authority and franchise, there may nothing be perfect. Salomon saith, Where be many 
provver. xi.  counsels, there the people is in surety. now will I declare the residue of Tullies sentence, concerning inordinate desire of sovereignty, which is properly called Ambition.   

¶ Of an other vice following magnanimity, called Ambition. Cap. XVI.  
IT was not without a high and prudent consideration, that certain laws were made by the romans, which were name the laws of Ambition, whereby men were restrained in the city to obtain offices and dignities in the public wele, either by giving rewards, or by other synyster labour or means: And they, which by that lawe were condemned, were put to death without any favour. verily it was a noble lawe, and for all places necessary, considering what inconvenience happeneth by this vain and superfiuous appetite, witnesses among the Romayns, Sylla, Marius, Carbo, Linna, Ponpei, and caesar, by whose ambition mo Romains were slain, than in acquyrynge the empire of al the world. Sylla condemned, and caused to be slain, four score thousand Romayns, beside many mo that were slain in the battles, between him and the both Marius.  
¶ Also pompey, and Iulius caesar, the one suffering no pier, the other no superior, by their ambycion caused to be slain between them, people innumerable, and subverted the beste and most noble public weal of the world, and finally having little time of rejoicing their unleeful desire, Pompeie shamefully fleing, had his heed stricken of, by the commandment of Pro lomee, king of egypt, unto whom as unto his friend he fled for succour. caesar the vanquyssher, was murdered in the Senate with daggers, by them, whom he most specially favoured.  
¶ I could occupy a great volume with histories of them, which coveting to mount into excellent dignities, did thereby bring in to extreme perils, both themselves and their countreys. For as Tacitus saith, wonderful elegantly, With them, which desire soueraygnetie, there is noo mean place between the top& the step down. To the which words agreynge tully saith, high authorities should not much 
Ci. off. 1.  be desired, or rather not to be taken at sometime, and oftentimes to be left and forsaken. So did Sylla, whom I late spake of. And Dioclesyan Emperour of Rome, who after he had governed the empire 
Sextus Aurelius.  XXV. yeree honourably( yf he had not ben polluted with the blood of innumerable Christen men) willingly abandoned the crown and dignity imperial, and lived .ix. yeres on his private possessions. And on a time being desired of Herculius and Galerius, unto whom he had resigned the empire, to take efteso ones on him the governance, abhorringe it as a pestilence, answered in this wise, I wolde ye did see the herbs, that I haue with mine own hands sown and set at Salona, surely ye would not than in this wise aduise me.  
¶ Also Octauius Augustus, which in felicity passed all emperours, devised often times with his friends, to haue resigned his authority. And if at that time the Senate had ben as well furnished with noble& wife {per}sonages, as it was before the civil warres, between caesar and Pompeie, it is to be thought, that he wolde surely haue restored the public weal to his pristinate glory. But now let us see, what is the cause, that Ambytion is so pernicious to a public weal.  
¶ In mine opinion it is for two causes prin 
Ambition why it is il  cipally. first for as much as they, which be of that courage and appetite, when they be in authority, suppose al thing to be lawful that liketh them. And also by reason of their pre-eminence, wolde so be separate from other, that no man should controlle them, or warn them of their enormyties, and finally wolde do what they list without contradiction. whereof do ensue dyvers injuries and subversion of justice.  
And this, which I haue now said, tuli affirmeth to be true, saying, verily it is a great difficulty, where thou wouldest be above all men, to observe equity. which is the thing most appropred to justice. And shortly after he saith, The more higher of courage that a man is,& desirous of glory, the sooner is he moved to do things against right. Seing it was so, in the time of tuli, when almost every man, that was in authority, had de excellent learning( the Romaines bringing up their children in study of moral philosophy( what shall we suppose in our time, when few men in authority do care for learning? Why should we think to be more justice now used in authority, than was in the time of tuli? Is there not now private affection, particular favour, displeasure and hatred, as was at that time? I wolde the readers hereof, should be wretches, examining these my words with daily experience.  
¶ The second cause, that condemneth ambition, 
Conetyse.  is covetise of treasure, therwith to mainteyn their ostentation and vainglory, which ambitious persons, do call their honour, whereby they be procured to finde vniuste means by their authority, to provide for such substance, wherewith they may be not onely satisfied( they being insatiable) but according to their own appetite fully sufficed. wherefore the philosophers, called Stoici, used this sentence, great indigence or lack cometh not of poverty, but of great plenty, for he that hath much, shall need much.  
¶ But certes such ambycious persons, may well consider, that the magnificence& pomp, which they covet, is not so much wondered at, as avarice& collection of money is universally hated. wherefore Darius, 
Plutarch{us} in apoth.  king of Persia, and father to Xerxes, when he had commanded a subsidy to be levied of his subiectes, demanded the chief men of the countreyes, whether they found wolf grieved. They answering, that they were in a merely good case, he commanded the one half to be eftsoons restored, leste he of any avarice should be suspected. By the which act he stabysshed his dignity, and made it more perfect.  
¶ More over, tuli saythe, To take any 
Ci. off. iii.  thing from an other man, and one man to increase his commodity with an other mans detriment, is more repugnant to nature, than death, than poverty, pain, or other thing that might happen, either to the body or other goods worldly.   

The true definicion of abstinence and continence. Cap. XVI.  
ABSTINENCE and continency be also companions of fortitude, and be noble and excellent virtues, and I can not tel, wheter there be any to be preferred before them, specially in men having authority, they being the brydles of two capital vices, that is to say, avarice and lechery. which vices being refrained by a noble man, that liveth at liberty and without controlment, procureth unto him, beside the favour of god, immortal glory. And that city or realm, whereof the gouernours with these vices be little or nothing acquainted, do abide long in prosperity. For as Ualerius Maximus saythe, where so ever this fervent pestilence of mankind hath entry, injury reigneth, reproach or infamy is spread and devoureth the name of nobility. The propretyes of these two virtues, be in this maner.  
¶ Abstinence is, whereby a man refraineth from any thing, which he may leefully take, for a better purpose. ꝯtinence, is a virtue which keepeth the pleasant appetite of man under the yoke of reason. Aristotell, making them both but one, describeth them under the name of ꝯtinence, 
Ethi. vii.  saying, He that is continent, for as much as he knoweth, that coueitous desires be evil, doth abandon them, reason persuading him. For this time I take abstinence, for the refusing of money, possessions, or other thing semblable. ꝯtinence, the only forbearing the unleeful company of women.  
¶ Martius Coreolanus, a noble young 
Absteynig from rewards, Coreolan{us}  man, which lyneally descended from Ancus, sometime king of romans, when he had done many valiant acts, and achyeued sundry enterprises, was according to his merites commended in the army by Postumius, than being consul, and by their universal assent, was rewarded with all such honours, as than appertained to a good warryour: Also with one hundred acres of arable land, the election of ten prisoners, ten horsis appareled for the warres, one hundred of Oxen, and as much silver as he mought bear. But of all this wolde he take no thing, but one onely prisoner, which was of his acquaintance, and one courser, which al ways after he used in battle.  
¶ Marcus Curius, the very rule& pattern 
Curius,  of Fortitude and moderate living, when the people, called Samnites, which had warres with the romans, found him sitting in his house by the fire vpon a homely form, catyng his meate in a dish oftre, they bringing to him a great some of gold by the consent of the people, and wondering at his poverty, with courtaise language, desired him to take that they had brought him, he thereat smiling, said thus unto thē, Ye ministers of a vain and superfluous message, show you to the Samnites, that Curius had lever haue dominion over them that be rich, than he himself to haue richesse. And as for this gold, which ye account precious, take it again with you,& remember, that ye can neither vaynquishe me in battle, nor corrupt me with money  
¶ Quintus Tubero, surnamed Catelius, what time he was consul, the people in 
Tubero.  Greece, called Aetoli, sent to him by their ambassadonrs, a great quantity of silver vessel, curiously wrought and graven. But when they came to him, they found on his table vessel only of earth. And when he saw them, he exhorted them, that they should not suppose, that his contentation in poverty, should be with their presentes relyued. And with that saying, commanded them to depart.  
¶ To Epaminondas, the theban, being 
Epaminondas.  in his time, as well in virtue as prowess, the most noble man of all Grece, Arthaxerses, king of Persya, to make him his friend, sent one of his servants to Thebes, with a great quantity of treasure, which servant knowing his manners, darste not offer it unto him when he came, but speaking to a young man, which was familiar with Epaminondas, gave unto him a great reward, to ive Epaminondas to receive the kings present. Who vneth hearing the first words of the young man, commanded the kings servant to be brought unto him, unto whom he had these words.  
friend, show to the king, that he needeth not to offer me money: for if he haue any thing to do with the thebans for a good purpose, he may haue their assistance with out any reward: if the purpose be nought, he can not with al the treasure of the world hope to obtain it  
¶ which words were spoken with such a gravity, that the said servant, being a feared, desired Epamynondas, that he might be saulfly conveyed out of the city: which he granted with good will, least if the money were taken away, he might of the receiving therof, haue ben suspected. More over, he caused the theban, which was his friend and companion, to restore to the messenger the money that he had received.  
¶ Semblable abstinence was there in Pho 
photion.  tion, a noble counsaylour of Athenes, unto whom the ambassadoure of the great king alexander, brought from their master a hundred talents of gold, which were of english money .xii. thousand pound. But before that he herde them speak any thing, He demanded of them, why to him onely the king sent so bounteous a reward. And they answered, for as much as king Alexander judged him only to be a good man and a just. Than suffer ye me( say de photion) to be& to seem the same man, that your king doth iuge me, and carry your gold again to him.  
¶ To the same photion, the ambassador of Antypater( who succeeded the great king Alexander in Macedonia) offered to give a great some of money: which photion despising, said in this wise, Sens Antipater is not greater than Alexander, nor his cause better, I do nothing perceive, why I should take any thing of him. And when the orator wolde haue had Phocions son, to haue taken the money, photion answered, If his son wolde be like unto him, he should haue no need, neither of that money, nor of none other. If he wolde be unlike unto him, and of dysso lute manners, neither Antipaters gystes, nor none others, were they never so great, should be sufficient.  
¶ By these examples it doth appear, how good men did alway flee from rewards, all though they might haue ben leefully taken, which in them was neither folyshenes nor yet rusticitie, but of a prudent consideration. For as much as both by wisdom and experience they knew, that he which taketh a reward before any thing done, is no longer at liberty, but of a free man is made bonde, because he hath taken earnest for his true endeavour. Also by the taking, he is become an yuel man, though before he were good, For if he receive it for an yuel purpose, he is than a wretch& detestable: If the matter were good, than is he not rightwise in selling a good dede, which he ought to do thankfully, and with out reward.  
¶ And I doubt not who so ever is contented with this present estate, and supposeth felycitie to be in a mean, and al excess to be perilous, will allow these sentences, and think them worthy to be had in remembrance, specially of them that be gouernours. For that realm, or city, where men in authority haue their hands open for money, and their houses for presentes, is ever in the way to de subverted▪ wherefore Caius Pontyus, prince of Samnytes, was wont to say, I would god, that fortune had reserved me unto the time and that I had be than born, when the romans should begin to take gifts, I should joanne not suffer them any longer to rule.  
¶ Paulus Emilius, when he had vaynquished 
Paul{us} Aemilius.  king Perses, and subdued al Macedonia, brought into the commune treasury of Rome an infinite treasure, that the substance of that one prince discharged all the romans to pay ever after any tax of subsidy. And yet for all that goods Emilius brought nothing into his own house but onely perpetual renown.  
¶ Scipio, when he had gotten and destroyed 
Scipio african.  the great city of Chartage, was not therfore the richer one halfpenny.  
¶ By this appeareth, that honour resteth not in richesse, all though some perchance will say, that their revenues be small, and that they must take such rewards as be lawful, only to maintain their honour: but let them take hede to the saying of tuli, nothing is more to be abhorred, than avarice, specially in princis, and in them which 
Ci. off. ii.  do govern public weals.   

The examples of ꝯtinence, given by noble men. Capl. XVII.  
now will I speak of CONTINENCS, which is specially in refraynynge or forbearynge the act of carnal pleasure, whereunto a man is fervently moved, or is at liberty to haue it. which undoubtedly is a thing not onely diffycyle, but also wonderful in a man noble or of great authority▪ but in such one as it happeneth to be, needs must be reputed much virtue and wisdom,& to be supposed, that his mind is invincible, considering that nothing so sharply assaileth a mans mind, as doth carnal affection, called( by the followers therof) love. wherefore Plato saith, that the soul of man, which by love is possessed, death in his own body,& liveth in an other.  
¶ The great king Alexander, after his first 
Alexander  victory against king Darius, having all ways in his host, the wife of the same Darius, which incomparably excelled all other women in beauty, wolde never, after he had ones sene her, haue her come in his presence. Al be it that he caused her estate still to be maintained, and with as much honour as ever it was: and to them, which wondering at the ladies beauty, marveled, why Alexander did not desire to haue with her company, he answered, saying, It should be to him a reproach, to be ony wise subdued by the wife of him, whom he had vanquished.  
¶ Antfochus, the noble king of Asia, in 
Antioch{us}  the city of Ephesum, beheld a virgin( being a Mynchen in the temple of Diana) of excellent beauty, and perceiving himself to be ravished in the love of the maiden, hastily and immediately departed out of the city, lest love should constrayn him to violate the virgin: wisely considering that it was best, to abstain from doing battle with that enemy, which vneth might be vanquished, but by flight onely.  
¶ The valiant pompey, when he had 
Pompeius  vanquished the king Mithridates, and had taken dyvers of his concubines, which in beauty excelled, would haue no carnal knowledge with any of them: but when he knew, that they were of noble lineage, sent them undefiled to their parentes and kinsfolk.  
¶ Semblably did Scipio, when he won 
Scipio.  Carthage. For among dyvers women, which were there taken: one most faireste of other, was brought unto him, to do with her his pleasure. But after that she had discovered to him, that she was affyanced to a gentile man, called Indibilis, he caused him to be sent for, and when he beheld the lamentation& signs of love between them, he not only deliuerid her to Indibilis, with her ransom, which her friends had paid for her redemption: but also added thereto an honourable portion of his own treasure. By the which continence and liberality, he wan the hartes of Indibilis and all his blood, whereby he the sooner obtained and won all the country.  
¶ Of this virtue be examplesinnumerable, as well of gentiles as of christen men: But these for this time, shall suffice, saving for the strangeness of it, I will rehearse a notable history, which is remembered by the most excellent doctor saint jerome.  
¶ Ualerian being emperour of Rome,& 
A wonder full ꝯtinence in& Christian martyr.  persecutyng the church, In egypt was a christen man presented unto him, whom he beholding to be young and lusty, thinking therfore to remove him from the faith, rather by veneryall mocions, than by sharpness of torments, caused him to be laid in a bed within a fair gardayne, having about him all flowers of sweet odour and most delectable savours and perfumes. And than caused a fair tender young woman to be laid by him al naked, who ceased not sweetly and lovingly to embrace and kiss him, showing to him all pleasant devises, to the intent to provoke him to fornication. There lacked little, that the young man was not vanquisshed,& that the flesh yielded not to the service of Uenus. That {per}ceiuing the young man, which was ar mid with grace,& seing none other refuge, with his teth did gnaw of his own tongue, wherewith he suffered such incredible pain, that therwith the brennyng of voluptuous appetite was utterly extinct.  
¶ In this notable act, I wote not which is to be commended, either his invincible courage, in resisting so much against nature, or his wisdom, in subduing the lasse pain with the more: and bytyng of that, whereby he might be constrained to blasphem god, or renounce his religion. Sure I am, that he therfore received immortalle life, and perpetual glory.  
¶ And this I suppose sufficeth, to {per}swade men of good nature, to embrace ꝯtinence. I mean not to live ever chast: but to honour matrimony, and to haue good await, that they let not the sparks of concupiscence grow in great flames, wherewith the wits shal be dried up, and all noble virtues devoured.   

¶ Of constance or stability. Ca. XVIII.  
IN BVYLDYNGE of a fortress, or other honourable mansion, it ought to be well considered, that the cement or mortar, wherewith the stones be laid, be firm and well binding. For if it be brokle, and will mouldre away with every shower of rain, the buyldyuge may not continue, but the stones, not surely couched and mortred, fall away one after an other,& finally the whole house is defaced and falleth in ruin. Semblably, that man, which in childhood is brought up in sundry virtues, if either by nature, or else by custom, he be not induced, to be alway constant and stable, so that he ive not for any affection grief or displeasure, all his virtues will shortly decay, and in the estimation of men be but as a shadow and so one forgotten. For though he haue all the gifts of nature and fortune,& also is adorned with doctrine and virtue, which he in his chyldhod hath acquired with much travail, watch, and study,& add not to constance, when he cometh to the time of experience, which experience is as it were the work of the crafts of man, being moved with any private affection, or fear of adversity, or exterior damage, will omit any parte of his learning or virtue, the estymation of his person immediately ceaseth among perfect warkemen, that is to say, wise men, and finally being wavering or unstable, what thing in him may be commended?  
¶ And in one thing me seemeth that Constance 
Constance equal to justice.  hath equail praise with justice: that is to say, that he that is himself injust, loveth that person, that dealeth justly with him, and contrary wise, hateth that person that dealeth injustly, or doth him wrong. In likewise he, which is inconstant, extolleth him, whom he findeth constant, and desyrethe to haue him his friend: on the other parte, heis angry with him, whom he prouethe inconstaunt and wavering, and accounteth him a beast, and unworthy company of men: and awaiteth diligently to trust him with nothing.  
¶ We note in children inconstancy, and likewise in women, the one for sklendernes of wit, the other as a natural sickness. Therfore men use in rebuking a man of inconstance, to call him a chyldyshe or womanly person. All be it some women now adays be founden more constant than men, and specially in love toward their husbands, or else might there happen to be some wrong inheritors.  
¶ Constance is as proper unto a man as is reason: And is of such estymation, that according as it was spoken of a wise man, It were better to haue a constant enemy, than an inconstant friend. Whereof I myself had sufficient experience.  
¶ But now to declare some experience of Constance, whereby the readers may be the more thereto provoked, I will rehearse some examples therof, out of old histories, as I shall happen to remember them.  
¶ After that Sylla had vanquished Marius, 
●ceuols.  and destroyed the parte of his aduersaries, he, with a great number of persons all armed, environed the senate, intending to compel them by violence to condemn Mari{us} for a traitor. which request none darste geynesaye, Sceuola onely except, who being therof demanded wolde give no sentence. But when Sylla did cast therfore on him a cruel countenance, he with a constant visage, and noble courage, said to him, Sylla, although thou facest and thret nest me with thy multitude of soldiers, with whom thou hast thus besieged this court, ye and although thou dost menace me with death never so much, yet shalt thou never bring to pass, that for shedinge a little old blood, I shall judge Marius a traitor, by whom this city and all italy haue ben preserved.  
¶ The constance, that great king Alexander had, in trusting his friend against fals 
Alexanders confidence  report, saved his life: where of all men despaired. for after that noble battle, wherein he had vanquished Darius,& taken his treasure, as he passed through Cilicia, being fore chaufed with fervent heat, and the length of his journey, he came by the river, called Cydnus,& beholding it clear and pleasant, and thinking to assuage therein the heats that he suffered, went thereinto naked, and drank therof: But immediately, by the exceeding cold, which was in that water, his finewes shrank, and his joints became unwieldy, and as they were dead,& all his host being discomforted he was conveyed to a city thereby, called Tarsum. whereupon the physicians assembled to devise the beste remedy. All were determined, to give him one medicine, and that it should be ministered by one Philyppe, chief physicyon with Alexander. In the mean time Parmemo, one of the greatest capitains about Alexander, ad uertysed him by his letters, that he should beware of the treason of the said Philip saying, he was corrupted with a great somme of money by Darius. wherewith he being nothing esbaied, held in his hands the letter, and receiving the medicine, that philip gave him, at one time delivered the letter open to philip, and drank also the medicine, declaring thereby the constance that was in his friendship. which trust, not onely caused nature the better to wark with the medicine, but also bound so the heart of the physician toward him, that he ever after studied more diligently for the help and pre seruation of the noble prince, that did so much trust him.  
¶ The Constance of Cato Uticensis was 
Cato.  alway immovable, in so much that at sundry times, when he in the Senate egrely defended the public weal, with vehement& long orations, against the attemptates of ambitious persons, he was by them rebuked, and committed to prison, But he therfore not ceasing, but going toward prison, detected to the people as he went, the unleeful purposes and enterprises of them, by whom he was punished, with the peril that was imminente to the public weal, which he did with such courage and eloquence, that as well the Senate as the people drew so about him, that his adversaries were fain for fear to discharge him.  
¶ Who can sufficiently commend this noble man Cato, when he readeth in the archdukes of plutarch of his excellent courage and virtue? Howe much worthyer had he ben, to haue had homer the trump of his famed immortal, than Achilles? who for a little wench contended with Agamemnon onely: where Cato for the conservation of the weal public contended, and also resisted against Iulius Caesar and the great Pompey, and not only against their menaces, but also against their desires, and offres of alliance. Whereof I wolde gladly haue made a remembrance in this work, if the volume thereby, should not to much haue increased and becomen unhandsome.  
¶ Undoughtedly constance is an honourable virtue, as inconstance is reproachful and odious. wherefore that man, which is mutable for every occasion, must needs often repent him, and in much repentance is not onely much folly, but also great detrymente: which every wise man will eschew, if he can. wherefore to gouernours no thing is more proper, than to be in their living stable and constant.   

The true signification of temperance, a moral virtue. Cap. XIX.  
THIS BLESSED company of virtues, in this wise assembled, followeth TEMPERANCE, as a sad and discrete matron and reverent governess, awaytynge diligently, that in any wise voluptie or concupiscence haue no pre-eminence in the soul of man.  
¶ Aristotelle defineth this virtue, to be a 
Arist. ethi.  mediocrity in the pleasures of the body, spe cially in taste and touching. Therfore he that is temperate, fleeth pleasures voluptuous, and with the absence of them is not discontented, and from the presence of thē, he willingly absteyneth. But in mine oppynyon Plotinus, the wonderful philosopher, maketh an excellent definition of temperance, saying, that the property or office therof is, to couaite nothing, which may be repented, also not to exceed the bounds of mediocrity, and to keep desire under the yoke of reason.  
¶ He that practiseth this virtue, is called 
Temperate incontinence.  a temperate man, and he that doth contrary thereto, is name intemperate: between whom and a person incontinent, Aristotell maketh this diversity, that he is intemperate, which by his own election is superadd, supposing the pleasure that is present or( as I mought say) invre, should alway be followed. But the person incontinent supposeth not so, and yet he not withstanding doth follow it. The same author also maketh a diversity, between him that is temperate, and him that is contynente, saying, The continent man is such one, that nothing will do for bodily pleasure, which shall stand against reason. The same is he, which is temperate, saving that the other hath corrupt desires, which this man lacketh.  
¶ Also the temperate man delighteth in nothing, contrary to reason. But he that is continent delighteth: yet will he not be lad against reason. finally to declare it in few words, we may well call him a Temperate man, that desireth the thing which he ought to desire, and as he ought to desire, and when he ought to desire. Not withstanding there be diuers other virtues, which do seem to be as it were companions with temperance. Of whom( for the exchuing of tediousness) I will speak now onely of two, moderation, and so brenesse, which no man( I suppose) doubteth to be of such efficacy, that without them no man may attain unto wisdom: and by them wisdom is soonest espied.   

Of Moderation a spice of temperance. Capi. XX.  
MODERATION in the limits and bounds, which honesty hath appoynted in speaking and doing: like as in running, passing the goal, is accounted but rasshenesse, so running half way is reproved for slowness. In like wise, words and acts be the paces, wherein the wit of man maketh his course, and moderation is in stede of the goal, which yf he pass over, he is noted either of presumpti on, or of fool hardiness, if he come short of the purpose, he is contemned as dull and unapt to affairs of great importance. This virtue shall best be perceived by rehersyng of examples shewed by noble men, which is in effect but daily experience.  
¶ Fabius Maximus, being five times Consul, perceiving his father, his grand father, and great graundefather, and dyvers other his ancestors, to haue had often times that most honourable dignity, when his son by the universal consent of the people should be also made consul, ernestely entreated the people, to spare his son, and to give to the house of Fabius, as it were a vacation time from that honour: Not for any mystruste that he had in his sons virtue and honesty, but that his moderation was such, that he wolde not that excellent dignity should alway continue in one family.  
¶ Scipio africanus the elder, when the senate and people had purposed, that according to his merits he should haue certain statues or imagis set in al courts and places of assembly, Also they wolde haue set his image in triumphant apparel within the capitole, and haue granted to him to haue ben consul and dictatory during his life, not withstanding he wolde not suffer, that any of them should be decreed, either by the act of the senate, or by the peoples sufferage. wherein he shewed himself, to be as valiant in refusing of honours, as he was in his acts, wherein he had them well deserved.  
¶ There is also moderation in toleration of fortune of every sort, which of tuli 
toleration of fortune good and bad.  is called equabilitie. which is, when there seemeth to be alway one visage and countenance, neither changed nor for prosperity nor for adversity.  
¶ Metellus, called Numidicus, in a commune sedition being banished from Rome, and abiding in Asia, as he happened to sit with noble men of that country, in beholding a great play, there were letters delivered him, wherein he was assertayned, that by the hole consent of the senate and people, his return into his country was granted. Not withstanding, that he was of that tidings exceeding ioiful, yet he remeued not, until the plays were ended, nor any man sitting by him, might perceive in his countenance any token of gladness.  
¶ when the great king Antiochus, which long time had in his dominion al Asia, which is accounted to be the third parte of the world, was at the last vanquished by Lucius Scipio,& had lost the more part of his empire,& was assigned but to a small portion, used his fortune so moderately, that he gave great thankes to the Romains, that being delivered of so great burdō& charge, he more casely might govern a little dominion.  
¶ Alexander being elect and made emperour of Rome at .xvi. yeres of his age so excelled al other in virtue, that the senate and people wolde haue him called, the great Alexander, and father of the country, which of al names was highest, he with a wonderful gravity refused it, saying, It behoved, that those names were obtained by merites and ripeness of yeres.  
¶ The same prince also would not suffer his empresse to use in her apparel any richer stones than other ladies, and if any were given her, he either caused them to be sold, or else gave them unto Temples, affyrming that the examples of pomp and inordinate expensys, should not procede of the Emperours wife.  
¶ And when for the honour, that he did to the Senate and laws, his wife and his mother rebuked him, saying, he should bring the imperial majesty into to low estate, he answered, It should be the surer, and continue the longer.  
¶ There is also a Moderation to be used against 
Moderation of wrath.  wrath or appetite of vengeance.  
¶ Hadriane the Emperour, while he was but a private person, bare toward a capitain grievous displeasure, who afterward hearing, that he was made emperour, was in great fear, least Hadrian wolde be aduenged. But when he came to the Emperours presence, he nothing did or said to him, but onely these words, Thou hast well escaped. By which words he well declared his moderation, and also that who so ever putteth on the habit of a comune person or governor, it shal not beseem him to reuenge private dyspleasures  
¶ Architas, when he had ben a long space out of his country,& at his return found his possessions and goods destroyed and wasted, said to his balyfe, I wolde surely punish the, if I should not be angry.  
¶ much like did Plato. For when his servant had offended him grievously, he desired Speusyppns his friend to punish him, least( said he) if I beate him, I should hap to be angry. wherein Plato deserved more praise than Arthitas, in as much as he observed patience, and yet did not suffer the offence of his servant to be unpunished. For most often times the omitting of correction redoubleth a trespass.  
¶ Semblable moderation and wisdom Aulus Gellius remembrethe to be in plutarch 
Aul{us} Gell.  the philosopher, which was master to Trayane the emperour. It happened that the bondman of Plutarch had committed somme grievous offence: wherefore his master willed, that he should be sharply punished: and commanding him to be stryded naked, caused an other of his servants in his prnesence to beate him. But the slave, who as it semid was learned, while he was in beating cried out on plutarch, and in maner of reproach said unto him, Howe agreeth this with thy doctrine, that preachest so much of patience, and in al thy lessons reprovest wrath: and now contrary to thine own teaching, thou arte all inflamed with wrath, and clene from the patience, which thou so much praisest? Unto whom plutarch, without any change of countenance, answered in this form, Thou embraydest me causeless with wrath and impatience, I pray the, what perceivest thou in me, that I am angry or out of patience? I suppose( except I be much deceived) thou seest me not stare with mine eyen, or my mouth imbosed, or the colour of my face changed, or any other deformity in my person or gesture, or that my words be swift, or my voice louder than modesty requireth, or that I am unstable in my gesture or motion, which be the signs and evident tokens of wrath& impatience. wherefore said he to the corrector, sens he can not prove, that I am yet angry, in the mean time, while he and I do dispute of this matter, and until he utterly do cease of his presumption and obstinacy, look that thou still beate him.  
¶ verily in mine opinion Plutarch herein declared his excellent wisdom and gravity, as well in his example of patience, as also in subduing the stubborn courage of an obstinate servant. which history shall be expedient for gouernours to haue in remembrance, that when according to the laws, they do punish offenders, they themselves be not chaufed or moved with wrath. But( as tuli saith) be like to the laws, which be provoked to punish not 
Off. 1.  by wrath or displeasure, but only by equity. And immediately the same author giveth an other noble precept, concerning moderation in punishment, saying, In correcting, wrath is principally to be forboden, for he that punyssheth while he is angry, shall never keep that mean, which is between to much and to little.   

¶ Of sobriety in diet. Cap. XXI.  
VErily I nothing doubt, but that the more part of the readers of this wark will take in good parte al that is before written, considering the benefit,& also the ornament, that those virtues, of whom I haue spoken, of good reason and congruence must be to them, in whom they shall be planted and do continue. But I know well, that this chapter, which now ensueth, shal vneth be thankfully resceiued of a few readers, ne shall be accounted wor thy to be radde of any honourable person, considering that the matter therein contained is so repugnant and adverse, to that pernicious custom, wherein of long time men haue esteemed to be the more parte of honour, in so much as I very well know, that some shall account great presumption in this mine attemptate, in writing against that, which hath been so long used. But sens I haue taken upon me to write of a public weal, which taketh his beginning at the example of them that be gouernours, I will not let, for the dispraise given by them, which be abused, with all study and dyligence to discriue the ancient temperance, and moderation in diet, called sobriety, or in a more general term FRVGALITIE, The act whereof is at this day as infrequente or out of use 
Frugalite.  among all sorts of men, as the terms be strange unto them, which haue not been well instructed in latin.  
¶ The noble emperour Augustus, who in all the residue of his life, was for his moderation& temperance excellently commended, suffered no little reproach, for as much as he in a secret supper or banquet, having with him six noble men his friends, and syxe noble women, and naming himself at that time Apollo, and the other men and women the names of other goddis and goddessis, fared sumptuously& delicately, the city of Rome at that time being vexyd with scarcity of grain: he therfore was rent with curses and rebukes of the people: in so much as he was openly called Apollo the turmentour, saying also that he with his goddis had devoured their corn, with which liberty of speech being more persuaded than discontented, fro than forth he used such a frugality or moderation of diet, that he was contented to be seruid at one meal with three dishes, or syxe at the most: which also were of a moderate price, and yet therein he used such sobrenes, that either he himself would not sit, until they which dined with him, had eaten a good space: or else if he sat when they did, he wolde arise a great space, or any of them had left eating. And for what purpose, suppose ye, did this emperour in this wise, in whom was never spot of avarice or vile courage? Certes for two causes. first, knowing the inconueniencis, that alway do happen by ingurgitations and excessive fedynges: Also that like as to him was committed the sovereign governance of al the world, so wolde he be to al men the general example of living.  
¶ now what damages do happen among men by immoderate eating and drinking, we be every day taught by experience: but to bring them( as it were to mens eyen) I will set them out evidently.  
¶ first, of satiety or fullness be ingendrid painful diseases& sicknesses, as squynces, distillations, called rheums or poses, hemorroydes, 
Galen{us} de sa●tuend lib. v.  great bledynges, cramps, duskenesse of sight, the tisike, and the stiche, with many other that come not now to my remembrance. Of to much drinking proceedeth dropsies, wherewith the body,& often times the visage, is swollen and defaced, beastly fury, wherewith the minds be perished, and of all other most odious, swine drunkenness, wherewith both the body and soul is deformed, and the figure of man is as it were by inchauntement transformed into an ugly and loathsome image. wherefore the Lacedemones sometime purposely caused their rustical servants to be made very drunk, and so to be brought in at their commune dyners, to the intent that young men, beholding the deformity and hasty fury of them, that were dronkardes, should live the more soberly, and should eschew drunkenness, as a thing fowle and abominable.  
¶ Also pittacus( one of the seven sages of Grece) did constitute a law, that they, which being drunk did offend, should sustain double punishment: that men should the more dily gently forbear to be drunk.  
¶ It is right euydente to every wise man, who at any time hath haunted affairs, where 
what profit is in so briete, and what discommodite happeneth by the con trary.  unto was required contemplation or serious study, that to a man, having due concoction and digestion, as is expedient, shall in the morning fasting, or with a little! refection, not onely haue his invention quycker, his judgment perfecter, his tongue redyar, but also his reason fresher, his ear more atten tife, his remembrance more sure, and generally al his powers& wittis more effectual, and in better estate, than after he hath catē abundantly. And I suppose for this cause, the ancient courts of record in this realm, haue ever benne used to be kept only before none. And surely the consideration is wonderful excellent, and to be( as I might say) superstytiously observed: the reasons why, be so apparent, that they need not here to be rehearsed.  
¶ Pythagoras was never sene to eat any fish or flesh, but onely herbs& fruits. Semblably did many other, who exactly followed his doctrine. wherefore it was sup posed, that they the rather excelled all other, in finding out the secrets and hid knowledges of nature, which to other were impenctrable.  
¶ Plato, or rather Socrates, Plato indictynge, in his second book of the public weal, willeth, that the people of his city, which he wolde constitute, should be nourished with barley breed& cakes of wheat, and that the residue of their diet should be salt, waves, cheese and lykes, and more over bats, that the fields do bring forth, for their pottage: but he addeth to, as hit were to make the dinner more delicate, figs, beans, myrtylberies, and beche mast, which they should roast on the coals, and drink to it water moderately. So( saith he) they liuig restfully& in health unto extreme age, shall leave the same maner of living unto their successors.  
¶ I know well, some readers, for this diet appoynted by Socrates, will scorn him, accountynge him for a fool, who not only by the answer of Apollo, but also by the consent of all excellent writers, that followed him, and the universal renown of all people, was approved to be the wyseste man of all Grecia.  
¶ Certes I haue known men of worship in this realm, which, during their youth drank for the more parte water.  
¶ But here men shal not note me, that I writ this, as who saythe, that noble men in this realm, should live after Socrates diet, wherein having respect to this time and region, they might perchance find occasion to reprove me. Surely like as the excess of fare is to be justly reproved, so in a noble man much pinchyng and niggard ship of meate and drink is to be discommended. 
Nigardeshyppe.   
¶ I can not commend Aelius Pertinax, who being emperour of Rome, would haue his gestes served with a plant of lettuse, divided in two partes: and except some thing were sent him, he wolde appoint nine pound weight of flesh unto three messes, and if any dish happened to be brought to him, he caused it to be set up until the next day.  
¶ I am ashamed to remembre, that he would sand to his friends: two morsels of meate, a piece of podynge, or the carkaisse of a capon. This was but misery and wretched nygardshyp in a man of such honour.  
¶ In like maner, who will not haue in extreme betestation, the insatiable glotony of Uitelli', Fabius Gurges, Apicius, and dyvers other, to which carmorantes, neither land, water, ne air, might be sufficient?  
¶ neither the curiosity and wanto appetite of Heliogabalus, emperour of Rome, is of any wise man allowed, who being at Rome, or far from the see, would eat only see fish: And when he sojourned nigh to the see, he wolde touch no fish, but which was taken out of the river of Cyber, or other places of equal or of more distance. Also he would haue dishes of meate made of Camelles heels, the combs of cocks, newly cut, the tungues of pecockes and nyghtyngales, partridges eggs, and other things hard for to come by: whereto be no english names founden( as I suppose) apt to the true signification.  
¶ More over, all though I dispraised nigardshyp and vicious scarcity, yet in these nombre of dishes, which I haue commended, I desire not, to haue therein meats for any occasion to much sumptuous. For in one or two dishes may be employed as much money as in twenty, perchance as good or better in eating. whereof there remaineth a noble example of Cleopatra, daughter to Ptholomee, late king of egypt, whom caesar in his life held for his concubine. The same lady Antony( with whom octavian divided the empire) loved also perramours, abandoning his wife, which was sister to octavian. And the warres between him and octavian ceasing by a little space, he( during that time) lived in most prodigal riotte, and thinking all thing in the see, the land, and the air to be made for satisfienge his gluttony, devoured al flesh and fish that mought be any where founden. Cleopatra, disdayninge to be vanquished in any excess by a roman, laid a wager with Antony, that she herself would receive in to her body at one sup per, the value of fifty thousand pounds, which to Antony was thought in a maner to be impossible. The wager was put in to the hands of Numatius Plancus, a noble roman. The next day Cleopatra prepared for Antony a right sumptuous supper, but thereat Antony nothing marveled, knowig the value thereof by his accustomend fare, than the queen smylynge, called for a goblet, where into she did power a quantity of very tart vinegar, and taking a pearl, which hinge at one of her ears, quickly did let it fall into the vinegar, wherein being shortly dissolved( as is the nature of the pearl) she immedyately drank it. And all though she had vanquished Antony, according to her wager, the pearl without any dought, being of the value of .l. M. li. yet had she likewise drunken an other pearl of like value, which was hanging at her other ear, had not Numatius Plancus, as an indifferent judge, forthwith given judgement, that Antony was all redy vanquished.  
¶ I haue rehearsed this history, written by 
Macrobi{us} satu. li. 9. Plin. li. 19. ca. 35.  Macrobius, and also Plini, to the intent, that the vanity in sumptuous feastyng should be the better expressed.  
¶ Androcides( a man of excellent wisdom) 
Plinius li. xiiii. natural. hist. cap. 5.  wrote unto the great king Alexander an epistle, desiring him to refrain his intemperance, wherein he said, Noble prince, when thou wilt drink wine, remember than, that thou drynkeste the blood of the earth. Sygnyfienge thereby( as I suppose) the might and power of wine, and also warning Alexander, of the thirst or appetite of blood, which would ensue by his intemperate drinking. For Plini( that writeth this history) saythe immedyately, If Alexander had obeyed the precepts of Androcides, he had never slain his friends in his drunkenness. for undoubtedly it may be said with good right, that there is nothing to the strength of mans body more profitable than wine, ne to voluptuous appetites more pernicious, if me sure lacketh.  
¶ Also it is very truly and properly written of propretius the poet, in this sentence following or like,  
¶ By wine beauty fadeth, and age is defaced wine maketh forgotten, that late was embraced.  
¶ More over, Salomon in his book name Ecclesiastes, calleth that country happy, where of the gouernours do eat in their time. And what shall we suppose is their time, but only that, which nature and the universal consent of all people hath ordained? And of what space is that time? But only that, which sufficeth to the abundaunte sustentation and not oppression of nature, ne letteth any parte of their necessary affairs about the public weal.   

Of Sapience, and the definition therof. Capi. XXII.  
AL be it that some men, which haue hitherto radde this book, will subpose, that those virtues, whereof I haue treated, be sufficient to make a governor virtuous and excellent: yet netheles for as much as the effect of mine enterprise in this work is, to express, as far forth as god shal instruct my poor wit, what things do belong to the making of a perfeytte public weal, which well nigh may no more be without an excellent governor, than the universal course of nature may stand or be permanent without on chief dysposer and meuer, which is over all supereminent in power, understanding, and goodness. wherefore because in governance be included disposition and Order, which can not be without sovereign knowledge, proceeding of wisdom, in a more elegant word called SAPIENCE, Therfore I will now declare, as much as my little with doth comprehend of that part of Sapience, that of necessity must be in every governor, of a just or perfeytte public weal.  
¶ The noble philosopher, and most excellent 
Ci. tusc. q. lib. iiii.  orator CICERO, saith in this wise, SAPIENCE is the science of things divine and human, which considereth the cause of every thing, by reason whereof, that, which is divine, she followeth, that, which is human, she esteemeth far under the goodness of fortune.  
¶ This definition agreeth well with the gift of sapience, that god gave to Salomon, king of Israel, who asked onely wisdom, to govern there with his realm. But god, which is the fountain of sapience, graciously pondering the young princes petition, which proceeded of an apt inclination to virtue, with his own most bounteous liberality, which he purposed to employ on him, for the entire love that he had to his father: he therfore infused in him plenty of all wisdom and cunning, in things as well natural as supernatural: as it appeareth by the archdukes of the same king Salomon, wherein be well nigh as many wysedomes, as there be sentences. And in mine opinion, one thing is specially to be noted.  
¶ king david, father to Salomon, was a man of a rare and marvelous strength, in so much, as he himself reporteth in the book of kings, being a child, and carienge to his brethren their dinner, where they kept their cattle, slew first a great bear, and after a lion, which fierce and hungry assaulted him, all though he were unarmed: and whether he had any weapon or no, it is uncertain, sens he maketh therof no mention. Also of what prows he was in arms, and howe valiant and good a captain in battle, it may sufficiently appear to them that will rede his noble acts and achieuaunces in the books before remembered. wherein no good catholic man will any thing doubt, though they be marvelous. Yet not withstanding al his strength and puissance was not of such effect, that in the long time of his reign, which was by the space of .xl. yeres, he could haue any time vacant from warres. But all way had either continual battle with the Philisties, or elles was molested with his own children, and such as ought to haue been his friends. Contrary wise, his son Salomon, of whom there is no notable mention made, that he shewed any commendable feat, concerning martiall prowess, saving the furniture of his garrisons with innumerable men of war, horses, and chariotes, which proveth not him to be valiant and strong, but onely prudent: after a little bykerynge with the Philisties, in the beginning of his reign, continued in peace without any notable battle, or molestation of any person: wherefore he is name in scripture, REX PACIFICVS, which is in english, The peaceable king. And onely by sapience so governed his realm, that though it were but a little realm in quantity, yet it excelled incomparably all other in honour and riches. In so much as silver was at that time in the city of jerusalem, as stones in the street. wherefore it is to be noted, that Sapience in the governance of a public weal, is of more efficacy, than strength and puissance.  
¶ The authority of Sapience is well declared by Salomon in his proverbs, saying. By me kings do reign, and makers of laws discern things that be just. By me princes do govern, and men having power and authority, do determine Iustice. I love all them that love me, and who that watcheth to haue me, shall finde me. With me is both riches and honour, stately possessions and Iustice. Better is the fruyre, that cometh of me, than gold and stones that be precious.  
¶ The same king saythe in his book, called Ecclesiastice: A king without sapience shal lose his people, and cities shal be inhabited by the wit of them that be prudent. which sentence was verified by the son and successor of the same king Salomon, called Roboaz, to whom the said book was written, who neglectinge the wise and virtuous doctrine of his father, comtempned the sage counsel of ancient men, and embraced the light persuasions of young men and flatterers, whereby he lost his honour, and brought his realm in perpetual deuisyon.  
¶ The empire of Rome( whose beginning, prosperity, and desolation seemeth to be a mirror and example to al other realms and countreys) declareth to them that exactly behold it, of what force and value Sapience is to be esteemed, being begun with shepherds, fleing the wrath and displeasure of their maisters.  
¶ Romulus, during the time of his reign 
Diodorus Scicuius libr. 1. ( which was .xxxvii. yeres) nothing did enterprise, without the authority& consent of the fathers, whom he himself chase to be senators. And finally, as long as the senate continued in the city of Rome, and retained their authority, which they received of Romulus, and was increased by Tullus Hostilius, the thyrde king, they wonderfully prosperid and also augmentid their empire over the more parte of the world. But sone after the emperour Constantine had abandoned the city, and translated the Senate from thence to Constantynople, and that finally the name and authority of the Senate, was by little and little exhauste, by the negligence& folly of ignorant emperours, not only that most noble city, heed and princess of the world,& fountain of all virtue and honour, felle into most lamentable ruin, but also the majesty of the empire decayed utterly, so that vneth a little shadow therof now remaineth, which who so beholdeth and conferreth it with Rome, when it flourished, according as it is left in remembrauce by noble writers, he shall vneth keep rears out of his eyen, beholding it now as a rotten shepecote in comparison of that city noble and triumphaunt. O poor and miserable city, what sundry torments, excisions, subuertions, depopulations, and other evil adventures hath happened unto the, sens thou were byrefte of that noble court of Sapience? whose authority if it had alway con tinued, being also confirmed in the faith and true religion of christ, god being with the pleased, thou couldst never haue been thus desolate unto the final consummation and end of the world.  
¶ I doubt not, but it is well known to every catholic man, that hath the liberal use of reason, that all maner of understanding and knowledge, where of proceedeth perfect operation, do take their origynalle of that high sapience, which is the operatrice of all things. And therfore Salomon or Phi lo, or who so made the book called Sapientia, made his prayer to god in this wise,  
¶ give to me, good lord, Sapience, that sitteth by thy throne. And in the later end of the prayer he saith, send her from the sete of thy holynes, that she may be with me,& labour with me, and that I may know what may be accepted with the.  
¶ Orpheus( one of the eldeste poctes of 
Musis what they do signify.  Grece) affirmeth in his hymns, that the Musis were gotē between jupiter& memory. which saying well understand, and exactly tried, shal appear manifestly to agree with the saying of the wise man, contained in the said prayer late rehearsed.  
¶ Eustathius, the exposytour of homer, saith, Musa is the knowledge of the soul, and is a thing divine, as the soul is.  
¶ But finally, as by old authors a man may aggregate a definition, that which is called in greek and latin Musa, is that parte of the soul, that induceth and moveth a man to search for knowledge, in the which motion is a secret and inexplicable delectation. All be it, because knowledge is in sundry wise distributed, and the nombre of nine among old authors was alway rehearsed, where they spake of a multitude, as it shall appear to them that rede Homer& Uir gil, Therfore there were divised to be nine mu ses, which also for the resemblance of their disposition, were feigned by the poctes to be nine virgins, that first invented all liberal sciences: but the other opinion approchith more nere unto the trouth, and agreeth better unto my purpose.  
¶ More over, jupiter was alway taken of the poets& philosophers for the supreme god, which was the giver of life, and creator of all things, as appeareth in all their archdukes, wherefore sometime they call him omnipotent, sometime the father of goddis& of men, so that under that name they knowledged to be a very god, though they honoured him not as one only god, as they ought to haue done.  
¶ But now Orpheus saying, that the Muses proceeded of jupiter and memory, may be in this wise interpnted, That god almighty infuded Sapience into the Memory of man: for to the acquirynge of science belongeth understanding and memory, which as a treasury, hath power to retain, and also to erogate and dystribute, when opportunity happeneth. And for the excellency of this thing, some noted to be in mans soul a divine substance. As Pythagoras, or somme of his scholars, writing his sentence, saith in this wise, speaking to man,  

¶ now in thyself haue thou good confidence  
Sens mortal men be of the kind divine  
In whose nature a reverent excellence  
appeareth clear, which all thing doth define.   
¶ which sentence of Pythagoras, is not rejected neither of Plato, which approached next unto the catholic writers, nor of divines, which interpret holy scripture, taking the soul for the image and similitude of god.  
¶ More over, Plato affirmeth, that there 
Science from whence hit proceedeth. plato in Time us.  is set in the soul of man, coming in to the world, certain spices, or as it were seeds of things, and rules of artes or sciences. wherefore Socrates, in the book of science, resembleth himself to a midwife, saying, 
plato in Theage.  In teaching young men, he did put into them no science, but rather brought for the that, which all redy was in them, like as the midwife brought not in the child, but being conceived, did help to bring it forth. And like as in hounds is a power or disposition to hunt, In horses and greyhounds an aptitude to renne swyftly, so in the veils of men is ingenerate a leme of science, which with the mixture of a terrestryall substance is obfuscate, or made dark. But where there is a perfit master prepared in time, the brightness of the science appeareth polyte and clear, like as the power and aptitude of the beasts before rehearsed, appeared not to the uttermost, except it be by exercise provoked, and that sloth and dulness, being plucked from them by industry, be induced unto the contynualle act: which as Plato affyrmethe, is proved also in the master and the disciple.  
¶ semblably the foresay de Socrates, in Platos book of sapience, saith to one Theages, never man learned of me any thing, all though by my company, he became wiser, I onely exhorting, and the good spirit inspirynge.  
¶ which wonderful sentence, as me seemeth, may well accord with our catholic faith, and be received into the commentaries of the most perfect dyuines. For as well that sentence, as al other before rehearsed, do comprobate with holy Scripture, that god is the fountain of Sapience, like as he is the sovereign beginning of all generation.  
¶ Also it was wonderfully well expressed, of whom Sapience is engendered, by a poet 
Sapience from whence  name Affranius, whose verses were set over the porch of the Temple, where the Senate of Rome most commonly assembled. which verses were in this maner,  
Vsus me genuit, matter peperit Memoria. Sophiam me Graii vocant, vos Sopientiam. which in english may be in this wise translated. 
Memory hight my mother, my father experience  
greeks call me sophy, you name me Sapience.   
¶ By use or experience, in these versis expressed, the poet intended, as well those acts, which we ourself daily do practise, as also them, which being done by other in time passed, for the fruit or utility, which thereof succeeded, were allowed and also proved to be necessary. And the cause, why the poet conioyneth Experience and memory together( as it were in a lefulle matrimony, Experience by getting, and memory alway producynge that incomparable fruit, called Sapience) is, for that memory in her operation properly succeedeth Experience, for that, which is presently do one, we perceive, that which is to come, we conject or divine: but that, which is passed, onely we haue in our memory. For as Aristotel declareth wonder 
Aristoteles de memoria et reminiscentis lib. ii.  fully in an example, In the principal sense of man there is conceived an image or figure of a thing, which by the same sense is perceived, as long as it is retained entire or hole, and( as I might say) consolydate, pure, manifest, or plain, and without blemmysshe, in such wise, that in every parte of it, the mind is stered or occupyedde, and also by the same mind, hit may be thoroughly perceived and known, not as an image in itself but as representynge an neither thing.  
This is properly memory. But yf the hoole image or figure be not retained in the mind, but parte therof onely remaineth, parte is put out, either by the length of time, or by some other myshappe or injury, so that it can neither bring the mind eftsoons unto it, nor it can be called again of the mind, as often as by that portion, which still remaineth, and hath aboden alway entire and clean, the residewe that was thereto knit and adjoined, and late seemed for the time dead or bireft from the mind, is revived and( as it were) returned home again, it is than had for redeemed or restored, and is properly called REMEM BRAVNCE.  
¶ This is the exposition of the noble Philosopher, which I haue written, principally to thentent to ornate our language, with using words in their proper signification. whereof, what commodity may ensue, all wise men will( I doubt not) consider.   

¶ what is the true signification of understanding. Cap. XXIII.  
FOr as much as in the beginning of the first book of this work, I endeavoured myself to prove, that by the order of mannes creation, pre-eminence in degree should be among men, according as they do excel in the pure influence of understanding, which can not be denied to be the principal parte of the soul: some reader perchance, moved with disdain, will for that one assertion, immediately reject this work, saying, that I am of a corrupt or foolish opinion, supposing that I do intend by the said words, that no man should govern or be in authority, but onely he which surmounteth all other in doctrine, which in his hasty malice he deemeth, that I only do mean, where I speak of understanding.  
¶ I suppose all men do know, that man is made of body and soul, and that the soul in pre-eminence excelleth the body, as much as the master or owner excelleth the house, or the artificer excelleth his instruments, or the king his subiectes. And therfore Saluste in the conspiracy of Cathalyne saythe, We use specially the rule of the soul, and service of the body: the one we participate with goddis, the other with beasts. And tuli saith, Mannes soul, 
Ci. tus●. ●. lib. 1.  being decerpt or taken of the portion of divinity called MENS, may be compared with none other thing( if a man mought leefully speak it) but with god himself.  
¶ Also the noble divine CHRISOSTOMVS, 
Chrisostode reparatione lapsi.  saith, The body was made for the soul, and not the soul for the body. Howe it is to be further known, that the soul is of three partes: the one, wherein is the power or efficacy of growing, which is also in herbs and trees, as well as in man,& that parte is called vegetatyfe. An other part, wherein man doth participate with all other things living, which is called sensytife, by reason that ther of the sensis do procede, which be dystributed into dyvers instrumental partes of the body, as sight into the eyen, hearing to the ears, smelling to the nose, tasting to the might, feeling to every part of the body, wherein is blood, without the which undoubtedly may be no feeling. The thyrde part of the soul is name the parte intellectual or of understanding, which is of all the other most noble, as whereby man is most like unto god and is preferred before al other creatures. For where other beasts by their senses do feel, what thing do profit them, and what doth annoy them: onely man understandeth, whereof the said contrary dispositions do come, and by what means they do either help or annoy: also he perceiveth the causes of the same thing, and knoweth howe to resist, where and whan'nede doth require: and with reason and craft howe to give remedy: and also with labour and industry, to provide that thing, which is wholesome or profitable. This most pure parte of the soul, and( as Aristotelle 
Arist. li. 1. de anima.  saythe) divine, impassyble, and incorruptibic, is name in latin INTELLECTVS, whereunto I can find no proper english, but Understanding. For intelligence, which cometh of Intelligentia, is the perceiving of that, which is first conceived by understanding, called Intellectus. Also intelligence is now used for an elegant word where there is mutual treaties or appointmentes, either by letters or message, specially concerning warres, or like other great affairs between princis or noble men. wherefore I will use this word vnderstanidng, for Intellectus, until somme other more proper english word may be founden and brought in custom. But to perceive more plainly, what thing it is, that I call understanding, It is the principal parte of the soul, which is occupied about the beginning or original causes of things that may fall in to mans knowledge: and his office is, before that any thing is attempted, to think, considre, and prepence, and after often tossynge it up and down in the mind, to exercise that power: the property whereof is to espy, seek for, enserche, and finde out: which virtue is referred to wit, which is as it were the instrument of understanding.  
¶ moreover after the things be invented, conjected, perceived, and by long time and often considered, and that the mind dysposeth herself to execution or actual operation: joanne the virtue, name PRVDENCE, first purteth herself forwards, and than appeareth her industry and labour, for as much as she teacheth, warneth, exhorteth, ordereth, and profiteth, like to a wise captain, that setteth his host in array. And therfore it is to be remembered, that the office or duty of understanding, precedeth the enterprise of acts, and is in the beginning of things. I call that beginning, wherein before any matter taken an hand, the mind and thought is occupied, and that a man searcheth and doubteth, whether it be to be entreprised,& by what way, and in what time it is to be executed. Who by this little introduction knowing, what understanding doth signify, will not suppose, that he, which therein doth excel, is not with honour to be advanced? Than it followeth not by this argument, that for as much as he that excellethe other in understanding, should be preferred in honour, therfore no man should be preferred to honour, but onely they that excel other in learning. No man having natural reason, though he never red logyke, wyliudge this to be a good argument, considering that understanding, called in latin Intellectus and Mens, is by itself sufficient, and is not of any necessity annexed to doctrine, but doctrine proceedeth of understanding. But if doctrine be alway attending vpon understanding, as the daughter vpon the mother, undoubtedly than understanding must be the more perfect, and of a more efficacy, being increased by the inventions and experiences of many other declared by doctrine, no one man without inspyration having knowledge of all thing. I call DOCTRINE 
Arist. ethi. li. 5. posteriorum. i. politice. li. 1.  dyscipline intellectife, or learning, which is either in writing or by report of things before known, which procedith from one man to an other. That which I haue said, is in this wise confirmed by Salomon, saying, A man that is wise, by hearing 
provver. ●.  shall become wiser, And he that hath understanding, shall be a governor. Seneca saith, We instruct our children in liberal sciences, not because those sciences may give any virtue, but because they prepare the mind, and make it apt to receive virtue. which being considered, no man will deny, but that they be necessary, to eeuery man, that coveteth very nobility. which, as I haue often times said, is in the having and use of virtue. And verily in whom doctrine hath ben founden, ioynid with virtue, there virtue hath seemed excel lent, and as I might say triumphant.  
¶ Scipio, common of the most noble house of the romans, in high learning and knowledge of the nature of things wonder full studious, having all way with him the most excellent Philosophers and poets that were in his time, was an example and mirror of martiall prowess, continence, devotion, liberality, and of all other virtues.  
¶ Cato, called uticensis, name the chief pillar of the public weal of the Romains, was so much inflamed in the desire of learning, that( as Suetonius writeth) he could not tempre himself in reading greek books whiles the Senate was sitting.  
¶ Howe much it profited to the noble Augustus, which until the death of his uncle Iulius caesar, diligently applied his study in Athenes, it well appeared after that the civil warres were all finisshed: when he refourmynge the hole estate of the public weal, stablished the Senate, and taking unto him ten honourable personages, daily in his own person consulted with them of matters, to be reported twice in a month to the Senate, in such wise aiding and helping forth that most noble court with his incomparable study and diligence.  
¶ The emperour Titus, son to Uaspasian, for his learning and virtue was name the delicate of the world.  
¶ Marcus Antoninus, the emperour, was in every kind of learning so excellent, that he was therefore openly name the philosopher, not in reproach( as men do now a days in despite call them philosophers and poets, whom they perceive studious in sundry good disciplines) but to the augmē tation of his honour. For being of his own nature aptly inclined to embrace virtue, he adding to abundance of learning, became thereby a wonderful and perfect prince, being neither of study withdrawn from affairs of the public weal, nor by any business utterly plucked from philosophy, and other noble doctrines. By the which mutual coniunction and just temperance of those two studies, he attained to such a form in all his governance, that he was name and taken for father of the senate, of the people, and vnynersally of all the hole empire.  
¶ moreover, his deeds and words were of all men had in so high estimation and reverence, that both the Senate and peo ple took of him laws and rules of their living. And in his governance and proper living, as well at home in his house, as in his civil business, he was to himself the onely lawe and example. And as he was above other highest in authority, so by the universal opinion of al men he was judged to be of all other men than living the best and also the wyseste.   

Of Experience which haue preceded our time, with a defence of Histories. Ca. XXIIII.  
EXPERIENCE, whereof cometh wise doom, is in two maner of wise: The one is acts committed or done by other men, whereof profit or damage succeeding, we may( in knowing or beholding it) be thereby instructed to apprehend 
Titus livius in {pro}emio. li. 1.  the thing, which to the public weal, or to our own persons, may be commodious: and to exchue that thing, which either in the beginning, or in the conclusion appeareth noisome and vicious. The knowledge of this Experience is called Example,& is expressed by history, which of tuli is called the life of memory. And so 
histories wherefore they be con mendable.  it agreeth well with the versis of Affranius, by melate declared. And therfore to such persons, as do contemn ancient histories, reputynge them among leasynges and fantasies( these be their words of reproach) it may be said, that they frustrate Experience: which( as the said tuli saythe) is the light of virtue, which they wolde be sene so much to favour, all though they do seldom embrace it. And that shall they perceive many festely, if they will a little while lay a parte their accustomend obstinacy, and suffer to be distilled into their ears two or three drops of the sweet oil of remembrance.  
¶ Let them revolve in their minds generally, that there is no doctrine, be it either divine or human, that is not either all expressed in history, or at the leste mixed with history. But to thentente that there shall be left none ignorance, whereby they might be detained in their error, I will now declare unto them what it is, that is called an history, and what it comprehendeth.  
¶ first it is to be noted, that it is a greek name, and cometh of a word or verb in 
mist or yewhat it si gnifieth.  greek Historeo, which doth signify, to know, to se, to enserche, to inquire, to here, to learn, to tell, or expound unto other. And than must history, which cometh therof, be wonderful profitable, which leaveth nothing hid from mans knowledge, that unto him may be either pleasant or necessary. For it not onely reporteth the gestes or acts of princes or captains, their counsaylles and attemptates, enterprises, affairs, manners in living good and bad, descryptions of regions and cities with their inhabitants: but also hit bringeth to our knowledge, the forms of sundry public weals, with their augmentations and decays, and occasion therof. More over precepts, exhortations, counsels, and good perswasyons, comprehended in quick sentences and eloquent orations. finally so large is the compase of that, which is name history, that it comprehendeth all thing that is necessary to be put in memory. In so much, as Arystotelle, where he declareth the partes of mannes body, with their descryption and offices, and also the sundry forms and disposytions of all beasts, fowls, and fishes, with their generation, nameth his book an history. Semblably Theophrast his scholar, a noble philosopher, descryuynge all herbs and trees, whereof he might haue the true knowledge, intytleth his book, The history of plants. And finally Plini the elder, calleth his most excellent and wonderful work, the history of nature: in the which book he nothing omytteth, that in the bosom of Nature is contained, and may be by mannes wit comprehended, and is worthy to be had in remenbraunce. which authorities of these three noble and excellent learned men, approveth the signification of history, to agree well with the exposition of the verb Historeo, whereof it cometh.  
¶ now let us se what book of holy scripture, I mean the old testament and the new, may be said, to haue no part of history. The five books of moses, the book of wretches, the four books of kings, job, Hester, Iudeth, Ruth, Thobias, And also the history of Machaebes( which from the other is separate) I suppose no man will deny, but that they be all historical: or( as I might say) entire histories. Also Esdras, Nemias, ezechiel, and Daniel, all though they were prophetes: yet be their archdukes compact in form of narrations, which by orators be called enunciatyue, and onely pertaineth to histories, wherein is expressed a thing done, and personnes name. All the other prophetes, though they speak of the time future or to come, which is out of the description of an history, yet either in rebukinge the sins and enormities passed, or bewailing the destruction of their country, or captivity of the people, and such like calamity or miserable estate, also in meuynge or persuading the people, they do recite some circumstance of a narration.  
¶ But now be we commen to the new testament, and principally the books of the evangelists, vulgarely called the gospels, which be one contexte of an history: do not they contain the temporal life of our saviour christ, king of kings, and lord of the world, until his glorious assention? And what thing lacketh therein, that doth pertain to a perfect history? There lacketh not in things, order and disposition, in the contexte or narration, verity, in the sentences grauytye, vtylytie in the counsaylles, in the perswasyons doctrine, in exposytions or declarations facylitie. The books of acts of apostelles, what thing is it elles but a plain history? The epistles of saint paul, saint Peter, saint Iohn, saint james, and Iudas, the apostles, do contain counsels and advertisements in the form of orations, recytynge diuers places, as well out of the old testament, as out of the gospels, as it were an abbreviate, called of the greeks and latins Epitoma. This is well known to be true, of them that haue had any leisure to rede holy scripture: who remembering themselves by this my little induction, will leave to neglect history, or contemn it with so general a dispraise as they haue benne ac customed.  
¶ But yet some will impugn them with a more particular objection, saying, The histories of the greeks and Romayns be nothing but lies, and feigning of poets: some such persons there be, between whom and good auctours haue ever ben perpetual hostility. first howe do they know, that all the histories of Greekes and romans be leasynges, sens they finde not, that any scripture authentic, made about that time that those histories were written, do reprove or comtemne them? But the most catholic and renowned doctors of Christis religion, in the corroboration of their arguments and sentences, do allege the same histories, and vouch( as I might say) to their aid the authority of the writers. And yet some of those Rabines( in goddis name) which in comparison of the said noble doctors, be as who saythe petites, and vnneth lettred: will presume, with their own sely wits, to dysproue that, which both by ancienty of time, and consent of blessed and noble doctors, is allowed,& by their archdukes honoured.  
¶ If they will conject histories to be lies, because they some time make report of things sene, and acts done, which do seem to the readers incredyble: by the same reason may they not onely condemn all holy scripture, which containeth things more wonderful, joanne any hystorian writeth, but also exclude credulity utterly from the company of man? For howe many things be daily sene, which being reported unto him that never lawe them, should seem impossible?  
¶ And if they will allege, that al thing contained in holy scripture, is approbat by the hole consent of all the clergy of Chrystendome, at diuers general counsels assembled: Certes the same counsels never disproved or rejected the histories of greeks or romans, but the most catholic and excellent learned men of those congregations, embraced their examples, and sowing them in their archdukes, made of them to the church of christ, a necessary ornament. admit, that some histories be interlaced with leasynges: why should we therefore neglect them? sens the affairs there reported, nothing concerneth us, we being therof no parteners, ne thereby onely, may receive any damage. But if by reading the sage counsel of Nestor, the subtle persuasions of Ulisses, the compendious gravity of Menelaus, the imperial majesty of Agamemnon, the prowess of Achilles, and valiant courage of Hector, we may apprehend any thing, whereby our wits may be amended, and our personages be more apt to serve our public weal and our prince: what forceth it us, though homer writ leasynges?  
¶ I suppose no man thinketh, that esop wrote gospels: yet who doubteth, but that in his fables, the fox, the hare,& the wolf, though they never spake, do teach many good wysedomes? which being well considered, men( if they haue not avowed to repugn against reason) shall confess with Quintilian, that few, and vneth one may be found of ancient writers, which shall not bring to the redars some thing commodious: And specially they that do writ matters historical, the lesson whereof is as it were the mirror of mans life, expressinge actually, and( as it were at the eyen) the beauty of virtue, and the deformytie and lothelynes of 'vice. wherefore Lactantius 
Lactantius lib. 3.  saythe, Thou must needs perish, if thou know not, what is to thy life profitable, that thou mayst seek for it: and what is daungerous, that thou mayst flee and escheue it. which I dare affirm may come soonest to pass by the reading of histories, and reteinynge them in continual remembrance.   

The Experience or practise necessary in the person of a governor of a public weal. Cap. xxv.  
THe other experience, which is in our proper persons, and is of some men called practise, is no small moment or efficacy in the acquiringe of Sapience: in so much that it seemeth, that no operation or affair may be perfect, nor no science or arte complete, except experience be there unto added, whereby knowledge is ratyfied, and( as I might say) consolidate.  
¶ It is written, that the great king Alexander, on a time being( as it happened) unoccupied, came to the shop of Apelles, the excellent painter, and standing by him, whiles he painted, raisoned with him of lines, adumbrations, proportions, and other like things pertaining to imagery, which the painter a little whiles suffering, at the last said to the king, with countenance all smylynge, Seest thou noble prince, howe the boy, that gryndeth my colours, doth laugh the to scorn? which words the king took in good parte, and held him therwith justly corrected, considering by his own office in martiall affairs, that he than had in hand, howe great a portion of knowledge faileth, where lacketh experience. And therein gouernours shall not disdain to be resembled unto physicians, considering their offices in curing and preserving, be most like of any other.  
¶ That parte of Phisycke, called rational, whereby is declared the faculties or powers of the body, the causes, accidents, and tokens of sicknesses, can not always be sure, without some experience in the temperature or distemperature of the regions, in the disposition of the pacyente, in diet, concoction, quietness, exercise, and sleep. And Galene, prince of physicians, exhorteth them, to know exactly the accustomend diet of their patients, which can not happen without much resort into their companies, seryousely notynge their usage in diet. Semblably the vnyuersalle state of a country or city, may be well likened to the body of man. wherefore the gouernours, in the stede of physicians, attending on their cure, ought to know the causes of the decay of their public weal, which is the health of their country or city, and than with expedition to procede to the most speedy and sure remedy. But certes the very cause of decay, ne the true mean to cure it, may never be sufficientely known of gouernours, except they themselves coil personally resort and peruse all partes of the countreyes, under their governance, and inserche diligently, as well what be the customs and manners of people good and bad, as also the commodities and discommodities: howe the one may be preserved, the other suppressed, or at the least ways amended.  
¶ ALSO among them that haue ministration or execution of justice( which I may lyken unto the membres) to taste and feel, howe every of them do practise their offices, that is to say, whether they do it febly or vnprofytably, and whether it happen by negligence, discourage, corruption, or affection.  
¶ but now may the reader with good reason demand of me, by what maner experience, the govnors may come to the true knowledge hereof. That shal I now declare.  
¶ first the gouernours themselves, adorned withvertue, being in such wise an example of living to their inferiors, and making the people iudges of them and their domestical servants and adherents, should sundry times during their governance, either purposely, or by way of solace, repair into dyvers partes of their jurisdiction or province, and making their abode, shal partly themselves attentifely here, what is commonly or privately spoken, concerning the estate of the country or persons, partly shall cause their servants or friends, of whose honesty and truth they haue good assurance, to resort, in disportynge themselves in dyvers towns& villages, and as they happen to be in company with the inhabitants, priuyly and with some maner of circumstance, inquire, what men of hauour dwell nigh unto them, what is the form of their living, of what estimation they be in justice, liberality, diligence in executing the laws, and other semblable virtues. Contrary wise, whether they be oppressors, covetous men, mayntenors of offenders, remiss or negligent, if they be officers. And what the examyners do here the greater nombre of people report, that they entirely and truly denounce it to the said governor: by the which intymation, and their own prudent endeavour, they shall haue infallible knowledge, who among the inhabitants be men toward the public weal best disposed. Them shal they call for, and most courtaisely entertain, and( as it were) lovingly embrace, with thankes for their good will and endeavour toward the public weal, commending them openly for their virtue& diligence: offering to them their assistance in their semblable doings, and also their furtherance toward the due recompense of their travails.  
¶ On the contrary part, when they se any of them, who among their inferiors, observe not justice, and like wise officers, which be remiss or favourable to common offenders and brekers of laws, and negligent in the execution of their authorities, to them shall they give condign reprehentions, manifesting their defaults in omyttynge their dueties, and in gyuyngeuyl example to their companions, also boldness to transgress and to contemn the laws. declaring also, that they mynystring such occasion, deser ue not only a sharp rebuk, but also right grievous punishment.  
¶ And if he, that thus admonyssheth, be a sovereign governor or prince, and shortly hereupon doth ratify his words, by expellynge somme of them, which I now rehearsed, from their offices, or otherwise sharply correcting them, and contrary wise aduaunsynge higher some good man, and whom he hath proved to be diligent in the execution of justice, undoubtedly he shall inflame the appetite and zeal of good ministers, and also suscytate or raise the courage of all men, inclined to virtue, so, that there shall never lack men apt and propyie to be set in authority. Where the merites of men be hid and unknown to the soueravgne governor, and the negligent ministers or inferior gouernours haue not onely equal thank or reward, but perchance much more than they, which be diligent, or wolde be, if they might haue assistance, there undoubtedly is grievous discourage, and peril of conscience: for as much as they omit oftentimes their dueties and offices, reputyng it great folly and madness, to acquire by the executing of justice, not onely an opinion of tyranny among the people, and consequently hatred, but also malignity among his equals and superiors, with a note of ambition.  
¶ This revolved and considered by a circumspect governor, lord GOD, howe shortly, and with howe little difficulty, shall he dispose the publycke weal, that is grieved, to receive medicine, whereby hit should be soon healed and reduced to his perfection.   

¶ Of Detraction, and the image therof made by the peynter Appelles. Cap. XXVI.  
THERE IS much conversant among men in authority a vice very ugly and monstrous, who under the pleasant habit of friendship& good counsel, with a breath pestilenciall infecteth the wits of them that nothing mystrusteth. This monster is called in english DETRACTION, in latin Calumnia, whose property I will now declare.  
¶ If a man, be determined to equity, having the eyen and ears of his mind, set onely on the trouth, and the public weal of his country, will haue no regard to any request or desire, but proceedeth directly in the administration of justice, either he, which by justice is offended, or some his fautors, abbettours, or adherents, if he himself, or any of them be in service or famyliaritie with him that is in authority, as soon as by any occasion, mention happeneth to be made of him, who hath executed justice exactly, forthwith they imagine some vice or default, be it never so little, whereby they may minish his credence,& craftily omitting to speak any thing of his rigour in Iustice, coil note and touch somme thing of his manners, wherein shall either seem to be lightness, or lack of gravity, or to much sowernes or lack of Ciuilytie: or that he is not benevolent to him in authority, or that he is not sufficient to receive any dignity, or to dispatch matters of weighty importance or that he is superfluous in words, or else to scarce. Also if he live temperately, and delighteth much in study, they embrayd him with nygardshyp, or in derislon, call him a clerk or a poet, unmeet for any other purpose. And this do they couertely and with a more gravity, than any other thing that they enterprise.  
¶ This evil report, called Detraction, 
The image of detraction.  was wonderfully well expressed in figures, by the most noble peynter APELLES. After he was discharged of the crime, whereof he was falsely accused to Ptholomee, king of egypt, having for his amendes of the said king. xii. M. pounds sterling, and his accuser to his bondman perpetually, the table, wherein detraction was expressed, he peynted in this form.  
¶ At the right hand was made sitting a man, having long cares, putting forth his hand to DETRACTION, who far of came towards him. about this man stood two women, that is to say, Ignorance, and Suspicion. On the other side came Detraction, a woman above measure well trimmed, all chaufed and angry, having her aspecte or look like to the fire, in showing a maner of rage or fury. In hyr left hand, she held a brenning torch or brand, and with her other hand she drew by the hear of his heed, a young man, who held up his hands toward heaven, calling god and the saints for witness: with her came a man pale, and evil favoured, beholding the young man intentifely, like unto one that had ben with long sickness consumed, whom ye might lightly conject, to be envy. Also there followed two other women, that trimmed and appareled Detraction, the one was Treason, the other fraud. After followed a woman, in a mourning weed, black and ragged, and she was called repentance, who turning her back, weeping and sore ashamed, beheld Ueritie, who than approached.  
¶ In this wise Apelles described Detraction, by whom he himself was in peril. which in mine opinion is a right necessary matter to be in tables or hangynges, set in every mans house, that is in authority, considering what damage and loss, hath ensued, and may hereafter ensue, by this horrible pestilence, false Detraction, to the avoiding, whereof Luciane, who writeth of this picture, giveth a notable counsel, saying,  
¶ A wise man, when he doubteth of the honesty and virtue of the person accused, should keep close his ears, and not open them hastily to them, which be with this sickness infected, and put reason for a dyligent porter and watch, which ought to examine and let in the reports that be good, and exclude and prohibit them that be contrary. For it is a thing to laugh at, and very vnsyttynge, to ordain for thy house a keeper or porter: and to leave thine ears and mind to all men wide open. wherefore, when any person cometh to us, to tel us any report or complaint: First it shall behove us thoroughly and evenly to considre the thing, not having respect to the ears of him that reporteth, or to his form of living, or wisdom in speaking. For the more vehement the reporter is in persuading, the more diligent and exact trial and examination ought to be used. Therfore trust is not to be given to an other mannes iudgement, much less to the malice of an accuser. But every man shall retain to himself the power, to enserche out the truth, and leaving the envy or displeasure to the detractor, shall ponder or way the matter indifferentely, that every thing, in such wise being curiously inserched and proved, he may at his pleasure either love or hate him, whom he hath so substauncially tried. For in good faith, to give place to detraction at the beginning, is a thing chyldisshe and base, and to be esteemed among the most great inconveniences and myschiefes. These be well nigh the words of Luciane: whether the counsel be good, I remit it to the wise readers. Of one thing I am sure, that by Detraction, as well many good wits haue ben drowned, as also virtue and peynefull study unrewarded, and many zelatours or favourers of the public weal, haue ben dyscouraged.   

¶ Of Consultation and counsel, and in what form they ought to be used in a public weal. Capi. XXVII.  
THe griefs or diseases, which of Aristotelle, be called the decays of the public weal, being investigate, examined, and tried by the experience before expressed, than cometh the time and opportunity of consultation: whereby, as I said, is provided the remedies most necessary for the healynge of the said griefs, or reparation of decays.  
¶ This thing, that is called CONSVLTATION, 
Consultation.  is the general denomination of the act, wherein men do devise to gether, and reason, what is to be done. counsel 
counsel.  is the sentence or aduise particularly given by every man for that purpose assembled. Consultation hath respect to the time future or to come, that is to say, the end or purpose ther of is addressed to some act or affair, to be practised after the Consultation. And yet be not all other times excluded, but first the state of things present, ought to be examined, the power, assistance, and substance to be esteemed, semblably thin ges passed, with much and long deliberation, to be revolved& tossed in the mind, and to be conferred with them that be present, and being exactly weighed, the one against the other, than to inuestygate or inquire exquisitely, the form and reason of the affair, and in that study to be holly resolved so effectually, that they, which be counsellors, may bear with them out of the counsel house, as it were on their shoulders, not onely what is to be followed and exploited, but also by what means or ways it shall be pursued, and howe the affair may be honourable, also what is expedient, and of necessity, and howe much is needful, and what space and length of time, and finally howe the enterprise, being achieved and brought to effect, may be kept and retained. For often times, after exploitures, happeneth occasions, either by assaults, or other encumbrances of enemies, or of to much trust in fortunes assurance, or by dyssobedyence or presumption of some persons, whom the thing toucheth, that this last parte of Consultation is omitted, or more rather neglected: where much study, travail, and cost haue utterly perished, not onely to the great detriment of infinite persons, but also to the subversion of most noble public weals.  
¶ More over, it is to be diligently noted, 
counsel proved by three thingis  that every counsel is to be approved by three things principally, that it be rightwise, that it be good,& that it stand with honesty. That which is rightwise, is brought in by reason. For nothing is right, that is not ordered by reason. goodness cometh of virtue, of virtue and reason proceedeth honesty. wherefore counsel, being compact of these three, may be name a perfect capitain, a trustye companion, a plain and unfeigned friend. Therfore in commendation therof TITVSLIVIVS 
Titus livius. li. xv.  saythe, Many things be impeached or let by nature, which by counsel be shortly achiued. And verily the power of counsel is wonderful, having authority as well over peace as martiall enterprise. And therfore with good reason tuli affirmeth in his book of offices, arms without the doors be of little inportaunce, if counsel be not at home. And he saith sone after, In things most prosperous, the counsel of friends must be used. which is ratified by the author of the noble work, name Ecclesiasticus, saying, My son, with 
Ecclesiast. xxxii.  out counsel see thou do nothing, and than after thy dede thou shalt never repent the. The same author giveth three noble precepts concerning this matter, which of every wise man ought to be had in continual memory.  
¶ Of fools take thou noo counsel, for 
Eclesiasticus. viii.  they can love nothing, but that pleasethe themselves. discover not thy counsel before a stranger: for thou knowest not what therof may happen. Unto every man disclose not thy hart, leste dower he will give to the a feigned thank, and after report rebukefully of the.  
¶ Foles( as I suppose) be they, which be more superadd with affection than reason. And whom he calleth strangers, be those, of whose fidelity and wisdom he is not assured: and in the general name of every man, may be signified the lack of election of counsellors, which wolde be with a vigilaunt search, and( as I might say) of all other most scrupulus.   

What in Consultation is to be chiefly considered. Cap. XXVIII  
THe end of al doctrine& study, is good counsel, whereunto, 
counsel.  as unto the principal point, which Geometriciens do call the Centre( which by some authors be imagined in the form of a cerkle) all doctrines do send their effects like unto equal lignes, as it shall appear to them that will rede the books of the noble Plato, where he shall finde, that the wise Socrates, in every inuestigation, which is in form of a consultation, useth his persuasions and demonstrations by the certain rules and examples of sundry sciences, prouynge thereby that the conclusion, and as( I mought say) the perfection of them, is in good counsel, wherein virtue may be founden, being( as it were) his proper mansion or palace, where her power onely appeareth, concerning governance, either of one person onely, and than it is called moral, or of a multitude, which for a dyuersytie may be called politic. Sens counsel is of such an efficacy, and in things concerning man hath such a pre-eminence, It is therfore expedyente, that consultation( wherein counsel is expressed) be very serious, substantial, and profitable. which to bring to effect, requireth two things principally to be considered.  
¶ first, that in every thing, concerning 
Considerations of counsel  a public weal, no good counsaylour be omitted or passed over, but that his reason therein, be hard to an end. I call him a good counsaylour, which( as caesar saith) in the conjuration of catiline, whiles he 
counsellors. Sal. bell. catiline. counsellors man  consulteth in doubtful matters, is void of all hate, friendship, displeasure, or pity. Howe necessary to a public weal it shall be, to haue in any wise, mens opinions declared, it is manifest to them, that do remembre, that in many heads be diuers manners of wits, some inclined to sharpness and rigour, many to pity& compassion, dyvers to atemperance and mean between both extremities, some haue respect to tranquillitie onely, other, more to wealth and commodity, dyvers to much reuoume and estimation in honour. There be, that will speak all their mind suddenly, and perchance right well. dyvers require to haue respect and study, wherein is much more surety, many will speak warily, for fear of displeasure, some more bolder in virtue, will not spare, to show their minds plainly, diuers will assent to that reasons, wherewith they suppose, that he, which is chief in authority, will be beste pleased. These vndoughtedly be the dinersyties of wits. And more over, where there is a great noumbre of counsellors, they all being hard, needs must the counsel be the more perfect. For sometime perchance one of them, which in doctrine, wyrte, or experience is in least estimation, may hap to express some sentence more available to the purpose, wherein they consult, than any that before came to the others remembrances. No one man is of such perfection, that he can haue in an instant remembrance of all thing. which I suppose was considered by Romulus, the first king of Romaines, 
Dionis. Malicarnasseus.  in the first constitution of their public weal. For having of his own people but three thousand foot men, and three hundred horsemen, he chase of the eldeste and wiseste of them all, one hundred counsellors. But to the more assertyon of dyvers mens sentences, I will declare a notable experience, which I late happened to rede.  
¶ Belinger Baldasine, a man of great wit, singular learning, and excellent wisdom( Who was one of the counsellors to Ferdinando, king of Arogon) when any thing doubtful, or weighty matter was consulted of, where he was present, afterward when he had souped at home in his house, he wolde call before him all his servants: and merely purposing to them some feigned question or fable, wherein was craftily hid, the matter, which remained doubtful, wolde merely demand of every man his particular opinion, and giving good ear to their judgements, would confer toget her every mannes sentence, and with good deliberation pondering their value, he at the last perceived, which was the truest and most apt to his purpose: and being in this wise fournyshed, translatynge japes and things feigned to matter serious& true, he among the kings counsellors, in giving good and substantial aduise, had alway pre-eminence. Howe much commodity than suppose ye mought be taken of the sentences of many wise and expert coū 
Homerus. Iliad. pr●.  saylours? And like as Calchas, as homer writeth, knew by divination things present, things to come, and them that were passed, so counsellors garnished with learning, and also experience, shall thereby considre the places, times, and personages examing the state of the matter, than practised, and expendyng the power, assistance, and substance, also reuoluyng long and often times in their minds, things that be passed, and conferring them to the matters that be than in experience, studiously do seek out the reason& maner, howe that, which is by thē approved, may be brought to effect. And such mens reasons wolde be thoroughly herde, and at length, for the wiser that a man is, in tarrying, his wisdom increaseth, his reason is more lively, and quick sentence aboundeth. And to the more parte of men, when they be chaufed in reasoning, arguments, solutions, examples, symilitudes, and experymentes do resort, and( as it were) flow unto their remembrances.   

¶ The second consideration to be had in consultation. Cap. xxix.  
THe second consideration is, that the 
general things be fore particular.  general& universal estate of the public weal, would be preferred in consultation, before any particular commodity: and the profit or damage, which may happen within our own countries, wolde be more considered, than that, which may happen from other regions: which to believe. commune reason and experience leadeth vs. For who commendeth those gardiners, that will put all their diligence in trymmyng or keeping delicately one knot or bed of herbs, suffering al the remnant of their gardeine to be subverted with a great nombre of molles, and to attend at noo time for the taking and destroyenge of them, until the herbs, wherein they haue employed all their labours be also turned up and perished, and the molles increased in so infinite numbers, that no industry or labour, may suffice to consume them: whereby the labour is frustrate, and all the garden made unprofitable, and also unpleasant. In this similitude to the garden may be resembled the public weal, to the gardiners, the gouernours and counsellors, to the knots or beds, sundry degrees of personages, to the molles, vices,& sundry enormities, wherefore the consultation is but of a small effect, wherein the universal estate of the public wele doth not occupy the more parte of the time,& in that generalty every particular estate, be not diligently ordered. For as tuli saith, They that consult for parte of the people, and 
Ci. Ooffia, li. i.  neglect the residue, they bring into the city or country a thing most pernicious, that is to say, sedition and discord. whereof it happeneth, that some will seem to favour the multitude, other be inclined to leene to the beste sort, few do study for all universally. which hath benne the cause, that not onely Athenes( which tuli doth name) but also the city and empire of Rome, with dyvers other cities and realms, haue decayed and ben finally brought in extreme desolation.  
¶ Also Plato, in his book of Fortitude, 
Plato in ●achete.  saythe in the person of Socrates, when so ever a man seeketh a thing, for cause of an other thing, the consultation ought to be alway of that thing, for whose cause the other thing is sought for, and not of that, which is sought for because of the other thing. And surely, wise men do consider, that damage often times happeneth, by abusinge the due form of consultation: men like evil physicians, seeking for medicines, er they perfectly know the sicknesses: and as yuel merchants do utter first the wears and commodities of strangers, whiles strangers be robbing of their own coffers.  
¶ Therfore these things, that I haue rehearsed, concerning consultation, ought to be of all men in authority substantially pondered, and most vigilantly observed, if they intend to be to their public weal profitable: for the which purpose onely, they be called to be gouernours.  
¶ And thus I conclude, to writ any more of consultation, which is the last parte of moral Sapience, and the beginning of Sapience politic.  
¶ now all ye readers, that desire to haue your children to be gouernours, or in any other authority in the public weal of your country, if ye bring them up, and instruct them in such form, as in this book is declared, they shall than seem to all men, worthy to be in authority, honour, and nobleness. And al that is under their governance shal prosper and come to perfection, and as a precious ston in a rich ouche, they shall be beholden and wondered at, and after the death of their body, their souls for their endeavour, shal be incomprehensibly rewarded of the giver of wisdom, to whom onely be given eternal glory.  
Amen.   
FINIS.   

Thomas Berthelet regius impressor excudebat. Cum privilegio.  
Anno. 1537. mensae lulij