THE IMAGE OF GOVERNANCE COMPILED OF THE acts AND SENTENCES notable, of the most noble Emperour Alexander severus, late translated out of greek into english, by sir Thomas Eliot knight, in the favour of nobility.  
☞ ANNO. M. D. XLI.   

  

TO AL THE nobility OF THIS FLOVRYSHYNGE ROYALME OF england, THOMAS ELYOT knight desireth INCREASE OF virtue AND honour.  
AS I LATE WAS searching among my books, to find some argument, in the reading whereof I might recreate my spirits, being almost fatigate with the long study about the correctinge and ampliatinge of my Dictionary, of latin and Englishe, I happened to finde certain quaires of paper, which I had written about .ix. yeres passed: wherein were contained the acts and sentences notable, of the most noble Emperour Alexander, for his wisdom and gravity called severus, which book was first written in the greek tongue by his secretary name Eucolpius● and by good chance was lent unto me by a gentille man of Naples called Pudericus. In reading whereof I was maruaylousely ravished, and as it hath ben ever mine appetite, I wished that it had ben publisshed in such a tongue, as mo men might understand it. wherefore with all diligence I endeavoured myself whiles I had leisure, to translate it into englishe: all be it I could not so exactly perform mine enterprise, as I might haue done, if the owner had not importunately called for his book, whereby I was constrained to leave some part of the wark vntranslated: which I made vp● as well as I could, with somme other authors, aswell latins as grekis. having this book in my hand I remembered, that in my book name the governor, I promised to writ a book of the form of good governance: And for as much as in this book was expressed of governance so perfit an image, I supposed, that I should sufficiently discharge myself of my promise, if I did now publish this book, which except I be much deceived) shall minister to the wise readars both pleasure and profit. Than did I ●ftsones peruse it, and with more exact diligence conform the style therof with the phrase of our englishe, desiring more to make it plain to all readers, than to flourish it with over much eloquence. Which book I do dedicate unto you noble lordis, gentle knights, and other in the state of honour or worship, as being most redy to be advanced to governance under your Prince: so that your virtues be correspondent unto your fortunes. Yet am I not ignorant that diverse ●here and which do not thankfully esteem my labours, dispraysinge my studies as vain and unprofitable, saying in derision, that I haue nothing won thereby but the name onely of a maker of books, and that I set the trees, but the printer eateth the fruits. In dede al though disdain & envy do cause them to speak it, yet will I not deny, but that they say truly: for yf I would haue employed my study about the increase of my private commodity, which I haue spent in writing of books for others necessity, few men doubt( I suppose) that do know me, but that I should haue attained or this time to haue ben much more wealthy, ● in respect of the world in a more estimation. But to excuse me of folly, I will profess without arrogaunce, that when I considered, that kunninge continueth when fortune sitteth, having also rynging alway in mine ear, the terrible check that the good master in the gospel gave to his ydel ser●aunte, for hiding his money in a clowte, and not disposinge it for his maisters advantage, 
mat. 18.  those two wor●es, serve nequam, so sterid my spirites, that it caused me to take more regard to my last rekning, than to any riches or worldly promotion. And all though I do neither dispute nor expound holy scripture, yet in such archdukes as I haue and intend to set forth, my poor talent shall be, God willing, in such wise bestowed, that no mannes conscience shalbe therwith offended, my book called the governor, instructinge men in such virtues as shalbe expedient for them, which shal haue authority in a wele public. The Doctrinal of princis, which are but the counsels of wise Isocrates, inducinge into noblemens wits honest opinions. The Education of children, which also I translated out of the wise plutarch, making men and women, which will follow those rules, to be well worthy to be fathers and mothers. The little pasquil although he be merry and plain, teaching as well servants how to be faithful unto their maisters, as also masters how to be circumspectly in espying of flaterars. Semblably thoffice of a good counsellor, with magnanimity or good courage in time of adversity, may be apparently founden in my book called, Of the knowledge belonging to a wise man. In reading the sermon of saint Cyprian by me translated, the devour reader shal find no little comfort in plagues or calamities. The banquet of Sapience is not fastidiouse, and in little come showeth out of holy scripture many wise sentences. The castle of health being truly ●ad, shal long preserve men( being some physicians never so angry) from perillouse sickness. My little book called the defence of good women, not only confoundeth villainous report, but also teachith good wives to know well their dueties. My Dictionary declaring latin by englishe, by that time that I haue performed it, shall not only serve for children, as men haue excepted it, but also shall be commodious for them which perchance be well learned. And this present book, which I haue name the Image of governance, shall be to all them which will read it sincerely, a very true pattern, whereby they may shape all their preachings. And in none of these archdukes I dare undertake, a man shall find any sentence against the commandmentes of god, the true catholic faith, or occasion to steer men to wanton devises. wherefore I trust unto god, mine account shall of him be favourably accepted: all though some ingrate persons with ille report or mocks requited y● my labours: to whom I will only recite this merry fable of esop, written by Maximus Planudes. ¶ A good woman had an husband, who would be oftentimes drunken, wherewith she being ashamed, and diuisinge by what mean she might cause him to leave that horrible 'vice, at the last when he was a sleep, she carried him unto the charnel house, wherein were put the bones of deade men, and leuing him lying there, she made fast the door, and departed. And when she thought that he was waking, she taking with her breed and meate● returned to the charnel house and knocked at the door, her husband faintly asked who knocked there, the good woman answered, I which haue brought meate with me for the dead men, peace said her husband, thou increacest my pain in speaking of meate, bring me some drink I beseech the. That hering the good woman, alas said she that ever I was born, for this vice gotten by custom, my husband hath made it a natural habit, which will never forsake him.  
¶ This fable needeth no declaration: for every man may perceive what it meaneth. moreover many being ignorant of good letters, do universally reprove all them that be studious in learning, alleginge this commune proverb, The greatest clerks be not the wisest men: affirming, that they be founden negligent about their own profit, and consequently unapt to the ministration of things of weighty importance. How untrue their allegations be, & on how feeble a foundation they are builded, it shall in this wise appear unto wise men. First the said proverb seemeth by him which lacked learning, to be devised, sens that he preferrith ignorance before kunninge: which arrogance declared him to be a very fool, and vnwitty: considering that by knowledge most chiefly, a man excelleth al other mortal creatures, and thereby is most like unto god. And learning is none other thing, but an aggregation of many mens sentences & acts to the augmentation of knowledge. And if some learned men do neglect their temporal commodities, it is for one of these causes: either by cause they haue ben so desirous of knowledge, and in respect therof esteemed so little all other pleasures, that they thought the time all to little, which they did spend in it, holding themselves with that which served for natures necessity right well contented, or else like as the grehound that was sent to great Alexander by the king of Albania, when there were shewed unto him severally a great hart, a bore, & a bear, he vouchsafe not saulf to look on them, but lay still wagging his tail: than was there brought forth a great lion, to whom he did arise softly, and setting up his bristels, & showing his teeth, fleeing to the lion, lightly strangled him. afterward a puyssante olyfante being brought to the place, the grehounde seeming to rejoice at the greatness of the beste, roused him, and after two or three questinges, he lept to the great elephant, and after a long fight overthrew him and killed him. So I doubt not but that some men there be living, in whom is such courage, that in things of little importance may seem to be negligent, disdayninge as it were to spend their wits or labours about the pelfry of riches: which being ones called to authority joined with liberty, will ●nforce themselves to make their ministrations noble & excellent. such were Solon, Aristides, and photion in Athenes, Publicola, Fabritius, Curius, and Cato Uticencis at Rome, whose lives I would to god were in english, and the like be now living, yf they were sought for.  
¶ And for the confutation of that pestiferous opinion the great learned men be unapt to the ministration of things of weighty importance, this shalbe sufficient. First as I late said learning is the augmentation of knowledge, which the more that it is, the more may be perceived what shal be most necessary in things which happen in consultation. & the more that it is perceived, the better and more aptly may it be ministered and executed. Examples we haue of Moyses, who being excellently learned in the most dyffuse doctrines of the Egyptians & Ethiopians, was by almighty god chosen to guide and rule his people, which were innumerable & most froward of nature: and with what wonderful wisdom and patience did he govern them by the space of .xl. yeres, being without any cities, towns, or any certain possessions? Who were better leders of armies than great Alexander, Scipio, Lucullus, & caesar, which were men al of great learning? who better handled matters of weighty importance, than octavian called Augustus, Hadrian, Marcus Antoninus, Alexander, severus, & of late yeres Carolus Magnus, al emperours of Rome, and men very studious in all noble sciences? when was there a better consul than Tully● or a better senator than Cato called Uticencis? And to return home to our own country, and whereof we ourselves may be witnesses, howe much hath it profited unto this realm, that it now hath a king our sovereign lord king HENRY theyght exactly well learned? Hath not he thereby onely sifted out detestable heresies, late mingled among the corn of his faithful subiectes, and caused much of the chaff to be thrown in the fire? also hypocrisy and vain superstition to be clean banished? whereof I doubt not, but that there shal be or it be long, a more ample remembrance, to his most noble and immortal renome? This well considered, let men cease their said foolish opinion, and hold them content with their own ignorance, and for my part, say what they list, I will during my life, be in this wise occupied, in bestowing my talent, being satisfied with the contentynge of such men as ye be, adorned with virtue, the most precious garment of very nobility.  
¶ But now to thintent that ye if ye list, may attaynin estimable profit by the reading of this little work, I do exhort you, that redynge it distinctly and studiousely, first ye mark diligently, howe by the lasciuiouse and cemisse education of Uarius Heliogabalus, he grew to be a person most monstrous in living, also howe not withstanding, that he not onely suffered, but also provoked the people to live in a most beastly licence: yet horrible sin at the last became to all men fastidiouse and loathsome. wherefore they slew in most miserable fashion him that consumed infinite treasure in supportinge their lewdness. Than shall ye note diligently● howe much it profytted to Alexander, who n●●te did succeed him, that he had so wise and virtuous a mother, and that he was brought up among so wise counsellors. Also the maner of his marvelous preachings, in reformynge a public weal, left unto him corrupted so shamefully, wherein was more difficulty, than to begin it, where never was any. mark also his most noble qualitees, and howe they were tempered. moreover the form of his speaking, and howe as he grew in yeres, so waxed it more mature and seryouse, sometime abundant, otherwhiles short and compendious, as oportunytye served. In his acts and decrees, what Iustice and prudence were in them contained, what severity he used, sparing neither himself, nor his friends or ministers. Finally, all his life is a wonderful mirror, if it be truly radde and justly considered, which if ye do often look on, ye may thereby attire yourself in such fashion, as men shall therfore haue you in more favour and honour, than if ye had on you as rich a garment as the great turk hath any. Onely for my good will in translatynge it for you, I desire your gentle report and assistance against them, which do hate all things, which please not their fantasies.   

THE TABLE  Cap. i. ¶ The education of Alexander, and how he profited in virtue and doctrine. Cap. ii. ¶ Of the monstrous living of the Emperour Varius Heliogabalus, whereby the city of Rome was corrupted. Cap. iii. ¶ Howe Alexander was made emperour, and of his wonderful temperance in refusing diverse great honours. Cap. iiii. ¶ The example of virtue given by Alexander in the form of his living and daily customs. Cap. v. ¶ The letter of Gordian the senator to the emperour Alexander. Cap. vi. ¶ The answer of Alexander to the letters of Gordian. Cap. vii. Cap. viii. Cap. ix. ¶ The oration of Alexander to the senate. Cap. x. ¶ How the correctors of manners, called Censors were elected, and with what rigour they executed their office by the commandement of Alexander. Cap. xi. ¶ Of the great prudence of Alexander used in the election of his counsellors and officers. Cap. xii. Cap. xiii. ¶ A notable example given by Alexander in repreuing an ambitious and vainglorious counsaylour. Cap. xiiii. Cap. xv. ¶ How Alexander instructed and entertained them that were officers, and of his liberality toward them that did well their dueties. Cap. xvi. ¶ How curious the emperour Alexander was in assigning of iustices in his laws, and how he used liberality or sharpness towards them, according to their merites. Cap. xvii. ¶ Of the great care and diligence that Alexander used about the public weal, and of certain new officers ordained by him. Cap. xviii. ¶ How the emperour Alexander did ordain new officers in the weal public, and what belonged to their authorities. Cap. xix. ¶ The detestation that Alexander had unto idleness, and the vices therof proceeding, and of diuers provisions that he made against it. Cap. xx. ¶ Of bains and places of exercises, made for the people of Rome, by the emperour Alexander. Cap. xxi. ¶ Of the magnificence of the emperour Alexander in sumptuous and necessary archdukes, and in what exercises he caused the nobility and gentlemen of Rome to be occupied. Cap. xxii. ¶ Of hospitals and other provision made by Alexander for men that were decrepit, or so diseased that they could not labour. Cap. xxiii. ¶ In how sundry wise Alexander exercised his own person, so that he was never unprofitably occupied. Cap. xxiiii. Cap. xxv. ¶ How Mammea the Emperours mother exhorted him to be married, and what wise answers he made, and finally took to wife the daughter of a noble and ancient senator. Cap. xxvi. ¶ Of the severity that Alexander used, as well toward them that were proud, as to thē that were malapert and did not their duty. Cap. xxvii. ¶ The oration of the emperour Alexander to the people of Rome. Cap. xxviii. ¶ The severity that the emperour Alexander used in chastisinge as well the pride of the people, as also his men of war or soldiers. Cap. xxix. ¶ How the Emperour Alexander reformed the usury, whereof he spake afore in his oration made to the people. Cap. xxx. ¶ The sentence of Catelius. eodem. ¶ The sentence of Gordian. eodem. ¶ The law concerning usuries made by the Emperour, Senate, and people of Rome. Cap. xxxi. ¶ what love and benevolence the emperour shewed to the people of Rome, and of other his wonderful virtues. Cap. xxxii. Cap. xxxiii. ¶ The most noble answer of Alexander made to Alphenus, concerning the disablynge of Sextilius Rufus in his absence. cap. xxxiiii. ¶ How Sextilius hearing that he was made praetor, fled: And what the Emperour said concerning that matter cap. xxxv. cap. xxxvi. ¶ A notable question moved by Iulius Paulus unto the Emperour Alexander. And the wise answer which he thereunto made. cap. xxxvii. cap xxxviii. ¶ The oration of Iunius Moderatus. eodem. ¶ The wonderful prudence and equity shewed by Alexander the Emperour, in the determination and sentence in the matter precedinge. cap. xxxix. 
¶ Thus endeth the Table.   

  

OF WHAT lineage THE EMPEROVR ALEXANDER was, and the signs betokenynge his empire. Capi. i.  
AVRELIVS ALEXANder sometime Emperour of Rome, was born in the royalme of Siria, in the city of Arcene, whose father had to name Uarius, which was lyneally descended from the noble house of Metellus the roman, called Metellus the virtuous. Albeit some writers suppose, that severus, before he was emperour, was amorous of a woman in Siria, and by the arte of astronomy finding in her nativity, that she should be an emperours mother, he took her to wife, and had issue by her, Uarius the father of Alexander: but finally the progeny of this Emperour is very uncertain: wherefore in mine opinion his life and acts be the more to be honoured and marveled at, considering that being come of so uncertain a lineage, and born so far from the city of Rome, and in so barbarous a country, he could so well govern the empire of Rome, which before his time was with pride and other detestable vices extremely corrupted.  
¶ The mother of Alexander was called Mammea, a woman of notable wisdom, as it shall hereafter appear by the bringing up of her son, and preserving of him as well from the vices, whereunto he was not onely provoked, but also well nigh constrained, by that most beastly emperour Uarius Heliogabalus, his cousin germayne and predecessor, not withstanding there was in that noble woman Mammea, a great spice of avarice in gathering and keeping of treasure, which finally was the only cause of the death both of her and her son. The said Mammea was daughter of a woman called Mesa, which was born in Phenicia, in a town called Emesa, and was sister of Iulia, wife of the emperour severus. This Mesa living, severus and Bassianus his son, was continually abiding in the courts of those emperours: and after the decease of Bassia●us, she was commanded by Macrinus than emperour, to depart to her country, albeit the emperour granted that she should take with her such treasure, as she had gathered, which was abundant. She had also two daughters, the one called Semiamira, the other Mammea. Semiamira had a son name Bassianus, which was of excellent beauty. And because he was prelate in the temple of the sun, whom the Phenices do call Heliogabalus, he was semblably called by that name, having added thereto the name of Uarius, which is in englishe diuers, forasmoche as some men suppose, that he was conceived of the seed of dyvers men, his mother Semiamira being incontinent, and as it were commune to many men, during the time that she abode in the emperours court with her mother. Not withstanding her son Heliogabalus, by the crafty means of his grandam Mesa, was declared to be the son of the emperour Bassianus, and by the favour of the men of war of the Romayns, who than murmured and had in hatred the pride and cruelty of Macrinus( who was emperour after Bassianus) and his son Diadumenus, the said Uarius Heliogabalus was advanced unto the empire, who with voluptuous and monstrous living, in such wise corrupted the city of Rome, that therein vnneth remained any step of virtue or honesty.  
¶ Contrary wise the other daughter of Mesa called Mammea, of whom I intend now to writ, induced rather by nature and reason, than by the example of her vicious mother, so nourished and trained her said son Alexander in virtue & learning, that partly by her education, but much more by his own inclination natural, he became one of the most perfect princis that ever governed.   

¶ The education of Alexander, and howe he profited in virtue and doctrine. Capit. ii.  
TOVCHYNGE THE EDVCATION in chyldhode of Alexander, his noble mother Mammea failed not to provide with all diligence and circumspection, that hir son might be nourished in virtue, and among honest company, and that fro the time that he issued out of his infancy, he were continually instructed in all maner of doctrine, both civil and martial: so that afterward he of his own courage never suffered any day to pass, without exercysyng himself either in letters, or in faictis martial. In the first parte of his childhood he had instructors. Ualerius Cordius, Titus Ueturius, and Aurelius Philippus: which afterward wrote his life. Also in his country he was taught in greek by Nebo the grammarian, and the rhetorician Serapio, and Stilio the philosopher. At Rome he had teachers in the latin tongue, first in grammar Scaurinus a famous master, in rhetoric he was instructed by Iulius Frontinus, Bebius Macrinus, & julianus Gramanus. Al be it he did not so much delight in latin eloquence, as in the greek, ne did therein profit so much: but he loved all men that were learned, and fea●ed them also, lest they should write of him any thing sharply, or to his rebuk.  
¶ moreover he sent often times for those excellent personages, communicatynge with them things which were done as well privily as also openly: willing them, that all that they found to be true, they should put it in writing: suffering also them to rep●oue him when they seemed convenient. Often times he made verses in greek very pleasant, and was much inclined to music. In the mathematical scien●es, that is to say, arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy, he was very well learned. And therfore diverse times by his commandment, the professors of those sciences purposed openly questions. In divination he was so excellent, that he therein surmounted the diuynours of gascoigne, spain, and Hungry. He pain●ed also excellently. Also he did sing very pleasantly, but never in the presence of any other, but onely of his servants and pages of his privy chamber. He wrote the lives of good princes in verses eloquently, and sang them unto the harp and organs, right sweetly, but that did he onely for recreatynge his spicites, when they were troubled with vehement study: as it often times happened by incomparable labour about the great affairs of the weal public. He was of visage fair, and well proportioned in body: large and goodly of parsonage, and therwith was strong and durable to sustain pains, as he that knew his own strength, and in the preserving therof was not found negligent. thereto he was amiable, and toward every man gentle, and easy to be spoken unto. Also there was in him so much humanity and benevolence, that he wolde often times visit not only the beste and the second of his friends and servants being sick, but also them that were inferiors and of base hauyour, desiring them to tell to him freely what they thought of him, whom he wolde attentifely here. And when he had herde them thoroughly, than as the thing, which was spoken of, did require, he would diligently amend and correct it. And when his mother wolde say often times to him, Sir ye be to familiar and easy, and therfore ye shall cause the imperial estate to be the lasse set by, he answered thus, But yet shall it be more sure, and continue the longer. This was his disposition, proceeding as well of the perfection of his most gentile nature, as of the education of his good and circumspectly mother.  
¶ now will I procede to writ of his excellent wisdom and virtue, experienced in his authority imperial, wherein was declared the most perfect form of governance that ever was practised by any prince( as I suppose) which shall appear the more manifestly, yf first I treat somewhat of the most miserable estate of the weal public, and as it seemed incorrigible, at the time that he received the governance therof, he than being but of the age of .xvi. yeres, which being considered and kept in remembrance, this history shall be to the readers therof( except I be deceived) both pleasant and marvelous, and no lasse profitable to gouernours that do prefer their public weal before wilful appetite and particular pleasures.   

¶ Of the monstrous living of the emperour Varius He●ioga●a●●●, whereby the city of Rome was corrupted. Ca. iii.  
MACRINVS the emperour for his avarice and tyranny being abandoned( or rather betrayed) of his own people, and slain with his son Diadumenus, who in beauty and goodly stature excelled al men of his time, Uarius Heliogabalus, of whom I late spake, was advanced unto the empire, by the hole consent of the Senate and people of Rome, who gave hasty credence to all reports that were made to the honour and praise of their new princis.( Such is the appetites of men, which be moved anon with credulity: for such things as they desire, they coucyte to here of, and do delight in new tidings, though it be falsely reported.) But Heliogabalus as soon as he was come unto Rome, out of the country of Siria, he immediately declared his beastly nature, by insuynge vices most abominable, and aduauncyng the favourers and haunters of the same vices, and inforcynge with all his study and pvissance, to exterminate out of the city of Rome all virtue and honesty, from whence a little before, all the world received doctrine and example of honour, concerning as well virtuous manners, as martial prowess.  
¶ first in lechery this Heliogabalus was so insatiable, that not onely he exercised that vice openly, in common bains and bordell houses, with sundry women of diverse degrees and countreys: but also he ordained a senate of common harlattes, among whom were diverse noble matrons and damsels of Rome, their husbands or parentes not being so hardy to let or rebuk them, unto whom often times, after he and his ribauldes had satiate with them their lecherous appetites, he made a solemn contion or proposition, calling them his companions, and exhorting them to set al their study and wit to induce al other women unto the form of their living: declaring expressly, that he above all other things most desired, that all men and women of the city of Rome should be semblably disposed as he was. I hold it not convenient to be written in any vulgar tongue, howe he transformed and abused his proper kind, in such wise, as I suppose the most vicious man now living wolde be ashamed, not onely to behold it, but also to here it, and that did he not onely secretly or in his house, but also openly, all men that wolde, beholding and lokinge on him. I omit the residue, which in mine opinion ought never to haue ben written for abomination therof, much more never to haue ben of any man known.  
¶ He also promoted to the greatest dignities of the public weal, common bawds, notable ribauldes, solicitors and furtherers of dishonest appetites, often times cokes and deuisats of lecherous confections and sauces: Semblably by such persons he sold dignities, authorities and offices in the public weal. He also elected into the Senate, and to the rooms of great captains, dukes, and governors of countreys most vile personages, not having regard to any age, gentleness of blood, merit, possessions or substance. He had of his privy counsel in all his acts, two Carters, the one name Protogenes● and the other Cordius. His gluttony was almost equal unto his lechery: in so much as he therein vanquished Uitellius, of whom it is written, that at one supper he was served with seven thousand fishes, and five thousand fowls. Heliogabalus when he sojourned nigh to the see, he would never be seruid with sea fish: but being in places far distante from the sea, he caused all his household to be served with most delicate sea fish. It abhorreth me to express his beastly living, but to the intent that the excellent virtues of his most noble successor shal be more apparent and commendable( like as al thing that is vile or course, doth set forth more pleasantly that thing which is precious and fine) it is requisite that I describe this monster in some parte as he was. All be it I do not 〈◇〉 every thing that I haue red of him, as well for that it shall be to good men odious to here, as also it might happen to incend the wanton and lewd co●rages of some readers, inclined to semblable qualities, which( god knoweth) is much contrary unto my purpose.  
¶ But to return to this monstrous Emperour, which consumed dayes and nights in lechery and gluttony, having some day all his company served with the brains Ostriches, and a strange foul called Phenocopteri: an other day with the tongues of Popingayes, nightyngales, and other sweet singing birds, oftentimes with the myltes of most delicate fishes. I omit other light fantasies, whereof I haue written in my book called the governor, where I treat of sobriety. finally it is remembered, that he was never two days together served with one meate, nor ware twice one garment, nor companied twice with one woman, except his wise. As often as he removed in progress, there followed him .vi. C. chariots jaded only with bands, common harlots, and rybauldes. This company had he in stede of counsellors, and so delighted in this form of living, that he said oftentimes, that if he had a son, he wolde ordain for him maisters, that should compel him to live in semblable fashion. To these monstrous vices he added to cruelty, in putting to death diverse noble senators. Also using the counsel of witches and enchanters, he made his sacrifice with young children: And violently rauyshynge from the noble men and women of Italy, their young infantes, he caused in his presence their bodies to be opened they living, and most cruelly searched in their tender bowels for his most damnable destiny. He had in special favor one name Zoticus, who for familarite used between them, was taken of all the chief officers for the emperours husband. This Zoticus under the colour of the said familiarity, sold all the sayings and doings of the emperour, intending to accumulate abundance of richesse, by promisynge fair to many men, but finally deceyuynge all men. for coming out of the emperours privy chamber, after that he had herd every man speak, that suyd unto him, to some he would say, thus said I to themperour of you, unto an other Of you I herde the emperour say thus to day. To dyvers he would say, Your matter or request shal come this to pass. As is the fashion of such maner of persons, which being from a base condition admitted of princis into overmuch familiarity, they sell the famed and renome of their masters. Such as I haue rehearsed were the counsellors of Heliogabalus. for al wise and virtuous men he deadly hated. wherefore he banished the noble man Sabinus, unto whom Ulp●anus the great lawyer wrote his books. And semb●ably he put out of the city the said Ulpian, onely because he was name a good man, and caused Siluinus the noble orator, whom he had made master to Alexander, to be put to death. And he ordained a tumbler to be great master of his household, a carter name Gordius he made captain of his guard. An other tumbler he made chief captain of an army. The greatest rouines and affairs of the empire, he committed to mynstrels, players of interludes and dysardes. To his bondmen and most vile servants as they excelled in abomination, so preferred he them to the governance of realms and provinces. Also of his rabell of brothelles, to some he gave the rule and governance of the youth of the city: some he made rulers of the senate, to other he gave pre-eminence and souerayntie over al them that were gentlemen, finally he intended to destroy all virtue, and to capitain all men to live beastly as he did. And for that cause he commanded that the noble Alexander his auntes son should be slain, either violently or by some poison: forasmoche as he perceived him to decline from his appetite: but Alexander was alway preserved by the providence of god, who inclined the mindes of the senate & people to his preservation. for nothing availeth the malice of ancients against innocents & good men, where almighty god will not haue thē to perish. wherefore this monstrous emperour, desiring the destruction of Alexander, procured his own death, agreeable with his abhomi●able living. for his own servants and soldiers, which were prepared for the guard of his person, dreadynge leste the people making insurrection, that they should be parteners of his mischievous end, being also tedious of his abominations, conspired to deliver the common weal of him. And suddenly apprehended his adherents and familiars, and with sundry torments did put them to death. Finally pursuyng Heliogabalus to a privy or draft, whereunto he fled, there they slew him, and his mother Semiamira, and afterward his horrible carayn being drawn throughout the city with hooks, was of all the people defiled with ordure, and other matter foul and stinking, & at the last was brought with all kinds of reproach, to the common draughts of the city, whereinto they wolde haue thrown him, but for as much as the hole of the draft could not receive him, they tied him to a ston of great weight, and threw him into the river of tiber, to the intent that he should never be buried. This was the worthy and convenient end of this most beastly and unclean monster, who with the emperors Nero, Caligula, Domitian, and Commodus, his predecessors, was a notable and commodious example to all princis succeeding, to declare, that not withstanding their majesty and pvissance, they for their vices abominable, were first hated, and afterward slain, and dishonoured by their proper subiectes.  
¶ And in this history it is to be specially noted, that not withstanding that he not onely permitted, but also willed his subiectes to live in a licence, and with out correction, for sin, moreover used toward them such liberality, that he fed them with most delicate and exquisite meats, gave unto them money in habundance, and also to them, which dined or supped with him, he gave all the vessel and plate, were it of gold or silver, wherewith he was served, and made many other distributions to the hole people wonderful sumptuous: Yet the Romayns not withstanding abhorring in him their own proper vices, or rather being therwith satiate or tedious, they finally slew him, as is before written, after that he had reigned six yeres, & being than but in the .xxi. year of his age.   

¶ ●●we Alexander was made emperor, and of his wonderful tem●●●ance in ●e●●●●ynge diverse great honour●. Cap. iiii.  
IMMEDIATELY after the death of Heliogabalus the senate and people of Rome being surprised with incredibie joy, used all diligence and speed, that Aurelius Alexander, whom they had defended from death, might forthwith as very emperour receive all authority and honour, that parteyned to the imperial majesty. wherefore they contended among themselves, which of them mought apply to him most titles and names of dignity. wherefore he was the first that received at one time all ornaments and tokens of honour, aiding thereto the name of caesar, which a few yeres before he had received, but much rather his honest life and virtuous manners, whereby he obtained such favour of all men, that when Heliogabalus would haue slain him, he could not bring it to pass, the men of arms resisting, and the senate obstynatelye refusing: but all these were but trifels in regard that he approved himself worthy, whom the senate ought to save harmless, whom the men of war desired to be in safeguard, and generally by the sentence and opinion of all good men, was elect to be Emperour, being than but of the age of .xvi. yeres. notwithstanding he was than of such a wonderful soberness, that where the senate wolde haue given to him the surname of Antonine( which name for the incomparable virtues that were in Antoninus pus, and Antoninus the philosopher late Emperours, was usurped of other Emperours following, for a principal title of honour) he humbly refused it: semblably did he the name of great Alexander, saying openly unto the senate.  
¶ I beseech you honourable fathers, do not call me unto this necessity, that I should be compelled to satisfy you in the merites of so high a name as Antonine is. For if ye seek for goodness in a prince, who was better or more virtuous than Antoninus pus? If ye seek learning, who was more wise or cunning than Marcus Antoninus? And who was more harmless than Uerus Antoninus? Noble fathers, these high names of honour be bourdonous and to grievous for my youth to sustain. For who will gladly here a dumb man called Tully, an idiot Uarro, a tyrant Metellus? And as touching the name of great Alexander, it is much more incongruent, considering that with better reason I mought haue taken the name of Antonine, induced by colour either of affinytie, or else of equal estate in the imperial majesty. but the name of great Alexander, wherefore should I haue it? What great things haue I yet done to deserve that name, which Alexander the greek after great enterprises, pompey the roman after many triumphs, had given unto them? Cease therfore honourable fathers, to confer to me honours above my merits. and sens ye will haue me called great, suffer me to be one of you, who in very dede be great in honour and perfect magnificence.  
¶ This moderate and sober answer of so young a prince, inflamed immediately the hartes of the senate and people much more to honour him, than if he had received those strange names: and from that time he had the renown of Constance and gravity. More over for his great austerity again the presumption and lightness of his soldiers and servants, he was name of them severus, which betokeneth constant or sharp in punishment. which name in his time got him much reverence, and afterward great famed and renown among his successors. finally this most towardly prince with incredible joy was triumphantly conveyed by all the Senate and people, to the imperial palace: where being left, he prepared himself to the reformation of the hole empire, than being in ruin.   

¶ The example of virtue given by Alexander in the form of his living and daily customs. Cap. v.  
IMMEDIATELY after that Alexander by the consent of the Senate and people, was stablished in the imperial authority, and for his excellent goodness was most ardentely beloved of the multitude, also the remembrance of Heliogabalus and his adherents for their detestable vices being every where hated, and with detestation abhorred: This noble young emperour taking than opportunity to restore the public weal to her pristinate form, with the majesty imperial, late violated, and well nigh perished, through the negligence of the said monster.  
¶ He by the counsel of his wise and virtuous mother Mammea, first purged his own palace, excluding out of his court and all offices, disshoneste and infamed personages: and by noo means wolde suffer to be in his household any other, than by all men should be thought necessary.  
¶ moreover he openly protested, making an oath, that he wolde never haue a superfluous number of servants, to the intent that he wolde not grieve the public weal with his provision, saying, That emperour is a shrewd pupyll, that feedeth with the bowels of his commons, men which be not necessary, nor yet profitable to the weal public.  
¶ Howe much he hated vnklennesse of living, he well declared, when he commanded that no woman infamed should salute or visit his wife or his mother. All his life was a perfect Example of Temperance. His aparaile was wonderful clean, but not to sumptuouse and after some mennes opinion, more meaner than to his estate appertained. Semblable moderation the empresse his wife observed. finally during his time he used diligent correction of his own manners: wherefore all noble men assayed to follow him. And all honourable women ensued the empresses example.  
¶ moreover this emperour was of such an incomparable mansuetude, that he commanded, that noo man should write unto him in any other form, than should be written to a private person, reserving the name of emperour. And also prohybited, that no man should call him lord, but salute him as one of the senators, and in this form, Be glad Alexander. And if a man had used in gesture or speech any maner of flattery● he was either put back, if the place so required, or else with a great laughter was mocked by them which were present.  
¶ And for as much as he would not be saluted or visited but of them which were honest, and of good famed he decreed, that noo man should enter into his palace but onely such as knew themselves uncorrupted with notable vices. And caused to be proclaimed, that noo person, knowing himself to be a thief or extortioner, should be so hardy to salute the emperor, vpon pain of losing his life. He had this sentence often times in his mouth: thieves only complain of poverty, thereby coveting to hid their mischievous living.  
¶ finally no day passed, wherein he did not some thing charitably, gently, or honorablye, but that things he did in such wise, as therein he neither consumed ne wasted the common treasure.  
¶ He procured seldom any condemnations, but those that were done he never pardonned. The tributes or fee fermes of cities, he often times gave to the repairinge and building of the same cities. moreover to dyvers poor men, of whose virtue or wisdom he had perfect knowledge, he lent of his Treasure to purchase lands, receiving again his own money, onely of the rents of the same lands, and let the said personnes haue the possession and all other profits.  
¶ He wolde not suffer any of his court to wear any garment mixed with gold, or other wise precious or costly: nor he himself delighted in rich apparel, saying, That governance was in virtue and not in beauty or costly apparel.  
¶ At his table he used no gold but pure beryl & crystal, and other like matter to drink in: he exceeded not CC.li. weight of silver vessel in all his household.  
¶ precious stones that were given to him, he caused to be sold, esteeming it to be a womanly appetite to haue such jewels, which he might neither give to his soldiers, ne in having them finde any profit. wherefore on a time when an ambassador had given to the empresse two orient pearls of wonderful greatness, he commanded them to be sold. And when no man could be found that wolde give as much as the price was esteemed, leste any evil example should procede of the empresse, if she should be seen to wear that thing, which noo man could bye, he caused them to be hanged at the ears of the image of Uenus: thereby declaring, that such things either for the inestimable price was meter for goddes than for men, or for the unprofitable beauty therof, served onely for persons of wanton appetites, whereof Uenus was goddesse and patroness.  
¶ No lasse temperance used he in meats and drinks, never exceeding four sundry kinds of flesh and fish at one meal, and those with a great moderation and reason. He drank wine not skarsely, nor to much, but competently.  
¶ In feasts or banqueting he never wolde haue any wanton pastime. His pleasure was to behold birds fighting together. And therfore he had in his garden, places, where birds of sundry kinds were enclosed and kept, wherein he took singular pleasure. notwithstanding to the intent that he wolde in nothing aggrieue the market in feeding them with corn, he had servants that provided for them eggs of wildefoule and culuers.  
¶ In honest recreation he was marvelous merry and pleasant, amiable in communication, at the table so gentle, that every man might demand of him what he wolde. And to the intent that he would be the more circumspect, he ordained the wise man Ulpiane● one of the greatest interpreters of the lawe civil, to be in the stede of his tutor, his mother repugnynge thereat at the first, but after she gave him therfore great praises. when he dined or supped a broad, he had ever with him Ulpiane or other well learned men, to the intent he would than here histories conceynynge learning, wherewith he said that he was both recreate and also fed. If he sat pryuilye, he had a book by him and radde therein oftentimes, but that was in greek, for the more part. In open feasts he used the same simplicity that he did in his palace.  
¶ He so much had flattery in hatred, that he wolde not here orators or poets speak any thing to his praise, calling it folyshenesse: but he hard gladly orations, persuading to virtue, and also the acts of other good princes, as well Romayns as greeks, specially the praise of Alexander the great, which conqueryd the more parte of the world.  
¶ He went oftentimes openly to the common schools to here rhetoriciens and poets greeks and latins. He hard also orators recitynge causes, which they had prosecuted either before him, or before the great officers.  
¶ finally he so much esteemed and favoured learning that he ordained great salaryes to be given to rhetorycians, teachers of grammar, physicians, astronomers, geometricians, musiciens, devisers of building and engines. 
Architecti.  And provided for them places to read in, and scholars also, giving to poor and honest mennes children that hard them, their commons fre. with like charity he retained advocates in poor mens causes. And such lawyers as freely did help poor men with their counsel and labour, he rewarded them with corn and wine to maintain their household.  
¶ He also yearly perused his laws, and reformed them according as occasion changed or happened. and he himself diligently and rigorousely executed them in his own person and servants. And therwith was of such gentleness, that he wolde offer to give place to the ancient senators that came unto him. And wolde suffer no man of honesty that preaced to speak with him, to be repelled. He never did wrong to any person, semblably of wrongs he was a vehement and sharp persecutor, saving, That in his own wrong he was much more tractable than in a strangers. If he lay not with his wife, he was in the morning betime in his privy closet, where were set the image of christ, also the pictures of Abraham, Socrates, Apollonius, and other uncient and virtuous men, where, by the space of half an hour, he remained in prayers. And for this devotion and maruaylouse example of living, he was had of all men in wonderful reverence. All be it his temperate and sober living, being thought of some men not agreeable nor congruente to his majesty, he was exhorted to advance his estate, both in princely port, and more sumptuous maner of living, leaving his affability and straight observation of his laws, as it shall appear by letters following, mutually written between him and his counsellors.   

¶ The letter of Gordiane the senator to the Emperour Alexander. Cap. vi.  
THERE WAS IN the city of Rome an honourable senator name Gordiane, who had sometime ben consul( which was the highest dignity next to the emperour) and was the richest man of all the city, having the greatest possessions in the countreyes adjoining, that any man had, the emperour onely except, and also was a man of excellent learning and wisdom: wherefore during the life of Heliogabalus, this Gordiane, having his monstrous life in abomination, and perceiving the majesty of the empire to decay by his negligent and dissolute living and that there was no hope of remedy, observing the time, he by little and little withdrew him into such places, as he had of his own, far from the city, feigning himself to be grieved with such diseases as did debilytate his wits, and therfore required to be far from resort of company and much noise, which being in the city, he mought not eschew. This excuse the emperour Heliogabalus herd gladly, as he that feared and also hated the gravity and authority of Gordiane, and therfore lycenced him to depart and remain in the country, as long as it liked him, thinking by his absence to be more at liberty, and to live more wantonly: So with the emperors favour or rather folly, Gordiane quietly and also pleasantlye passed the time that Heliogabalus lived. And when he herde of the death of that monster, he wolde not return to the city, but sent his consent of election to the senate, after that he knew that by assent of the people, Alexander was name emperor. And when he was required of the senate to come personally, he aggravated his impediment, alledgynge sickness, although in dede, neither in body nor wit he was in any parte diseased: but knowing Alexander to be very young, and also cousin germayn to Heliogabalus, he dread in him both the one & the other, fearing lest nature should prevail again education, when he should come to an absolute liberty, and be out of the state of all correction. But soon after that Alexander was stablished in the empire, and that his virtues were commended and published, Gordiane rejoicing thereat, took therof marvelous comfort. Albeit for his native gravity and stately courage, he liked not the affability and familiarity that Alexander used, now being the chief prince and common governor of all the world: wherefore or he wolde make any access to his presence, he wolde prove his wisdom and virtue in admyttinge his counsels, wherefore he wrote in this wise unto him.  
¶ NOBLE AND EXCELLENT prince, the famed of your advancement unto the governance of the empire, was to me as it is unto all the world, most joyful tidings, considering the lamentable estate of our public weal, with the certain hope that all men haue in you, being moved with your virtues incomparable, which daily more and more ye do manifeste by your most honourable example in living, declared to all that do behold, not only your royal person, but also your servants and familiar companions. Among which virtues, your affability and gentilness haue acquired no small praise among the people, as commonly they delight in sweet countenance, and myldenes of gouernours, wherein they trust to finde more liberty. But most noble prince, although for these qualities, ye deserve praise and love of your subiectes, yet in the imperial majesty requireth to be a more strange countenance, and a seld and difficult access unto your person, considering that by the familiarity of him that is a master or governor, as well evil men as good, do receive boldness to speak, and they which be evil, do busily assaut him, either with flattery, or with detractynge of other, whereby princis, although they be of good natures, and well brought up by their parentes, yet be they oftentimes transformed into monsters, that is to say, into beastly unbelievers or rauenouse ancients. I omit contempt, which induced by familiarity, bryngethe the subject to disobedience. Let it not displease you, that I seem to haue in your highness any suspicion. verily as a man that hath a faire and honest wife, whereby he is moved to love her entirely, would not haue her gladly stand in the market place, and admit without discrepance every man equally, and with like pleasant countenance, suffer every man to speak to her what he list, although he knoweth her to be virtuous and constant: as well foras much as the natural shamefastness that ought to be in a woman, may not admit such open resort and communication, as also the ears that be often assaulted, can not ever escape, but be they never so well fortified with wisdom, at the last like a castle wall, they being sore shaken with many sweet words and long enteruieu, they yeld at the last, yl custom expellynge shamefastness, and finally all wisdom being rejected, and nothing set by. Semblably most excellent prince, your person is to the senate as dere as the wife to her husband, and for your fair virtues we of good reason ought to be so ●alous over you, that willingly we should not behold you fall into any custom, which might 'allure you into any yl disposition, remembering the late calamity that the city and empire were brought unto by your most monstrous pndecessour Uarius Hel●ogabalus. wherefore like as now ye be to him most contrarious in living, so we desire to haue you resist al occasion, that might give never so little a path for flatterers, detractours, and promoters of 'vice, to entre into your counsel or favour. Who can aduaunte himself to be well assured from this net of hypocrisy, which hath( as I might say) sundry and dyvers meshes of flatterynges, which vneth any man can escape that will tarry until the net be cast over him? The remedy than is either with majesty to repel it, or to cut it asunder with sharp rebukes: and that in the presence of other: or so greuousely to persecute alway those hypocrites, I do mean flatterers, with open punishment, that al men may know & abhor them. And that other thereto by nature inclined, may be ever afeard of like experiment. But the first way is most sure undoubtedly. For rebuk and punishment cometh after the danger, but majesty precedeth, and therfore more profytteth. For such persons rebuked or punished, perchance excusynge themself that they do it by to ardent affection and desire to please, or by their youth and lack of experience, or recognysing their folly, and promisyng amendment, may happen eftsoons to creep into favor and than they work their net so fynely, that it can not so sone be perceived, and pytcheth it more covertly applienge it aptly to their maisters conditions, so that it shalbe almost impossible for him to escape, but that in one meishe or other he shall be tangled. contrariwise by majesty( that is to say, statelye countenance and difficult access) joined with wisdom. impresseth such reverence, that men not only do fear to approach unto their sovereign lord, oneles they be called, but also to speak any thing, whereby they being discovered, should lose their credence, hopynge never again to recover it, considering that by majesty and wisdom, the access to the prince is made impenetrable, sens to them that never offended he is so hard and diffuse to be spoken unto. Thus to your majesty haue I shewed mine opinion, wherefore yf by my counsel ye do leave your affabilite, and familiar access, and embrace gravity and princelye estate, ye shall be safe from the perils that I haue remembered, and haue equal honour with your predecessors, which wolde not be sene of the people but seldom, and oftentimes with a courtayne before their visage, sitting in their place of estate, which they took of the Persianes. for things seldom seen be most esteemed: and they that be frequent and often in eye, be little regarded, which as ye increase in age, and experience, ye shal find true, and to be written of a faith full counsaylour, that desireth the increase of your virtue, with the public weal of our most noble city and empire.   

¶ The answer of Alexander to the letter● of Gordiane. Capi. vii.  
when THE Emperour Alexander had received and radde the said letters of the senator Gordiane, he seemed to rejoice more thereat, than at all the honours and titles that were given him by the Senate and people, saying with a loud voice: Yet there remaineth some hope in the public weal, that it shall not utterly perish, sense we haue Gordiane the senator left to assist vs. And therwith he called for h●s tables, and immediately made to him answer, as hereafter ensueth.  
¶ GORDIANE honourable father, howe much better had the Senate and people of Rome provided for their public weal, if they had taken you to be their Emperour, having regard to your ancienty and excellent wisdom, where, in me they finde nothing but frail youth, and lack of experience, for only detestation of the negligence of my predecessor, with the desire that I haue to increase virtue, hath sown of me such opinion among the Senate and people, that not remembering you( perchance for lack of your presence) they haue inhabilled me to this estate above my merites. verily no man doubteth, but that ye being born in the city of a right ancient and noble house of the Romaius, as of your fathers side issuyng from the honourable senators called Gracchus, and by your mother descended from trajan the emperour, might with that gravity and sternesse, which is in you, as it were by nature ingenerate, and among the people of Rome, above forty year in the principal dignities experienced, most honorablye haue meynteyned the imperial majesty. Where I being born a stranger, and my blood( although it proceeded of the noble house of Metellus) being to the more part of the senate and people unknown, am constrained to auale that majesty, that in you should be comendable, and in the stede of your gravity and sadness, to use toward all men affability and such form of gentleness, which ye seem in me rather to prohibit than to dispraise, lest that my novelty should ●easse to be pleasant unto the people, if by my sharpness or strange countenance I should seem to deceive them in their opinion. remember you not, that the halt countenance and the difficult access, which was in tarquin the last king Romaines, acquired to him that odious surname to be called tarquin the proud? and although that he were both valiant in warres, and in garnyshynge the city very industriouse, yet when occasion and opportunity happened of rebellion, the people being brought into fury, declared than howe much more they hated him than they did fear him, ne had him for his noble acts in any estimation or reverence. moreover when they had expelled him out of the city, to the intent they mought haue more familiar access unto their gouernours, and find in them more affability, from traverse forth unto the time of Caius caesar, they yearly elected new gouernours, calling them consuls, as it were counsellors: supposing that in their time of authority, the remembrance that they should be private personnes the next year following, should cause them to use the people the more famyliarly and also gently. And when those officers being of long time chosen of the nobility onely, became in process of time halt minded and stern towards the commonalty, the people with long sedition compelled the Senate to join at the last, with a noble man in that office one of their company.  
¶ Iulius caesar with affability, mercy, and gentleness became so puissant, that neither the Senates authority, nor the prowess incomparable of the great pompey, nor yet the inexpugnable armies prepared against him, had power to resist him, yet shortly after that he had decreed, that no man should approach him, and became in his countenance and words more stately, he was slain in the middle of the city by fifty senators onely.  
¶ The great Alexander being so familiar and gentle among his people, that he did not onely visit homely their pauilyons and halys, mynystrynge to them al thing that they lacked, but also suffered them to come to him boldly, and often times to speak to him rudely, he drew them with him into the furtheste partes of the world, into most barren and dangerouse countrayes: and by most gentle persuasions vanquished nature, which abhorred the tedious iournayes, the travails intolerable, the venomous stinging of serpentes, the hungre and thirst that sundry times happened, and other incommodyties and incredible labours, which might not withdraw them from following their prince, so much his most amiable gentleness subdued their appetites. But after that he following the kings of Persia( whom ye seem to praise in your letters) used a more pompouse estate than he was accustomend, and neither wolde behold or speak to his people famylyarlye, nor suffer them to speak to him freely, howe sone after, changed they than their copy? and as his affabilytie decayed, and pride increased, so their loving affection toward him, in like wise relented, which constrained him to omit part of his enterprise, and return unto Babylon, where among his friends at a banquet, he was destroyed with poison.  
¶ The incomparable humanity and gentleness of noble Germanicus( who should haue succeeded Tiberius in the empire, if the treason of Piso had not frustrate the trust of the people) caused his son Caius, being yet in his cradle to be so favoured throughout the army, that they having him with his mother Agrippina among them, took no lasse care for him, than yf he had ben proper son to everich of them, which love in such wise remained, that immediately next after Tyberius, they made him emperour, who in the beginning of his reign, using the humanity of his noble father, governed the empire quietly, as he that was marvelously beloved of the people. But when to advance his majesty, he became strange, counterfaytynge his visage in a glass into a terrible gravity, coveting to seem fearful unto the people: and when he was openly sene, which was but seldom, he sitting in apparel all of gold, jaded with jewels, compelled the senate and people to worship him, as god, howe sone after was his statelynes turned into mockery, and he being of all men abandoned, was like an horrible monster slain, and drawn through the city?  
¶ consider the affability and gentleness of the noble Augustus, Titus the son of Uespasian, Nerua, trajan, Antonine called pus, and Marcus Aurelius, whom no man can derogate of any parte of honour and wisdom, and see where ye may therwith compare any sturdye gravity, or halt and strange countenance of any other emperour or prince. Certes Gordiane honourable father, he much erreth( in mine opinion) that prefereth fear before love, without the which( witnesseth Socrates) nothing either with god or with man may dure or abide. fear dependeth on love, and without love it is soon had in contempt. Suppose not ye, that he was a wise man that said, 
 Men whom they fear they hate, and whom they hate, they wolde were destroyed? wisdom causeth men to be honoured, liberality to be marveled at, but gentleness and affability onely to be hartyly loved. gravity proceedeth of wysedom● and consisteth not in countenance, but is compact of two virtues, Constance & Prudence. Wherefore it can never be counterfeit, if the acts be well expended and tried. For where it lacketh, the said two virtues, it is either niceness and to be laughed at, or else pride outrageous and to be abhorted and hated. But affability can never be vicious. for though it be in one that lacketh discretion, yet by liberty of speech, which increaseth thereby, he shalbe so oftentimes warned, that he shall defalcate that thing that seemeth superfluous. Ne the access of flatterers or detractours, to him that mortally hateth them, can bring any damage. For he is to much a fool that will show his breast naked unto his enemy. And to him that is surely armid, it is no peril though his enemy assaut him, ye perchance if his enemy find him invincible, he shall afterward be afeard to approach him.  
¶ Thus haue ye father Gordiane, not onely mine opinion herein, but also my determynate sentence, not thereby dispraysynge your honourable gravity, which for the causes that I haue rehearsed, is in your person right laudable, but in me, being not so well known in this city among the Romains, which of their nature be free, and were never in servitude, it seemeth not to be so expedient. Albeit if I reigned in Persia, where the people from the beginning haue ben best governed by tyranny, I wolde perchance otherwise do, chaungyng affability into strangeness and stately countenance, which improprely( in mine opinion) ye in your letters haue name majesty. Thus fare ye well, and hast you to return unto the senate, which with me desireth the presence of your excellent wisdom.  
¶ soon after the emperour Alexander, being elected consul, he solicyted the senate and people to elect also Gordiane into that office, affyrmynge that his youth required for the utility of the public weal to be joined with such a companion as Gordiane was, whose wisdom, experience, and gravity, was of all men sufficiently known.   

¶ The first practise of Alexander in reducyng of the empire into his prystinate honour. Cap. viii.  
THE NOBLE AND prudent lady Mammes, mother of the emperour Alexander, considering her son to be now entred into the most dangerous passage of youth, being but .xvi. yeres old, feared leste the excellency of his estate( as it oftentimes happened to other) should incite him to assay things, which frail nature thinketh delectable, and tasting ones of them, his tender youth might not withstand the assautes of pleasant affections, whereby he might eftsoons bring the empire into ruin and infamy, and himself and all his blood to utter destruction. Therfore she perceiving him to be obedient to her exhortations,( in dede she was a woman of much wisdom and holiness, but that she was somewhat noted of covetise) she with good reason persuaded to him, that he could never well stablish his estate imperial, but onely by reducynge of the senate and people into their prystmate order, which could never be brought to pass, except that first his own palace were clean purged of personages corrupted with vices, and into their places men of approved virtue and wisdom elected. And semblably that to the examp●e of themperours own household, the sundry dignities and offices in the weal public were aptly distributed: considering that the princis palace is like a common fountain or spring to his city or country, whereby the people by the cleanness therof be long preserved in honesty, or by the impurenes therof a●e with sundry vices corrupted. And vntylle the fountain be purged, there can never be any sure hope of remedy.  
¶ wherefore Alexander immediately after that he had received of the senate and people the name of Augustus, whereunto was annexed the entier power and jurisdiction imperial, whereby he might command or prohibit what he thought most convenient, first he discharged all ministers, which the monstrous beast Heliogabalus had vndyscretely promoted of most vile and dishonest personages, banishing also out of his palace, al such as he might by any means know, to be persons infamed. semblably flatterers, as well those, which therfore were favoured of his predecessor, as them, whom he apprehended abusing him with semblable falsehood. according to that example he reformed the hole senate and iudges, and also all other dignities and offices in the public weal. In like maner he purged his garrisons and men of war, and corrected their liberties and privileges, given vndiscretely to them by other emperours, or by them misused.  
¶ moreover with all speed convenient, by the aduise of Ulpiane his tutor, Frontinus, and other the wiseste men of the Senate, he with all diligence elected out of all partes of the empire, a convenient and honourable company of wise & honourable counsellors. This number were the most excellent lawyers, of whose sentences is made the text of the lawe cyuile, gathered in the books name the digests. There was also Fabius Gabinus, surnamed Cato for his singular wisdom. Also Gordiane, of whom I late did write, a man of much grauytie and nobleness, whose son was afterward emperor. moreover there was Claudius Uenatus a noble and eloquent orator, Also Catilius severus, kinsman to the emperor, most excellently learned above all other, Serenianus a man of great perfection and gravity, And Caius Marcellus, who was of such virtue and goodness, that never history remembered a better. These good and honourable personages, with many other not of much lasse estimation, at all times and places attended vpon that noble Emperour: of the which Ulpiane was in maner his chancellor or keeper of the imperial monuments: And the Emperour had him for his chief counsaylour.   

¶ In what form the Emperour Alexander had his counsel, which alway attended vpon his person. Cap. ix.  

●●●ius Ma●ichus  THE form of Alexanders counsel, was as hereafter ensuith. first all matters & causes civil of great importance, he caused to be examined and brought in order by the great lawiars before rehearsed of whom Ulpiane was chief, and they made true report therof unto him. moreover he wolde never make decree or ordinance without .xx. lawiars substantially learned, and fifty other expert men and eloquent, and that was done after this maner. every mans opinion and sentence was thoroughly and quietly herde, without interruption or altercation. thereto were assigned .viii. secretaries or clerkes, men of quick and substantial memory, who in brief notes or siphers made for that purpose, wrote every word that by those counsellors was spoken. moreover a competent time was given to every counsaylour to study, and seek for such reason as he wolde purpose, to the intent they should not speak unadvisedly in things of importance.  
¶ It was also this Emperours custom, that when he treated of laws and matters politic, he called thereto learned men, and such as were eloquent and well reasoned. If he commoned of matters touching war and hostility, he called to him old and expert captains, which had valyantely acquitted themselves in sundry battles. Also them that were expert in the situation of places, pitchynge of fields, and preparation of camps. He wolde also here diverse, which were perfectly and rypelye instructed in histories, inserchynge by them what the Emperours and princis as well Romayns as of other nations before that time, had done in semblable causes, as were at that time in reasoning. And after that all their opinions and sentences were written, by the secretaries( as is before mentioned) and that they conferring to gether, had made therof one perfect minute of every mannes saying, and delivered it to the Emperour with as much hast as was possible: Than he in a place secret pervsyngethe mynute, and assemblinge and pondering the sentences thoroughly, after a competent time therein bestowed, either gathering of them one perfect conclusion, or elles adding to some thing of his invention, he finally opened his conceit among all his counsellors, whom he had before hard, not withstanding he gave to them liberty, either to allow his sentence, or if any man had any thing newly devised, eftsoons to declare it. And that sentence, which was of most wise men approved, that alway prevailed, and he thereto consented, and caused it with al diligence to be put in experience. For he was of such moderation of mind, that nothing more pleased him, than to here any man with a substantial and true reason to confute his opinion: which caused him to bring to pass things to be marveled at. But now will I declare the oration that he made in the Senate, after that he had set in good order his own proper household.   

¶ The oration of Alexander to the Senate. Ca. x.  
THE INESTIMABLE majesty of this empire( as ye well know honourable fathers) like as it took beginning and increase of prowess and politic wisdom, so by the same and like means it must be conserved. Our most noble progenitor and founder of this empire, the valiant Romulus being in his tender infancy cast out of the palace, and nourished among the poor ●erdinen, with sustaynynge much hunger,  told, & continual travail, achieved this little portion of ground, wherein now standeth the principal ruler & mistress of all the world. To the aid of his prowess he added to, the quiet and vigilant study of rude shepherds old and decrepyte, whose bodies being macerate with labours, and made feeble with age, although they might nothing profit in battle, yet their wits being confirmed by long experience, and free from the vexation of wanton affections, they no lasse advanced and set forth the enterprise of the courageous Romulus, than did the diligence and prowess of his lusty soldiers. Neither his strength or courage, ne the wits of his rude seuatours became so excellent, as it seemed at that time to be, by feedynge superfluousely, by beastly idleness, or wanton pastimes, but onely by temperance in living, vigilant providence, and continual exercise: whereby strength is nourished, and wits be increased: Like as by the other the strength of body is resolved, and the wits be consumed or vnprofytably dispersed. And certes like as the first is proved to be true by the example before declared, and many other succedyng that time: so the last is semblably verified by late experience, and whereof the steps yet do remain to our no little grief and displeasure: considering that thereby this noble empire is like to fall into extreme ruin, and perpetual infamy, unless your most excellent wysedomes will diligently and constantly prepare yourselves to the certain remedy against this peril intolerable, which remedy onely shall be the purging and refourmation as well of this most honourable company of senators, as of all other dignities and estates in the weal public. In the which inquisition we desire none other prerogative, but that it may take his first beginning at our proper palace and household, and in our own person to be first executed, to thintent that the pryncipal fountain, being found clean, the remnant of our subiectes, whose order of living proceedeth of our example as rivers and sundry lakes from a head spring which is set on a mountain, may with little difficulty be more easily purged. Nor other estate or pre-eminence will I require, but where youth refuseth in me the most reverend name of father of the country, which ye offered unto me, yet condescendyng to parte of your gentle requests, I will gladly receive the names and titles of protector of the senate and tribune, or else if better do like you, defender of the roman people. And on that behalf, I require you, for the approbation of my sincere love to the public weal, that according to the ancient and laudable custom of this noble city, ye will cause to be chosen Censores or correctors of manners, such personages as never were infamed with any vice notable, and whose lives be inculpable, and therwith be sufficiently furnished with wisdom and gravity, void also of all private affection, fear, avarice, and flattery, who like good surgeons, shal not forbear with corrosyue and sharp medicines, to draw out the festered and stinking cores of old marmolles and inveterate sores of the weal public, engendered by the long custom in 'vice. To the which remedy, as a necessary minister, I shall put to my proper hands and assistance unto the death. leaving remembrance after me, that in making me your emperour, ye nothing haue appaired of the imperyal majesty, but haue advanced it with the public weal of your city. To the ratification of the which iudgement of you noble fathers, I shall apply holly my study, travail, and diligence, calling god to witness, that the senate and people of Rome, shall sooner fail the public weal, than I shall leave any part of my duty.   

¶ Howe the correctors of manners, called Lenfores, were el●cted, and with what rigour they executed their office by the commandement of Alexander. Cap. xi.  
THE said oration of the emperour Alexander being finished, a wonderful rejoicing entred into the hartes of the senators, which were virtuous & honourable, and being replenished with joy, they all spake on high with one voice, saying, ¶ Emperour Alexander, 
 god ever preserve the. God sent the unto ●s. God ever defend the. God hath delivered thee from the unclean Heliogabalus. God keep the perpetuallye. Thou didst long tolerate that mischievous tyrant, thou dost lament his abominable living. and at the last god hath delivered thee and us also of him, and to this hath brought the.  
¶ After these and many mo congratulations made to the emperour, he giving to the senate condign thankes, departed to his palace. And shortly after there were chosen by the common consent of the senate & people, 
Marius Maximus  four Censores, two to remain in the city, & other two for Italy, & the provinces under the name of latins: from whence were elect for the more part senators, iudges, and other chief officers, which had jurisdiction and authority to give any sentence. The Censors for the city were Fabius Sabinus, and Catilius severus, men of excellent wisdom and gravity. And for the provinces were made Quintilius Marcellus, and Caius Manlius, men of ancient nobility and great severity.  
¶ The office of Censores was to note the manners of every person, 
office of Censores.  which was in any degree of honour, that is to say, above the estate of the common people, wherein was shewed such rigour, that no man was spared, so that if a knight, a iuge, or a senator, had used any unseemly thing, appayryng or staynyng the estimation of the degree, which he represented, it was in the authority of the Censores to degrade him or discharge him of his office or dignity.  
¶ Sone after the said election, they made Alexander consul: who with al diligence procured, that Aelius Gordianus, of whom I late spake, was made his companion in the Consulate, whereat some of the people grudged, fearing leste the sturdynesse and halt courage of Gordiane, should change the incomparable gentleness of Alexander into cruelty and pride: but it succeeded all other wise, for the wise emperour, by the exquysite gravity of his companion, reformed so his nature, which was in wise mennes opinion more easy and simplo than appertained to the imperial estate, that by all mennes iudgement he became in moderation of virtues of all other incomparable.  
¶ The Censores immediately after that they were elected, vigylantly and sharply executed their offices. For first they discharged out of the Senate all such which by Heliogabalus, for their abominable living or flattery, were thereto promoted. Semblably they purged the order of knyghtehode, disgradynge all knights, which were shameless lechours, maynteyners of thieves, or they themselves robbers. In like wise all those which of bawds, ruffyanes, carters, cookes, and other like reproachable persons were by Heliogabalus put in authority. The same industry they used in refourmyng Iudges, and other heed officers, as well in the city as about in the provinces. Finally none estate or degree escaped their rebuk or correction. Ne the emperours palace was exempt from their jurisdiction: In so much as Aurelius Philippus, who was sometime a bondman, not withstanding that he was manumysed, and had ben the emperours schoolmaster, and after wrote his life, forasmoche as he did ride in a chariot, and would be saluted as a senator, the Censores caused him to be superadd to prison, and prohibited him for coming to the emperours palace, but onely on foot, and his copped cap on his head, which fascion onely was used of them that were enfranchised. And although for his good learning and honesty, some noble men advised the emperour, that he should require the Censores, that they should withdraw their rigour in correcting philip, considering that he had ben sometime his schoolmaster: He nothing wolde do, to let or restrain the sharp correction of the Censores, but much extollyng their constance, he answered: If the common weal may haue ever such officers, in short space there shall be found in Rome mo men worthy to be Emperours, joanne I at my coming found good senators.  
¶ And immediately he ordained, that there should never lybertine, that is to say, any man of a bonde ancestor be of the Senate, saying: That the order of kynghthode was the place from whence were fetched the plants of the Senate, that is to say: from whence the senators were elected. Not with standing he purchased a goodly mansion, with sufficient revenues, not far from Rome, which he gave to the said philip, saying to him: Before I was Emperour, I disdeyned not to follow thy doctrine: now be thou as well contented, for the increase of mine honour & of the weal public, to obey to mine ordinance. And although the majesty of the city may not permit the to be openly received in the number of our familiares, yet privy resort shall approve our favour towards the, not lost, but increased.  
¶ Of such marvelous seuerytie was this Emperour, that noo kind of affection or private appetite might reflecte him from the sharp execution of his laws or laudable customs of the city, as more yet shall appear in the chapter following.   

¶ Of the great prudence of Alexander used in the election of his counsellors and officers. Capi. xii.  
IT OFTEN times happeneth, that where god doth ornate a prince with natural gifts, and also great understanding and sharpness of wit, he for lack of election( which is a great parte of Prudence) having about him counsellors, companions, and officers unmeet or unworthy, maketh the said ornaments unprofitable, or peradventure incommodious to the weal public, whereof, he hath governance, whereby the renown, which were condign, and as it were incident to rare and excellent qualities, is lost and dieth with the body, or else( which is much warse) is turned to perpetual reproach and dishonour: which the Emperour Alexander circumspectlye consydederynge, he with an incomparable study prepared for himself certain rules of election, as hereafter followeth.  

 ¶ first he determined to love all, that was virtue, and to hate all, that was vice, in what person so ever the one or the other should happen.  
¶ Also what so ever pleasure or commodity might come to him by embracynge or tolleratyng of any notable vice, he wolde rather lack it, though it were to his detriment, than to be seen to change his opinion, lest any man should thereby take occasion to commend vice.  
¶ And for as much as under his Empire were diverse and sundry nations, whereof also the people by natural disposition be dyuersely inclined to virtue or 'vice, he therfore applied himself to know the sundry wits, manners, affects, and studies of men, born in every region country and notable city, throughout the world: which knowledge he apprehended so exquisitely, as well by studious reading of many histories and other notable archdukes of moral philosophy, as by diligent examyninge of capitains, and merchants, which had travailed and benne in sundry countreys: whereby he was wonderfully holpen in his elections and judgements, as it shal hereafter appear.  
¶ He wolde never accept commendation of any person, before that he himself had spoken with him, and that by secret scrutiny he had ben truly informed of him. And yet the commendation that he wolde afterward here, should be a parte, none other man hearing, but himself, leste if many were present, and he that commended were in authority, other herars although they knew the contrary, should either affirm a false commendation, or elles fear to say truth, if they should be therof demanded.  
¶ In them that were counsellors, he utterly abhorred ambition and flattery. In iudges, he hated with extreme detestation couetyce and wrath. In both the one and the other he loved Syncerytie, 
sincerity.  vulgarly called uprightness.  
¶ The perfect knowledge of mennes conditions● he had not by the report of their superiors or equals, ne by them which dwelled far from the habitation of those whom they praised, but by the examination of their nighest neighbours, being men of honesty, and not their ennemyes. And that was practised by such of his own yemen as were most ancient and sage: which finding occasion to ride through the countreys, where they were neither born nor had possessions, should make this dyligente scrutiny or search. And to such maner of personnes the common people would more familiarly and plainly declare their opinions than to gentlemen or men in authority. But if the Emperour perceived afterward, that he had ben vntruely informed by any of his said espials( which sometimes he did by further experience, as being in his progress, or himself hearing and discussynge complaints of the common people openly and with a great deliberation and gravity) he than extremely and without hope of remission, punished the false reporters, were it in praise or detraction: causing their tongues to be pierced through with a hot brenning iron, and to be banished his court and presence for ever. which punishment, although it will seem to some men sore and cruel, yet considering, that using this mean, he was never deceived by counsellors, and also that Iustice was dewely executed by them that were in authority, that maner of rigour may be thought necessary and very expedient. Also the punysshemente being in a few executed at the beginning, the severity of the prince became so terrible, that men so greuousely feared him, that neither desire, reward, nor dread of any other man could let the said espials to report trewelye, according as they had founden by their diligent scrutiny.  
¶ One marvelous cawtell he used, that is to say: One man was not oftentimes in that trust of espyall. And those personages were chosen and appoynted only by himself, without making any other man privy, until he had deprehended them with some maner of falsehood.  
¶ finally he was of such a wonderful discretion and soberness, that no report could bring him out of patience, or into suspicion, until he had well tried the report with some pretty experience, as it shall be declared hereafter.  
¶ And thus I make an end of the first parte of his governance, which was in ordering of his own person and court: whereby pryncipally he brought not onely the city of Rome but also al the hole empire( not withstanding the beastly licence brought in by Heliogabalus) in as good estate as ever it was in the time of any of his most noble progenitors.   

¶ Howe extremely Alexander hated extortioners and brybours, and howe much he favoured them that were virtuous. Cap. xiii.  
THE EMPEROVR Alexander had such indignation towards them that were extortioners or brybours, that yf by chance he espied any of them, he was therwith so grieved, that he immediately wolde vomit up collar, and his face being as it were on a fire, of a long time might not speak one word. On a time one Septimius Arabinus, who in the time of Heliogabalus was a famous brybour, came in the company of senators, to salute the emperour Alexander, who beholding him said with a loud voice: O lord god, behold, Arabinus not only liveth, but also presumeth to be in the senate. peradventure he trustethe in me, judging me to be an ignorant and foolish emperour.  
¶ moreover he ordained, that where there were founden any extortioners, or brybours, that they should be openly examined and judged, and by the gouernours of countrayes sent into exile. when he was in his progress, such as were gouernours or Iustyces in provinces, whom he herde worthily commended without synister affection, he wolde in his journey take them into his horselyghter, communyng with them of the state of their country, and honouring them with rewards, saying, That like as extortioners and brybours are to be impouerysshed, so good men and just are to be enryched.  
¶ In hearing the complaints of his soldiers against their captains, if he found any capitain faulty in that thing, whereof he was accused, forthwith he caused him to be punished after the quality of his offence, without any hope of remission. semblably did he to his soldiers and servants. For where they injustly grieved any person, he corrected them sharply, and with a marvelous austerity.  
¶ To one of his secretaries, which forged an untrue ●yll in his counsel. he commanded the sinews of his fingers, wherewith he did writ, to be cut, and so to be utterly banished. wherefore he was called severus, which is as much to say as sharp or rigorous: for severity is rigour in punishment, according to the quality of the offence, having respect to a good purpose, without any desire of vengeance. And it is that parte of justice, that consisteth in execution: the commendation whereof shall appear in the next chapter.   

¶ A notable example given by Alexander in repreuynge an ambitious and vaynglorious counsaylour. Cap xiiii.  
I suppose IT shall not be tedious to good men to here one incomparable example of the severity of this marvelous emperour, which although it shall seem to many that shall here it, to be over vehement and grievous, yet in reading the chapter next following, it shalbe sufficiently declared by the words of the same emperour, that his said rigour in judgment was necessarylye used, and with equality in justice, deserving in no parte to be reproved, but now will I rehearse the said story.  
¶ There was about the said Emperour a man of great honour called Uetronius Turinus, whom for his great wit and sagenes in apparance, the emperour had in singular favour, in so much as he called him to his privy counsel, and used to be with him more familiar than he was commonly with any other, which so much blinded the inward eye of Turinus, that he could not se in himself, which he not long before had condemned in other. such incomparable sweetness is founden in the familiar company of princis. wherefore like as when the companions and servants of Ulysses had eaten abundantly of the herb called Lotos, the taste therof was so pleasant and marvelous, that all that eat therof, forgetting their own proper country, coveted to remain still in that region, where that herb grew, and but only by violence they could not be brought to their ships, to return to their proper houses: semblably Turinus after that he had ben with the emperour in an inward and secret familyaritie, he found it so pleasant, that forgetting from whence he was called, and taking little hede of any other parte of his office, he put his hole study and delectation to augment the opinion of men, that thought that the emperour wolde nothing do, without his advise, whereby he should be magnified and honoured above all other of the emperours counsellors. And therfore he had continual suite made unto him, as well by them that had suits to the Emperour in their particular causes, as others that looked for offices or great promotions. To every man a parte he wolde promise his favour, and therfore received great rewards & presentes. but finally whom he knew that the emperour had preferred in office, or any thing determined in his just cause.( for that mought he know being with the Emperour so secret, although the good emperour did nothing by his persuasion only, but by prudent advise and good deliberation, as it shall hereafter appear) on him wolde he beck, if he were in the chamber. And often times in a day he wolde come from the emperour into the chamber of presence, or place, where suitors awaited, and of whom he had received money, to them wolde he say, that he had remembered them, and in their request or matter received good comfort, when in dede he spake not therof one word. finally by the colour of this familiar and secret recourse that he had to the emperour, he gathered much treasure: but at the last dyvers, and in great number, to whom he had promised that thing that they sued for, not withstanding they received nothing in conclusion but noddes with the heed, found themselves deceived, and their great sums of money vainly employed, whereat they murmured and partly moved with disdain, partly with poverty, they brast forth at the last into manifest grudging, which came to the emperours ear, by what means I know not, but such abuses can not be long hid from princis, that haue their ears perforate( as is the proverb.) which the emperour hearing, he was moved with marvelous displeasure, considering that Turinus, whom he had in so great estimation, abusynge his person, in feigning him to be his pupyll or seruant, had sold his determinations & sentences, whereby he had defamed his majesty in that that Turinus had brought men in belief, that the emperour did nothing( but as it were) at his onely beck and commandement. Which opinion to redress he used this policy. He caused one to desire a thing of him openly, and afterward to su● to Turinus privily to help him in his demand, and secretly to move the emperour for him, which being done, and that Turinus had promised his good will to him that sued, and sone after saying, that he had somewhat moved the emperor therein, where in dede he spake not therof any one word, and that he abode an answer therof, whereupon he received of the said suitor a great sum of money. which the emperour knowing, he caused him to call eftsoons on Turinus, but he as yf he had in hand other business, onely beckoned on him without speaking any thing to him. for in dede the Emperour had given to an other that thing, which this man sued for, which grudginge thereat, discovered openly what Turinus had of him received: that knowing the emperour, he caused Turinus immediately to be arrested, and openly in his presence to be accused, which was done by a great number, whom he had also deceived, taking of them great sums of money for offices, and other things, which they never obtained. wherefore after that Turinus was condemned by sufficient and credyble witness, in whose presence he had received this brybery, and in whose hering he had effectually promised, he was judged by the emperour, to be superadd into the open market place, where most resort was of the people, and there being bound to a stake, with smoke made of green sticks and wete stubbell, to be smouldred to death. and during the time of his execution, the emperour commanded a bedell to cry, With fume shal he dy, that fumes hath sold. But to the intent that men should not think that for one offence the judgment was to cruel and rigorous, or ever Turinus was condemned to die, the emperour made diligent search, & by evident profess it was founden, that Turinus had often & in many causes, received money of both partes, promising to advance their cause to the emperour. moreover to prove the severity of this emperor laudable, it shalbe declared in the chapter next following.   

¶ The consultation concerning the punishment of Turinus, and the excellent reason of the emperour Alexander. Cap. xv.  
IN THE mean time that Turinus was accused, and before his condemnation, the Emperour Alexander according to his customable usage, gave convenient time to his connsaylours to deliberate by themselves, or ever that they gave any sentence, what punishment should be equal to the offence of Turinus, and necessary for an example to other, that they presumed not to do the semblable. After when the counsel was called, every man was commanded to declare his opinion: Some raysoned, that the open rebuk with sufficient satisfaction unto the party, should be a convenience punishment: Other addyd to imprysonnement for a certain time: diverse wolde that he should be banished far from the court: many affirmed with vehement arguments, that he deserved to be beheaded, considering that in abusing the emperours majesty, in selling great offices to persons unworthy, he had put the public weal in no little hazard. The emperour advisedly hearing all their opinions, last of all, as it was his maner, reasoned in this wise, as hereafter followeth.  
¶ My trustye and well beloved counsellors, we haue hitherto attentyfely herde and thoroughly considered your wise and honourable sentences, declared with free and uncorrupted minds, although by the diversity of your natural inclinations, your sundry reasons seem to haue noo little diversity, as it happeneth in al consultations, wherein diverse men do show their conceiptes freely without fear of blame, as I doubt not but ye do. Not withstanding for as much as hearing all your opinions and reasons, I haue my wit the better instructed to finde out and declare( except I be deceived) what should be the most expedient and necessary punishment of Turinus, for the offences which he hath committed, wherein ought to be noo lasse severity( as I will preue with good reason) than if he had attempted to haue slain me, or to brenne this most noble city of Rome, the honourable mansion of goddes, & common refuge of al the world. Fyrstye remember, that ye chase me to be your governor, not onely for the nobility of my progenitors, ne for their images or monuments of thankful remembrance, ye, rather for the beastly and most abominable life of Helyogabalus, my cousen germayn, ye had more cause to refuse me: neither ye made me your Emperour and prince for the goodlynesse of my person, or prowess shewed by me in your warres: I being yet for tenderness of age vneth able to do feats of arms, much lasse to lead an army, specially such one as pertaineth to this noble empire. But true lie it was for the good estimation & hope that ye had in the towardenesse of mine education and nature, thinking it to be aptly disposed to virtue, wherein being brought up in chylhode, I ought to haue alway about me, such as be of like disposition, and by their assistance and counsel, to moderate and rule the public weal of this city. It ought therfore to be kept in remembrance, that as I haue said, by the good opinion and hope that all men haue conceived of me, this public weal, which being subverted, I found as none, I haue re-edified( and be it spoken without boast) almost made new from the foundation. Than if he that inforseth himself to brenne the houses, or to beate down the walls of the city, by good justice and reason should suffer death: by a much greater reason ought Turinus to die, that hath endeavoured himself to subvert and destroy that, whereby the public weal aswell was begonne● as is also preserved, considering that the public weal in estimation is to be preferred before the material city, as much as the life of man and renown of virtue be of more value than ston or timber, wherewith the walls and houses be builded. And therfore Aristotle, in defynyng what is a city, 
city.  doth not call it a place builded with houses, & environed with walls, but saith, that it is a company, which hath sufficiency of living, and is constitute or assembled to the intent to live well. wherefore it is the people and the weal of them that maketh the city. And the destruction and subversion therof, ought with more rigour and vehement punishment, to be revenged, if more sharp punishment may be than death, than brenning and beating down of material houses or walls.  
¶ This well and deepelye considered, it shall not be thought, that they that haue reafoned for the mitigation of Turinus punishment, had before in remembrance and sufficiently examined the greuousenesse of his offence, according as I haue declared it, but only considered his bare act without any circumstance. But yet the treason done also to me, aggrieueth the trespass. Is it not treason, to conspire the destruction of thy sovereign lord? most of al, of whom thou art entirely favoured, and put in great trust. Is there any diversity between the stickyng of him with a dagger, or killing him with poison, and by some circumstance to cause his people to rebel against him, & in their fury to slay him? who comparynge to gether the form and maner of these offences, will not suppose it reason, that the punishments therfore, should be much more vehement and sharp than for any other transgression, sense iustice limitteth equal punishment in proportion, according to the importance, that is to say, The greatness or smallness of the offences.  
¶ now let us consider the quality or substance of Turinus mysdemeanour. In the time of the emperour severus and Caracalla, he was in small estimation, but after that I was elect emperour, he craftily smelling out my disposition, by little and little acquainted himself with some of those, of whom for their virtues I had best opinion, and counterfaytyng their manners, he at the last so aptly set forth such gravity, which he adorned also with a wonderful sharpness and promptitude of wit, that he obtained to be kyghly recommended unto me by the wisest men of my counsel, by whose advise first I made him one of my treasorers. finally I called him nere me, and made him of my pryuye counsel, wherein we found him so necessary, that in our opinion his sentences were equivalent, and sometime surmounted them that had ben in most estimation. And to the intent that he would augment that opinion and credence that we had in him, he ever used a great severity or straytenes in his sentences again flatterers, dissemblers, and persons corrupted, namely such as sold their endeavour or diligence in optaynyng our favour in any matter or for any office. And by his industry diverse were detected unto me, and punished according to their merites. For these causes I more & more took him in favour, and to encourage other to ensue his example, I did advance him as ye know, to the highest dignities within the city, except the consul, & haue participate with him our most privy secrets, using him so familiarly, that dyvers other of our counsellors haue partly disdained. now behold what he hath done. first he hath deceived and mocked us with his hypocrisy, abusynge our simplicity and winning our favour, and not our favour only, but also our credence & trust, whereby he might finally work to his private commodity, and to our confusion. For he being with us in such familiarity as none other was, he practised those things that we most abhorred, that is to say extortion, selling of right and wrong, and marchandysyng of offices and dignities. To whom is extortion or bribes not grievous? although the giver receiveth great lucre. Is there any thing to be more abhorred than selling of justice, which knoweth no reward? Howe much more intolerable is the selling of injustice or wrong, whereby the one part suffereth damage by sustaining of wrong, the other is more endamaged by losing of his good name and also his money, if it happen, as it hath done oftentimes, by a good & righteous governor, that he which hath done wrong, be compelled to make restitution: But pryncipally and above all other am I most endamaged. For I vnwares & innocent being brought into the hatred of men, should be destroyed before that I might know that I were in peril. Now consider ye the importance of Turinus offence, conferring it with al that which I haue rehearsed, & by the way remember, that not only he that slayeth his prince, or depopulateth his country, and maketh it desolate, but also he that conspireth to do it, and thereto endeavoureth himself with al his pvissance, though he be let by some occasion or study, deserveth to die by the determynation of justice dyst●●butife. By what mean he wolde do it, it is not material: except peradventure some man might suppose, that the act were more odious of him that procurid the people to destroy their own prince or country, whom they are bound by allegiance & duty with al their power to defend, than of him that do solicit strangers or ancient enemies, to invade his country. finally if any common person, never receiving of me any benefit wolde report in the ears of people, that I went about to change the estate of the weal public of this noble city, to slay all the senators, to withdraw the people from their ancient liberties, and finally to bring the majesty of the empire into a tyranny, and by such false information excyteth and stirreth the senate and people to hate me, and covet my destruction: such one proved at the last to haue said falsely, I believe ye wolde not think onely worthy to die, but ye wolde with your own hands dysmembre him, and pluck him in pieces. Why should you not than think, that Turinus, whom I most favoured, and was about me most secret, not by reportynge evil of me,( which perchance wolde not be believed) but by actual deeds and openly, commyttynge injustice, and tyranny, in mayntaynynge, supportynge, and comforting wrongs, extorcions, oppressyons, and other enormities against the weal public, also aduauncyng evil and ungracious personages to dyggnities and offices, whereby justice ought to be ministered, and the public weal governed, and by these means quenching the good opinion and love that all men had toward me, and changing it to a fervent grudge & hatred, they thinking that Turinus did al thing by our appointment, stir the hartes of the people against me: why should ye not I say, think, that such one hath deserved to die? And as he was with us in singular favour and trust, and therein like to none other: so ought his death to be singular and strange, that by the novelty thereof it may be more terrible, whereby other may fear from henceforth to abuse in such maner our affability, which being in us natural, without such a munition can not be sure and safely preserved. And for this our sentence no man ought to deme us cruel, or to lack mercy, yf he consider diligently all that we haue spoken. And do also remember, that to keep an infinite number of men from the rigour of justice, I spare not to execute the same rigour on him, whom I specially favoured.  
¶ After that the emperour had concluded in this wise his reason, there was no man offered to reply thereto, perceiving him rather moved with zeal than with any particular displeasure, and to say the truth, when they had pondered his considerations, not finding sufficient argument to confounded his opinion, finally they all being in number fifty wise and honourable counsellors, reioyced that they had so wise and virtuous an emperour, which preferred justice and the weal of his people, before any private affection or singular appetite. Than immediately followed the execution of Turinus, which was appoynted by the Emperour, in form as ye herde it declared in the last chapter.   

¶ Howe Alexander instructed and entertained them that we●● offycere, and of his liberality toward them that did well their dueties. Cap. xvi.  
NOT WITHSTANDYNG the severity of this noble emperour in the sharp punishment of oppressions, extorcions, and other offences of semblable importance, yet was he toward such as justly executed their offices, for the public weal, very favourable, gentle, and bounteous. For if any of them had peradventure at the beginning or first entre into his room or authority, used lasse diligence, or omitted some thing that he ought to haue done, either for lack of experience, or having not therein sufficient instruction, forsene alway that he did nothing by corruption or vycious affection: the Emperour calling such one to him pryuily and apart from all other, first he wolde remember him for what cause he had called him to that room or authority, the importance or charge whereof he wolde also declare, and than wolde he somewhat commend him for his honesty and temperance, wherewith he wolde confess himself to be satisfied, according to his expectation, than sadlye and with a wonderful gravity, he wolde admonest or warn him of his lack in diligence or in omission, showing what damage the public weal might sustain, by lack of his circumspection, and without that, their virtues should be unprofitable to their office or dignity. After wolde he exhort and require them with gentle countenance and words, to use more study and travail about the affairs of the weal public, committed unto them, promising to them for their good endeavour, his assistance & favour with honest recompense in the end of their travails. moreover although he were thus industrious in espyenge out the demeanour of every man in his office, yet would he not suffer any other person to rebuk or to scorn them, saying, that where any obedience is due, traverse ought to be excluded al rebuking or mockyng, considering that therof ensueth contempt, which like a pestilence consumeth all laws and authority: And that he and the senate were wretches of the duties of them that be in authority. Also he used to say oftentimes, that it happeneth sometime, that they, which be slack in their duties at the beginning, after that they haue ben monished therof, either by their friends, or by the goodness of their proper wits, they haue ben industrious and diligent. Contrary wise other, which at the first haue ben quyck, with a marvelous dexterity and promptness, they haue by little and little relented, and having gathered good estimation & abundance of substance, haue withdrawn themselves from peynful affairs, and at the last be to no man but onely to themselves profitable.  
¶ Wha● any man had exercised his office duly, vpryghtly, and circumspectly in the public weal, at the end of his term, when there was a successor unto him being present appoynted, than wolde he say unto him that departed out of his office. The public weal giveth to you right hearty thankes. Than would he reward him in such wise as bring private he might according to his degree, live the more honestly. His reward was in land, cattle, horses, grain, iron, ston, and other things necessary to build a commodious place, wherein after great travail about the weal public, he mought refresh both his body and spirites. And ever after the emperour had him in most tender famyliaritie.  

 ¶ verily in one thing he used an incomparable diligence, wherein he surmounted in mine opinion all other emperours. There was no man in dignity or office, either by the assygnement of the senate, or by his commission, but that he knew his person, and form of living. And that much more is, he had in his chamber bills containing the number of them, which were his soldiers in wages, and also every one of their names, and what time they had served. And when he was by himself quiet from great affairs, he perused the number of them, their dignities wages and fees, to the intent that he wolde be for all occasions surely provided. And therfore when he had any thing to do with his soldiers, he name every man in his communycation: and when they were present, he called them unto him. And when he was solicited to promote any person, he marked his name, and than wolde he search his books of remembrance, wherein were the names of them that had served him, with the time of their service. also their reward or promotion, and at whose request, or by whose solicitation they were promoted.  
¶ In offices he seldom suffered to be any deputies, saying, They onely should be advanced, which by themselves and not by deputies could order the public weal. adding thereto, that men of war had their ministrations, and learned men theirs, and according thereunto should rooms be disposed, that every man should do that thing whereof he had most knowledge. He had therfore written what he had given, and that remembering, if he found any man, to whom he had either given nothing, or that which in value was not equal unto his merites: he called him; and said, what is the cause that thou askes●e nothing of me? desyreste thou to haue me thy debtor? ask some what, that lacking promotion, thou complain not of me. He gave alway such thing as impaired not his honour, as goods of men attainted, not being in gold or silver. for that was alway put in the common treasorye. Also he gave bayly●wykes and rules of places civil, but never of war, except it were to them which were expert and approved true capitaines. Receyuours he changed every year, and called them an evil that needs must be suffered. As for chief iudges, proconsules, or lieutenauntes, he gave none of those rooms in reward, but by a deliberate judgment either of himself or of the Senate. Such was the wonderful and( as I might say) most curious circumspection of this excelle● prince Alexander, which in mine opinion can not be by mannes tongue sufficiently extolled.   

¶ Howe curious the emperour Alexander 〈◇〉 in assignynge of 〈◇〉 in his laws, and howe he used 〈…〉 them according to their merit●e. Cap. xvii.  
SVONE PERSONS as he assigned to be iudges in 〈…〉, he with good 〈…〉 did choose them which were beste learned in the laws, and were of much ancienty, and therwith having good gravity, and were known to be sincere and of good conscience, and unto them was appoynted an honourable stipeude: In so much as to them that were wretches in provinces, was given to every of them .xx. roman pounds of silver, syxe silver pots, two mules, 
 two mulettes, two horses, a horsekeper and a mulettour, two robes or habits, to sit in iudgement, one honourable garment to wear in his house: one for his bain or study: Also a hundred pieces of gold: moreover one cook, and if they were unmarried, one concubine. And after that they had left their administration, they should yield again the mules, mulettes, horses, mulettours, and cookes, which all the said time were found of the common treasure, the residue they should retain still, if they had done well in their office: And if they had done evil, they should pay the quatreple or four times so much as they received.  
¶ He never wolde suffer that any office, which had jurisdiction, or execution of justice, should be sold or obtained by giuing of money, or any other reward. And therfore where one of his most pryuye servants had promised to one, to obtain of the Emperour for him an office, which had civil jurisdiction or administration of Iustice, and therfore had taken a hundred pieces of gold: The emperour commanded, that he should be hanged on a galouse openly in the high way, wherein the emperours servants should most often pass to his manors, without the city. And wha● Ulpiane, one of the sage men of his counsel blamed his sentence as cruel and representynge a tyranny, he patiently hard him, and answered immediately, saying, The residue of my manners declareth me not to be furiouse, or to take pleasure in cruelty, specially to them whom I favour and haue next about me. See you not, what worms and flies wolde increase to consume the grain and fruits of the earth, if the pleasauntnesse of the spring time and beginning of summer should ever continue, and the sharp and terrible winter did not with his sharp frosts and bitter winds purge the earth of such evil increase? who knoweth not, that in al thing that is sweet, worms be founden, which will sone consume al that they breed in, if it be not preserved by laying about it some thing bitter or very unsavoury? If the ancient laws of this city iudgeth him to die, that spitefully pulleth down or de fyleth themperors image, or counterfayteth his coin, seal or sign manuel, of how much congruence & more with iustice is it, that he should sufferdeth, which with selling of the administration of iustice, pluckith down and defileth among the people the good renown of the Emperour? or counterfayteth & changeth the mind of the Emperour, which is his very image immortal, whereby both the prince and the people suffereth incomparably more damage than by forging of money. Do not ye being so wise a man, consider, that he which buyeth a thing, may sel it? And for my part while I live, I will never suffer any authority to be used as merchandise. For that which I suffer, I may not with mine honour condemn or prohibit. And I can not for shane punish a man for selling that thing that he buyeth. wherefore if ye consider every thing well, ye shall finde no cause to blame me of cruelty, or resemble me to a tyrante.  
¶ With these words Ulpiane found himself satisfied, and wondering at the Emperours wisdom, ceased to speak any more against him in any semblable iudgement.  
¶ when he made any ordinary iudges, advocates, or proctoures, he caused them to be openly name, requiring the people and giving them courage, if there were cause to accuse them, to prove the crime by open witness. And he was wont to say, Sense chrysten men and iewes in the election of priestes, caused them to be in such form tried: it should be inconvenient, if the same were not used in the gouernours of countreys, unto whom were committed both the lives and substance of men that be under them. foreseen if they did not sufficiently prove it, and that it seemed to be malicious detraction, the accusour should forthwith be beheaded.   

¶ Of the great care and diligence that Alexander used about the public weal, and of certain new officers ordained by him. Cap. xviii.  
THE HOVSEHOLDE servants and counsaylors of the emperour being well tried, and by his own example brought in good order, also the heed officers, wretches, and all other that had authority in the public weal, being well chosen and instructed by the example of the emperours court: it was a wonder to behold, with howe little difficulty, and howe soon the residue of the weal public was brought into a good fashion, all men delytynge in virtue, and praising the beauty and commodity therof in their superiors. Also rejoicing at the affability and gentleness of the noble emperour, and semblably dreadynge his seuerttie, they brought at the last virtue in custom, whereby happened that such vices as before seemed little, and were nothing regarded, became to all men, or at the masspriest to the more parte detestable. In so much as the emperour needed not to sand forth any espial to espy mens conditions. For such as were evil, were every where noted, and of all men dysdayned. So that by them it happened, as it doth by one that is sick in a hot sever, which first abhorteth every medicine that the physician doth offer to give him: but when he beholdeth the physician drink any thing therof, than is he the better content to a●say of the same: but by reason that his taste is corrupted, to him al thing that is wholesome seemeth unpleasant, be it never so delectable, finally fearing either to die, or to be compelled to receive a more grievous medicine, he taketh the potion by little & little, until at the last by custom of drinking therof, he hath brought that potion to be as familiar and agreeable unto his taste, as was his common and most usual drink. And than doth he scorn both them that wilfully wolde die rather than they wolde take medicine: and also them that be their keepers or rulers● which do suffer them to take only that which contenteth their appetite. Semblably did they who by the emperours example, accustomend themselves to virtue and 〈◇〉, eschewing such vices, which before they, had 〈◇〉.   

¶ Howe the emperour Alexander did ordain new officers in the weal public, and what belonged to their authorities. Ca. xix.  
now LET us return unto the emperour Alexander. when he perceived that by the example of him, and other great officers, the people began to apply & waxed apt to receive due reformation of the state of their living, he marvelously thereat reioysyng, gave himself holly to the restorynge of the public weal to hir pristinate honour. wherefore to the intent that nothing should escape unreformed, he ordained to be in the city and also in the provinces many officers, somewhat mo than before were accustomend to be, appoyntyng causes civil and criminal to sundry jurisdictions, saying, where one man hath many matters to order of sundry effects, it fareth with him as it doth with a mans stomach, for the stomach receiveth meats, dyvers in qualities and effects, which all together can not be by one mans Nature duly con●octe and digested. For somme meats be in operation hot, and be not apt but for a cold stomach: some contrariwise be very could, and in a could stomach will never be boiled. other meats be of gross & hard substance, and require a strong and mighty stomach to due it: other be soft and delicate, and being to hastily digested, it nothing profiteth. Not withstanding any one of the said meats being in one stomach, are better prepared to digestion than many, considering the travail that Nature must haue in the seperacion of sundry qualities, that be in diuers meats to prepare them to their effects, whereto they were ordained. And if the natural heat in mans body be not thereto sufficient, that which is ordained for nourysshynge of life, is converted to corruption of blood and other humours, which is cause of sickness. But yf any meate happen to come into the stomach, which meate is apt for his temperature, there shal he be perfectly concoct or boiled, and by a natural digestion made apt for the nourishing and preservation of other membres. according to this similitude. If one man being in authority, which I resemble unto the stomach, be he never so well learned or wise, if he take vpon him the ordryng and dyscussyng of all maner causes, his wit, which is in the stede of nature, shal be therwith so much encumbered, that being studious or occupied about one matter, in the mean time an other is appayred: and yf he leave the first, to reform the second or thyrde, the first is than in warse case than he found it, the parties contendynge being chaufed, and in a more fervent contention. Or in a cryminall cause the offenders being left uncorrected, putting al fear apart, not only do persever but also increase in their evil doings. finally where one man hath the depeachyng of many matters, none one of them may be brought to a perfect conclusion. For as much as to every act belongeth opportunity, which can never be found, where many matters be interlaced, opportunity being onely espied by a vigilant and constant study. More over where many men be in authority, good wits shall not be hid nor unrewarded, and many shall apply them to virtue and study, upon hope of preferment. And where as be many particular authorities, there shal sundry matters be the sooner depeached. This was the saying of Alexander.  
¶ And therfore by the consent of the senate and people, he ordained first according to the counsel of Plato, certain persons, which were name conservators of the weal public: to whose office it appertained to se, that the children of the romans were well brought up and instructed according to the capacity of their wits, from the age of seven yeres unto sixteen, and that in their plays and recreation were nothing dishonest. Also that at certain times appoynted, they were exercised in riding, if they were sons of gentlemen. Also they and the residue, were exercised in swymmyng, running, wrestling, and to occupy all weapons of war. semblably that the maidens, during the said age, were brought up in shamefastness, humbleness, and occupation necessary for a housewyfe. And that they were not seen out of their fathers houses, but only in the temples, unto the which women only resorted, and that in the company of their mothers or such other as were in their places.  
¶ moreover it pertained to the said conservators, to control every householder, of what estate or degree so ever he were, yf there were found any excess in his fare, or that he had resort of riottous persons: or that he kept any mo servants than had rooms in their houses, or in some necessary business were continually occupied.  
¶ Also that no man neither in himself, his wife, nor his servants should exceed or in any part change the apparel that by the laws or the emperours ordinances had ben provided.  
¶ moreover to se that no vitailing house nor bordel house should haue their doors open, or receive any person, either before the son risen, or after the son set, which was done to the intent that every man should be known, that repaired to such places, and much good happened by that provision.  
¶ These conservators were three score in number, that is to say, For every tribe two, Rome being divided into .xxx. tribes. and twice in the wike they assembled and did communicate such defaults as they had founden, and forth with all they certified to the prouoste of the city all the defaults, reserving the education of children, which they themself reformed by sharp admonition given to their parentes: whom if they found dissobediente or negligent, they certified therof the Senate; who caused the said parentes to be punished as enemies of the public weal of the city. Them which offended in the other articles, the prouoste of the city punished, according to the statutes and ordinances in such cases provided.  
¶ The Pretores, Questores, and other like offices and authorities he augmented in number, all be it he divided their jurisdictions, to some he appoynted onely contracts, in the which word were comprehended all things wherein bargain or promise was contained: and that he caused to be extremely examined and discussed by the said officers, and in whom was founden to be any dysceipte or faith broken, he without hope of any remission or pardon, was immediately beaten with whyppes: which was also the punishment of them that had stolen pryuyly without any violence. The emperour saying, That it was but of fantasy and a thing to laugh at, to make a difference between stealynge and deceit or breaking his bargain, where it appeareth to be no diversity, but onely that this hath trust and credence joined with it: and the other hath none, but is a single injury. wherefore in reason it is the lighter offence, where, by the other means, not onely the thing is gotten with as much injustice as if it were stolen: but also faith other wise called trust, which is the foundation of Iustice, and consequently of the public weal, is dissolved. And therfore it ought to be revenged with no lasse punishment than simple theft.  
¶ Puruayours for grain to the city he made of honest and diligent persons, and to them he assigned particular auditors, notwithstanding at the end of the year, both the puruayours and auditors left their offices, and other were chosen.  
¶ To them that were his bailiffs receyuours surveyors and other that procured or gathered the revenues of his crown, he gave competent salaries: but be favoured them not, calling them a necessary evil. wherefore if he perceived, that any of them had gathered much richesse, he wolde take al from them, saying, Let it suffice you, that ye haue taken so long pleasure with my goods: and beware that ye take not from other men injustly, leste ye make me more angry with you. All be it if he perceived any of them afterward to live vpryghtly, and to haue good wit and learning he advanced them to some other rooms, wherewith they confessed their service to be recompensed. finally he never punished any man greuousely for his own particular causes, and the sharpness that he used in punishing offences against the weal public. when his considerations were well examined and pondered, it was thought by all wise men to be right expedient.  
¶ To the prouoste he joined .xiiii. which had benne consuls, calling them gouernours of the city, commanding them to here with the prouoste, the affairs of the city. And that no sentence were given, nor act made. but that they al, or the more part were thereat present.   

¶ The detestation that Alexander had unto idleness and the vices therof proceeding, and of diverse provisions that he made against it. Cap. xx.  
THIS most noble Emperour was so roted in virtue and fervent zeal toward the weal public, that all vice was to him almost intolerable. And for as much as he perceived, that idleness, that is to say, Ceasynge from necessary occupation or study, was the sink, which received all the stinking canelles of vice, which ones being brim full, suddenly runneth over through the city, and with his pestiferous air infecteth a great multitude of people er it may be stopped & cleansed. And that not withstanding, the people being ones corrupted with this pestilence, shall with great difficulty and with long tract of time be delivered. And yet ere that shall be brought well to pass, a great parte of the people shall perish: which this wise and virtuous Emperour considering, and having therof maruaylouse care, to the intent to withdraw men from all excuses of idleness, he with an incomparble prudence ordained for every estate some form of exercise to be necessarily or vertuouselye occupied, beginning at the base people or commoners, which were most in number, and proceeding forth to every other degree or condition.  
¶ first all vile occupation or labour, whereby nature mought be corrupted, or bodily strength decayed, he caused only to be exercised by bondemenne or strangers, that is to say, not being citizens. Semblably, he would not suffer any citizen to be a merchant aduenterer, nor to sell any thing by retail, that he himself wrought not, or were not made by his own provision or study: saying, That the romans by trauaylyng into sundry countries, gathered & brought into the city with their merchandise, the vices of other people, which apprehended by other( as the more part of men do delight in new fangelnes) is the cause of more damage to the public weal, than a hundred times the value of the merchandise may be commodiou●e. moreover finding ones a delight to accumulate treasure, and desiring to exceed one an other in richesse, they attend so much to their own particular lu●re, that they abandon al liberality, benevolence and charity, except it be very few. finally they be never to the public weal profitable. Also they that retail that which is bought of the crafts man that warketh it, they not onely defraud other of the just price, contrary to the direct order of equity, but also do consume the time idly, being not occupied neither in bodily exercise, nor in virtuous or commodyouse study. Therfore to such practise or mystery, he admitted only strangers. And also to bring out of other countreys and to sell to the citizens all such things as therof was none growing in italy, or not in sufficient quantity, as wolles, mettall, & silk. foreseen that none of it were wrought in any place out of Italy. And of such strangers it was lawful to the romans, to bye in gross, and retail, All be it there should no mo retail than were appoynted by the Senate: and those also should be examined and assigned by the provost of the city, and such as were to him associate. And the said merchant strangers were by the Emperours commandment very courtaisely entertained, and so were all other strangers, which repaired to the city to bye there any thing, orelles to practise any excellent kunning or craft, and were exonerate of all charges for the warres, except it were onely for the defence of the city. But of them he suffered to be but a certain number, which was not lawful for them to exceed. And unto them were assigned of the romans certain iudges and officers, which yearly also were changed. But now to treat howe he kept the people from idleness.  
¶ first he provided, that where there was not any artifice or craft necessary, but that it might be found within the city, which he ordered in this wise. He knew every year ones by the officers called Censores, howe much people were dwelling in the city of every age. Also by them which were called aediles, howe many households there were of every craft. Than wolde he diligently enserche, of what perfection their archdukes were, wherein they were occupied. and if he found therein much lack, so that the byars should suffer detrymente, than enjoined he the seller therof, that he should no more work to sale, until he were instructed more perfaitely. Not withstanding that person was compelled to work under an other man, which was more perfect, until his work were commended.  
¶ moreover he ordained, that after that the children of the commoners could write and rede perfitly, they were set to some artifice or craft. But if within one year it appeared, that they were unapt thereunto, or that it were much contraryouse unto their nature: than the conservators examyning as much as they could, to what craft or science necessary their wits were most apt, unto that should they forthwith be set, to learn of them which were good warkemen. And therfore he gat out of all partes of the empire the most kunning and parfecte craftsmen in every science to dwell in the city, not onely compellyng them by his authority, but allurynge them with yearly stipends of grain, to the finding of their households, and also to be free from all maner exactions in peace or war, to instruct in their crafts perfectly the youth of the city.  
¶ The crafts, which he wolde that the more parte of romans should occupy, were those, wherein both the body and wit mought be exercised, which he said pertained to men that were free of condition: other occupations, wherein was bodily labour only, he said was for bondmen and beasts. And therfore within the territory of the city of Rome, and in the manors and serines of the gentlemen romans, he ordained that bailyfes and surveyors of husbandry should be fre men and citizens, and that the plough men and laborars should be bondmen and strangers. In other cities besides Rome, some of these things were changed after the necessity and nature of the people, wherein this emperour alway had a marvelous consideration.  
¶ After this diligent provision, if any one of the people had ben found idle by the space of one hole day, except in feastfull days & other times of solace appointed, he was forthwith examined, and having no lawful and approved excuse, he was first whipped, and after by the conservators committed to one of the crafts, that he was of, and for every day that he was openly sene to be idle, the person unto whom he was committed, should for a month set him to any labour that he list, as his slave or bondman, giving to him meate and drink onely. And it was not to any other man lawful, during that time, to give him meate or drink, or to speak with him, other wife than to rebuk him. And after the said correction, the said conservators should see that he were bestowed where he mought work with a competent living.  
¶ The semblable order was diligently, and( as I might say) exactly kept by the Emperours straite commandment, both in Greece and italy. And where execution any time failed, or was neglected, the officers were deposed with open reproach, and forfeiture of the thyrde parte of their substance: which was employed immediately on grain, and distrybuted equally and freely among the people well occupied, within the city or town where such thing hapne●. And with great difficulty the said officers in such wise deposed, could ever after obtain of the emperour, to come in authority. By the fear whereof, and the said di●●ribution unto the people, this ordinance was never omitted, during the life of Alexander. wherefore it was a wonder to behold, howe suddenly idleness was every where excluded, and kunning in every occupation augmented.   

¶ Of bains and places of exercises, made for the people of Rome, by the emperour Alexander. Cap. xxi.  
MOREOVER to the intent that the people should not be to much fatigate with continual labour, whereby their bodies should become decrepit and unapt to the warres, he not onely amended and enlarged the hot baths made by dyvers emperours and princis before him, wherein the people of Rome accustomend to refresh and make clean their bodies, but also made new baths more pleasant and sumptuous, joining them to those that were made by Nero the emperor, conuayeng into them water naturally hot, running by conduits of marble from mountains in Naples, by the space of. CC. miles from the city of Rome. And also he brought into somme partes of the ●ayn●s cold water from the most pure and delectable springs, the people to use the one or the other at their own pleasures. moreover he bought certain houses, which stood nigh to the said bain, and caused them to be pulled down, and that place he made to be leveled, and to be set with young trees in the most pleasant fashion, having there large places, wherein the people after that they were bained, mought rounne, leap, or wrastell, or use any other semblable exercise, to the which places the said trees gave a commodyous and pleasant vmbrage. And in the wrestling places the ground was thick covered with Camomyle, Origanum, and otherlyke grasses, both sweet in savour and soft to fall vpon. Also the said emperour much delighted in the beholding of the said exercises. wherefore it was the most parte of his pastime or solace, to see the people exercised in form aforesaid, or else the gentlemen to assay themself in form of battle, as hereafter shall be declared.  
¶ To the said bains and places of exercise were assigned a number of keepers and ministers, to whom were gy●en sufficient salaries. And those places were alway kept so neat and delectable, that to the eyen or nose, was never any thing unpleasant or noyful: by the which cleanness the city was meruaylouselye preserved from sundry sicknesses, which undoubtedly do grow of corrupt exhalations, ventyng out of men● bodies. And for that cause to avoyde occasion of pestilence and other horrible diseases, this Emperour prohibited by special laws, ingurgitations, banquets, late suppers & long. moreover causing the controllers of markets( of whom there were diuers) which were every year chosen of special honest men, and not auaricyous or needy, to haue a vygilant eye on the market, that not onely victuals were sold by a due weight and measure, and at prices set by the senate, but also that they were not in any part cor●●pted in savour or substa●nce, and that no such thing were sold for victual, wherein any poison naturally might be engendered and hid, as musherons, frogs, and other lyk● things, ●●unden out rather by wanton a●●●tites, than by nature ingendren to serve for mans sustynaunce● and in these things, yf any lack were perceived to be, the emperour and senate with a diligent scrutiny found out the person, by whose default it happened, with also the controller, which seemed to be negligent. And the seller was according to the laws sharply punished. The controller or other officer, yf there were founden in him negligence, was with great rebukes expellyd from his offy●e, and had the tenth part of his movable goods confiscate, which being brought into money, and bestowed on wheat, was distributed among the people, which dwelled in that part of the city, where the offence was committed.  
¶ It is here to be considered, that such sums as were forfeited by corrupt or negligent officers, came never to the use of themperour, nor he gave them to any person, but employeng it on corn, he caused it to be distributed among the people. which in mine opinion was a marvelous policy, for thereby he declared, that he used severity not for his own particular advantage. And also the people, which suffered detriment by the lack of the officers, received the benefit of that which was forfeited. which caused a multitude to ly alway in await to find some misdemeanour in the officers, to the intent they might thereby be the better relieved. And the officers at the last became marvelous circumspectly. And finally the prince for his wisdom and charity not only praised, but also as a universal father of al his people was most enterly beloved.  
¶ touching such persons as were in extreme poverty, and either by grievous sickness or feeble age, were decrepit, or otherwise not able to labour, I will after the next chapter declare the incomparable prudence of this excellent emperour.   

¶ Of the magnifycence of the emperour Alexander in sumptuous and necessary works, and in what exercises he caused the nobility and gentlemen of Rome to be occupied. Ca. xxii.  
BESIDES the bains, which I late remembered, made in the city of Rome, Alexander made also in every royalme being subject to the empire of Rome, common bains, he also made great and strong barns in many cities, for the people to keep in their private stuff and goods, such as had not of their own private houses of sufficient strength for that purpose. He made also many fair houses and mansion places, which immediately he gave to his friends, whom he perceived to be most trusty and honest. In a place called Baianum, he made archdukes magnifike or sumptuous, garnished with images of them which were joined to him by any affinity. He made meres and pools to be wondered at, bringing the see unto them, and causing them to be replenished with strange and principal fishes. Also he edified great and wonderful brydges, and repaired all them which were made by trajan, leaving not withstanding to trajan the name and honour therof. In the market place of Nerua, he set up great images of the most noble emperours, some on foot, & some on horseback, with their titles over their heeds, and between every image a great pillar of brass, containing all their gestes and acts worthy remembrance. He made also a basilike or place, where civil controversies were herde and judged, which contained in breed one hundred feet, and in length a thousand, and stood all vpon pylers of porphyry, which is a ston of purple colour, and the pylers were garnished with images of noble princes, greeks & romans, wrought in pure white marble, with their names over their heeds, and under their feet, their acts wrought also in very small images of copper in a most lively and quick demonstration. But in one kind of magnificence he passed all other. For where diverse cities by erthquaues had ben frushed, & therwith deformed, he of the revenues of the same countreys, gave great sums of money to the reedifieng of them. And many he efetsones restored to their pristynate beauty and strength, diverse he made more substantial and sure. There was no town of reputation in his time decayed, but that he caused the occasion therof to be searched for● and to be forthwith reformed. The havens of Italy and Sicile, he caused not only to be cleansed and repaired, but also to be made more stronger, to defend outward hostility.  
¶ moreover, for the exercise of them, which were above the estate of the common people, he repaired and new made many places and things necessary, which is expedient to be put in remembrance. first he vysited all the libraries that were in the city: And where he found any books deformed either with ancienty, or by negligent keeping, or by any other means, he caused them to be new written and laid in their places, and the houses to be not onely cleansed, but also made more ornate and necessary: As making for every book an huche locked, to the intent that when any man came to study there, he should haue no more books to look on, than one of the keepers of the library ( whereof there were a good number retained to give their attendance, having therfore competent salaries) should deliver unto them. And before they departed, the said keeper should peruse the leaves of the books, that they looked in, to thintent that yf they did cut or rent any out of the volume, they should be apprehended, and by the officers called aediles, committed unto prison, and there should remain until they had repaired sufficiently the books that they had defaced, & also caused an other like book to be written, and bestowed in the said library. And yf any such person had escaped by negligence or favour of the keeper, and the default founden by some other, the keeper was expelled from his office without hope of remission, and was also compelled to redoube the harm in likewise as he should haue done which committed the offence, yf he immediately had ben apprehended. He made also a new library, garnyshyng it as well with most principal archdukes in every science, as also with the images of the authors, wrought most excellently both in imbosed work and portraiture: which lybrarye was divided into sundry galeryes, according to dyvers sciences, all builded round in the form of a cerkle, and being separate with walls one from an other: And in that portion that belonged to Geometry and Astronomy, were about the walls great carts and tables, containing sundry lines, figures, descriptions, dimensions, or measurynges, conversions of stars motions and revolutions of planets, spheres and imaginary cerkles, with also material spears quadrantes, astrolabes, and all other instruments belonging to those sciences. Semblable tables were in that portion that pertained to arithmetic & music, containing the sundry proportions of numbers and tunes, and thereto was added haps, lutes, organs soft in sownynge. For all instruments that were loud & made great noise, were excluded traverse. the cause appeareth to wise readers. The place which was compassed about with the said lybraries, was also round, and decked with pleasant imagerye, and having s●ates commodiously about it: where they that came to study in the lybraries, mought walk or sit at their pleasure, and communicate each with other that which they had radde or perceived. And to these places there failed not to come daily a great number of gentlemen.  
¶ For other necessary exercise, the emperour enclosed with a high wall, a gruunde joining to his own palace, containing in circuit one Italyen mile and a half, which within the wall was environed with a gallery of th●e heightes for men to stand in and behold, which galleries were also of ston. And in the space that two men might stand & talk, there was a small pillar of marble, decked with images of men that deserved noble remembrance. The place was divided or set out with many large alayes, plain and straight, containing in bread one hundred feet, and in length one thousand feet, those alays were floored with plaster, and the residue was thick spread with fine grass and camomyl, having here and there banks for men to rest them when they were weary. The young gentlemen of the city when they repaired to the palace to give their attendance, they in the mean time that the emperour was in preparing him forward, exercised themselves, some in the said alays, in running or casting the ball, somme in the green places wrestling leaping, and casting of the dart. And in the galleries stood other of the nobility & gentlemen, such as listed to behold them. And without the walls were great and high trees of cypress and fyrre, with broad tops, conveyed thither with great industry: which trees did cast over the walls a pleasant vmbrage or shadow, and defended them that did exercise from the vehement heat of the sun beams. And also in winter kept the place more mild & temperate in resoluynge or breaking the violent and could blasts of the northern and western winds. Often times the emperour himself delighted to come and behold the said exercises: but in his own person he never exercised himself but priuyly, and a few being present, to the intent that if he were vanquished in any feat( as sometime it happened, although few men surmounted him in strength and delyuernes) he would not give occasion to be dispraised, & had in contempt of his subiectes. when by extreme heat in the som●mer, or by rain & other vehement tempests of winter, the said exercises mought not be used, than the young gentlemen some repaired to the said lybraries and passed the time vertuousely in reading, writing, or playing on instruments, dyvers haunted the schools of philosophers, rhetoricians, and poets( of the which sort there were at that time in Rome a great number) and herde them either recite their own archdukes, or expound other old authors. Mary wolde resort to the common houses called Thea●res, and purposing some matter of philosophre, wolde there dispute openly. Other wolde pike out of some ancient story some question concerning martiall or civil policy, and in commending or dyscommendynge it, declare their opinyons and sentences in the form of a consultation: which exercise was of no little importance to the increase of wit and provision of counsellors. And at such exercise the emperour pryncipally delighted to be present in his own person, as well to haue knowledge of other mens wits and towardness, as also to gather of their reasons some sentence or matter, which being kept in remembrance, might perchance profit him in matter more serious or earnest occasion. besides these persons there failed not to be some, more given to play than to study, which also had a fair and large place in the palace, where they played at the chess and other like games, wherein they might be plesantly occupied, wherein the winnyng was neither gold nor silver, but only victory and commendation of wit or diligence. Not withstanding it was lefulle for them at such games to play for money, so it exceeded not a sum certain, which was assessed by the emperour and senate. At dice it was not to any man lawful to play: The emperour having this sentence alway in his mouth, Our forefathers trusted in wisdom and prowess, and not in fortune: and desired victory for renown and honor, and not for money: And that game is to be abhorred, wherein wit sleapeth, and idleness with covetise is onely learned. And for the mortal hate and indignation that he bare to this loss of time( for so ought it rather to be called, than a play) He made a lawe, which was ratified by the authority of all the senate and people. That yf any man were found playing at dice, 
dice playing.  he should be taken for frantic, or as a fool natural, which could not well govern himself: and his goods and lands should be committed to sage and discrete personages, appointed by the hole senate, which employing on him that which was thought necessary for his estate or degree, should bring truly that which remained to the common treasury: to the intent that when he returned to thryfte, or was seen by a good space of yeres, to use good husbandry, in employeng well and honestly that portion that he had, he should be eftsoons restored as well to his lands and goods, as to the revenues and profits that were grown in the mean time, while they were confyscate or in the rule of his tutors. finally next to thieves and extortioners the emperour most hated them● which after the said lawe being made, were found to be dice players, and would not haue any of them called either to office or counsel.   

¶ Of hospitals and other provision made by Alexander for men that were dec●epite, or so diseased that they could not labour. Capi. xxiii.  
ON A time the Emperour Alexander visytynge all partes of the city of Rome, to behold howe the Temples and other solemn edifices were kept and repaired, in passing through the streets he beheld a great number of persons, some defaced with horrible diseases, and some mutylate of their members, as lacking arms or legs, or the necessary use of the one or the other, which he considering with a severe and grave countenance, at the last said to a noble man called Iulius Frontinus, who at that time was praetor or governor of the city under the Emperour: What sort of people be these, which being horrible and noyouse to behold, do seem unprofitable to the weal public, sens they can not labour, but consume those things which are ordained for them that can defend the weal public and us when occasion requireth? Than answered Frontinus.  
sir they be your natural subiectes, whereof parte be deprived of their membres by chance of war, where in they haue served you and your noble progenitors Emperours of Rome, some do lack the office of their membres, by natural infirmities, the residue, which to your majesty and all other seemeth to be an horrible spectacle, are men attached with grievous sicknesses, which do happen to them( as physicians do say) by the putrefaction of natural humors. And whereof( said the Emperour) proceedeth such putrefaction of humours, suppose you? truly( said Frontinus) as I haue red and herde say, it cometh of one of these causes, either for as much as great abundance of superfluous humours thick and clammy, be dispersed in the body, whereby the po●es( which are little holes in the skin throughout all the body, that be invisible) be stopped, so that the exhalation or brethe enclosed in the body, may not issue out by the same pores: whereunto a strange or unnatural heat being joined, maketh the said putrefaction. sometime it happeneth of meats or dryn●●● being corrupted ere they be received. sometime where as well the air as the bodies of men be distempered. Also it happeneth sometime by the wrath of god, where he is offended or neglected in such duty as belongeth unto him, as it hath ben perceived often times in this city, and declared by prophetes.  
¶ Ye haue answered right well( said themperor) unto my demand. But yet for as much as I suppose, that ye call them superfluous humors, which ar more than convenient to the natural proportion and temperature of the body, wherein they be, I pray you tell me if ye can, whereof cometh that superfluous abundance, and by what occasion do they become thick and clammy, whereby the pores( as ye say) be stopped. truly, said Frontine, as I haue hard of physicians, and also daily experience and reason declareth it, it proceedeth of repletion and idleness, that is to say, by eating immoderately above that which natural heat may concoct in the stomach, also ingorgynge meate vpon meate, ere that meate which was first eaten be fully digested, also by not using competent exercise, whereby nature is comforted, and prepareth herself to labour about the concocting and digestyng of that which the body receiveth. Ye haue now satisfied me( said the Emperour) and well to the purpose. now behold, said he. Frontine honourable father, what a pernyciouse negligence was in our predecessors Emperours, besides the il example of diverse of them, which haue like il tutors, suffered the people of Rome their pupilles so many yeres, daily to consume themselves by licence in living, which hath brought into the city such horrible sickness, which I will provide to expel traverse if it be possible.  
¶ The next day following he assembled his counsel, which as I said before was of fifty reverend personages, to whom he declared the communication between him and Frontine, who at that time was present, being one of the counsellors, affyrmyng that he was fully determined, as well to provide for them, which either were attached with the said horrible sicknesses, and for those which were by warres for the weal public mutulate in their membres, or maimed, as also to put clean away, or at the leste way to minyshe the original occasions of the said sicknesses. which noble enterprise being of al them that herde him, commended: finally it was thought expedient by the noble Emperour, and by all his said counsel approved, that within the city of Rome there should be two fair and large hospitals builded, to receive and keep them, which were so mutulate or maimed in the warres, that they could not exercise themselves in manuel occupation( for all other labours were done by captives, bondmen, and slaves, and the Romaines were therof discharged) Also with out the city in some village nigh to it, whereby passed some river, should also be edified two other hospitals ample and necessary for five hundred sick persons, unto whom should be appoynted five physicians, substantially learned in physic, and well experienced. Also five expert surgeons, with two apoticaries, men of good credence and trust, which should be bound to haue alway al necessary drouges, vigorous in their force and virtue, without sophistication or other deceit in simples or compoundes. Also that they should burn or utterly reject all things, which were either corrupted, or so dried, that it should seem to the physicians ( who should as oft as they list examine the wears) to be noyous, or to medicine unprofitable. The meate which was ordained for these sick persons, should be so little in quantity, that it was less than sufficient for any hole person. And when it was asked of the Emperour, why he wolde that they should haue so little a pytaunce, he answered merrily, that he did it for three special considerations. The first was, that he had read in the books of Galene, the most excellent physician, that the more one nourished bodies unclean, and not sufficyentely purged, the more he did hurt them. Also if the meate were more than the sick men could eat, the ministers about them wolde sell that which was left, and when they had gathered thereby much money, either they would live therwith riotously, and neglect their dueties in attending the sick folk, or elles with that gain provide for themselves some more wealthy and easy living, so that in conclusion, the sick people should be destitute of convenient ministers to await on them. The thyrde consideration was, that if the sick men had abundance of good meate, many of them remembering, that when they were hole, they should be constrained to some occupation, and that they should not than eat so much meate and so good, as they eat in the hospital, where they lay well and at rest. wherefore perchance when they were hole, they wolde finde the means to fall eftsoons in their said sickness or other like, that they mought be brought again to the hospital. such miserable nature r●maineth in some men, that to live idly and voluptuousely, they will choose rather to be sick, than to be healed.  
¶ These allegations of the wise emperour was than confirmed, by diverse which had known it by long experience. concerning them which were mutulate or maimed in warres for the weal public, they should haue a more plentiouse entertainment, if he were in poverty or lacked friends. But they which were not in that necessity, should haue appoynted by the Senate and the Emperours consent, an honest proportion in corn and wine, to spend in their own houses, as a thankful remembrance of the Senate and people for their good endeavour whiles they were able.  
¶ moreover to provide for time to come, that is to say, that the causes before remembered, whereof the said horrible sicknesses proceeded, he affirmed, that the beste and most sure mean, was to pacify the ire of god, and to make him benevolent unto the people, which should be most assuredly done, by excludinge horrible vices and abominations out of the city, and to honour god purely. As for the disposition of mennes bodies, made apt by surfettes and idleness to receive corruption, and consequently horrible sicknesses, he determined to make an Edict or imperial ordinance, confirmed by an act of the Senate, that no man should use mo than two meales in one day, and that there should be at the least .vi. houres between every meal. Also that the Censores or correctors of manners, should take diligent hede, that if they found or were informed, that any man of the comminaltye went to his meal, before he had wrought sufficiently in some occupation, that the same Censores should cause him to be apprehended and kept in some prison, by the space of three dayes, having but ones in the day onely, one ounce of bread, and a little water, without any other nourishment: the Emperour here rehersynge a proverb, whereof he had herde part of the chrysten men: Let him eat that laboureth, for he that laboureth not, is not worth that thing that he eateth. And such as mought not be withdrawn from idleness, he wolde haue them sent into spain, to dig for gold: or into the iles called Cassiterides, to labour in tin works. And if within a while they laboured well without cohertion or grutchynge, those should be revoked into the city, there to apply diligently their occupation.  
¶ He wolde also that the common people should not haue at one meal, but one kind of flesh or fish, and that should not be either delicate, or in great quantity. And if any man were found doing other wife, he should forfeit to the common treasury double the value of the meate which he had for that meal provided. And that no gentleman should haue mo than three sundry dishes at one meal, besides fruit: nor any senator above .iiii. diverse dishes, and one kind of fruit if he list. which number he himself did not exceed, although no lawe did thereto compel him. He wolde not that any citizen should resort to open tavern, but that every man should haue his provision in his own house. And that taverns and common Cookes should serve onely for them, which dwelled out of the city, and came thither for some necessary business. And if any citizen were found in tavern, eating or drinking, he should be ●ente for to the Censores, and be sharply rebuked, at the second time, excluded out of all assemblies, and noted ever after as a man out of credence or possibility to any preferment. At the third time he should be sent to the mynes, and there remain, until he seemed to haue amended his manners. A gentleman should be at the first time rebuked. at the second time, lose the name of a gentleman, and be reckoned among the base people. the thyrde time his goods should be committed to a tutor, whereof he should haue no portion, until it were well perceived that he had utterly left resorting to taverns. A senator being found in such places, should incontinent be discharged out of the Senate, being during his life without hope to be thereto restored.  
¶ when the emperour Alexander had concluded these things with his own counsellors, he soon after came into the senate, and there recited in an eloquent and sober oration, the said articles, declaring what fervent desire he had to save the people of Rome, not onely against outward hostility, but also against inward perils and consumption of their bodies by horrible sicknesses, which oration fynisshed, all the senate with tears in their eyes for gladness, in the name of themselves and the people, rendered most hearty thankes to the emperours majesty. And forthwith without any exception or myslikyng of any one thing, they confirmed it by an act of the senate. And the next day the Tribunes assembled the people, and declared to them all that preceded: which they so ioyousely herd and received, that they ratified it with their common consentes with these acclamations. Noble Alexander we pray the goddis, that they haue no lasse care of your majesty than ye haue for vs. Most happy be we that we haue you among vs. Noble Alexander, the goddis preserve you, the goddis defend you, procede forth in your purpose. We ought to love you as our father, to honour you as our lord, to marvel at you as a god here living among vs. thereto they added: Noble Emperour, take what ye coil of our treasure and substance, to accomplish your purpose.  
¶ The emperour hearing of this liberal offer, caused to be answered in his behalf, by Frontine his praetor, The emperour thanketh you, but nothing will he charge you with, touching the building and furnysshyng of the said .iiii. hospitals, for he will do it of his own treasure: only two things he requireth of you, which shall not be burdeynous to you. first that ye cease not to pursue and obey continually all the said statutes and ordinances. The second, that ye will be content, that such common revenues, which seem to him vainly employed and against the weal public, may without any grutchynge of your parte be laid to the maintenance of the said hospitals. thereat al the people eftsoons with one voice cried: Do noble emperour what shall seem to you good. For your most blessed nature can not err or do amiss any thing that ye purpose. Hereat themperour rejoicing, and remembering that long time before, he thought that the plays called Florales and Lupercales, and the abominable ceremonies of Isis( in the which were shewed by men and women naked, most abominable motions and tokens of lechery) were prouokers and nouryshers of beastly 'vice: he therfore by the consent of the senate, abolished the said plays and ceremonies. And the revenues, which belonged to the maintenance of them being very great, he appoynted to lay them unto the said hospitals, with some part of his own possessions, which he had purchased. finally the said four hospitals within the space of one year were builded on the river of Tybet in the most ample and magnifike fashion: so that all the chambers of the sick people were so made, that the floors of them were .x. feet above the ground, and distant one from an other .xx. feet, every chamber having his bain, and fresh water conveyed into every one of them by a conduit, their places of easement over the river, the windows lying north & northest, the floors of great thick planks close joined, in the nether story were the sellers, larders, wardropes, and such other offices. At the south side were like many chambers, the windows opened toward the north, the kytchyns and lodgynges of officers & ministers, which should serve the sick men were at the west end. At the east end having a prospect into the north was the ware houses, which served for medicines, to them were joined the lodgynges of the apoticaries, physicians and surgeons, and they were right fair & honestly furnished. Of no lasse magnificence were the two hospitals in the city, but rather more costly, whereby the beauty of Rome was much augmented. These things being stablished, the senate took on them the governance of them, appoyntyng every year by lot ten senators to be therof surveyors and controllers of all the officers and other ministers. And the same senators at the end of their year to make account openly to the Tribunes and people, of the employment of every parcel of the said revenues. And yf any were found in arrearage, he should be compelled immediately to pay to the treasury of the said hospytals four times as much as the arrearage amounted to. finally so much commodity happened unto the city of Rome by the said hospitals and other ordinances before rehearsed, that within very few yeres after, no fowle sickness was perceived to be in the city nor idle person, by occasion whereof a great parte of the chambers in the said hospitals were vacant and much of the revenues were saved: which being brought to the common treasury, afterward eased the people of taxes in time of war, to their no little comfort and quietness.   

¶ In howe ●undry wise Alexander exercised his own person, so that he was never vnprofytably occupied. Ca xxiiii.  
THE mind of this noble emperour was so fervently set and determined, to the good governance and aduancement of the weal public, and the conservation of the same, that in eight the first yeres of his empire, which was the most parte of his reign, in as much as he reigned but .xiii. yeres and .ix. dayes. he did almost none other thing, but continually sit with his counsellors, which were never fewer than fifty men excellent in learning and virtue, traictynge and devising things expedient for the weal public. And by the example of Augustus the emperour, he reported to the hole senate ones in a month, such things whereupon they were concluded, with the principal reasons which thereto induced them, which if the more part of the senate semblably liked, than were the provisions or ordinances devised, by their sentence approved, & incontinently enacted and published. And to the intent he would not haue his labours & the authority of the senate frustrate by the lack of execution( Not withstanding that he had many espials as I said before, to await the defaults of officers) he used many times to dysguise himself in diuers strange fashions, as sometime in the habit of a scholar of philosophy, comen out of Grece, and speaking nothing but greek, which he did most exquisitely, oftentimes like a merchant, come out of Siria, or Persia, which had than but one language, and that spake themperour naturally, for as much as he was born in Siria. And having with him one or two men of that country, which he did counterfeit, he like a scholar or seruant wolde one day haunt one parte of the city, an other day an neither parte: And most politicly find occasion to se the state of the people, with the industry or negligence of them that were officers, which progress he wolde never dyscouer to any man, but only to Ulpian, or one or two mo of his most secret counsellors or servants, neither before that he began it, nor after, and to them that accompanied him, he commanded, that they should keep it ever secret, as they wolde avoyde his most grievous displeasure. And in dede during his life, it was by them never dyscouered. But sometime he could not so escape unknown, but that he was sometime perceived. but dreadyng his severity, they that met with him, and knew him, darste not salute him, or make any sign of knowledge unto him. But when that they had dysclosed it, all they that herde it, examined their own acts, and al they, which at that time had done any thing worthy to be reproved, lived in dread looking to be therfore corrected, or at the masspriest ways blamed. contrariwise, they which had done any thing worthy commendation, took marvelous comfort, doutyng not, but that their good acts should either with benefit or with the emperours praises, be shortly rewarded, whereunto soon after was added to profit either in some office, or in other yearly revenues.  
¶ After that he had reduced the city to this honourable state, he than by the aduise of his most discrete counsellors, ones or twice in the weke, used to solace out of the city, with a great company with him of honourable personages. for he never shewed himself openly as Emperour, but with a great and honourable presence, above any other king of the world, albeit than he expressed a marvelous familiarity to all men indifferently, that list to approach him, without repulse to any man being in honest vesture, and not diseased with infective sickness. In this solasyng he hunted the heart, the wild bore, or such as be called Alces, brought for the nones out of the great woods of Germany, which be in quantity higher and longer than any ox. He hunted also oftentimes the bear, but that never saving only when he was in the partes where they were bred, saying, that forasmoche as the bear was of his nature a devourer of cattle, he desired not to haue of that kind in those places where cattle is nourished. In hunting these beasts he sometime on horseback proved his strength, sometimes shooting, otherwiles casting at them iauelyns, which served for that purpose. oftentimes he onely beheld other young gentlemen hunting, which he divided into sundry companies, and appoynted to them a number certain of arrows or iauelyns, to the intent that one should not be more exercised, or take more solace in hunting than an other. The lions, lybardes, tygres, panthers, and other like strange and furious beasts, he had in great numbers, which were kept onely to thintent that at certain times in the Amphiteatre, & other like places in the city ordained to the purpose, the people might take pleasure in beholding them, & also seeing some such desperate persons, as would adventure their lives, fight with some of the said beasts, or one beast to fight with an other. But never wolde he let any gentleman roman to do any such battle, saying, that he esteemed none so little, that he would put him in danger for such a beast, whose body being deade, was nothing profitable.  
¶ He took also pleasure to hunt the fallow dere, the too, & the hare with greyhounds, inforeyng his horse( wherein he much delighted) to give as many turns to the game that he hunted, as the greyhounds should do, And in that pastime having to every beast of venery but two dogges at the most, he contended with many other young gentle men on horseback, which were by himself onely appoynted, to show himself most deliver and ready to incountre and check the game at the most advantage, wherein was a right pleasant and also profitable exercise, showing a visage or representation of a skirmish in warres, specially when he hunted the hart, and the bestes name Alces. For joanne there required to be shewed much strength and hardiness, and in the pursuit labour & peynfulnes. And in this solace he used much prudence. For they which one day hunted with him, should not hunt the next day, but behold other hunting, and mark diligently the lack of them that hunted in to much hast or slowness, to thintent that they might refrain such default. And they that did best were praised. And by him that was the provost of hunting, it was registered in the emperours presence, howe many times every man was commended, to the intent that as rooms of capytayns and petite captains were void in any of the emperours garrisons, they which in the said huntynges were judged most active, yf other good manners were in them founden according, should be preferred to such rooms after their merites. But alway this good emperour had a vigilant respect to the form of their livings, and advanced no man suddenly, but with long deliberation and good advisement.  
¶ moreover not withstanding his hunting or other recreation, he never wolde let any day pass, without either consultyng some thing for the weal public, or giving some true sentence in judgment, or reading some place in good authors, to augment his wisdom, or writing some story or other thing worthy remembrance, he was such a niggard of time, that he was marvelously grieved, yf he spent any day in solace without doing of any of those things that I haue rehearsed. Not withstanding that in the mean time, all the affairs of the empire were treated and ordered by men assured good and faithful, whom he knew well wolde not be corrupted. And when need required, he herd matters before it was day, and prolonged the time until it were late & within night. And not with standing he never shewed countenance of weariness, ne to be in any parte frowarde or angry: but had alway one maner of visage, and in all things seemed merry and pleasant. Undoutedly he was of an excellent prudence, as in whom no man could finde any lack, and of so redy a wit, that if any man merrily wolde taste him with a pretty taunt, he should shortly perceive that he understood him. After the commune affairs as well civil as martial, he gave the more parte of his study to the reading of greek authors, reading the books of Plato of a public weal. And when he wolde read any latin books, he rad specially the books of tuli, of a public weal, and also his offices. sometimes he radde orators and poets: among whom was Serenus Ammonicus, whom he knew and favoured, and also Horace. He radde much the life of the great Alexander, whom specially he followed, not withstanding he abhorred his drunkenness and cruelty. All be it the one & the other is defended and excused by some good authors: whom oftentimes the emperour much believed. After his study he applied himself to wrestling, running or throwing of the ball moderately. After his exercise he having his body anointed with precious and holsom ointments( as it was at that time the use) entred into a bain or stew not hot, where he tarried sometime by the space of one hour, not onely to wash him, but also to exercise himself in swymming. And when he was come out of the bain, he would eat a good quantity of milk, sopped with fine manchet, and a few eggs, and thereto would he drink methe, and taking this for his breakefaste, sometime he wolde dine also: And oftentimes he abstained until supper. Alway at after none he applied the time to sygninge and reading of letters and bills, they which were called remembrauncers, standing about him. and if by the reason of sickness or age it were payneful for them to stand, he caused them to sit down, having the secretaries or clerkes reading the said letters or bills unto them. alway the emperour having a pen with his own hand added to that which was necessary, but that did he by the advise or sentence that seemed beste or most convenient. when he had perused al these things, al his friends were let in together, & who that list might freely and boldly speak than unto him, and he merrily and comfortably gave ear unto them. albeit he would not here alone any man, but onely his great master, or Ulpian the lawyer, and such as were associate with him in some special cause of Iustice, but yet he never talked with any of them, but that he caused Ulpian also to be present. In this form this noble emperor passed his time, enterlacing therwith other maner of solace.   

¶ Howe the Emperour Alexander, at the request of his mother Mammea, sent for the most excellent clerk origen: and of diverse notable sentences spoken by the same emperour concerning the receiving of the christen faith. Capi. xxv.  
AT THIS TIME there was in the city of Alexandria in egypt a man excellent in all maner of learning, 
Euco●  and therwith wonderful eloquent in the greek tongue, whose name was Adamantius Origenes: in so much as when he was but of the age of .xviii. yeres, he was in all the liberal sciences and in philosophy learned exactly above all mennes estimation, he was son of one Leonidas, who for the chrysten faith was beheaded. Also this origen was chrystened, and from his tender age most perfitly brought up in the rules of that religion, which he alway most exactly observed, as well in all kinds of abstinence, as in example of humilytie, and contempt of things worldelye. He was for his great learning and severity of life, appoynted by the bishop of christen men in Alexandria to preach and expound the books, which they called the Bible: by occasion whereof he drew a great number of people daily to the said chrysten faith: which although the emperour Alexander knew, after that he did perceive, that they were exquisite followers of virtue, & peace, he wolde not suffer that any of them should be apprehended or punished: but had them in great admiration and reverence.  
¶ The famed of this great clerk origen came to the ●a●es of Mammea the Emperours mother, who( as some men supposed) was al redy persuaded to embrace that profession. wherefore to be the more perfitly instructed therein, she most affectionately couayted the presence of the said origen. And therfore she awaytyng opportunity, came to the emperour her son and desired him, that he wolde send for the said origen, whose famous learning was onely by report known unto him. To the which request he easily granted. And he himself indicted letters to be directed to Alexander than being the bishop of christen men in Alexandria, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth.  
¶ Alexander Emperour Augustus. 
The letter● of Alexander the Emperour.  &c. to Alexander the chief bishop of Christianes in the great city of Alexandria, well to do. The famed of the virtue and wonderful learning of Adamantius Origenes, your great philosopher, soundeth continually in our ears, which maketh us desirous to behold and here him, 
 whose name contendeth in honourable renown with our imperial majesty. We notwithstanding not enuyinge his glory, but couaytyng to be parte takers of his inspired learning, and followers of his virtue, do require you, to licence him to come unto us to Rome at his leisure without festination or travail. We haue written to our prouoste of egypt, that he provide for him all thing expedient for his journey toward vs. Fare ye well.  
¶ After that the bishop had received these letters, he much rejoicing therate, sent for origen. But with great difficulty might he persuade him to take that journey, he allegynge by diverse arguments, that it should be more necessary, that he continued his preachings and lessons, where a great parte of the people were all redy informed in the chrystian faith, and daily increased, and waxed desirous of the interpretation of divine mysteries, than going to the city of Rome, where abounded al 'vice, pride and tyranny, there to sow precious seeds, as it were in the sand, or to give orient pearls to swine. Yet finally when the bishop and other sage personages had credybly informed him of the most excellent virtues of the Emperour Alexander, and in what sort he had reformed the state of the city of Rome, he condescended to go thither. which being intimate unto the Prouoste of egypt, he according to the Emperours commandment, provided for him a ship with all things necessary unto his journey. And because he beheld him simply appareled, he ordained for him sundry garments in the most honest sort that philosophers than used: but origen wolde not receive any parte therof, not so much as hosen or shows, but like as he alway accustomend to go from his chyldhode( that is to say, in a single garment of cloth and barefoted) so went he to Rome. And when at his arriuayle there were brought unto him a mule and a chariot, to ride in the which he beste liked, he answered, that he was much lasse than his master christ, which road but one day in his life, and that was on a sely ass mere. Wherefore he would not ride, except he were sick or decrepit: so that his leggis might not serve him to go.  
¶ The Emperour and his mother hearing of the coming of origen, caused him to be brought in their presence, where he according to his duty right humbly saluted the emperour kneeling, but the emperour with most gentile countenance embraced him, and enforced him to stand on his feet. semblably the emperours mother devoutly saluted him, rejoicing much of his presence.  
¶ And when the emperour had beholden his native gravity, and most assured countenance, he in his hart judged him to be a reverend parsonage. Than demanded he of him, what thing he professed. He answered, Ueritie. The emperour asked of him, what he mente thereby. He said, It was the word of the living god, which was infallyble. The Emperour asked, which was the living god, and why he so called him. origen answered, That he did put that distinction for a difference from them, whom men being long drowned in error did call their goddis, whom they confess to be ones mortal, and to haue dyed. but the god, whom he preached, was ever living, and never dyed, and is the life of all things that be, like as he was the creator of them.  
¶ And when the emperour had required him to declare the unity of God the creator, he devoutly lyftyng up his eyes, after a short meditation, with an incomparable and most compendious eloquence, he forthwith opened that mystery in such wise, that as well to the emperour and his mother, as to all other standing about them( of whom I Eucolpius most happily was one) it seemed that we were brought out of a long sleep, and than did we se things as they were in dede, and that which before we esteemed and honoured were but vain dreams and imaginations. Yet themperour after a little pause, said unto origen, that he much marveled, why men of such wonderful knowledge, should honour for God, a man that was crucified: being but of a poor estate and condition. O noble Emperour, said origen, consider what honour at this present time the wise Athenienses yet do to the name and image of Codrus, their last king of Athenes, for as much as at the time that war was made by the two people called Peloponenses and Dorienses, against the Athenienses, answer was made to them, which counseled with Apollo at Delphos, that the Peloponenses and Dorienses, yf they slew not the king of Athenes, they should haue the victory: whereof Codrus heryng● preferrynge the safeguard of his people before his own life, took on him the garments of a slave, and bearing on his shoulder a burden of sticks, he went to the host of the enemies, and there of a purpose quarellyng with some of them, and in the press hurting one with his knife, he was by him, which was hurt, stricken through the body and slain: by occasion whereof, after that it was perceived and known of the ennemyes, they being confused, raised their camp and departed. And for this cause the Atheniensis, haue ever sens had the name of Codrus in reverence, and as all men do think worthily and not without reason. now than consider most excellent prince, howe much more worthy, with what greater reason and bound duty ought we and all men to honour christ, being the son of god, and god, who not only to preserve mankind from danger of the devil, his ancient enemy, but also to deliver man out of his dark and stinking dungeon of error, being sent by god the father from the highest heavens, willingly took on him the servile garment of a mortal body, and hydyng his majesty, lived under the visage of poverty, and finally not of his ennemyes immediately, but much more against reason, of his own chosen people the Iewes, unto whom he had extended benefits innumerable, and after his temporal nativity were his natural people and subiectes, he quarellyng with them, by declaring unto them their abuses, and pryeking them with condign rebukes, at the last he was not slain with so easy a death as Codrus was, but in most cruel fashion was scourged until no place in his body was without wounds, and than had a crown of long & sharp thorns set and pressed on his heed, and after long torments and despytes, he was constrained to bear an heavy cross, whereon afterward his both hands and feet were nailed with long and great nails of iron, and the cross with his naked and bluddye body being lift up on height, it was let fall with violence into a mortayse, that all his joints were dissolved. And not withstanding all this torment and ingratitude, he never grudged, but lyftyng up his eyes unto heaven, he prayed with a loud voice, saying: Father forgive them, for they know not what they do. This was the charity most incomparable of the son of God, employed for the redemption of mankind, who by the transgression of Adam the first man that ever was created, was taken prisoner by the devil, that is to say, kept in the bondage of error & sin, from the actual vision of goddis majesty, until he were in this wise redeemed, according as it was ordained at the beginning.  
¶ At these words of origen all they that were present were wonderfully astonied, and therwith the emperour with a sturdy countenance said unto origen: Ye haue wonderfully set forth a lamentable history, but yet notwithstanding therein be things dark and ambiguous, which do require a more plain declaration. For what maketh you bold to affirm, that Iesus, which in this wise was crycyfyed, was the son of god & god, as ye haue called him? sir said origen, sufficient testimony, which of all creatures reasonable ought to be believed, and for the most certain proof to be allowed. What testimony is that said the Emperour? truly, said origen, it is in dyvers things. first the promise of god, by whom all this world was made. Also by his holy spirit speaking by the mouths of prophetes, as well Hebrewes as greeks and other whom ye call Vates and Sybillas. thirdly by the nativity of Iesus of a pure virgin without carnal company of man, the most pure and clean form of his living without sin, his doctrine divine and celestial, his miracles most wonderful and innumerable, all grounded on charity only without ostentation, his vndoubtfull and perfect resurrection, the thyrde day after that he was put to death, his glorious ascention up unto heaven in the presence and sight of five hundred persons, which were virtuous and of good credence. 
 Also the gift of the holy ghost, in speaking all maner of languages and interpretynge scripture, not only by himself, but also afterward by his apostles & disciples, & given to other by imposition of their hands. And al these things ordinarily followed according unto the said promises & prophecies. I omit to speak of the confession of devils, which by Iesus and his apostles in his name were cast out of people, which were obsessed. The oracles & answers of them, whom ye untruly call goddis, do remain in confirmyng this testimony. And when origen had said all this, he forthwith began there, and disclosed the answers of Apollo made at Delphos, affirming Iesus to be God. afterward he recited and declared the prophecies as well of the hebrews as of the Sybilles and other. Last the promise of god unto the Patriarkes, by the which it manifestly appeared, that Iesus was christ and god, & that by his temporal natiuitte he was king of Israell, and that the Iewes were his natural subiectes. which declaration of origen was so evident and plain, and set forth with such wonderful eloquence, devotion, and learning, that it persuaded the emperour and dyvers other, which than were present, whereof I Eucolpius was one, to embrace the profession of Christis faith and doctrine, for the which I give most humble thankes unto god, by whose only grace I was called. And for that time the emperour gave licence to origen to return unto Alexandria: for as much as he darste not attempt to publish the christen faith by his authority, the persecution of chrysten men being but late cessed, and they being yet odious to the Senate and people. Not withstanding in his privy closette he had the images of Christ, of Abraham and of Moyses, and being by himself he honoured done god, as I myself being often times secret with him did well perceive. 
Lampi●●●  And at the last he made request to the Senate, that there mought be made a temple to christ, wherewith they all were sore grieved, and did obstinately deny it, saying that they had counseled with the goddes, of whom they had answer, that if that were suffered, al men should be christianes, and al other temples should be made desolate. wherefore he ceased his enterprise, but alway he was studious in the books of Christen men, and often times used their sentences. Is when any man went out of the high way, and would pass through an other mans ground, breaking his enclosure, and riding over his corn or grass, if he perceived it, he wolde cause him to be beaten with staues or rods in his presence, after the quality of his trespass: or if he were a man of honour or worship, he wolde give to him great rebukes, and say unto him, wouldest thou haue that done unto the, that thou doeste to a neither? And when a man was punished for any such trespass, he wolde cause it to be openly proclaimed: That which to thyself thou wouldest not haue done, do not in any wise unto an other. Also when cookes of the city claimed a certain place, which christen men had, and his pleasure was therein required, he wrote in his rescripte, that it were better that god were there honoured in any maner of fascion, joanne that cookes should haue therof possession.  
¶ Eucolpius writeth, that on a time he said to him, and to Philip his bondman: I perceive, ye do wonder at the learning of origen, whereby ye be induced to embrace the christian profession. truly the humility and charity of the chrysten people, which I haue herde of, and do daily behold, do much more steer me to believe, that their christ is god, than the residue of all his persuasion.  
¶ And on a time when two chrysten men contended proudly together, and they accused each other of speaking reproachful words of the Emperour, he called them before him, and prohibited them to name themselves christen men, saying: your pride and malice do declare, that ye be not the followers of him whom ye profess. wherefore though ye finde lack in me, the which I will gladly amend, yet will I not let you against justice, reprove by your acts him, whose life and doctrine ye all do affirm to be uncorrupted and without any lack.  
¶ which words being ones spread among the christen men in the city of Rome, it made them all afterward more circumspect, and in humility and charity to be the more constant.   

¶ Howe Mammea the emperor mother exhorted him to be married, and what wife answers he made, and finally took to wife the donghter of a noble & ancient senator. Cap. xxvi.  
when THE Emperour was come to the age of .xx. yeres, his mother Mammea exhorted him to take to his wife some maiden of a noble and ancient house, to the intent that he might haue generation, which should be for the sure tranquillitie of the city and empire, and to the principal comfort of him, the Senate, and people of Rome. After that he had diligently herde his mother say all that she wolde, he made to her an answer in form following: I dare well say madam, that ye haue given to me this counsel, of a sincere and natural love, that ye bear toward me your onely son. But for as much as it is the matter, which within myself I haue much more debated than( I suppose) ye haue done, although per chance ye haue thought more on it, I will declare unto you, howe I find in my fantasy, that the taking of a wife should be to the public weal and to myself more dangerous than fruitful, specially at this time. for where ye will me to take a maiden, if she shall be much younger than I am, perchance she shal not be so apt for generation of children, strong and lusty as if she were of mo yeres. And I covayte not to deface the imperial majesty with children weak and unlusty. Also the sturdynesse of the romans may not sustain to be governed, but of them which as well in parsonage as wisdom be convenient & seemly. If she shall be as old, or elder than I am, joanne shal I bring myself to much unquietness and trouble of mind. for ye know well, it is not yet passing four yeres ago, that the abominable monster my kynsmanne Deliogabalus, left not onely the city of Rome, but also all the country of Italy so polluted with detestable lechery, that with much diffycultye might one finde an house, wherein had not ben committed sume kind of that 'vice, either voluntary, or else by enforcement. wherefore if I should mary one of the said city or territory, although I found her by famed and experience a maiden, yet should not that discharge my mind of suspicion: thinking alway, that she was rather so kept by restraynte of liberty, than by her own chastity, considering that she did here or se daily such wanton allectiues and provocations to lechery, that the custom therof did assault the mind so continually, that it were well nigh impossible to escape uncorrupted, although the body by vigilant custody abode undefiled: And this suspicion should wrap my hart in such melancholy, that I should seldom be merry or pleasant with hir, whom for mistrust I could not love perfitly. And to take a wife of any other country, ye know well it hath not been the use of Emperours, or other noble men of this city, I suppose it hath ben for the warres, which hath & might eftsoons happen to be, between us and these outward countreys. wherefore yf the women therof should be married to the emperour and other of the nobility, and that soon after should happen hostility between them and those countrayes, much inconvenience mought come to the city and public weal by means of the women in fauourynge their parentes, the means I will not rehearse, for offending of you and other ladies, and also sens you and all that are wise, may shortly conject what I mean. finally I am determined, not to alter that custom, which is both ancient and honourable. moreover I can not be sure to haue generation when I am married, and joanne the onely cause therof is utterly frustrate●●nd to me, which shall be alway in study and business about the weal public, the wife remaineth a tedious impediment & charge superfluous. Semblably shal I be unto her an unpleasant cumbrehouse, finding little idle time to be in hir company, and being fatigate with business about the weal public, I shal be less diligent and pleasant with her, than she would haue me, whereof might procede not only contention between us, but also matter of warse occasion. And where ye seem to affirm, that my generation should be for the tranquillitie of this city and empire, and for the comfort of me, the senate and people: truly when I remember what daughters the most noble Augustus had, whom for their corrupted living, and for the griefs, which he thereby sustained, he was wont to call them his botches and boils. when I think what sons the reverend Uaspasian, the wise and most virtuous prince Marcus Antoninus, the honourable severus left, for their successors in the empire of Rome, which were all slain for their detestable livings, O howe little care I for children, ye how glad would I be alway to lack them? that my benefits which I intend to employ on the weal public, by the folly or 'vice of my children be not consumed, men more hating my name for that I haue begotten and left unto them in the stede of a governor, a rybaulde or tyrant for to succeed me: than they will praise me for mine own charity. O what sorrow and pain shall my soul suffer( yf there be any care among them, which be passed out of this world) when I shal behold with immortal eyes, my child, which is of mine own substance, to abandon that thing, which I loved, to embrace that which I hated, to be of the Senate abhorred, of the people detested, and of al foreign princes dysdayned, and finally of all honest men persecuted like a serpent or monster, like a wolf or a tiger, infamed for lechery, pursuyd for tyranny? O happy sterilytie, whereby lacketh annoyance. O hateful fertilitle, where of cometh sickness or pestilence. I am sure, that sterility can no more hurt me, but onely take from me the name of a father, or the dotynge pleasure to se my little son ride on a cokhorse, or to here him chatter and speak like a wanton. And I am not sure that fertility shal bring to me any more quietness, than I haue all redy. For my child being of such inclination, as best shall content me, if death take him from me, than shall I languyshe in torments incurable, considering that I can not well sustain the death of my servants. yf he live with me, and be either a fool, a rybauld or tyrant, than should I like Edippus scratch out mine eyes, rather than I would behold such a monster {pro}cede of my body: ye rather slay him with mine own handis, than to let such one to succeed me. Or if he escaped me, I would ask that onely reward of the senate & people, that they wolde sacrifice him on my tomb when I were buried. Therfore mother I pray you cease from exhorting me unto marriage, vntylle I be thereto better disposed, which shalbe, when in beholding one, which perchance I haue not yet sene, some affection, or I be ware, may in me, as it hath in other, surmount both learning and wisdom.  
¶ With these words, the wise lady showing her self as she were content, departed unto her lodging. But it was not long after, that she bided themperour unto a supper and banquet: And against his coming she had assembled a great number of the fairest maidens in Rome, attending vpon their mothers, or on some other ancient and sad gentle women, whom when the emperour beholded, he forthwith conjected the intent of his mother. notwithstanding he most gentyllye countenanced them all, and shewed him content well with their company, although it were not correspondent unto his fantasy. But after that he had eaten and drunk more wine than he was accustomend to do, being chaufed in body and spirit, in casting his eyes hither & thither, he at the last beholded an excellent faire maiden name Memmia, which was daughter of a noble man called Sulpicius. And after that he had devised with her, and found her to be wise, sober, and of singular humility, he much loved her, and at the last by the continual provocation of his mother, and consent of his counsel, he afterward married her, but she dyed shortly after, wherewith he took no little dyscomforte, saying oftentimes: So great a treasure as I haue lost, a man seldom findeth. death were gentle, if he took nothing but that that offendeth. Eucolpius will not be known, that he had any more wives: but Lampridius useth the authority of one Desippus, who saith, that Alexander had an neither wife, who was daughter of one Martianus. But when it was found, that he wolde haue slain themperour by treason, he was put to death, and his daughter separate from the Emperour. Herodianus affirmeth, that all that was done by the malice of Mammea the emperours mother, without other cause, only because she could not sustain hir sons wife to be called Augusta. and therfore she caused her to be exiled into Affrica, and all the lands and goods of her father, Mammea took and converted unto hir own profit: which report I suppose not to be true, considering that Mammea was so wise and virtuous a lady, and being well instructed in Christis religion, knew well how detestable unto god is envy & cruelty.   

¶ Of the severity that Alexander used, as well toward them that were proud, as to them that were malapert and did not their duty. Cap. xxvii.  
ON A time he being Censor or corrector of manners with Iulius Paulus & Callidius Rufus, and walking in the streets of Rome with a few other disguised like commoners, he happened to meet with a senators son, having with him a great train of young men, whom he and they that were with him saluted, doing to him reverence: the young man beheld them disdaynefully, and with a proud countenance, without saying any thing: and they which were with him did also the semblable. wherefore the Emperour at his return home to his palace incontinente discharged the father of the said young man out of the senate: saying, that he was not worthy nor meet to be of that reverend company, whereby the weal public ought to be governed, and the emperour himself to be chiefly counseled, sense he had so ill brought up his son, that not onely he himself lacked humanity, and extended a more stately fashion than pertained to his degree, but also by his example caused them that were with him, to embrace pride, which is captain of vices, and chief confounder of all public weals. Sone after he sent for the said young gentylmanne and his companions, and sharply rebuked them, saying, that pride is the most horrible monster, and of al men so hated, that it is not had in detestation of good men onely, but also to them which be proud, they that be less proud be in deed of all other most odious. And as pride slayeth love, provoketh disdain, kendleth malice, confoundeth justice, and subverteth weals public, so gentleness and affability do steer up affection, augment benevolence, incende charity, support good equity, and preserve most transversely countreyes and cities. And after that he had charged them to abandon and leave the said vice and other, and to embrace virtue and gentle manners, whereby they should acquire more estimation than by high countenance, and menacing them, that if the said fault were eftsoons spied in them, he wolde not only exclude them from hope of al dignity, but also from the name of nobility, and put them in the number of the base commoners, and so he let them depart.  
¶ This sharp correction aualid many a proud hart so that by custom of gentleness, pride was so much abhorred throughout the city, that if any man, perchance by a natural habit or fascion, or vnaduysedly and not of a purpose, seemed to them that beheld him, to haue a proud countenance, he was either laughed at, or disdaynefully wondered at, so that he was constrained, had he never so sturdy a courage, to be a shamed. whereof proceeded a proverb: slaves and bondmen haue only this liberty, to use a proud countenance, because they be shameless: and noble men be known alway by their gentleness.  
¶ It was not long after that the emperour looking out at a window of his palace, perceived certain gentyllmen exercisynge themselves in wrestling, running, and leaping, to whom came certain commoners of the base people, and without any sign of reverence, or asking leave, they mingled themselves with the gentlemen, and malapertly enterprised to contend with them in those recreations, with arrogant bostynges and words of presumption. And when the gentlemen being therwith offended, bade them be content with their degree, and elles where to pass the time with their companions and equals, the said commoners taking that in despite, with countenance bragginge and sturdy, proudelye made answer, that every of them was better able to live, & had more abundance to use liberality, and to haunt pleasures, than the beste of the other. And if the emperours guard had not come the sooner, the commoners had fought with the gentlemen, and put them in danger, for they were mo in nombre. This as it happened the Emperour beholding, he took therwith a vehement displeasure, being therfore so angry, as erst he was never. wherefore he caused the said commoners to be kept in safeguard, and straightly commanded, that nothing that was done should be rehearsed, until he had further declared his pleasure. And forthwith he sent for the Prouoste and Tribunes, and required them to send their ministers to summone all the commoners of Rome being men, to be the second day following in the Theatre of Pompey, where the emperour in his own person wolde also be present, and declare to them things concerning the most dangerous state of the weal public. The Emperours commandment, accordyngely was executed. And a halt pace made at the end of the Theatre, where the emperour should sit in his majesty, and all the people should plainly behold him, and perfitly here him. For the Theatre was a place made in the form of a bow that hath a great bent. And in all the round parte were many benches one behind an other and over an other( for it was narroweste beneath, and upward grew larger and larger) And there sate all the people. At the straight end, which was to the other parte as the string to the bow were the seats of the senators, and behind them of the gentlemen. At the time appoynted, the people being in the Theatre as they were commanded, the Emperour came accompanied onely with the Prouoste and Tribunes, leaving all his guard at the gate of the Theatre. At his coming all the people did rise, and with most joyous acclamations, did salute him: but he contrary to his old custom, with a displeasaunte countenance passed by them. whereat they were not a little abashed, and with hartes full of a loving dread and constant silence, they prepared their ears to here attentifely what the emperor wolde say: who after that he had long beholden the people, at the last with a grave countenance full of majesty, he spake unto them as hereafter followeth.   

¶ The oration of the emperonr Alexander to the people of Rome. Cap. xxviii.  
WE wote not how to begin to speak unto you, for we know not by what name we shall call you. for if ye were senators, we would call you fathers: if ye were gentlemen, we would call you friends: yf ye were as ye should be, good commoners, we would call you good people of Rome, as we were wont to do. But sens election hath not made you senators, nor nature gentlemen, nor your merites good commoners, we be in no little doubt what we shall call you. for yf we should call you romans, we fear lest Romulus, of whom proceeded that name( if he be deified as ye do suppose) being therwith offended, will be aduenged as well on us as on you, for abusing his glorious name on such people, which goth about to dissolve this noble empire, destroy this city, which he first began with his most excellent prowess and wisdom, and that wars is( yf any thing may be wars) extinct utterly the most honourable and glorious famed of this city and people thereof, which hath pierced the clouds, flown over the high mountains, and passed the perilous sees & large rivers, run through the great deserts and wyldernesses, and touched the furthermoste bounds of the world. We will therfore omit to call you by any name, until we can finde one meet and according unto your merites. Perchance at our coming, ye beholding our countenance towards you more strange than it hath ben, thought that we were moved with some private displeasure, for some thing touching our person, or that we were altered from our late temperance, unto a tyranny, conceyuing suspicion of our nature, by the remembrance of that monster our late predecessor, forasmoche as we both came of one lineage, which I deny not. truly, yf this were your fantasy, we will soon acquit ourself therof, and set all your minds at a more liberty. We will say this much unto you, as touching our person and family, no man with words hath offended us, no man hath taken ought from us, no man( that we know) hath gone about to betray us, nor there is any other thing privately done to our incommodity that hath displeased vs. And as for our accustomend manners, which did content you, we haue not, nor intend not to alter them. Tyranny, as we haue ever had it in extreme detestation, so do we now most abhor it. The corrupt nature of our predecessor had never place in vs. One garden at one time bringeth forth both poison and wholesome medicine. We see one woman, which by one man hath many children, of them some be fair and personable, some ill favoured and crooked, some be wise and apt unto doctrine, other be fools and dull witted, one is courageous and hardy, an other is a dastarde and coward, this child is gentle and inclined to virtue, the other is fierce & wrapped in vices. This is not a rare thing, but in daily experience. If this diversity happeneth to be in one garden and in the generation of one father and also one mother: than may we well escape the cause of your suspicion, we & Heliogabalus having dyvers fathers and dyvers mothers, and they as diuers in their conditions, as ye yourselves can bear witness, which haue known and sene proved the chast living, sanctimony and prudence of our reverend mother, and in what honesty and virtuous dyscipline she hath nourished us, & brought us up, unto the time that by god we were called unto this dignity. This ought to be enough, as well to persuade you, that neither any thing concerning ourself hath moved us to displeasure toward you, as also to exclude out of your minds all suspicion of tyranny. now shall ye know the very cause why we be discontented with you. For all though we said at the beginning, that ye went about to dissolve this empire, destroy this city, and extinct the glorious famed therof, which in dede is the cause of our displeasure and heaviness, yet in those general words, ye do not perceive( I suppose) what we mean thereby. wherefore take good hede, and ye shall here i● declared more specially.  
¶ Romulus after that he had builded this city, he by his divine reason considered, and( as I doubt not) in the time of the building experience declared, that in a confuse multitude of people, they being of diuers wits and conditions, if order lacked, there might not be a perpetual concord, but by continual varyance and discord, the people of necessity should be compelled either to abandon the city, and deuydynge themselves to seek for sundry places to dwell in, or abiding there in continual sedition, should shortly and easily be subdued or destroyed by their neighbours dwelling about them. wherefore he yssuyng of a gentle and noble house, excelling the residue of the people in noble courage and fynenesse of wit, first devised and stablished this order, that the company, which he had assembled as well of them, which he had brought with him, as of those which he out of diuers partes had alured unto him, should generally be called romans for ever: And that of them should be three states or degrees, every one of them necessary for the weal public of his noble city, in their sundry administrations, dueties, and exercises. To the first state he chase out of the hole comgregation one hundred of men ancient in yeres, which in moderation of living, sobrenes of manners, and sharpness of wit, were of the principal personages of all that noumbre, of them he ordained and stablished a counsel, whereby the affairs of the city, and appendaunces therof should be ruled and ministered. And these counsaylors for their age should be called senators,( for Senes in latin are old men) not withstanding being saluted or spoken to, they should be name fathers. Also the college or company of them was incorporate by the name of the senate. moreover of this college, should be elected the great Iudges and officers in the weal public, to whom should be committed the determination of justice, the execution of ceremonies and solemn sacrifices, and other authorities, which do belong unto governance. wherefore he wolde that in this state there should be a majesty, which of all other men should be had in a singular honour and reverence. Semblably like as this state was ordained for counsel and governance, so elected he out of the residue, which were lusty in yeres, valiant and hardy, a greater number, whom because in warres they should be on horseback, he called them Equites, and the order he called Equestris, to them should chiefly pertain the defence of the city against the invasion of enemies, with other small administrations, about the necessary provisions and ornamentes of this noble city. And this state also wolde he haue honoured of the rest of the people, and to thintent that they should be known from other men, he assigned them to wear a ring, and to bear in their hands iauelyns, whereof afterward they were called Quirîtes, which in the old tongue of this country signified spear men. Of this state should be elected the senators, when the just number of the Senate decayed. The thyrde state was of the base people or commoners, to whom severally should not be committed any authority, but should apply their occupations, and be redy to execute the statutes and ordynances made by the senate, also be obedient to the great officers, in that which pertained unto the weal public: moreover when warres required that they should go forth, than to be obedient and diligent at the commandment of their capitains and leaders. This order being stablished by Romulus, as long as in every degree it was duly observed, howe marvelously did this city prosper, ye howe wonderfully did a few Romayns in regard, not only defend this little territory, against the great number and pvissance of dyvers and sundry people, confedered against them, but also beate them back unto their own houses, entred into their cities, despoiled them of their substance: & also compelled them not only to desire perpetual peace, but moreover at the last to become their subiectes & tributaries? And when this good order began to be broken, your state aspiryng to governance & rule, where ye were ordained to obey only: what year can ye find clear from sedition and discord among you? who can number the romans, which haue ben slain in the civil warres and commotions? who could without tears recite the dolorouse estate of this city in the time of Cinna and Marius, whom for disdain that ye had unto the nobility, ye did elevate unto the highest dignities? By this your disorder came unto the city sundry calamyties. Ye chase Caligula to be your Emperour, and where might there be found a more horrible tyrant? in the which name he so much delighted, that looking in a glass he wolde most diligently form his visage into the most terrible fashion: Also in recompense of your kindness, he wished that all the people of Rome had but one neck, that he mought strike it of at one stroke. I am ashamed to rehearse my predecessor and kynseman Heliogabalus, the detestable vessel of abomination. But ye ought to be more ashamed, that ye setting a part so great a number of honourable personages, as were than in the senate, for their experience wisdom and prowess, worthy every of them to be Emperours, chase the said Heliogabalus, a stranger born, a boy in yeres, a fool in regard of their wisdom, to be your sovereign lord, who brought you to the most vile subiection that any people were in the world? for is there any thing in mankind so vile, as to be under the condition of brute beasts? What beast can ye name that will suffer in his presence an other beast to occupy in the act of generation her, whom he hath chosen for his make and companion? but to his power will resist and fight with him. Heliogabalus held you in such captivity, that partly to avoyde his displeasure, partly to flatter him and get somewhat of him, ye not onely suffered him to abuse your wives & your children, such as beste liked him, but also increased your bordell houses, and with open eyes let your wives and your children daily and nyghtely to haunt them. And openly in the streets( which I abhor to rehearse) to apprehend men, and provoke thē to lechery. I omit for the shortenesse of time many such other elections, which haue proceeded of your gross and presumptuouse wits, after that ye had transgressed the order, wherein Romulus left you, and exceeded the terms of your office or duty: which at the last was perceived by you( as I did suppose) when ye being tedious of that beastly licence, which that beast Helyogabalus gave freely unto you, had slain him, and took me to be your emperour, although with all my power I refused that burden, until I was by the Senate and you constrained to take it. And than desired you me, to reduce the state of this city unto the first order. whereabout I haue travailed these eight yeres, with not a little pain, study and labours: beginning at mine own household, to thintent that as well by the example of my servants and officers, ye and other being under my rule, might the sooner reform yourselves, as also that ye might the better perceive, and be less offendyd with my seuerytie. And because I did se much till example procede of the Senate, also that ye were oppressed with the pride and corruption of wretches and officers, I using much diligence weeded them out, and discharged them of their authoritiesme they went not unpunished according unto their merites.  
¶ I purged also the state of gentlemen of ribauldes and riottours, and advancing thereunto other, I caused them to be daily exercised in acts of prowess, orelles to here lessons in such maner of doctrine, as thereby they might acquire more wisdom, to be officers or counsellors in the weal public. Onely the state of the people I did not visit, saving in punishment of thieves, for as much as I judged that ye had least liberty to do any great evil, being( as I said) oppressed with tyranny. And that those vices which were among you, like as they were taken by the example of your superiors, so trusted I, that by their punishment, the said ill manners should be forsaken, and by the virtuous example of such honest men as I haue put in their places, good manners should be as gladly embraced. But now I perceive all hath happened contrary to mine expectation. for the sparing of you, and the correction of my servants, with the sharp reformation of the senate & gentlemen, hath brought you unto such a presumption and arrogance, that ye contend to be equal with gentlemen, using no form of reverence unto them, either that ye think, that I fear more your purssaunce, than I favour their honesties: or elles that your richesse do make you so proud, which ye abusing in excessive vseries, ye therewith devour the patrimonies of many young gentlemen, and haue made them beggars, or by the seuerytie of the ancient laws of this city, taken them in bondage and slain them in irons. And by such colourable johann, ye haue bought great possessions in Grecia, Sicile, and spain, whereby ye accumulate treasours and pleasures like to great princes. If ye think me to be afeard of your puissance, your opinion is false. for above all things I most desire to die for the defence of the weal public of this noble city: and in dede rather will I die, than see the calamities which needs must ensue thereunto, if order be not kept, as I before haue declared.  
¶ At that word all the people cried with one voice pouryng out tears from their eyes, live most noble and gracious emperour, he that wolde your death, let him dy, let him be rent into pieces. our pvissance shall not annoy you, but unto death shall defend you. ye haue restored us unto life that were dead, unto liberty that were in thraldom, unto honour that were dishonoured. live virtuous emperour, and what lack ye finde in us, reform it, and we shal obey you, and he that will resist or rebel, let him be slain and drawn with a hook through the city, and thrown into tiber. Ye be in governance our father, whom we chyefely coil honour. In age ye be our most dearest son, whom more than our own lives we do favour. And than eftsoons they cried. live most gentle and rightwise emperour.  
¶ Hereat the emperour relented, and with much pain retained the tears of his eyes: And after that he had settled his spirits and countenance, he spake than unto them in this wise: I am well content that ye haue declared, that there is yet in you some portion of virtue, which giveth me hope, that neither the noble renown of this city begun by Romulus, and augmented by other honourable gouernours, nor my labours in restoring therof, when it was decayed, and likely to perish, shall fall into ruin. But yf ye be constant in this affection, I trust that right shortly the public weal shall flouryshe, and that this city and people, shal be in as much estymation as ever it was in the time of any of our progenitors. And now haue I found again your old name, whereby I will call you: Ye children and successors of the virtuous romans, I say you most victorious people, branches of Romulus, subduers of realms, samplers of virtue and prowess to all the world, mitygate your covetous appetites, expel from you avarice auale your high courages, I mean in exceeding the bounds of your popular state, and comparyng yourselves with your superiors, be charitable and merciful to your own country men, where their necessity may be relieved with your abundaunce● be you ashamed, that people of other countries, people barbarous and rude, should condemn you of cruelty, for destroyenge your gentlemen, the chief ornament and defence of this noble city, that they should reproach you of rudeness and pride, in omyttyng to do reverence to them, which do in order excel you. remember, that like as if the state of senators do decay, of the gentlemen are elected into the senate such as be virtuous: so ye that shall be found equal to them in virtue,( for your substance onely can not make you gentile) shall be advanced to the state of gentlemen according to reason. Than consider yf ye wolde not than also requited to be preferred in reverence. Nothing shall more cause a man willingly to do his duty, than to think what he wolde require of him that is inferyour unto him. And it hath ben said of wise men, that he, which wolde be a ruler, should first learn to be a good subject. For truly a proud and covetous subject, shall never be a gentile and temperate governor. now haue I no more to say to you, but apply yourselves with good wills to restore this city to the ancient and most laudable order, as I shal endeavour myself by example and diligence to bring it eftsoons unto his perfection.  
¶ Thus ended the emperours oration, and therwith he arose and departed, all the people poursuynge him with this acclamation: The goddis immortal keep and defend you most noble emperour. ye ar the crown of our glory, of our wealth and prosperity: hated be he of goddis and of men that wolde you displeasure. Do what best liketh you, the goddis immortal defend you.   

¶ The feueritie that the emperour Alexander used in chastyfyng as well the pride of the people, as also his men of war or soldiers. Ca. xxix.  
AFTER that the emperour was returned home to his palace, he decreed, that the said commoners should be deprived of their liberty, and name of romans, and to be delivered as bondmen unto the said gentlemen, with whom they presumptuousely had contended, and so to remain in that state, except they redeemed themselves by making the said gentlemen, in possessions and movables, better than they themselves were, when they contended( for in dede the said commoners were very rich men, as well in substance movable as yearly renenues) that done, they should be eftsoons restored unto their liberty, adding thereto, that it should not be lawful unto the said gentlemen, to infranchise them in any other condition. finally the said commoners abhorring servitude, in continent redeemed their heeds, according to themperours decree: which example was found afterward so profitable to the weal public, in retaynynge the ancient order, and restraynyng sedition, which before that time now and than happened, that it was thought of al men, that there was never decree or law made, that was more benefyciall unto the city. And the emperour was therfore not onely feared, but also more honoured and loved of al the people, which were good citizens and chiefly favoured the weal of their country.  
¶ like severity he used to all other states, as partly it is before rehearsed, and partly I will now briefly declare. 
Lamprid●  He so herde the complaints of soldiers against their captains, that yf he found any captain in fault, he punished him according to the quality of the act, without purpose to pardon him.  
¶ like austerity he used to them that served him in warres. 
Lampridi●  For on a time when he herd that one of them had done wrong to a poor old woman, he discharged him of his retayner, and gave him to the woman to be her bondman, that he being a carpenter, should with his craft and labours relieve her. And when the resydewe of the soldiers were therewith grieved, he persuaded them to be therwith contented, and did put them in fear to grudge at it. oftentimes he discharged hole legions, never fearing his army, for as much as never man could reprove him, that in his life any captain or petite captain took or detained any thing of their soldiers wages. when he came to the city of antioch, his men of war fell to wantonness, haunting womens bains, and other riottous pastimes: which being brought to his ear, he caused them all to be apprehended and put in prison, which being known to them, which were of the fellowship of those that were taken, they began to make a commotion: Than the emperour went to the place of iudgement, and caused the prisoners to be brought before him, the residue of men of war, standing al armed about him. And than began he in this wise.  
¶ Companions in arms( so that the acts of your fellows do discontente you) The discipline left to us by our ancestors maintaineth and keepeth the weal public, the which if it be let to decay, we shall lose as well the name of romans, as also the Empire. We may not suffer things to be done, which late were supported by that unclean beast Heliogabalus. The roman soldiers your fellows, and my companions in war, they haunt brothelles, taverns, and bains in the greek fashion, and thereto one provoketh an other: shall I suffer this any longer, and not strike of their heads? Therewith arose a great rumour and noise in the people. Than said he again: ye that be here, cry out when it is necessary in battle against your enemies, not against your emperour and sovereign lord. I dare say, your capitains taught you to use those cries against the Polones, Germaynes, and Persianes, not against him that hath given to you meate, lyuerye, and wages. cease therfore of your terrible cries, which onely be necessary in war and battle, lest that I with one mouth and one voice discharge you romans, and yet I doubt where I may so call you. For ye be not worthy to be of the people of Rome, yf ye know not the lawe of the romans. And when they cried louder, and also menaced him with their weapons, he eftsoons said to them: Put down your hands, which yf ye be valiant, ye should advance against your enemies, for these things do make me nothing afeard. And yf ye slay any man, the public weal, the senate, & people will not fail for to reuenge vs. But when they brauled & murmured never the later, he cried to them with an high voice, saying, Get you hens Romains, and put of your harneys.  
¶ A wonderful example, they all putting of their harness and soldiers coats, departed every man to his lodging. There was it perceived howe much his severity profited. joanne the emperours guard brought all the standerdes into the camp, and the people themselves brought all their armour to the emperours palace. And the legion which he had discharged, after that he was sued unto .xxx. dayes before he went toward Persia, he eftsoons restored into his place, and by their prowess most specially, he afterward vaynquished his enemies. Not withstanding or he departed, he commanded all the captains of the said legion to be beheaded, because that through their negligence, the soldiers passed their time riotously in a place of execellente pleasure called Daphnis, and had made the sedition, they wynkynge at it.   

¶ Howe the Emperour Alexander reformed the usury, whereof he spake afore in his oration made to the people. Capi. xxx.  
SONE AFTER that Alexander had chastised the pride of the common people of Rome, as before is rehearsed, he himself came into the Senate, and there declared the sundry inconveniences, which had happened, as well to the city as unto the countreyes thereunto subject, by the de●estable practise of usury, which utterly repugneth against all humanity, charity, and natural benevolence, that ought to be among people that do live in a mutual concord: but most specially among them which live under one obedience, under one lawe or policy. The inconveniences which happened, he shewed to be these. first where the gentilmenne, and the more parte of men of war, were from their cradelles brought up in idleness, being not instructed in any occupation or science, safe only in feats perteynynge to war, in the time of peace and tranquillitie, or when the warres be not so great, that they require the hole puissance of Rome, than they which be not sent forth to battle, some do pass their time in dalliance and banqueting with wanton women, or at dice and other chargiouse solasynge, or in both, with the one and the other, shortly consuming their substance: some do delight in other excessive pleasures, as to haue great and beautiful houses, large and ample orchards, and walks enclosed with high and strong walls great ponds and meeres, conuaying thereunto by a long distance the salt water through rocks and mountains, and to haue in them diverse strange kinds of fishes. In the which enterprises, they also haue not only consumed their goods and patrimony, but also the work above their expectation, far exceeding their power, they haue been constrained to borrow great sums of money. Other there haue ben, which of an ambiciouse courage, haue used prodigal expenses as well in continual feasts and banquets, as in distributions of great sums of money among the people, and giving great rewards to corrupt senators and other great officers, to attain before their time, or not being worthy to some high place or dignity: whereby, they being brought into poverty, haue ben also constrained to seek help of other, to maintain their folly. Al these personnes howe unprofitable they be unto the weal public, report me unto you, specially if ye consider also, that when they haue borrowed so much, and the sums borrowed being so increased by usury, that they be not only in desperation to borrow any more of their creditours, but also in the state to be greuousely punished according to the laws: than desire they some alteration in the weal public, than fish they out the ambiciouse courages of them which are in authority, and between whom of the noble men is envy disdain or private displeasure, than seek they matter of sedition within the city, which not being wisely repressed, hath at his back division of partes, ciuyle commocions, often times battle and destruction of people. read the histories of Rome, and see howe often they called for new tables, that is to say, that the instruments and obligations made for debt, should be canceled, and those debts acquitted: and until it was done the commotion ceased not. now se ye, that the chief cause of this inconuenyence, was the said pestilent practise of usury, which as the occupiers did se the wantonness and prodygalitie of the nobility, gentlemen, and other increase, so did they augment it, more esteeming their proper lucre than the weal public, charity, benevolence, or natural humanity. wherefore in my judgment such vsurars among the Romayns ought not to be numbered, but if they be not willingly reformed, they should be taken and used as perniciouse enemies unto us all.  
¶ Here all the Senate, except a few, with one voice commended the zelouse intent of the Emperour, and offered their consentes in making such a lawe as should seem to the Emperour and them expedient, unto the redress of so great an enormity. Than one Catelius a noble senator, and a man of great virtue, said in this wise.  

The 〈◇〉 of 〈◇〉.  ¶ mine opinion is noble Emperour and reverend fathers, that no kind of usury shal be here practised within this city, but first I would that search be made diligently, howe many romans, and who they be. which are entred into bonds, for the payment of usury, and likewise who be the creditours. and the principal debt being known: the creditours to be compelled by an edict of your majesty, to hold them content with repayment of the sum or value of the thing that they lend. And than by an ordinance of this counsel, the said principal debts to be paid out of the treasure of the city, the debtors bringing in pawn or surety to repay it within five yeres unto the treasoryes. Also that no man shall lend money or any thing else, which the debtor shalbe constrained to change into money to serve his commodity, upon any condition bargain or promise to haue lucre by the said loan. And if that he do, all his movables to be immediately forfeited to the commune treasury. moreover, that yf any roman shall happen to be in necessity, by any misfortune or casualty, or by necessary charges, which he could not escape, that he should come to the prouoste of the city and treasorers, bringing with him one senator and two of the people, men not suspected of infamy, which shall swear by the goddis preseruatours of the city of Rome, that they know, that the necessity doth not procede of the said ill occasions: That done, he shall lay in his sufficient pawn, or bring in two able persons to undertake for the repayment of the money, which he will borrow, the treasorers shall deliver so much to him, as to the provost and them shall seem to be sufficient for his necessity. And yf any other man will beneuolently lend them that, which they will desire, without practise of usury, yf the borower hath consumed his goods in such folly as before is declared, that than he shall not be charged with the repayement of that that he borrowed, but that the creditor be clearly excluded from thenceforth, to haue for his said loan any maner of remedy. But if constraint or misfortune do cause the necessity, and any man lend to an other for a benevolent charity, without any colour of usury: than yf the debtor neglect the repayment therof, and willingly let the day pass when it ought to be paid, than he without mercy to sustain the rigour of the common laws of the city. And so this lawe being well executed and never omitted, we shall neither haue vsurour dwell in this city, nor gentlemen landlesse, nor persons seditious, which shall be able to annoy the universal weal public. now ye haue herde mine opinion, whereto ye may add or make some thing less as it shall seem best to your excellent wysedomes.  
¶ Than the emperour desired Gordian an ancient senator, who is name before, to show his opinion, and he risen out of his place, pausyng a little, said in this wise.  
¶ I learned when I was young, noble emperour and fathers, that he which shal give counsel, specially to the making of laws, ought to consider four things, That his counsel be honest, that it be necessary, profitable, and possible. three of them haue be remembered by Catelius severus, the fourthe it seemeth that he had forgotten. I do well agree that the thing that he wolde haue done is charitable, and therfore is honest, also that it is necessary to repress the ryottouse and prodygall living of gentlemen: it is profitable unto the weal public, to haue all occasions of sedition, & seeds of war civil to be extirpate. And truly no better devise may be found than Catelius. according to his great learning and wisdom, hath right well declared. But let us see, yf the relief appoynted by Catelius, for thē whom he nameth worthy to haue it, shall be alway certain and possible. And if not, than must we in stede therof, finde somme other provision more certain, though it be not so easy, that good men in their vnwyllyng necessity be not disappointed. Is it possible trow ye, that the common treasure shal be alway abundant, that is to say, able to furnish al things necessary for the weal public, & in the overplus to be also sufficient to relieve the said private necessities? consider the greatness of this noble empire, the great number of realms, countrayes, and cities, whom the prowess of our noble ancestors, haue by force constrained to be subject unto us, and by force we keep and retain them. think you, that they all will ever remain in peace and tranquillitie? Do you not know that all living things desire liberty, and mankind most specially? Remember you not, that will constrained seeketh ever oportunite to slip of his collar? forget you, that almost yesterday the Moores began to rebel, and had shaken of their yoke, had they not been quickly repressed by furious Celsus? Also the great country of Illiria, from whence we haue our chief men of war, made late a commotion, which had ben no small danger and loss to this empire, had they not ben valiantly and wisely pacified & brought in good order, by the noble captain Uarius Macrinus, kynsman unto your majesty most noble emperour. armoniac was in peril to be lost, if it had not ben well defended by the prowess of Iunius Palinatus. And it is doubted of some, whether the Germayns will continue the league that they made with vs. It is privily muttered among the people, that Artaxerxes king of Persia, doth gather much people and treasure, intending not onely to subdue all armoniac, but also the hole country of Asia, unto the see of Propontis, which deuydeth Asia from Europa, claymyng it in the ancient right of the kings of Persia. What other people will do, we be uncertain: As uncertain be we, what treasure will be sufficient to furnysshe all things necessary against those perils. Ye we be not so sure of our provinces & ancient dominions, from whence we haue our yearly revenues, pensyons, and tributes, but yf other rebel and prevail against us,( which the goddis forbid) pvissance failing us, and good fortune forsaking us, it is to be supposed, that they will rather pay nothing than ought, be also governed rather by their own countrymen, than by us that be strangers. Than what haue we left us to keep this noble city, to defend us, our children, our wives, the temples and altars of goddis immortal, yf our common treasure be not rich and abundant, wherewith we may get succours in some place, provide victuals sufficient, and strongly fortify our munitio●s & fortresses? Also we be not sure, where war shall assail us, either by land or by see. if it happen to be by the land, yet know we not whither it shalbe in dyvers countries or one. yf in sundry countrayes, than must we haue dyvers armies, and dyvers provisions, according as the state of the countrayes requireth, some being fervently hot, some exceeding in cold. the one full of mountains unapt for carriage, the other thick of woods: this lacking fresh water, that drowned in fens. If it be on the water, than be the charges greater and much more uncertain, ships with their takelynge and ordinance above all other things being most costly, and oftentimes or their enemies meet them, they be either devoured with storms, or by contrary winds constrained to run on quick sands or rocks. wherefore we must alway haue a great number of ships in making, and a great noumbre of personnes retained to furnish them. I will not omit the most necessary provision of grain for this city, which oftentimes by scarcity in the countrais adjoining unto us, we haue ben compelled to make in countreys far distant from us at very high prices, which if the like necessity happen unto us, undoubtedly it will exhaust wonderful tresors. These things considered, it shall seem( I doubt not) expedient, that the common treasure remain alway untouched, but only for commune necessity, the incertayntie whereof proveth it impossible, that the common treasure shall be ever sufficient to relieve the private necessity of them that are spoken of, sense misfortune, and other constrained means unto poverty, shall every day happen to some man. wherefore now let us devise a more certain provision. And truly few men haue so much compassion and charity( the more pity is it) that they will lend their goods to an other man, haue they never so much, except thereby may return to them some advantage or profit. And to capitain them to lend( except it were for defence of the weal public) it were against justice. wherefore finally this is my sentence, let a certain gain be limited by the Emperours majesty, which being thought by us tolerable to the borower, and competently sufficient unto the creditor, let it be declared by the Trybunes unto the people, with the residue, which was indifferently and wisely devised by Catelius severus. And I doubt not, but that it will lightly pass and be enacted by all their voices.  
¶ This oration and sentence of Gordiane was well commended, as well of the emperour, as of all the senate. In conclusion, after a little debatynge, it was appoynted by the emperour, that the creditours should haue for the forbearynge of every Sestertium( which in english money of old groats, whereof .viii. made an ounce, amounteth to. iiii.li.xvi. s. viii. d.) for every day loan, the thyrde parte of As called Triens,( which was the thyrde parte of an old roman penny called in latin Denarius, which was the poised of an old english groat, and so the usury for the hole year amounted in roman money to .xii. pense one As and .ii. Trientes, in account of english money .xii. groats, the tenth parte of a groat, and two partes of a tenth part divided in three partes. which somme mought be more easily cumpted by the Romayns, which had the said small money Trientes coined, joanne by us that haue no such money. Not withstanding for as much as it well appeareth, that the gain by the loan of one hundred pounds sterling by the hoole year, amounted not by this bearing but to. iiii.li.xii. d. and the third part of a groat or there about, comptyng by the old groats, whereof went but .viii. to the ounce, of the money currante, whereof do go .xi. groats to the ounce, the usury amounteth to. v.li.x. s. vii. d. ob. or there about, which will seem to all men, not being usurers, to be a gain sufficient and reasonable. But now to return to our matter. This sentence of the Emperour and Senate being declared by the Tribunes, as it was appoynted, all the people with most joyous spirites, and as loud as they could cry, consented that it should be made a lawe perpetual in every point, according as the Emperour and Senate before had devised it. whereupon incontinente the act was drawn and published as hereafter followeth.   

¶ The lawe concerning usuries made by the Emperour, Senate and people of Rome. Cap. xxxi.  
NO necessity be considered from henceforth in them that consume their substance in dise playing, outragiouse expenses, or lechery: who so ever lendeth to them, let it be at his jeopardy and without hope of remedy.  
¶ Whom fortune perverse, long sickness, service, friendship, disloyalty of them that he trusted, thieves or oppressors haue brought unto poverty, to him let men extend their compassion and charity: or if his necessity do capitain him to borrow, let him come to the prouoste of the city, and declare his necessity, and whereof it proceeded, having with him one senator and two of the comuners, persons well known and credible, which being deposed, that his words be true and vnfeyned, and what they suppose shall be sufficient to relieve his necessity, the Prouoste shall assign one rich man of the city, if the party himself name not a nother, to whom or to him that is name, the Prouoste shall direct his letter in the name of the Senate and people, willing him to deliver to the said person, the somme that he needeth, taking of him sufficient surety for the repayment of the somme that he lent, with the increase for every day sparing of one Sestertium, xii. roman pence, one As, and .ii. Trientes, and so after that rate in all other sums above the somme of Sestertium, and not to exceed that gain in any maner condition.  
& He that refuseth to lend for this gain, let him as unworthy the name of a roman, or to take any benefit by the weal public, be of the Censores deprived of the name of a citizen, & noted for ever with the crime of ingratitude. This lawe decreed by the Senate, enacted by the people, confirmed by the imperial majesty, be for ever established, and never by any other lawe, custom, or ordinance to be abolished. And who that with violence resisteth against it, let him be taken for rebel and enemy unto the weal public.   

¶ What love and benevolence the emperour shewed to the people of Rome, and of other his wonderful virtues. Cap. xxxii.  
YE HAVE HERDE much declared of the virtuous severity or sharpness of this noble Emperour Alexander, now shall you here as much of his gentleness, patience, and affability. After that the said act was proclaimed throughout Rome and Italy, the emperour calling to his remembrance, that the said lawe was made onely for them which hereafter should be constrained to borrow, and that there were many at that time in danger, whom by that act should take noo benefit, he being moved with pity, caused suddenly search to be made by the Censores, howe many were in the danger of usury. And than sent he for all the usurers, and after that he had a little blamed them for their avarice and ingratitude toward their country, at the last alterynge his countenance & speech unto a more mildness, he desired them al at his contemplation, to take for that time their pryncipal some that was borrowed, and clearly to remit all the residue, promising, that the money should be payed to them out of his treasure. which request of the Emperour was pronounced in so gentle a fashion, that the creditours with one voice not only granted unto it, but also promised to remit part by his arbitrement, where he thought convenient. which the Emperour most thankfully taking, gave the creditours leave to depart, commanding them to keep the thing secret, until they knew more of his pleasure.  
¶ Than commanded he, that all such as were run in the danger of usury, should be warned to come before him, not at one day or time, but first they which were reputed and known to be men of honesty, and by some mysaduenture were brought unto poverty. And being truly certified what goods or lands they had in possession, he remembered to them what peril they were in, and lamented the state of the city, that the gentlemen, by negligence or lack of good husbandry, should be in bondage and captivity unto the commoners, which ought to be inferiors to them, and do to them reverence. O said he, where is the noble courage of Romulus progenye● who followeth Quincium, Publicolam, Curium, Fabritium, noble senators? which after that they had vaynquyshed princis, and achieved sundry great victories, ben diverse times consuls and dictators, the highest dignities within this city, they lived so moderately, that rather joanne they wolde be subiectes to the avarice of other, they chase to live in poor houses of husbandry out of the city, with a pot full of bats, and such a small pitaunce for them and their wives. as now our servants wolde disdain to be fed with. And leste abundance at any time, should provoke them to live more delicately, they refused no● onely great sums of money sent to them by strangers, but also possessions offered them by the Senate and people, for their endeavour and labours about the weal public. Thus I say unto you, whom although mysaduenture, or charges enforced, haue exhauste some or the more parte of your substance or patrimony, yet haue ye not therfore abated your diet, nor abstained from pleasures, nor mynisshed your family: but without using good husbandry, and without circumspection, haue contrary to the said honourable senators, chosen rather to spend your old age in misery, and to be in bondage unto your inferiors, joanne ye wolde retain in captyuytie your wanton appetites.  
¶ But here when the Emperour perceived that they were ashamed and made heavy countenance, than said he unto them: would ye not gladly be eftsoons at liberty, at the least way out of the dange● of usury? They with a voice most lamentable answered: Ye noble Emperour. will ye said he, with good will pay to your creditours the principal duty, having time convenient that it may be levied of your possessions, having left unto you some portion to live on? They answered: ye noble prince, elles were we unhappy. notwithstanding among them were some, and not many, which had not left either goods or possessions to pay the hole duty. Than the emperour withdrue him into his chamber, and caused them severally to be brought unto him one after an other, and according to their substance in possessions or movables, he ranted them to pay of the principal debt, some all, some more and some less. And because they had not the money than redy, he promising to discharge them of the said payementes by their consentes, assigned to them, which had possessions● two partes therof, and the thyrde parte he reserved to himself, until the sum were therof received, whereto they were ranted. Of them that had goods and no possessions, he appoynted that the sum, whereunto they were ranted, should be valued in their said movables by their own friends, and be brought unto some place, where by the Emperours officers it should be received. And ere they departed, he caused in their presence, every sum to be severally told out of his coffers. And than sent he for all the creditours, and putting them in remembrance of their gentle promise made unto him, and declaring also what he had done, he caused every mannes portion according to the said rate to be delivered unto them. And for them which had neither good nor possessions, he payed half of the principal debt out of his own coffers, with a clear acquitaunce unto the party. And commanding the creditours, to bring to him canceled the obligations and instruments belonging to the said dueties, and giving to them hearty thankes, he let them depart.  
¶ Semblably persuading the debtors to frugality or moderate living, he also prayed them to foresee as much as they could that wilfully they commit not themselves to the hasardes of fortune. he than imbracynge them all, bad them fare well. who giving to him most humble thankes, and for joy pourynge out abundance of tears, departed with glad tidings home to their houses. As for them, which at dise playing, in riot and lechery, had con●inned their substance, he if any were left, caused it to be valued as well possessions as movables, and to be divided among their creditours, according to the quantity of the true debt: And in satisfaction of the remnaunte, he adjudged them bonde: so that for a certain time as the Emperour would apportion him, having regard to the debt, he shield serve one creditour● and afterward an other, in most vile services, receiving therfore nothing, but only meate drink and clothing, belonging to slaves. And that the creditours should haue over them equally as much authority as they had over them which they had bought or taken in battle. Not withstanding it was at the liberty of the creditours, to aquite them of their service, but not to infraunchise them, until the time were expired, which was by the emperour appointed: but during that time, they ware continually the habit or apparel assigned to bondmen, ne were esteemed for romans, nor enjoyed any pryuylege. If they obediently served and contented their creditors, at the end of the term, which the emperour appointed, they were set at liberty, and restored to their first estate and condition. But if they fled from their master, or contemptuously withstode his commandements, fighting with him, or doing to him any notable injury, they were condemned to perpetual servitude during their lives. They which had left nothing to pay their creditours, to them he appointed a longer captivity, esteeming the value of his service as well to the faculty of the person as to his estate and condition. As if he were very witty, well learned, or a perfect artificer, by reason whereof his service mought seem very commodious or profitable. Also being a gentleman, the more estymation that he were of, the more grievous and odyous to him should be his service and punishment: wherefore to the one and the other, lasse time was thought to be sufficient, than to them which were of gross wit, or ignorant of good occupation, or else base or vile of condition.  
¶ This ordinance being put in due execution, It was thought at the first of some men to be very cruel, but after that it was ones perceived, what a marvelous frugality or temperance of living, was suddenly found, as well in the city of Rome, as also through out all Italy, Also what delight men took to be seen themselves moderate in apparel, honest in living, also exe●cisynge themselves in pastimes convenient, not dishonest or chargeous. Also to haue them in derision, whom they ●ounde in any maner of wise attemptyng the contrary. Than extolled they the excellent wit and virtue of the most noble emperour. And where afore they called him cruel and tyrannous, they ceased not to name him equal to the goddis, most benign and most gracious, confessing that had not ben his severity, they al with the city and empire had utterly perished.   

¶ Of the cyrcumspect curiosytie of the emperour Alexander in admyttyng counsellors. And of his answers touching that matter. Cap. xxxiii.  
THE INCOMPARABLE diligence of this noble emperour about the weal public, is to be marveled at, and of all princis to be observed and followed. For what by his own travail and excellent prudence, what by his continual scrutiny by wise and honest espials, he assuredly knew the qualities, manners, and appetites of al men( except very few) dwelling in Rome or Italy, which either by reason of their possessions or substance, or for any other estimation among their neighbours, were likely to be called to some authority. Also of all those, which in other regions and provinces, were for some cause notable or famous. This knowledge caused him to be circumspect in admytting counsellors and other great officers. As among many examples I will declare one, whereof I myself can bear witness.  
¶ After the death of Quintilius Marcellus, a man in great authority about the emperour, as he was well worthy for his singular wisdom and virtue( in so much as it was thought, that there was never a better man born in Rome, and therfore the emperour did extremely lament his death) the noble man Frontine, whom also the emperour entirely loved, awaiting his time, advanced to him with a commendable report an honourable parsonage, who was name Fabius Macrinus, to be in the place of Marcellus. After that the emperour had herd and well considered the words of Frontinus, whereby was set forth the ancient stock from whence Fabius descended, his great possessions and substance, the grauite of his parsonage, his great experience in sundry authorities: the emperour did cast on Frontine a dyspleasant countenance, and after that he ceased to speak, the emperour made answer in this wise.  
¶ Howe much hath your judgement deceived us Frontine? howe could ye this long dissemble with us? I had thought that ye had ever esteemed the stock by the fruit, and not the fruit by the stock. No man commendeth the boughs or branches, because the stem of the three is great, long, or straight: but yf they be well spreadyng, thick of green leaves, & well set with good fruit, than men say that three hath a fair top, that three beareth good fruit. And although the three be never so mysseshapen or crooked, the owner will dig about it, and use al diligence for to preserve it: but yf the stock be never so fair, if the boughs be rotten or seat, the owner will shrede them, & throw them into the fire. If the frutte be unsavoury or withered, who taketh any great hede of the three? who will gather the fruit? but rather let them rot on the three or fall down, for he careth not for them. Who loveth rotten groundsyll or post, because that it was part of an ancient house? Who setteth by a ragged a resty or ill favoured colt, because that the harreyse, whereof that kind is commen two hundred yeres passed, wan the price of running at the game of Olympus? I confess, that long continuance in any thing that is good addeth an admiration, but no praise to the thing: all be it the thing founden good, praiseth the continuance or long enduring therof. A good child reneweth and also augmenteth the praise of his parentes: the ill child raseth out of mennes hartes the fathers honour and benefits. Also great possessions or substance, maketh virtue suspected, because they be ministers of pleasant affections, and also nouryces of wanton appetites. moreover the gravity of the parsonage is not proved by stately countenance or dysdaynfull silence, but by constance in virtue, and words alway apt for the time and purpose. And experience, which is not commended by laudable acts, doth deserve no more praises, than the gate of a blind horse about a wide horsemyll, which gryndeth no corn. And that old capitayn, which in many battles and journeys hath ben found alway negligent, deserveth no garland. Many authorities do require an exquisite trial, forasmuch as authority doth abate fear, & minister boldness, boldness draweth in licence, licence is mother of mischief, which needs must be suffered vntylle favour relenteth. These things considered Frontinus, either your iudgement is not so perfect as I would haue taken it to be, or else ye secretly winkyng at the said faults, haue dissembled long with me, and kept things from my knowledge, contrary to your allegiance and duty.  
¶ With these words Frontinus being afeard, kneeled down, and besought the emperour to pardon him of his folly, confessing that he had not perfect knowledge of the disposition and manners of the said Fabius. but forasmuch as he had ben favourable toward him and his friends in his ministrations, he mutually desired his advancement.  
¶ Thereat smiled the emperour and said: Shall this plague never cease, which in royalmes and cities hath so long reigned? that mutual beneficence blindeth mens judgements. And whiles power with pleasures getteth great acquaintance, virtue is unknown, and in the court frendles. I know, Frontinus, that pride in Fabius Macrinus is a domestical 'vice. For in all the house of Fabius it hath ben exceedingly noted, and in some histories remembered. And in this man as well the remembrance of his ancient nobility, as his long continuance in authority, hath more increased it, as I myself haue marked, and also herd other murmuring at it, when I haue secretly walked in the city in a private apparel. Wherefore I will not that he be in our counsel nor palace, that either his pride should be of young men followed, or of old men dysdayned, or of us suspected. His great possessions & riches declareth, that he can not be with a little contented, sens the more parte therof he hath gathered under the colour of his authorities, being not left unto him by his own parentes, nor received of our liberality, nor by the gift of our predecessors. And very seldom where honour increceth avarice abateth. I hate not Fabius in the state that he now is, although I favour not in him the said notable vices: but if he were ner●r unto us, we could neither sustain them, nor suffer him vnpunysshed, yf he than used them. Also in his long experience I never herde him for justice commended: but I haue herde his arrogance, his long delayeng of suitors, and his partiality, of many dispraised. truly such a man is neither meet to be a nigh counsellor, nor to say the truth in any great office. These things considered Frontinus, speak no more of him, but search for some other, in whom sincerity and temperance be joined with wisdom. such one, yf he be of an ancient house, shall bring to our palace an honourable remembrance of his noble progenitors, and as well to noble as unnoble shal be an excellent pattern or president. If he be but late come to worship, his aduancement shall engender in noble men an honest envy, either to exceed him in virtue, or at the leste to be judged equal unto him. to poor men it shall be an allectife and roote of good hope, that they be in the rank, where the reward of virtue is dealyd.  
¶ And thus cessed themperour to speak. And Frontinus departed, being both ashamed of his enterprise, and abashed at the wisdom of his noble master.   

¶ The most noble answer of Alexander made to Asphen●s, concerning the dysablynge of Sextilius Rufus in his absence. Cap. xxxiiii.  
THE EMPEROVR had a custom which was very commendable, that he never made any senator, without the counsel of the hole senate, and every senator should give his sentence, also testimony of his living, & credence should be brought in by honourable personages. But yf either the senators that spake, or the witnesses were founden to haue spoken untruly, they were rejected into the lowest place of estimation among the people, being also condemned as deceivers or forgers, without hope of remission.  
¶ There was dwelling in a village by Rome a gentleman called Sextilius Rufus, which was right well learned in all partes of philosophy, and also in the sciences liberal. But forasmuch as he considered the frequent alteration of the weal public, with the manifold perils & troubles in the administration therof, he of purpose withdrew him therefro as much as he might, although his father had been a senator in his life, and he among his neighbours and dyvers of the nobility was had in good reputation. Not withstanding for the causes before rehearsed, and that he desired nothing so much as quietness of mind, and to solace himself in the most pleasant herbar of science, and vysityng the most delectable archdukes of ancient writers, he seldom came to the emperors court. or resorted to plays or banquets, ne did come to salute the great officers nor men in authority, as the use was at that time. And among the young galantes he was not beloved, because he favoured not their riotous pastimes. And the men of lawe had him in disdain, because he repugned against their subtle gloses, and blamed their auaryce● finally he being fully content with the golden mean, lived right honestly in a manor, which he had competently furnished with possessions sufficient for the provision of his mean household, which was to his neighbours more bounteous than sumptuous.  
¶ After that the emperour had purged his palace and the senate of unworthy persons, corrupted with detestable vices, and with much difficulty found other to set in their places: It happened, that some good man name to him Sextilius Rufus, declaring the common report, which he had herde of him. The emperour, who knew all to be true that was spoken, held his peace not withstanding, harkenyng what should be other mens sentences. The more parte of them, which were present, affirmed, that Rufus for his honesty wisdom and learning was meet to be of the senate, but three or four said nothing. At the last Alphenus a great lawyer, and in good estimation with the Emperour, objected, saying, that Rufus not withstanding that he was learned in dyvers sciences, yet was he neither profoundly learned in the laws civil, nor much experienced in affairs of the empire. And that his little husbandry and small provision about the increase of his living, declared him to be a man of no great policy, nor of any dexterity about things of importance. And that the aptitude of his nature, was only in studious meditation of sundry sciences, and in writing more than in doing. adding to that philosophers were never good practysers in a weal public, nor yet good men of war. wherefore in as much as he that is a senator, not only ought to be a man meet for politic governance, as well in giving counsel in matters thereto pertaining, as also being chosen to be praetor, or to any other mynistration of justice, not to be ignorant in giving iudgement in causes brought before him: but also he ought to haue some experience in martial affairs, that being chosen consul, or leader of the host of the romans, he might se the men of war to be well instructed and exercised. And that in all things belonging to war, the state of the city be sufficiently furnished. moreover, that in battle joined either by his ignorance or baseness of courage, the roman army be not destroyed. These things con●yered, it seemed to him, that it was not expedient to receive Rufus into the number of senators.  
¶ The emperour hearing Alphenus, and beholding that no man proffered to speak after him, except three or four mo, which were lawyers, and one Omnius Camillus a noble man, who had some dysplesaure toward Rufus for one of his servants: these seemed by their countenances to approve the saying of Alphenus. That perceiving the emperour, he looking on Alphenus spake in maner as hereafter followeth.  
¶ I see well Alphenus, that not only the vulgar and unlettered people be angrely stered and do retain displeasure against them, which without malice, do rebuk in a generalty the vices and faults, which be founden among them: but also( which I do lament) men specially chosen for their wisdom and learning, do disdain them that rebuk the abuse of that study or exercise, which these wise men most chiefly haue haunted. I know that Sextilius in one of his books hath sharply noted the detriment done unto iustice by couetouse lawyers, which by their subtle wits haue involved the laws civil into such obscure and ambiguouse sentences, that noo man without their declarations, may know howe to do or minister iustice in cases, for the which the said laws haue provided. Nor they that make laws can expound them afterward without a lawyer, which perchance was not first privy to the lawe making. These and like annotations of Rufus do not a little offend you that be lawyers, although ye haue abandoned practise. And that displeasure onely hath caused you to make this conclusion, that Rufus is not meet to be of the Senate the residue of your argument doth sufficiently prove it. first the diversity of sciences, where in yourself do confess, that he is well learned, doth not disable him to be a senator, but maketh him more convenient and necessary for so noble a counsel. For to whom doth it more appertain to use words in their proper signification, and to set them in order, so that they make not the sentence perverse or doubtful, than to a senator, or one having rule in a weal public, and that is the thing which grammar teacheth? 
 logic is none other, but the science of reasoning, helping natural wit to finde truth more quickly out of diverse opinions, by affyrminge or denying: which in a senator may not be spared. A man shall not well govern a city or country, and set in good order the manners of people( as plutarch saith) except he be well fournyshed with eloquence, wherewith onely he may persuade, affectuousely steer, incline, and lead where he listeth the minds of the multitude: And that is beste learned by Rhetoryke. 
 Howe many things happen in the state of a city or realm, which requireth a diligent and exact computacion with numbers? 
 and that by arithmetic is beste perceived. In assignynge of bounds and limits, also to the making of municions and fortressis, also in deuisynge of engines for warres, who dare say that geometry is not expedient? 
 which describeth equality and inequalitte, aptness and vnaptnes, good proportion, and deformity. Also without armony nothing is seemly or pleasant, and by concord and discord all public weals do stand or decay: ye and as some philosophers haue written, by them all things had their beginning. And this is beste understand by the science called music. 
music.  moreover he that leadeth an army, if he be instructed in the diverse temperatures of sundry contreyes, by the natural discourse of the sun, by the five cerkles, the alteration of houres in day and night, by the distance of clymes and parareles, which be sensible lives and spaces, whereby the sun passeth about the firmament: Also the moon with her mutable figures, and special authority over waters and humours, the natural influence of other celestial bodies and signs, I mean in plenty or scarcity of things concerning mannes sustenance, & in storms or caulmenesse of wether: Al which things be known by the divine science called Astronomy. 
Astron●mye.  I say if a captain be therein instructed, and not to much curious or arrogant, he shal the more saulfly keep alway his army. Iulius caesar being therein exactly learned, vanquished by celerity and sundry preventions not onely the fortune and most expert chivalry of valiant Pompey: but also the incomparable wits of five hundred senators. And our noble progenitor Hadriane the Emperour was thought to haue exploited things in battle by the help of this science above mennes expectation. I omit Hercules, which became disciple to Atlas for the commodity which he thought to find in astronomy. finally as ye al know. I haue had no little delight in these four mathematical sciences, and yet haue for the vtilitye that I finde in them, when I do contemplate the perfect state of a weal public: And the same is approved both by Plato and Aristotle, which shapeth their examples by proportions of Arithmetik, geometry, and music, where they write of concord in virtues or polytyke governance. This well considered, a senator either for giving of counsel, or for being a captain in warres, shall finde none impediment by having these sciences, but using them moderately, and as occasion requireth, they shalbe to him not only an excellent ornament, but also a necessary treasure, and to all sorts of governance a thing right expedient. What although Sextilius be not profoundly learned in the laws civil? is that a good argument, that therfore he may not be a good counsaylour, or in other authority about the weal public? consisteth all the senate of lawyers? Or standeth the weal public, and all her affairs onely by laws all redy stablished? May no public weal be without lawyers? How many noble senators haue there ben, and yet are● which never radde over all the .xii. tables? and yet haue they be found to reason wittily, and minister prudentely. Be laws any thing else than rules of Iustice, whereby she commandeth what should be done, and what ought not to be done, where a weal public should prosper● Than is it euydent● that justice maketh laws, and not lawe justice. Also he hath readeth the lawe, seeth the commandement of Iustice, but seeing the lawe onely in that that he seeth it, he doth not know justice. but contrary wise, he that knoweth justice, by hir may discern what is right or wrong, what is equal or unequal, and by the pattern of Iustice may invent a remedy propise and necessary, which expressed in word or writing may be called a law. The knowledge of justice either happeneth by special influence from the high god: or else it is gotten with the study of wisdom, comprehended in the books of wise men, who of Pythagoras were called Philosophi, which doth signify the louers of wisdom. wherefore they which either by divine inspiration, or by study of the archdukes of excellent wise men, haue the truest knowledge of justice, and haue best understanding what is just, and what is unjust, and consequently can provide remedies according to justice: which remedies if they ones be made universal, they be laws, howe so ever they be pronounced, be it by a multitude or by one person, as the edict not onely of the emperour, but also of him that is praetor, is a lawe, as well as that which is made by al the hole senate, or enacted by the Tribunes and people of Rome.  
¶ And where ye say that philosophers were never good practysers in a weal public, nor yet good men of war, yf ye do mean by practise, that detestable exercise, which is subtle deceyuyng, crafty enterminyng, maintenance of injustice, perverse counsailyng and unmeasurable getting, I confirm than your saying. for a philosopher abhorreth such practise, and as much as he may doth and persuadeth the contrary. But if ye do intend by that word practise, only the laudable exercise in thadmynystration of a weal public, truly ye be in a great error and folly, and do speak as if ye were one of the vulgar people ignorant of letters, ye and that more is, private displeasure hath caused you to forget what ye yourself hath sene, contrary to that which now ye haue spoken. I coil not rehearse all them, which being studious in philosophy haue governed public weals, or haue executed their ministration therein substantially: but some will I speak of.  
¶ Who governed egypt and Libia more nobly, than did Hermes called Mercurius Trismegistus? and what philosopher was in al sciences equal unto him? Who ever kept his country in such a quietness, and made it so rich as did Salomon king of the Hebrewes? which as it is founden in their histories, translated into greek by the commandement of Ptholome called Philadelphus king of egypt, was so great a philospher, that he disputed of all things natural and supernatural: and for his wonderful knowledge there came to here him out of all partes of the world men and women, being at that time in most reputation of learning? Was ever this city of Rome in so good order as it was during the time of Numa Pompilius, which was .xl. yeres, who being an excellent philosopher and a private person, was chosen to be king, and so much more is his governance to be commended, that he brought the people, which were rude, fierce, and ever continually in warres with their neighbours, into so good an order and temperance of manners, that they which before were their enemies, had them in admyration and reverence? Who made better laws or better ordered the common weal of the city of Athenes than Solon the great philosopher, as long as they could sustain their own wealth? The same city had never a more noble capitain, nor a more valiant than was Pericles: who with Anaxagoras contynuallye studied philosophy. And to descend to a more late time: where was there a better captain, or a more noble warrior than Scipio african? who had alway with him Polybius the philosopher, and in vacant times from battle he either herd him rede, or disputed with him. Semblably Lucullus was so studious in all kinds of learning( as plutarch writeth) that where he herd that any great learned men disputed together, thither wolde he go, and studiousely here them: and( as the the same author saythe) he haunted and embraced all kind of philosophy, with most familiar acquaintance and custom, specially that which was called Academica, or the doctrine of Plato. And was there ever a more noble, a more politic or more valiant captain, and more esteemed and dread of most puissant princes than he was? Lord god what a senator was Cato called Uticensis? whose virtue was wondered at through the world, whose magnanimity and incomparable severity more profited unto the public weal of the city, than the vyctories of Pompey and caesar. And was not he so studious in philophy, that he could not temper himself, but that he must needs rede greek books, when he sat in the senate? What consul can ye compare to Marcus Tullius, who only by his divine and most excellent wisdom preserved the public weal and city of Rome from utter subuercion, which needs must haue happened by the conspiracy of catiline and his confederates, if it had not ben by the incomparable wit of Tullius found out, and by his divine eloquence plainly conuynced, and by his wonderful wisdom suppressed and clean extynguyshed? And howe studious he was, and exactly learned in all kinds of philosophy and ●loquence, his most noble archdukes do declare with famed immortal. I pass over Nigidius, Uarro, Trasea, and many other sage and honourable senators, which were not onely excellent philosophers, but also prudent counsellors and valiant captains. yet coil I rehearse some, which were in the time of your remembrance. The emperour Adriane was so profoundely learned in all philosophy, that he disputed openly at Athenes with the chief philosophers of all Grecia, and vanquished Phauorinus, who at that time was of all other most famous: and to what prince or capytayn giveth he place, either in martial prowess, or ciuyle governance? What more honor ever happened to Rome than that Marcus Aurelius Antoninus succeeded immediately Adriane, whose life was confessed to be the most certain lawe unto al people to rule or be ruled: And he for his exquisyte knowledge in all philosophy, was most commonly called Antonine the philosopher, not by reproach as some would suppose it: but for a most excellent and rare commendation. And what man did ever more increase the weal public, or better defend, it, than did this most noble and virtuous emperour? And be it of you received without suspicion of boast, as it shall be spoken of me without any vaynglorye: I which may not be compared with the most inferior of them before name, either in learning or prowess, yet howe much I haue amended the state of the weal public, ye all can bear witness: And that I haue nothing appaired the imperial majesty, it hath been of the Senate and people in your presence confessed. And this could I not so well haue done, yf I had not instructed my wit with the doctrine of philosophers. What say you by Gordiane, Uenatus, Aelius Seremanus, Catilius severus, Frontinus, Tacitus, and Aurelianus, honourable senators, and our trusty counsellors? and Sabinus which sitteth here with us? haue they not right well shewed themselves to be apt unto governance, when they haue ben Consuls, Tribunes, and fervours: yet be they no lawyers, but the more part of them be studious in philosophy, and other liberal sciences.  
¶ And now to make an end of this matter, wherein I haue tarried the longer, to the intent that I wolde extirpate this vain opinion, which men haue had against philosophers and them that be studyouse. truly that which ye do note in Sextilius to be little husbandry and small provision, proceedeth not by lack of good policy, as ye haue supposed, but he advisedly doth neglect to be rich or to aspire to any authority by ambition or flattery, preferryng temperate and sure quietness, before dangerous and unthankful labours, and more esteemeth to be an honest liver, than a malapert crauer. Also by his study in philosophy it seemeth that he hath acquired a great magnanimytie or noble courage, not extentynge the force of his wit and knowledge in things which are but of little importance: wherein he fareth like to the puissant grehounde, which was sent to the great Alexander by the king of Albany: unto whom when there was brought a great bul, he therfore would not ones ive, afterward a mighty and fierce lion, was like wise shewed to him, which he only beheld and moved his tail, but he wolde not therfore arise out of his place. Finally there was brought forth a marvelous great olyfant: than stood he on his feet, and did set up his brystelles, and shewed his teeth, and being comforted by Alexander, he wart to the olyfant, and byt him, and after a few assaults killed him. Like wise Sextilius being content with his estate, extendeth not his wit to augment it. but if he be favourably called to things of greater importance, and therein well comforted, I doubt not but that he will show, that his study hath not ben vainly employed. I marvel that ye do not consider, that authority and favour not onely sheweth a good wit, but also doth polish that which is rude. Fullars, taylours, horsekepers, and marinars, were by the Emperour Commodus, and my predecessor Heliogabalus, advanced to be consuls, Pretores, and Tribunes, which as I herde say were so changed in their wits, that it seemed unto them which knew them before, that saving their visage, and parsonage, they were altered and made other men, so much in their words and preachings they excelled above their accustomend wits, all mennes expectation. Howe much more hope is there of those men, which by education and study haue their wits holpen? Suppose ye not, that there be within our empire thou●●ndes of men, which being but of mean reputation, if they were set in authority, or about our person. wolde set forth noble wits equal to yours, and perchance better( which I speak not displeasantly, but onely to warn you to eschew arrogance) truly god giveth wisdom, but favour and authority most chiefly sheweth it in a weal public. earth nourissheth the root of the three, but the comfortable sun bringeth forth the blossoms, and if storms do not let, he with his wholesome heat rypeth the fruit, and maketh it pleasant. In like wise study and labour bringeth in knowledge● which by the comfort of princes appeareth abroad in some ministration. And if envy or displeasure bring none impediment: the increase of favour maketh learning fruitful and profitable unto the weal public. ye all here my sentence. And for as much as the more parte of you( as I well do perceive) esteme● noo lasse Sextilius Rufus than I do. I will that he be sent for, and received into the Senate, and his name registered in the table of senators. whereunto al the counsel according, it was for that time dissolved.   

¶ Howe Sextilius hearing that he was made praetor, fled: And what the Emperour said concerning that matter. Cap. xxxv.  
AFTER THAT it was declared unto the Senate, that the Emperour had chosen Sextilius Rufus to be a senator, and what he had said on his behalf, they all rejoiced in the Emperours wisdom and iudgement, and at his next coming into the senate they all did arise and gave thankes unto him, for bringing into that college such a man as Sextilius was. Sone after Sextilius being sent for by the Emperours most gentle letters, came into the senate, and as his learning and honest manners required, was beloved and commended of all men except very few, whom envy and private displeasure contynuallye fretyd: which the wise emperour perceyuinge, to the intent as well that the virtues of Sextilius should be more known, and also be increased by his comfortable assistance, as also to manifest to the comfort of other, howe much he was inflamed in the favour of virtue and doctrine, he caused Sextilius to be chosen praetor, which than was the highest office next to the emperour, in the ministration of Iustice. Therof hearing Sextilius, he being thereat abashed and marvelous sorowefull, privily withdrue himself out of the city: & not making long abode at his own house, in a strange habit, having but one man with him, went unto Athenes, determynynge to pass his time there in study, until the famed of him were somewhat decreaced. and an other chosen unto that office. Of this the aduersaries of Sextilius gathered noo little occasion, not onely to pursewe hymn with mocks and derisyon, but also to accuse him unto the emperour of dysobedience and obstinacy contrary to his allegiance, and also to blame him for his departure, without asking ●●eenes. All these accusations the Emperour herde without being any thing moved against Sextilius, and at the last beholding the accusers with a dyspleasant countenance, he said unto them as hereafter followeth.  
¶ Howe dare ye, thus presumptuousely assault our patience with your false accusations? Or how may ye for shane poure out your malice thus in our presence? What giveth you boldness to be thus malapert in attempting our reason with your envious persuasions? think ye us to be so dull and gross witted, that we can not perceive your conspiracies? or so deaf, that we can not here your false rumours, which ye haue spread of Se●tilius? or so blind, that we see not your cankered affections and passions sparklyng in your eyes, inflamyng your visage, blastyng out with your words, which for anger and hast, be so set out of● order, that in them do appear your detestable folly. I tell you, Sextilius by this his departing, hath nothing offended us, or mynished the opinion that we haue had of him, but hath augmented it, and right well contented vs. For if envy and malice hath not made you forget: full, ye may remember, that when we chase him to be a senator, one thing wherein we commended him was, that he neglected to be rich, or to aspire to authority, se ye not howe he hath confirmed my sayung, and that I spake it not for special affection? he hath not onely neglected authority, but that more is, he is fled from it, when it came toward him. when we sent for him, he came unto us, and being appoynted to be a senator, he did obey us, and gladly applied his study and counsel thereto pertaining: onely hering that he was chosen praetor, before that he had mon●tion therof, he fled, as if he had ben pursued with such force, as he had not ben able to strive with, fearing( as I said, when I praised him) the daungerous and unthankful labours, which he supposed to be in such offices. And whither or to whom is he fled? not to the Persians, not to the people of Barbary, or other our ennemyes: but he is peasibly gone unto Athenes, which city next unto Rome we most favour. And there in a private habit, he liveth in study, in that exercise which he supposeth that he can better sustain, than the governance of a weal public. But not withstanding, shal we herefore reject him & judge him unworthy to be called to authority? Nay, than were we ill advised, and might be noted variable in our opinion, sens we judged him ones able for neglectyng therof, we now deme him more able for the refusing: and we will be therfore more slack in the offrynge. ye we also coil thereto gently require him. For truly authority ought to be given to such as careth leste for it, & kept from them, which press fastest toward it. For he that desireth, would haue it for his only commodity: he that looketh not for it, consydreth that he is chosen for others necessity. Therfore howe dyvers is their mynistration, it ever appeareth, where as both happeneth. leave your vain enterprise, to bring us in displeasure with him, who is worthy more honour than we can give him, and by his laudable flight hath vanquished your envy, & to your great reproach hath published your folly. We therfore command you to avoyde out of our presence, and that we see you not, until we call for you.   

¶ The letters of themperour Alexander sent to Sextilius, and hew vnwyllyngly he returned to Rome, and received the office of praetor. Cap. xxxvi.  
FORTHWITH the emperour himself indicted letters unto Sextilius, in maner following. Alexander Augustus, &c. The tidings of your sudden departing, honourable Sextilius, was to the senate and people grievous, to your enemies( although they be few) pleasant and joyous, dolorous to your friends, of whom there be many, but to us not strange, dyspleasant, nor meruaylous● forasmoche as we longer haue known your notable temperance, than we haue used your presence. wherefore now we more consider your humylitie and virtuous shamefastness, than that which your enemies do call obstinacye and dysobedience. persuade now to yourself, that where before we did favour you, now do we most hartilye love you, and haue no lasse ardant desire to haue the fruition of your virtue & learning, than hath the true lover of his wife or companion. What such love is, ye that haue ben at Socrates banquet, do know most certainly. return therfore with honour gentile Sextilius, satisfy the desire of me, that am both your emperour and lover, rejoice the senate & people, shane your enemi●s, and recomfort your friends. Let it suffice unto shamefastness, that she hath caused you to ieoparde, not only your estimation & credence, but also your life & substance, yf there had ben a senate vncircumspect, a people disordered, or an emperour a tyrant. Let her now give place to prudence & magnanimytie, her time of rule is expired in you, theirs is now come, for divine providence hath so provided, & willeth it be so, sens she hath called you to the dignity, which ye well haue deserved. In vain were your long travail in study and learning, yf actual experience did not show forth their fruits. I confess, that the books, which ye haue made, haue well instructed other to governance: but yet when the public weal calleth you, to be redy in your own person to serve her, it is your chief office and duty. For so god hath ordained you, nature commandeth you, your country compelleth you, and philosophy beadeth you. return therfore hardily, and accept with good courage and thankfullye the reward of your virtue. Ne the mynystration shall be strange unto you, that in study haue had with Iustice such familiarity, and haue rad so many bo●●s of good policy. Also( which ought much to com●ort you) ye haue a favourable emperour, expert assifrentes, diligent ministers, and people obedient, ye be●●ge praetor, howe many men expert in that office shal desire your company, and be glad to participate with you that which experience or custom hath usurped from lernynge● where law civil is necessary, among 〈◇〉 assisten●●s shall ever be some, which therein shall counsel you. but finally yf ye haue alway respect ●nto justice, and consider the causes with a prudent and dyligent scrutiny, the great knowledge of the lawe civil shall not much trouble you. lay therfore all dread apart, and be not sene for fayntnes of courage to forsake that, which the Emperour, Senate, and people, lords of the world, haue with so great affection and iudgement prepared for you. Take heed of 〈…〉 and let us shortly embrace you.  
¶ These letters were sent by post, and in short time delivered to Sertilius, than being at Athenes in the 〈◇〉 of Sere{us} Cheronensis, with other philosophers: which and receiving with reverence opened and radde, 〈…〉 reading of them, partly stered with the lo●ynge persuasions of the most noble emperour, part●● oppressed with dolour, seeing that he might make no longer defence against his election, and that he must needs entre the dangerous rase of authority pight full of perils, he let the salt tears tryll down by his cheeks. But when they that were present understood why that he shewed such countenance, contrary wise ●hey reioyced exceedingly, as well at the wonderfull wisdom of the young emperour, as that the virtue and learning of Sextilius was in conclusion so well considered, calling Rome a city most blessed, that should haue such a praetor: And withone consent they so preased on Sextilius with invincible arguments, that he accorded to return toward Rome, and to receive the said office. Not withstanding after that he had sit a good space without speaking, he abrayded out at the last, and complaynyd him in this wise.  
¶ O what miserable estate shall I now come to? wherein diligence shall be cause of displeasure, negligence of reproach, sharpness shall be dreadeful, pity unthankful, familiarity suspiciouse, friendship dangerouse, every mannes countenance pleasant, many mennes minds offended, flattering openly, dysdaynynge secretelye, against my commyge attendance, in presence much courtesy, being out of office or favour, lack of acquaintance. But of force I must obey that the emperour commandeth, and yet he commandeth not, but most gently allureth, whereto my friends also consenten, & reason determyneth. I therfore commit all unto god, who with his providence al thing disposeth.  
¶ And so he departed, and in short space arrived at Rome, where with many noble senators, and the chief of the people he was gladly received. Many other wise and well learned men did this noble prince elect, and most gently invite unto the ministration of the weal public, by occasion whereof oppression, extortion, bribery, and other corruption of iustice, were out of the city of Rome during this emperours life, utterly exterminate.   

¶ A notable question moved by Iulius Paulus unto the Emperour Alexander. And the wise answer which he thereunto made. Cap. xxxvii.  
YE HAVE herde before what austerity and sharpness in punishment the Emperour Alexander used toward all them, which by any maner corruption gave untrue sentences. Semblably against thieves, and oppressoures of people he was noo lasse rigorous, punyshynge them sharply and openly, without remission or hope of pardon: touching treason he did never alter or add any thing to the punishments which were afore ordained: And in conspiracies against his own person, he often times suspended his sentence or deferred execution, as well to try out the counsels and practices of the offenders, as the first occasion of their displeasures: also whether their natures were obstinate or proud, aspirynge unto supremitie: or if they were mild and easy, and seemed to be intended thereto by the provocation of other, and diverse such, some he pardonned, and with most gentle persuasions not onely reduced them to due obedience, but also bound their hartes to him in a perfect allegiance, some he caused for a time to sustain imprisonment or exile, and as he found them repentant, so did he relieve them. In their exile it was punishment of death, to give to them any thing, but meate and drink, and that but course and of small quantity, also to be in their company longer than they brought them meate, or to speak with them, or to receive letters of them: so that they lived alone among people, in a prison vnclosed● and in a common resort in most painful solytude. He had not withstanding in those places of exile some trusty persons abiding, who marked in what form they sustained that punisshemente, whether they were very repentaunte or sturdy, and according to such mennes intimation, he caused the exile to be shorter or longer. And here about he was very curyouse and diligent.  
¶ On a time Iulius Paulus a noble counsaylour, meruaylyng that the emperour was so pitiful toward them, which offended his person, being so rigorous against all other transgressors, he finding the emperour at leysoure, said unto him in this wise: Sir if it shall stand with your pleasure, I wolde be fain satisfied, in a thing, which causeth me to much wonder at you. speak on( said the Emperour.) sir, said Paulus, In al the time that I haue served your majesty. I haue considered, that your proper nature is mild, facile, gentle, and witty, and therwith adorned with incomparable patience and constance. wherefore when I behold you in public or civil matters alway so bent to the rigour of iustice, that ye will pardon none execution, the offeder being justly condemned: yet in transgressions against your majesty, be they never so grievous and leefully proved, ye often times do give your most gracious pardon, and sometime vnasked. And some haue I known, which haue ben condemned for commyttynge acts against their allegiance, to whom ye not onely rem● ted your graces displeasure, but also received them familiarly, and entertained them with great liberality, as Oninius Camilius, who by secret means aspired to the imperial majesty, when he was therfore brought afore the senate all trembling, his conscience disclosing his trespass, ye giving to him thankes, that he willingly would take on him the charge of the weal public, which other good men refused when it was proffered, and calling him copartener of the empire, lead him from the Senate unto your palace, and caused him to sit with you at supper, in more ryeher: apparel than ye ware at that time, with much other benevolence shewed unto him at your going in warres toward Persia. This thing maketh me and many other to marvel. wherefore the causis which hereunto moveth you, I am most desirous to know, which by mine own wit I can not determine. And many other as well as I, be therwith perplexed. I therefore most humbly beseech your majesty, that by your own mouth it may be resolved.  
¶ The emperour after a little pause, thereunto answered: truly Paulus we be nothing offended with your demand, but arryght well contented to declare unto you and other men of like wisdom, the reason and cause that doth ive us to do any thing in our office imperial, that thereby we may exclude all ill suspicion and approve our benevolence toward the weal public. Albeit yf ye had sene as much of philosophy as ye haue done of the laws civil, ye should not haue had need to haue made this demand. But now to your question, ye must confess Paulus, that in our person be two states or conditions: one by nature commune with other men, the other by election private & from the people excepted. In the first we be resembled to beasts, for the affections and passions, wherein we communycate with them. In the other we be like unto goddis immortal, in supreme dignity excelling all other men, which is to us happened, and not ingenerate, by the prerogative of virtue, which is supposed to be more excellent in us: 
H●bitus co●●●m platiuu● & pra●●cus.  which virtue is none other thing but disposition, and exterior act of the mind agreeable to reason, and the moderation of nature. The supreme dignity that we haue received is onely in governance of men, which do participate with us in Nature, wherein they alway remain equal with us, but by Reason they be made inferior unto us, for they supposing it to be more habundantly given us, haue therfore willingly submitted themself unto our governance. And what that governance ought to be, our names of dignity, which the people hath given us, do express it sufficiently. For they gave to us first the surnames of caesar & Augustus, for remembrance of the prowess of the one, and the wisdom of the other, which like as they desired, so they trusted to be abundantly in vs. They call us also Emperour. 
Imperator.  which dignity among the ancient Romayns consisted in the principal governance of hoostes and armies, not onely in leadyng them unto warres( which was also the office of a duke) but also to see them ever well exercised, 
Dux.  keeping alway and in every place good order and justice. moreover the senate and people haue given us a name excelling al other in honour and dignity, calling us Father of their country. 
Pater patriae.  May there be imagyned any name greater or higher? For where ye haue wytsaufe liberally to consecrate many of our progenitors, and calling them goddis, haue made them equal one to an neither. Onely jupiter, whom Orpheus doth call life, you and your progenitors haue called Father, as it were by a special prerogative above all other, which name is agreeable unto his property. For of life all things haue being and meuyng, which act of creation, or( more naturally to speak it) generation, is incident to the name of father. like as also his office is to preserve and keep safe that which he himself hath engendered. considering how inestimable an office and dignity are included in that divine and most reverend name of father, making me thereby the mortal image of the living god: howe circumspectly ought I to be, that I do nothing unworthy that name so lyberallye given me? Ye know well Paulus, that in mens children be dyvers and sundry dispositions, some be apt of their nature to virtue and towardness, some haue not nature so prompt and benevolent, wherefore they must be by education thereunto formed: some be quick of wit, some dull in capacity. of sharp wits, some most do resplendyshe in acts that be honest, other seem quyckest in malice and shrewdnes. The good and diligent father of everich of them is equally careful, and assayeth first by education to make them all conformable unto his appetite. And therfore at the first with sweet meats and pretty gifts he allureth them all for to love him, and where they offend( as none or else very few are perfect in virtue) correctyng them with a little sharp rod, he maketh them also to fear him. And yf he beate a shrewd boy, it is done as well to put other in fear to offend, as to make him amend. And sometime the father to restrain the prompt disposition that he seeth in his children to vicious qualities, doth abdicate now and than one, that is to say, putteth them out of his family, and clearly excludeth them from any hope of inheritance. sometime perceiving their shrewdnes to cease, yf any transgresseth against himself onely, either he correcteth him moderately, or by a wise and gentle persuasion, assayeth to induce him to know well his duty, and to pluck from him opinion of a fals liberty. next unto god, who is so great a father, as he which is father of a hole country? that is to say, father of them that be fathers, their children and family. Howe much than ought the care of him, exceed far the cares of all other? the charity of him, the love of all other? the wisdom of him, the prudence of other? The studious father more careth howe to bring up his children in honesty, than howe to live pleasantly. The loving father hath more solicitude about his chylderns health, than about his own wealth. The wise father more considereth, what his son shall be in the estimation of other men, than howe he may content his singular affection. I haue shewed to you the office of a private father. What will ye now say to me, that in office am the universal father of all the hole country? Whyl ye say, that I should haue lasse care, lasse love, or lasse wisdom and policy? I suppose no, I know therein your opinion sufficiently. Than take good hede what I say. The rigour of justice, which ye seem to note in me, in punyshyng offenders against the weal public, is but a form of discipline, convenient and necessary, having regard to such children as I found in this city, corrupted with al kinds of vice, and having their minds and wits all disposed to folly, which being a general detriment, I haue used therein a more sharper remedy: and therfore consequently it hath ben found the more convenient and speedy.  
¶ In offences touching our onely person, we haue descended in our mind from the imperial majesty, and considered our first estate left us by nature, wherein looking as in a mirror, we behold the same matter that other men be of, and therein the seeds of sundry affections. this causeth us where we finde hope of amendment, in lamenting the misery of mankind, to be moved with a fatherlye pity, and much lasse esteeming the danger of our person onely, than of the hole country. We endeavour us by mercy and gentleness, to restore that unkind child, which hath offended us, eftsoons to his brethren & company. Not with standing yf he be so malicious and arrogant, that he will not cease to abuse our patience, we than refuse him to be our child, and as an enemy unto the weal public( for so be all that intendeth hostilytie against him, which is heed and father thereof) we commit him to the senate and people, for his malice and treason to be justly condemned. And thus doing, we accomplish all the partes of a father: and keeping the people in a moderate fear and good order, we execute the office of a good emperour.  
¶ Thus haue ye Paulus a just account of our mynistration, I wote not howe it contenteth you, sure I am that mine own conscience therein was never offended, nor the public weal grieved, nor any good man thereby oppressed, whereof I haue the senate and people my witness, and him onely my judge, who being in heaven, faileth not to punish all them that abuse his image.  
¶ Herewith Iulius Paulus seemed to be satisfied, & most humbly thanking the emperour, and meruailynge at his great wisdom and temperance, for that time departed.   

¶ Of a great exclamation made against a gentill man called Marcu● Geminus by his libertines. And the ●ration of Iunius Moderatus, made in the Senate. Cap. xxxviii.  
like wise as this Emperour Alexander was rigorous and terrible to corrupt wretches and oppressors of iustice, so was he most favourable and bounteouse unto all such as were sincere in their ministrations and supportars of equity. On a time as he went toward the Senate, there came against him a great number of persons, homely appareled and of a rude presence, which as the Emperour approached them, they felle down on their knees, and in a most lamentable form with one confuse cry accusid a gentleman called Marcus Geminus of oppression, & to bring him more into displeasure and envy, they added to their complaint, that he was one of them that conspired with Omnius Camillus. The Emperour herd them, and diligently marked their gesture and countenance, wherein he perceived to be more rankour than dolour, more sturdynes than humble shamefastness, more obstinat cruelty, than reason or honesty: He than asked of them, what people they were. They answered, saying: that they were husbondmen of Campania. He commanded them to withdraw them until they were sent for, and showing to them a right gentle visage, he passed from them.  
¶ The people receiving a more arrogant courage, of the comfortable countenance, which it seemed that the Emperour made to them at their departing, leaving for the while their counterfeit sorrows, they spent the dayes in taverns and vytaylynge houses, the nights in places of bawdry, promising unto themselves victory against Geminus, adding thereto with most despiteful arrogance, that his torments and death should be a dreadful example to gentill men, and that from thenseforthe their plough men and tenants should be fellow like with them. Which menacis and bostynges were soon after reported unto the Emperour: But first as sone as he was comme to the Senate, he shewed there al that was happened, and than he demanded the Senatoures, if any of them knew Marcus Geminus. Diuers of them answered in order, that they knew him well, and that he had ben alway reputed a man of much honesty, and having a competent living for his degree, had ever lived therwith temperately, without note of reproach unto this time. Herewith as the Emperour sate maruaylynge at the fury of the said clamorous people, and the commendation given to Marcus Geminus, an ancient senator name Iunius Moderatus, who was reputed to be a man of great worship, and was of the age of one hundred yeres, or there about, did stand up on his feet, and said in this wise.  

The 〈…〉 Iuni 〈◇〉 Mode●●●●●.  ¶ most noble Emperour, all be it that I am not required, nor do now intend to take on me the defence of Marcus Geminus, with whom I haue no maner acquaintance, yet to thintent that your most gentill & pitiful hart tempered with justice, should be no lenga● perplexid, as it appeareth to be by your countenance, I will by remembering your majesty of the general state and condition of them, which haue commplayned on Marcus Geminus, in some part( I trust) resolve the importance of your admiration and study.  
¶ Ye do well perceive, that the complayners be al of Campania, a country most plenteous of all thing that the earth may bring fourthe, and therwith so fertile, that it doth not require great toil or labour, but onely good diligence in observing the opportunity of time in sowyng & planting, with the preservation of the things whiles they be growing. With this fertility, the bodies do become fat and lusty, and thereby are made ille disposed to labour, the which disposition the goodness of the soil alway supportith: therof proceedeth obstinate sturdines against their superiors, and often times commotions and sudden rebellions: and with great difficulty hath that people be brought unto a perfit obedience, which was after that they had rebellid against the romans being confederate with Hannibal and the Carthaginensis: At the which time they being vanquished by Fuluius, many were slain, the multitude were sold in bondage unto the romans among whom the fields and possessions were at that time divided, it dured a long time, that the romans being good husbands themselves, ouerseing their tillage and husbondry, keeping the Campanes in servitude, hourdaining them with continual labours, feeding and clothing them moderately, and more nearer to scarsety, than superfluity, leuing them no more vacation from labour than the festyual dayes, which the laws haue appointed: the country abode in continual quietness, and iustice was there sufficiently ministered, by one onely magistrate, sent unto them yearly out of this city. There dwellid Sace●na, Tremillius, Iulius Atticus, and diverse other gentlemen, as well in husbandry, as in other wisdom and policy noble and famous, without exclamations unto the Senate. moreover the gentlemen brought up in that country, for their temperance in living, and prudent governing of their own family, were often times elect into the senate, and esteemed alway for the best senators. But after the subversion of Carthage, and that al Greece and Asia were in our jurisdiction, spain made tributary, & Gallia brought under subiection, idleness, with delicate appetite entred to gether into this city, and so much abounded, that it was from traverse distributed into al the hole region of Italy. And than the gentlemen of Campania, left their ancient frugality and diligent governance, and did set all their study, onely about things pleasant and delectable, not being contented with the commodities of the same country, ne with the same measure and quantity, which they before used, but with outrageous expenses, sending into other countreyes far of, for other kinds of things which they had not growing, they vnsaciably fed therwith themselves and their servants, & contemnyng the exercise of husbandry, they negligently haue suffered their servants to be oppressed with gormandize, and to reject their accustomend fare, and to haue it more delicate. Also to increase sleep and pastime, and to minish their labours and diligence. moreover by private contentions among the same gentlemen( which alway happeneth where temperance lacketh) by ambition and envy, they that were bondmen were enfranchised and made libertynes, to the intent that their lords wolde be sene puissant of men, 
Libertines were of like conditions, as our copy holders were of old time.  to maynteyn their quarrels: whereby it is happened that the progeny of the said bondmen are now of such sturdines, that they disdain and take scorn to be corrected, ne will otherwise labour than it shall like them. And if their lord will sharply call on them, they will not let, boldly to make resistance: and where they be not thereto sufficient, they will suborn some false quarrel to make a commotion, trusting thereby to rob and destroy their lords: or if they can not bring that to pass, at the leste they will make injust exclamations, where they finde a prince, whom they suppose to haue his ears open to tales & reportis, & will condemn in his opinion men complained on, before {per}chance that he knoweth them. hereof haue we to many examples, as well in the time of Tyberius, Nero, and Domitiane, as in the time of my remembrance. Were not Dulius Sillanus, and Antius Lupus, men of great honesty, condemned to death by the Emperour Commodus, vpon the false complaints of their libertines? which grudged against them, because that Sillanus was a stern man, and of the ancient seuerytie. Wherefore they mought not sustain him, punyshyng them continually for their idle and riotous living. Lupus because he would not suffer his libertines to encroach vpon his possessions, and to retain certain portions of land, which after the death of Petilius Rufus his mothers uncle( whose heir Lupus was) they had taken by stealth, whiles he was in Asia. wherefore they appeched him unto themperor, saying that he was of familiar counsel with Caius Regilius, whom a little before. Commodus had put unto death. Petronius in the time of Caracalla the emperour, was also put unto death by a like occasion. And to speak of mine own experience, by the space of .xl. yeres, so long I continued in keeping of husbandry in the country of Umbria, having therein much delectation. I found the rustical people my neighbours prompt to injuries, murmuring at justice, grutchyng at labours, desirous of pleasures, ingrate against benefits. At the first I was with them familiar and homely, than found I them alway carlyshe and sturdy. than against mine own nature I changed my copy, and became toward them more strange in countenance, more rare in speaking, more seld in pardonynge, more quick in reuengynge such injuries as they willingly did me. moreover I was more frequent in commandyng my libertines, & would myself se them to do truly their services, nothing omyttynge: than had I little and seldom any occasion to be offended with. There was none injuries offered me of my neighbours, which beholding me so sharp to my libertines, and so rigorous in justice, feared to displease me. My libertines forgetting all pleasures, studied with labour and diligence to get some praise of me. Than considered I well, that good debtors oftentimes spared, become ill payers, small injuries oftentimes pardonned, maketh of neyghbors pernycious enemies. I servant made malapert, will kick at his duty, and labour by custom becometh ●asy, behold, that gentle maisters haue alway proud servants. And of a master sturdy and fierce, a little wink to his seruant is a fearful commandment. The nature of libertines is much contrariouse to that which is gentle. The gentleman, gently entreated is content to do all thing: The vile nature, famylyarly used, grudgeth at every thing. This is every day proved, but no wit can make streight which nature made crooked. Geminus is a gentleman of an old house of the latins, whose great graundefather Rubellius Geminus was consul in the late dayes of the emperour Tiberius. He hath his possessions in Campania( as I haue herde say) by an ancestor of his mother called Pomponius Sura. Perchance his novelty there may be disdained, and the movable people lacking somewhat of their wills, may be comforted by some of equal degree unto Geminus, by their exclamations to bring him out of credence, and consequently unto some jeopardy. wherefore serveth the praetor Triphonius, who is known to be a man very discrete, well learned, and of a great iudgement? if they came to him, why did he not here them? If he wolde not here them, why complain they not of him? If he did here them, why is Geminus left still unpunished? If he be punished, why is he eftsoons accused? mine advise is most noble Emperour, that Marcus Geminus be hastily sent for, that he haue no leisure to solicit the praetor Triphonius: and that immediately afterward a letter be directed to the same praetor, willing him to advertise your majesty with al expedition, what may be proved in the ratification of such articles as been objected in the accusation of Geminus: which proves being sent up unto us, yf Geminus can not refel them, than let the laws of the city procede against him. If the suggestion be found false and malicious, than shall your majesty do like a virtuous governor, and father of the country, yf by your excellent wisdom and rule of iustice, ye provide that the fals accusers and their abbettours may be so punished that they and other persons of like inclination, may be afeard to abuse your clemency and most gentle nature. And now hath your majesty herde all mine opinion.  
¶ This sentence contented the Emperour, who therfore commended the substantial wisdom & compendious eloquence of the old Moderatus. And according thereunto was Gemin{us} sent for by an officer, and sone after a letter was sent to Triphonius, according to the minute before rehearsed: which was delivered to the praetor incontinent vpon th● departing of Geminus.   

T●● wonde●full pru●e●ce and ●●●itie shewed by Alexander the Emperour, in the determynation and sentence in the matter preceding. Cap. xxxix.  
AT THE coming of Geminus to Rome, he was forthwith committed unto Catelius the senator to be secretelye kept, with comfort given unto him, that yf such things as he was accused of, could not be proved by witness or matter sufficient, his accusation should be to him an happy displeasure.  
¶ In the mean time Triphonius the praetor, when he had radde the emperours letters, fearing his rigorous justice to rulers and iudges corrupted or negligent, he forthwith sent unto the most honest inhabitants, not being gentlemen, which dwelled in towns and villages next adjoining to the habitation of Geminus: whom not being yet wa●e of the departing of Geminus, nor for what cause they were sent for, the praetor calling unto him one of them after an other, he severally examined them, what they knew or supposed of Marcus Geminus, in what condition he used himself, first concerning his faith to themperour senate and people of Rome, also in justice and equity touching his neighbours, moreover frugality and temperance in his own family, finally in oppression and cruelty to his tenants and libertines. adding thereunto, that the emperours majesty was informed, that Geminus in all the said poyntes was greuousely noted, which being sufficiently proved against him, his punishment should be to all other men a dreadful example, whereby poor men should afterward live in the more surety, & out of the danger of cruel affections. every one that was examined apart, freely without alteration of words, affirmed, that Geminus was a man of great honesty, & that they did never suspect his faith of allegiance, although he repaired sometime to Oninius, when he soiorned nigh to him, which he seemed rather to do for the honouring of Oninius dignity, than for any special affection that he had toward hymn considering that they were most unlike of conditions. For Oninius was proud, ambiciouse, and prodigal: Geminus was gentle, moderate in living, and temperate in spendyng. The other was almost ignorant of lettres, delyting in riot and lechery: this man well learned, and having his principal pleasure in reading or writing. So diverse conditions could never join hartes in a fervent affection. moreover they could never perceive, that Geminus at any time praised Onimus, otherwys● than is the general praise given to men in authority, calling him honourable. Concerning justice and equitye, they said that therein he was ever found notably earnest, in so much as by keeping his promise and couch● he sustained often times no little detriment. Also he remitted oftentimes a good parte of his duty, which the laws gave him, sometime of gentleness, sometime meuid with the persons necessity. The measurable fare and good order of his family, was to all his neighbours an excellent pattern. To his covenants & libertines at his first coming he was of much affability but after that he had perceived by the ancient tables and minumentes belonging unto his patrimony, that his libertines had withdrawn some parte of their services, and craftily entrelaced his domini●●● lands with their servile possessions, he first assayed to persuade them to restore unto him his inheritance, offering to remit unto them their wrongful intrusions, with all the profits which they had therof received, if they would willingly depart from that which by iustice they might not keep from him: but they little regarding his honest request, obstinately denied to leave the possession of those lands, which they had so long occupied, and became in all their acts toward him sturdy and malapert, wherewith being displeasantly moved, he with his household servants & friends expelled them from the possession of such lands as they wrongfully occupied: wherewith they being erasperate, and desirous to be revenged( supposing that if they complained to the praetor, the truth shortly appearing unto him, they should no thing prevail, but be for ever excluded from their vniuste occupation) they conspiring to gether went unto two gentlemen dwelling hereby, the one called Duillius, the other Cotta, who alway had envy at Marcus Geminus, & might not sustain his commendation, but used to speak reproachfully of him. when they had herd what the libertines purposed, they exceedingly reioyced ther at, and gave to them not onely comfort in their preachings, but also sums of money toward their charges, with secret lettres unto their friends and acquaintance in the city of Rome, desiring them to assist and solycite the cause of the libertines. They said moreover, that there remained yet in the town of Geminus, as well libertines as men free of condition, his tenants, which being of a more honest nature, and persuaded at the first with the reasonable request of their lord, would by no means consent unto the conspiracy, not withstanding that they were there unto preased as well by the said gentlemen as by the libertines. Which persons they thought expedient to be also examined. That hering the praetor, commending their truth and modesty, he depeched those deponentes for that time, commanding them to keep al thing secret, and immediately he sent for the said residue of the covenants and libertines of Marcus Geminus. Who being like wise examined, in al and every thing agreed with the first witnesses. Than Triphonius incontinent caused horses to be provided, and those persons without any longer abode, to be conveyed to Rome with his lettres unto the emperor, containing the true report of the said examinations. which letters the Emperour reading himself, commanded that those men, which were comme to the city, should be forthwith brought to his presence, in most secret wise, which was performed. Than the Emperour calling to him Ulpianus, Catelius, Paulus, and Sabinus, who at that time were in the palace, he commanded the said persons to be brought forth, and himself demaundinge like questions of them, as Triphonius had done, but in another order and fashion, he found their words in every condition, like as they had deposed, saving that they thereunto added, that the complaynors before their departing, and after that they were comme from Duillius and Cotta, had importunately desired these men to go with them, saying, that they nothing doubted, but that Geminus at the leste should lose his head, and that they for their trauelles should haue his goods, or a good parte therof divided among them: and that Duillius and Cotta trusted to haue his lands by gift or by purchase. That hering the Emperour, with visage inflamed, and eyes sparkelynge as fire, braste out in these words following.  
¶ O villain nature bestial and monstrous. O cruel envy foul and malitiouse, the one never vanquished with gentleness, the other never contented with virtue and sobrenes. How often haue wise men ben by such falsehood deluded, emperors, kings, and other potentates by such serpentes abused, iustice oppressed, mercy sklaundered, good people destroyed, false harlots advanced? God forbid that I should ●yue Emperour of Rome, if I wolde not see this enormytye punished, whereby all public weals may be shortly subverted. for where order faileth, obedience decayeth, boldness increaseth, deceit eskapeth, injury preuaylethe, avarice corrupteth, the state of a weal public sone after perisheth. when he had said thus: he commending the truth and sincerity of them, which had spoken, communded that they should remain stil in his palace in a place secret, until it were his pleasure for to call for them. Than caused he to be published throughout the city, that Marcus Geminus was likely shortly to be condemned. Which being commen to the ears of his accusers, they replenished with ioy, romed about the city, embracing their friends and confederates, with mutual congratulations, making banquets one to another, for exceeding joy forgetting to sleep, but passed forth the nights in drinking and singing, and devising torments for Marcus Geminus. Of all this herde the Emperour, who dissembled his anger, albeit he had no lasse solicitude, in providing the means how their mischief and falsehood might be in such wise corrected, as good men might be free from such perils, and the example might utterly drown the malice of wretches. As sone as Duillius and Cotta had herde of the brute of the condemnation of Geminus, with all speed they both came unto Rome, bringing with them great presentes to give unto such as were nigh about the emperor, to thintente that they by their means might attain to the possessions of Geminus. But these noble men, unto whom they offered to give the said presentes, refused to take them, fearing themperours severity. As sone as the emperor had herd of the coming of Duillius and Cotta, he sent for them, and in the presence of dyvers senators, after that he had taken them by the hands, with a familiar countenance, he dissembled to them, that he was much grieved with the unkindness of Geminus, toward his person, and also his oppressions and injuries toward his libertines and covenants. With that Duillius and Cotta being much comforted toward their purpose, to aggravate the complaints against Geminus, and seeming to do well, dispraised the rigorous tyranny of Geminus, and commended the simplicity of his libertines, saying, that they wolde not so soon haue complained on Geminus, yf they had not ben by them vehemently stirred and provoked thereto.  
¶ After that the emperour had ben a while in a study, as it were to say some thing against Geminus, at the last with a familiar visage, he said unto them: Ye haue known in how much detestation I haue alway had the oppression of innocents, the injuries done with extreme malice and violence: And yet not withstanding the sharp corrections, which haue ben executed against such malefactours, as well by ancient laws of this city as by our own decrees and ordinances, yet as it seemeth that pestilence in the weal public ceaseth not. wherefore we now wolde, that some new and strange correction were devised for Geminus, which should be such as to al men of every degree, it might be the most fearful example to offend in like condition. And as touching the offence toward me, I shall hold me content with the judgment, which the laws haue provided. And more over, to thintent that men shall perceive, howe much we favour them that do support true men against ancients, I wolde that some reward were also devised for such supporters, equal and convenient unto their merites. And herein will we first here your sentences, for as much as ye do seem to be men of zeal. and are reported to be wise men and politic about your affairs. wherefore we intend to haue of you better acquaintance, that the public weal by you may be amended.  
¶ These words of the Emperour, Duillius & Cotta took to be all for their benefit, and thynking that they had good opportunity, offered them to acheue their desire, thinking that the more sharp and vehement punishment they did devise for Marcus Geminus● the better it should content the mind of the emperour. first Duillius forgetting himself, with face all inflamed with malice, declared his sentence in this wise. forasmuch as the Emperour had referred the offence committed against his majesty, to the iudgement of the laws civil,( albeit that such punishment were insufficient for such a traitor as Geminus was) concerning his oppression of innocents, his correction might be no lasse than that he being al naked, should by his libertines be first of all whipped throughout the city of Rome with whyppes full of ruelles called Scorpions, and afterward his nose & ears being cut of, so with reproaches to be conuayde unto the town of his habitation, and there to be eftsoons whipped by all his libertines: and from thence to be carried into the Iles called Nebrides, and never to return into italy: his children also to be banished for ever out of that territory: restitution also to be made to the libertines of al that which was bereft them. As concerning the residue, they which were accusers of traitors and supporters of the same accusers, should haue divided among them, the one half deal of their goods and possessions: so that the one half therof should be to the accusers, the other half to the supporters of them, the other half deal of the hole should be confiscate to the emperours treasure. Cotta agreed in every thing with Duillius, saving the deformynge of Geminus and banyshement of his children, saying, that therein was to great a visage of cruelty. In the disposition of the goods and possessions, he added unto the sentence of Duillius, that if the accuser or supporter were a bondman or libertine, he should haue no pa●te of the possessions, but onely the fourthe parte of the movables, in the residue he agreid with Duillius. Wh●n they had spoken, the emperour and other that were with him, seemed to commend their zealous affection, and the emperour finding occasion by the lack of time, and that his supper abode than for him, did depart from them, saying that he wolde advise him on their wise counsels, and lycenced them to depart with a familiar beck. Who being returned to their lodgynges, and sending for the libertines and other of their acquaintance: after that they had declared what they had spoken, and how nigh the confusion of Geminus did approach, and what trust they had to enjoy his goods and possessions, there was made among them joy without measure, with reuelle and bankettyng, so that the report therof came to the ears of the emperour, and of al the Senate, which remained in a great expectation of themperours judgment. afterward the emperour commanded his place of estate to be made redy in the Theatre of Pompey, and that the people of Rome should be summoned to be redy there the third day following, which was accomplished. And the emperour being set with his noble counsaylors with him, he commanded that as well the libertines, as Duillius and Cotta should prepare them to the accusation of Geminus, who came into the place, bringing with them one Rutilius Lupus a subtle Rhetorician, to be their advocate. But Geminus onely trusting on his own conscience, refused to haue any other patron, than the true examination and justice of the emperour and other, which were his iudges. And the Emperour was therwith right well contented, considering that the time of the controversy should be made thereby the shorter.  
¶ First Lupus began his oration with a great praise of the Emperours virtues, which the Emperour in no wise sustaynynge, but being therwith offended, interpellyd Lupus, and commanded him to enter into his narration, and to declare immediately the state of the matter contained in the complaint of the libertines. Than Lupus being partly abashed, for as much as his beginning was to make themperor & herers benevolent toward the libertines, & to make the cause against Geminus to seem more grievous, he coldly entred into the matter, & generally obiectid against Marcus Geminus his familiar resort unto Omnius Camillus before that he was detected of treason. And thereunto he brought in for witnessis Duilli{us} & Cotta, whom he called men of great worship, Geminus speaking yet nothing, nor changinge his countenance. Duillius & Cotta by to much malice & covetise, forgetting themselves, preased forth, and said, that they had oftentimes sene Geminus not only at supper with Onini{us} in the time of his conspiracy, but also talking familiarly & secretly with him. Therwith themperour taking occasion, demanded of them, what it was that Geminus spake to Oninius. They said, they wist not. for they stood far from them, and might not here them. The Emperour demanded, if they did se when Geminus came and departed. They answered, that for the more part they came before him, and abode long after him. He asked more over, in what form Geminus departed from Oninius. They said, for the more parte with no pleasunt countenance of the one or the other. The emperor asked, if Geminus were desired by Oninius to come, or if he came to him unsent for. They said, they could not remember, but that Oninius sent alway a servant for Geminus. The Emperour demanded, if he did likewise with them. They answered, no. The Emperour immediately sent for Oninius, who being reconciled to the emperor, was than in the Senate, and for Carnilius his servant, who had detected his treason: and in the mean time the Emperour turned him unto Geminus and said, that if he were the man, that he shewed to be, he wolde lasse esteem death than the loss of his credence, and that for his parte he more esteemed the confession of truth, than the avenging of his displeasure. Wherefore he charged him upon the faith of an honest man, to tell plainly, whereof was the communication between him and Oninius. Gemynus answered, that the first access that he had to him was voluntary and unsent for, onely to salute him, because he was a senator, and in great estimation, not knowing any thing of his trayterouse affection: But perceiving his qualities, and natural appetites not to be agreeable to his opinion and study, he cessed to comme, until he was desired of Oninius, which as he after perceived, was for his incommodity. For Oninius desired of him a mansion place, which he had joining to the gardeins of Nero, from the which he would in no wise depart. All be it often and sundry times Oninius sent for him, and as well by offrynge great sums of money and friendship, as sometime by menaces, he assayde to get of him the house. but last of all he threatened him, that having all thing at commandment, as he doubted not but that he should see it comme to pass shortly, he wolde leave him neither house nor life. With the which words Geminus said, that he was astonied, and so departed with his displeasure. But yet not thinking, that Oninius intended any conspiracy, considering that he was allied unto the Emperour, and was by him advanced unto great riches. Thus ceased Geminus to speak any more. And by that time Carnilius was commen, who being demanded, what acquaintance he had known to be between Oninius and Marcus Geminus: he answered, that he knew none acquaintance between them, but that often times he had herde Oninius his master say to his secret friends, after that he had a long time talked with Geminus, that he was a sturdy and obstinate person, and would not confourme him to his requests, concerning a house which he had nigh to the city, wherefore if he might bring his purposes to pass, he wolde leave him neither house nor heed on his shoulders. The Emperour demanded, yf Geminus were any of them that Oninius counseled with concerning his conspiracy. thereat smilid Carnilius and said, that Oninius never had him in so much reputation, for he ever esteemed him to be most unapt to any such practise. Than came in Oninius, and the Emperour commanding him, sate down by him: And themperour asked him if he knew Marcus Geminus. And he fearing that he had complained of him, blushed, and said, that he could never finde kindness in him, and that his nature was overthwart and alway against his desires. wherefore he desired the emperour not to give to much credence unto him in such things as he complained of him, other than touching the request made for his house in the city, which he confessed to haue desired importunately, and for that cause onely had often times convented him when he repaired into that country. The emperour with that answer was well contented, and demanded, if he had any better opinion of Duillius and Cotta. He said, that they were of a neither sort, and more confourmable unto his appetite. thereat the emperour laughed in his hart( as he after declared unto his familyars) marking the folly as well of Duillius and Cotta, as of Oninius Camillus, which vnwares had disclosed their secret affections, and declared the innocency of Marcus Geminus. And lycencyng Oninius to return to the Senate, he commanded Lupus to resort to the residue of the accusation of Geminus: who partly being discouraged, with a weak eloquence alleged the injury and cruel oppression of Geminus, extended unto his covenants, taking from them their ancient possessions, and annexynge them to his dominycall lands. Therwith Geminus being somewhat moved, plainly denied that it was their ancient possessions, but affirmed that it were his proper dominical lands, which between the death of his uncle and his entry, they had unjustly usurped and falsely concelyd. wherefore not only he by the law might justly expulse them from that which they vnlefully occupied, but also by their ingratitude they had forfeited their manumissions, and consequently the lands given to them by his ancestors of good right ought to resort eftsoons to his possession. This hearing the emperour, he demanded of the complaynantes of what state and condition they were? They all confessed, to be the libertines of Marcus Geminus, and that such lands as they had, were servile. as for the which they were bound to certain observances. But they plainly denied, that they had forfeited any thing, and with great exclamations, and out of order cried out on Geminus. Than commanded the emperour, that the gentlemen and residue of the libertines and covenants, sent by Triphonius, should be brought in, who being in likewise examined, declared openly the stealynge of Geminus dominical lands, by the said libertines, which were accusers, the conjuration of them to the destruction of Geminus, their privy solicitation of other, the malicious supportyng of Duillius and Cotta, with their secret confederacies, and all other things as before they had shewed to the Emperour at home in his palace: which aswell the accusers as Duillius and Cotta hearing dysclosed contrary to their expectations, they all were confounded, & in their amazed countenance sudden and silence, seemed to the emperour and al that were present, to confess their untruth and malice. And therwith Cotta fearing the emperours severity, fel on his knees, and besought the emperour to pardon him, and likewise desired Geminus to forgive him his malice, confessynge all to be true, which was now spoken on his behalf. Herewith the emperour was fervently stirred with displeasure toward the accusers: after that he had spoken with the residue of the wretches, he gave sentence in this wise.  
¶ For as much as it appiereth unto us, that thou Marcus Geminus art innocent of that treason, which thy cruel libertines, with the supportation of Duillius and Cotta haue falsely accused the of, we declare the to be a true gentleman, loyal to the weal public and maiestly imperial, and denounce unto all men, that none be so hardy to renew this suspicion, whereof thou arte purged. And for thy patience, wisdom, and temperance, we deem the worthy to be admitted into the college of senators. Than the emperour tournyng him to the libertines said: Ye vyllayn generation, full of pestyferous malice, rude and most bestial of nature, void of all courtesy, false and deceyptfull toward your sovereign, cruel and vengeable against justice and raisin: For as much as ye with all your will and pvissance haue indeuored yourselves by your fals accusation, not onely to haue brought to a shameful death Marcus Geminus your natural lord, a true and innocent gentleman, and a necessary member of the wele public, which if it had happened, therof should haue succeeded unto the weal public, notable damage, & to our person perpetual reproach, & burden unto our conscience: We therfore iuge you al worthy no less to suffer than Duillius one of your captayns gave in his sentence at home in our palace against Marcus Geminus. that first ye shalbe whipped throughout the city with Scorpions, and than your noses & ears to be cut of, and so to be brought into Campania, and there to be eftsoons whipped in every town, and last of al, to be hanged in chains on high gybettes, as ye be .xvi. in number, in .xvi. of the greatest towns of that country, and that your children shall lose the privilege of the manumission of you and your ancestors: and that none of your blood be from henceforth manumised by any Consul or praetor. moreover all your possessions holly to remain to Marcus Geminus, your movables by the consent of Geminus,( whereunto we exhort him) to be equally diuyded and given to his other covenants and libertines, which refused to be consenting or party to your proceedings.  
¶ Than looked he on Duillius and Cotta, and first said to Duillius: Thou detestable serpent of villain progeny, which nature in the, neither might be subdued with authority, nor altered with riches, for as much as by envy onely thou hast maligned against Marcus Geminus, and with all thy power hast supported his libertines, to accuse him most falsely of treason: & more over thyself hast in such wise appeched him, that in thine own words it appeareth that thou were of a more familiar resort unto Oninius than Geminus was, and by Oninius confession more conformable unto his appetite, and what is declared by those words, but thou and Cotta were consenting unto the conspyracy? Thou shalt therefore receive thine own judgment, which thou wouldest haue given on Marcus Geminus, that is to say, thou shalt be disgraded of al honour, and despoiled of thy garments in the middle of this city: And from traverse whipped with scorpions unto the high way called Via Appia. and from traverse thou shalt be carried unto Tarentum, and being there eftsoons whipped, thou shalt be rendered with thy children in servitude to Marcus Geminus. And al thy possessions to remain for ever to him and his heires. And as to the Cotta, although that thou hast desired pardon, yet for as much as thou hast polluted the noble and ancient blood, whereof thou camest, embracing villain conditions, and chosinge rather to be confederate with villayns and malicious wretches, than to favour virtue and justice, it were not expedient that thou sholdeste be so pardonned, that thou wouldest clearly escape without punishment, specially considering, that thy nobility was a cause that Geminus was much more suspected, than if thou hadst not joined thyself with his libertines. Thou shalt therfore sustain parte of thine own judgment, which thou wouldest haue given on Geminus, that is to say, thou shalt forthwith lose all thy movables, which also with the goods of Duillius shalbe equally partend, the one half to be brought in to the commune treasorye, the other half to be given indifferently among those gentlemen, which honestly haue declared unto us the innocency of Marcus Geminus. And as for thy lands, during thy life to be confiscate, afterward to return to thine heirs. moreover that thou thyself shalt never return in to Campania, but remain still here in this city, except we upon other considerations hereafter meuinge us, shall clearly pardon the.  
¶ This was the end of the Emperours sentence. Wherewith all the people reioyced and cried with one voice: happy is Rome, that hath such a governor, happy is the world, that it hath, such an emperour, but most happy be we that haue such a father. live noble Alexander, for the goddes do favour thee, all princes doth honour thee, all ille men do dread thee, all good men love the. live and prosper most excellent Emperour.  
¶ With these and other most joyous acclamations, the emperour issued out of the Theatre and departed toward his palace, having with him Marcus Geminus, all the streets being full of men women and children, casting before him imnumerable roses and other sweet flowers. The next day was the Emperours iudgement put in executyon, and Geminus admitted in to the Senate. This was the last ingemente that the Emperour gave openly in his own person, diverse other judgements he gave, which were in tables according as other Emperours used to do.  
¶ HITHERTO is the report of Eucolpius: much more he wrote, as it seemed. for diverse quayres lacked in the book. wherefore to make some perfect conclusion, I took the residue out of other, which wrath also the life of this Emperour.  
HERODIANVS a greek authoure, writeth, that the journey made against Artaxerxes the king of Persia, was lost through the slaknes of Alexander, whom he supposeth to be retained from his enterprise by his mother Mammea, who would not let her son ieoparde his person against the Persians: but Lampridius, who gathered his work out of the books of Accolius and Eucolpius, who were alway in company with the Emperour Alexander, writeth in this wise: He being such an Emperour in his house and abroad, he entreprysed the journey of Parthia, whereunto he prepared all thingis with such discipline and reverence about his own person, that it might be said, that senators went and not soldiers. Where so ever the host was, the chief captains were circumspect, the captains honest, the soldiers beloved. And therfore the inhabitants of countrayes received him as god. The men of war loved the young emperour as their brother, their son, and their rather. They were honestly clad, conveniently hosed and shod, richly armed, very well horsed with harness & brydels accordingly trimmed. that he which beheld the emperours army, should haue perceived the state of the weal public. He himself laboured to be judged worthy to haue the name of Alexander, and to surmount him of macedon. in such form he went into Persia, and vanquished king Artaxerxes, who came against him with seven hundred elephants, bearing on their backs towers of wood full of archers and artillery. Also a thousand and five hundred chariots armed with scythes, and people innumerable. And afterward Alexander returned unto the city of Antiochia, and with the pray that he took of the Persians, he made all his men of war rich. Than first began Persyanes to be slaves to the romans. But because that the kings of Persia do disdain, that any of their people shall live in servitude, he was content, that they should be redeemed, the money being given to them which took them prisoners, being returned to Rome, was conuayde unto his palace with all the senators gentlemen & people, the wives and children of his soldiers enuy●onyng him, and his triumphal chariot following him, being drawn with four great elephants. And entering into his palace, he was life up with the hands of the people, so that during the space of four houres he might not walk on his feet, al the people crying about, now is Rome safe, for Alexander is safely returned.  
¶ Afterward he lived in most tender love of the people and Senate● but at the last the Germaynes wasting and destroyeng the country, he being ashamed that the Parthians now being vanquished, that nation should press so nigh to the head of the weal public, which people were subdued by petite emperours, he prepared his voyage toward them, and departed against all mennes wills, every man bringing him a hundred and fifty miles on his way, with hope of victory, and sone return to the city. but being in France, and finding the legions sediciouse, he commanded them to be rejected. By which occasion the French mennes musics, as they be alway obstinate and froward, and oftentimes displeasaunt unto the Emperours, wolde not suffer any longer his rygorouse gravity. wherefore certain soldiers, which were enriched by Heliogabalus, by the comfort and aid of that monstrous mulettour Maximus, whom they made afterward Emperour, they suddenly entering into the pauillion of Alexander, slew both him and his mother, he nothing fearing their malice. Other opinions there be of his death. Finally the rage of vnchrifty persons, which might not sustain his excellent virtues, traiterousely slew this most noble Emperour: Whose death all Rome lamented, al good men bewailed, all the world repented. whom the Senate deified, noble famed renowned, al wise men honoured, noble writers commended. Whose life may worthily be a pattern to knights, an example to iudges, a mirror to princes, a beautiful image to all them that are like to be gouernours: Whereby they may haue in continual remembrance, to embrace and follow his most excellent qualities.  
FINIS.   

LONDINI IN OFFICINA Thomae Bertheleti typis impress. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.  
ANNO. M.D.XL.