THE DISCOVERY AND CONFUTATION OF A TRAGICAL FICTION, devised AND PLAYED BY Edward squire yeoman soldier, hanged at Tyburn the 23. of Novemb. 1598.  
Wherein the argument and fable is, that he should be sent from Spain by William Walpole jesuit, to poison the Queen and the Earl of Essex, but the meaning and moralization thereof was, to make odious the jesuits, and by them all Catholics.  
Matth. 5. verse. 11.  
Beati estis cum dixerint omne malum adversum vos, mentientes propter me.  
Happy are you when they say all evil against you, belying you for my sake.  
Written for the only love and zeal of truth against forgery, by M. A. Priest, that knew and dealt with squire in Spain.  
Imprinted with Licence.  
ANNO M, D. XCIX.   

THE DISCOVERY AND CONFUTATION OF A TRAGICAL FICTION, devised and played by Edward squire yeoman soldier, hanged at Tyburn the 23. of Novemb. 1598.  
AS he said not amiss in some sense; who said, homo homini Deus, man to man is a kind of God, in respect of the many-benefytes which some men (though few) do procure to others: so with no less truth is it thought, that an other wrote on the contrary part, homo homini lupus, one man is a wolf to an other, in that he devoureth, destroyeth, and rageth often times most ravenously against those, that be of his own kind and condition. Of which subject and argument, if we will believe the large and lamentable discourses of fondrie credible authors, we shall find the account made, that all the disasters, miseries, and calamities, insewing to man from all other creatures of the world, either in heaven, earth, sea, or air, or from the four elements together with their distemperatures or violence, doth not equal the number of hurts received by man from man. Whereunto we if lay on the other side, the opposite rule of Christian religion, founded upon love of one man towards an other, and binding each one to do as he would be done unto: we shall easily discover the root and reason, why so many do perish, and so few are saved, of those that profess the Christian name, for that so few do perform the obligation to that name annexed. For if hell were raked, and all faults rared, for which the inhabitants of that miserable dungeon are damned to those eternal torments, I nothing doubt, but that of thousands or millions, scarce few would be found. at leastwise of Christians, that received not their woeful sentence, for some abuse or wickedness practised towards their even brethren and neighbours.  
And this may be preface sufficient for the brief discovery and reproof that here I am to make, of a no torious iniquity, practised of late in our country, (where now we are wolves eating one an other by malice of heresy, though England have no wolves by nature of soil) against certain innocent and eminent men in catholic profession, named jesuits, to whose impugnation and general assault by all kind of means, and by all sorts of evil affected people, is seemeth that the devil and his angels, and all his instruments at once, have made a compact to conspire together, by drawing all that is odious in the world upon them: but especially the practices of princes deaths and murders, whereof in my conscience and knowledge (that have known them, and dealt also with them very intrinsically for a good part of these thirty years, and have noted their designments, actions, and desires not undiligently) no one sort of people living are more free and further of from such cogitations than they, who detest such bloody means in all their speeches, doctrine, and proceedings, leaving them to the adversary spirit of Protestants, Puritans, and such other like teachers, who both preach, and practise such attempes, as appeareth by the acts and monuments of Luther in Germany, Zuinglius in Switzerland, Beza in France, Knokes in Scotland, and others else where, who have raised the turmoils and tragedies that all men know, and have brought many a just and peaceable prince to destruction, desolation, and affliction; which no man can truly avouch of the jesuits, notwithstanding their zeal and fervour in Gods cause be not unknown, which is the fountain of all this hatred, complaint, & conspiracy against them.  
Cicero said in his second Philippica against Antony, that by his particular destiny it came to pass, that no man for many years had becomen an enemy to the Roman commonwealth, but that presently he had bid war to him also, as a chief defender thereof. But this may be much more truly said of the jesuits, in respect of Christ's commonwealth in our days, against whose church & kingdom there is none lightly that riseth or stirreth, either by heresy, atheism, wicked life, or factious humours, but that jointly he becometh an enemy to jesuits, and it is a common note, and their crown, and Gods special providence towards them for their good.  
But let us see in the particular point of kill princes, what desire there is of bringing them in question, above other men. There was a king of France not many years gone, most strangely slain by a religious man, but no jesuit. Was his order infamed, persecuted, or afflicted for the same? no, nor ought it to be, he being but a particular man, whose fault in no right could be laid upon a multitude. Some years after, the king that now is, was assaulted by a young man, that had studied in the jesuits schools only, but now did not, nor was he ever of them, nor appertained any way to them; yet were all jesuits driven out of France, and pursued for this fact as murderers of princes, notwithstanding by public sentence of the Parisian magistrate, they were cleared of all participation, council, or knowledge of the young man's fault. What is the cause of this difference? that which Cicero before mentioned, his zeal and fidelity to his commonwealth.  
Of late there were published divers pamphletes, of an intent that one Peter Pan a flemish cooper should have, to kill the Count Morisse, governor of thee rebelled states of Holland and Zealand for which also the said Peter Pan was beheaded; and to the end there should not want the ordinary solemnity of having a jesuit in one end of the tale, it was feigned and set down in print, how that one father Oliverius Manaraeus provincial of the jesuits in flanders (a very grave old man) with the perfect of the studies, and Rector of Douai, should be the devisers and sticklers in this act at Douai, upon such a day and time, with such & such circumstances, which might make the matter probable to simple people, that cannot imagine the malice of heretics. All which circumstances, with the principal subject itself, were proved afterwards to be most false, by public examination, and testimonies of magistrates, in divers cities of flanders. And among other points it was proved, that the aforesaid father Oliverius, was more than 60. or 70. miles of from Douai (to wit at Brussels) at the very time that he was said to deal with Peter Pan in Douai) & that Peter Pan had never to deal with him in his life, nor had any doing with the jesuits, and that he was an heretiqoe, and had never received penny of money of jesuits, nor by their means, as was forged in his pretended confessions. And many other most evident falsehoods are declared in divers books written about this matter, and approved by the asseverations of public magistrates, in divers towns and provinces, since that tyme. So as the impudence of this heretical devise is made notorious to all the world.  
And yet now lest England should be behind France and Holland, and other places, in devising some notable practice of jesuits, whereby not only to avert men's hearts from them, but even to raise the hair of men's heads against them; there hath been brought in of late the tragical comedy of one Edward squire soldier, sent from Spain (as is pretended) by one William Walpole a jesuit, to poison the Queen and Earl of Essex, with poison in a double bladder, delivered him by the said William, and divers embracings at his departure, as also sundry exhortations said to be made out of holy scriptures to the said poisoner by William Walpole, for prosecuting of his purpose. All which circumstances we shall examine afterwards, to discover thereby the falsehood of this fiction. For albeit I mean not in this place to take upon me to aver, that all the whole narration touching squire is feigned, or that squire was innocent in all points that he was accused of, or hanged for (notwithstanding his denials at his death) yet doubt I not, but to show most evidently, that all and every thing that concerneth the jesuits, and William Walpole by name, condemned in this action, by a wrong name (for his true name is Richard) is a mere fable & malicious devise of squire, or those that set him a work, to make Spain odious, and to slander the jesuits.  
Well it may be that squire, after his return from Spain (whence he escaped by flight and not by mission as shallbe proved) having gone abroad with my L. of Essex to sea, and that in his own ship, under pretence to discover great matters of Spain, not finding such comeditie or preferment afterwards as he looked for; might begin to cast out some words of discontentment, and say for his better credit (not fore seeing the danger that might ensue thereof) that in Spain he might have been employed by principal men, in great matters; and in this speech it may be also, that father Walpole being a jesuit, and the man that was best known unto him, and had done most for him; for relief of his miseries, after father Persons departure from Sevil; he might I say, perhaps make mention of his name though he knew it not aright, as hath been said: and that therein being taken at the advantage, and pressed to go forward partly by fair promises, & partly by torture (as at the bar he affirmed that he had been five hours upon the torture) he might happen standing thus between fears of condemnation if he drew back, and hopes of pardon if he accused others, to begin to frame the tale that in his confession is set down. And when he would have denied it again (as he did at his arraynment) it would not be taken or admitted. It may be also that Monday, and Stanley, or other some such companions (for I know or remember them not) coming after him out of Spain into England, and desirous to get credit, might (as the fashion of such folk is) being poor and beggarly, begin upon emulation to appeach, and call squire in question, as was objected in the arraignment that they did, and as it fell out divers years passed, between Doctor Parry and Master Nevil, that called himself Lord Latimer. The story of which two friends and companions, for that it seemeth not much unlike to this, both in the matter itself, and in some particular circumstances, I shall hear repeat with great brevity.  
William Parry, after he had served the state of England, some six or seven years by spierie in Italy, and other places (as himself confessed) he waxed weary, and to repair his credit again on the catholic side, he went to confession in Lions to a Scottish jesuit, named father Critton; and then hearing that the Lord Paget was comen out of England to Paris for his conscience, and that Doctor Allen (afterward Cardinal) and father Persons were come also to Paris to see him, he came thither in the year 84. and used all means possible, both by himself and his friends in that place, to enter into credit with the said Doctor and father; and when he saw that in no case they would deal with him in matter of secrecy or moment (though otherwise they used him courteously, and were glad of his conversion to be a catholic) he was greatly offended thereat, and one evening being led by a certain friend and countryman of his, to the bishop of Rimini, Nuntius at that time for Pope Gregory the thirteenth in France, he delivered him a letter written by himself in Italian to the Pope; wherein he showed first and confessed, that he had done great hurts to the catholic cause and church, by his former services of the state of England, and that now he was to go thither to make recompense for the same, and to do great services in favour of the sea Apostolic, desiring his Holiness approbation and benediction, without specifying any particularity what he meant to do, as by the said letter of his, yet here in Rome to be seen, is manifest. And to this letter did Cardinal Como answer, and his answer was delivered by Parry himself to the Queen, and the same produced against him afterward at his araygnment: but to go forward. The Doctor having done this act with the Nuntius, he got himself away secretly from Paris towards England without taking his leave, either of Doctor Allen, or father Persons, and passing by Rouen towards Diep in Normandy, he told on master Wattes a Priest there, that his dissignement was in England, to raise a faction against the jesuits, from which master Wattes dissuaded him, but he passed on, and as soon as he came to Diep, before he would embark, he wrote a letter to the Lord Burleigh for a passport and order, to speak with the Queen at his first arrival in England, for that he had great matters to utter: and so the order came, and he by secret ways was brought to her Majesty, and had long talk with her, and told her among other points, that he was sent by jesuits and their friends to kill her. And to confirm this the more, he showed her also the answer of Cardinal Como when it came, as I have said: and well knowing that it was no treason when himself uttered the same, he enlarged himself in many particulars, about the manner and order how it should be done, as her majesty can remember, hoping thereby to get great credit, which yet afterward turned to his destruction.  
There was sent over unto Rouen at the same time, or very soon after, the foresaid master Nevil to exercise the same office of spiarie, which master Parry had done before in Italy, and waxing also weary of his occupation, for that rewards came out of England but slowly, he made great means in like manner to speak with father Persons, who by chance lay for a time in that town, but secretly, and in the end obtaining the same, and proposing his misery and affliction of mind, he received the same answer and counsel that Doctor Parry had done before: to wit, that the best way of remedy, was to leave that trade of life, & to return to a virtuous & peaceable Catholic course, & to have patience if for a time he were not trusted by Catholics, being known to have been employed against them, and that as his credit had been crazed by works, so must his reputation be restored by deeds also, and by time. Whereto master Nevil answered, that he could not live without credit, and rather than he would live so: or see men crow over him, he would adventure far, and so they parted: and master Nevil returned into England, and there meeting with Doctor Parry, who was now grown discontented again for missing of divers suits (but especially the hedship of Saint catherin's, which he pretended as I have been informed) they too fell into new discourses about that, which in my opinion neither of them ever meant indeed, I mean the murdering of her Majesty, but the one preventing the other in accusation, it was the Doctor's evil luck to be hanged, who yet took himself for the more cunning man. And the like hath happened to this our squire, that stood not a little upon his own wit in Spain, and hoped perhaps to enjoy the labours thereof in England; but dealing doubly, and dissembling with God and man (as Parry did) was taken as it seemeth in the same net of his own devices, as by the sequel of this narration shall more appear.  
And I have taken upon me the rather to write this brief discovery of his false and treacherous dealing against jesuits, for that I knew him, and conversed with him in Spain, and with his fellow master Rolls also, both before and after their apprehension by the Inquisition, and knew the spetial obligation they had to these kind of men, whom squire now hath slandered so lewdly, as many others do, that receive help & benefits by them. And I have heard afterward being in Rome, by sundry letters from Spain, of the manner of their departure from thence by stealth, which was such, as doth evidently overthrow all this whole fiction of poison given by father Walpole. And albeit I doubt not, but that when the story of this tragical fable shall come to Sevil, they will send many authentical proofs from thence, of the malicious falsehood of so fond an invention, yet could I not omit in this mean while to prevent their further diligence, with so much as I myself knew, and am able to say thereof, as also two other reverend priests besides that came with me to Rome from Spain, and knew both the said men and matter, to wit, father William Med. and father john Wor. who were with me in Sevil and have dealt with the parties. We all three together can and do testify and protest upon our consciences, that in our judgements it is a mere fiction, for so much as concerneth F. Walpole, and his setting squire a work, to kill the Queen & Earl of Essex, or giving him poison for that end, and other like points mentioned in squires most ridiculous arraignment. And this testification of ours, willbe sufficient (I doubt not) to satisfy the judgements of all sober catholic men, as we beseech them that it may; and as for others also, if they be unpassionate, and will admit reason or truth for their satisfaction, I refer them to the arguments and demonstrations set down in this discovery. Wherein first of all I will lay forth the true history of squire and Rolls his companion, their being in Spain, and then of their departure or flight from thence, and lastly by the same declare most evidently, the sottish forgery of this feigned calumniation.  
In the year 96. when Sir Francis Drake and Sir john Hawkins made their unfortunate voyage to the west Indies, there was sent from Sevil a noble young Gentleman, named Don Petro Tellio (that had been prisoner before with our Lord Admiral of England, & speaketh great good of him every where, for his honourable treaty) and he was sent with six or seven light little galleons (called Sabras in spanish) to waft home certain millions of gold, that were remaining in Porto ricco, in the great gallion of Don Sançho Pardo, retired thither upon tempest out of the Indian fleet, a little before.  
This Don Petro drawing near to Porto-ricco fell upon a little ship or pinnace of Sir Francis company, wherein among others were taken the foresaid two English men, M. Rolls gentleman (as he said) and Edward squire a soldier, who being brought prisoners to Sevil, found there by their good hap F. Persons, who presently (according to his custom for all English in that case) began to deal with Don Petro for their liberty, and obtained the same, after some days without ransom, or any other let or molestation in the world. And having done this, he procured also some temporal help for them, and for their apparayling, to return home into England, and this he did, though he knew them to be Protestants in religion, upon divers conferences had with them, both before and after their delivery by don Petro. In one of which conferences, I do well remember, and cannot forget, how squire was so hot and earnest in defending of his religion, within the English College of Sevil, and that in the hearing of divers English scholars, as he said and stood to it, that he knew for certain, that he had the holy ghost within him, for the true understanding of scriptures, whereat the said scholars laughed heartily, and so did F. Persons also.  
Wherefore both Rolls and he being ready now for their departure towards England, they took their journey together down by water to the port of saint Lucars (some forty miles from Sevil) in the company of one Captain North. And staying there some days, whether it were by indiscreet behaviour of their own, or that some of their company accused them (as they suspected) they were taken in that place by the inquisition, and brought back prisoners to Sevil, where F. Persons yet remaining, he procured for them all kind of courteous dealing at the Inquisitors hands, and at his departure from thence (which was in May after) he left the matter much recommended to the foresaid F. Richard Walpole jesuit, and perfect of the studies in the English College, as also unto me, and others of our nation there remaining, that we should help and favour what possibly we could these two poor men, for that all their companions or the most were now gone, being let slip away by the favour of the said father. And so about August or September next insewing, M. Rolls was first let out of the prison of Inquisition, and placed in the jesuits college named of S. Herminigildo, prince in old time and Martyr of Spain, and there he was most courteously used by the said fathers, and I and others visited him there, and made a common purse to help to apparel him, and at my departure towards Rome (which was in October after) I do well remember in particular, and he cannot forget, that of my small ability I left him some five and twenty shillings to assist his necessities, and others did perhaps more, as they were able. And of this he being at this present in England may be examined, and I doubt not but he will tell the truth, and whether any evil word or meaning, was ever uttered unto him by any there against her Majesty.  
As for squire, though he were detained in the Inquisition some month after Rolls was let forth, (for that he was taken to be more obstinate in his errors) yet at length he was let forth also, and placed for his further instruction in Catholic faith as prisoner still, in a certain monastery near to the English college, which I take to be of the Carmelites, if I remember well, unto which place as also to Rolls, the foresaid F. Walpole was permitted to have access, both for their instruction, and further help and comfort, and so he did. And this endured until the month of May next insewing, in the year 97. at what time they both conspiring together fled away, and left both F. Walpole, and other English that had given their words for them in the briars. Whereof themselves being ashamed, and having some scruple when they were in safety, they excused themselves by a common letter written with squires hand, but subscribed by them both, and sent to Sevil, wherein, they asked pardon very effectually of the said father, and of all their countrymen, for their flight, and for the hurt or discredit which thereby might happen to their said friends in Sevil, protesting that it was only for the love they did bear to their wives and children, and the desire they had to see and secure them in England, and not falsehood or ingratitude, or other dishonest meaning.  
This letter F. Walpole showed first in Sevil for his better excuse, and then sent the same to F. Persons in Rome, where it was read one day in public recreation at the college, among some forty or fifty English together, who all judged it a traitorous prank, but yet had compassion of them, and laughed at certain phrases of squires Puritanical vain in Writing, among which, was this: that they lusted not after their wives in the flesh, but rather thirsted after them in the Lord. And of these forty or fifty English, that then were present at the reading of this letter; some nine perhaps or ten are now in England. By all which, Catholic men may be certified of the truth, and Protestants also, both by Rolls himself that is prisoner, as also by some of the other that be in like manner under their custody. So as of this point of these men's running away from Sevil, without F. Walpole his knowledge or consent, and without seeing him at their departure, there can no doubt be made at all; for that it may and willbe proved by evident demonstrations, and irrefragable witnesses, both from Spain, Hence, and in England.  
Which being so, let every man consider the malicious falsehood of this tragical forgery. For if Edward squire ran away from Sevil out of the monastery where he was prisoner, & that he departed in company of Rolls his fellow, who having more liberty, than the other, is thought to have plotted and procured principally that flight; and if they saw not F. Walpole, nor spoke with him at their departure, but rather deceived him, and put him in disgrace by this their running away, as much as lay in them, and that they have confessed and testified the same, and asked him pardon for it under their own hands, how then can it be true, that F. Walpole preached unto squire at his departure, exhorting him to this fact of poisoning the Queen and the Earl of Essex, as was avowed at his arraygnement? How did he lay his left hand upon his shoulder, saying Dominus only, and then making the sign of the cross upon his for head with his right hand, said: God bless the my son, and give the courage and strength, and I shall pray for thee both alive and dead, and other like words, and circumstances, published in squires forged and forced confession.  
Moreover, how can it stand with any probability, that squire should vow to F. Walpole to do this act of poisoning, and receive the blessed sacrament there upon? How did he receive the poison ready made and mingled by F. Walpole in a double bladder (as the tale is told) and make experience thereof upon a dog, that died presently? and finally how did he carry it with him so long a journey, and yet his companion Rolls to see nor know nothing thereof, as he did not, nor is it so much as feigned or objected in the indightment?  
Certain crimes and accusations there be saith Cicero, that are so improbable of themselves, and so evil fitting to the persons upon whom they are feigned, that albeit no man should refute them, yet do they fall of their own nature, and necessary circumstances thereunto incident. As for example, if a man should accuse M. Toplife the halter-maister of England, and boweller of Catholic priests in our days, of to much scrupulosity in matters of conscience, which might smell of papistry. Or else our new married English Ministers, of to much fasting, wearing hayreclothes, or over much punishing their bodies, that are offences tending to the same error, no man I suppose would easily believe them, though they should never so stoutly or cunningly be averred, knowing the persons well, and how far their disposition and whole course of life is, from such excesses in that kind. And even so, he that knoweth F. Richard Walpole as I do; and first how learned a man he is, being Perfect of the studies in the English Sevilian college, and then how spiritual and mild a religious man, both by nature and condition, & how far of from all wordly practices and politic devices as these are, he will clearly perceive at the first sight, the absurdities of these imputations laid against him; to wit, that either he should be so fond, as to use those scriptures to squire for killing the Queen & the Earl of Essex, which were alleged at squires arraignment: or so base, as to go and buy or mingle poison for such an effect, and to bring it to him in a double bladder, call a dog and make the proof, with other like foolish, incredible, and absurd circumstances. But above all other, that F. Walpole should employ divers men at once about this foul act, and like a right Machevillian or impious atheist, send in Stanley and Monday after squire, to discover him to the Council, for that himself had persuaded him to this attempt, which were scarce credible to some, of Toplife himself, or any other as bloody and conscienceles as he, and if Stanley and Monday were of squire and Rolls their first company, taken with them by sea, they never spoke then with F. Walpole, but were gone from Sevil before squire & Rolls came in trouble, or knew also the said father.  
But for the scriptures mentioned, unum est necessarium, one thing is necessary; and, quid prodest homini, si universum mundum lucretur, animae verò suae detrimentum patiatur? What profiteth it a man if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul? It is very likely that F. Walpole used sometimes those words of Christ, among others, to squire. For I well remember that they were often in his mouth to such as squire was, of our nation, who dealing about matters of religion, concerning his soul and eternal salvation, would often allege human and worldly respects for impediments, as his wife and children in England, how he should live if he became a catholic, that all his friends at home would forsake him, that he durst not show his face any more among them, that his enemies would laugh at him, triumph over him, lay him in prison, and the like: for moderating of which worldly respects, in so great a cause as is religion, it is probable, that F. Walpole used divers times the former speeches of scripture to him. Which squire remembering in England, when he was to make his tale, applied them as spoken to the other effect of poisoning, wherewith as every man seethe, they have no coherence at all.  
If F. Walpole had been disposed to have treated upon any such theme, he was not so simple or unlearned, but that he could have alleged other places and examples of scripture, far more fit and effectual to such a purpose, seeing that the question in general is handled largely, by many learned men, to and fro, how it may be lawful or unlawful in certain cases, for particular men to offer violence to princes by private authority. Where yet no man maketh it either so necessary to salvation, or so safe or meritorious, as squires fiction containeth. And if upon those grounds, or other, F. Walpole would have been so idle or evil disposed, as to enter into the cogitation or treaty of any such enterprise (from which in my conscience I hold him most free) yet would he never have made choice of squire, whom he thought still inwardly to be a Protestant (and so he died) notwithstanding some times he would make show in Spain of his conversion. F. Walpole knew him also to be a poor hungry soldier, desirous to live, and to get something in the world, which was far from him that should enterprise such a matter, who must be content to adventure both life & all that thereof dependeth, which no man will do, but either of pure zeal in religion, or of hope of gain and preferment. As for zeal, it is known squire had none to the catholic religion, as hath been noted, but rather the contrary. And as for gain and preferment, F. Walpole had none to give him: nor did squire say that he was promised any, from any other party. What then should move him to take so dangerous and difficult an enterprise upon him, or the other to trust him therein. Of like improbability is it, or rather much more, that the same father should remit squire for his directions in these affairs, to Doctor Bagshaw, prisoner in Wisbich castle, and to no more, as was read out of squires confession at his arraignment, which every man that knoweth the persons, will see evidently to be most absurdly feigned, for that F. Walpole never had any friendship, familiarity, or acquaintance with Doctor Bagshaw, the Doctor having left the Roman College before the other came to study there, nor ever had they letter or message between them in their lives: nor had the direction of Doctor Bagshaw, that was prisoner so far of from London (where this attempt was to be made) been any way fit for this effect, seeing it was not a matter to be treated by letters, and some other causes also are well known to divers men, why the said Doctor's concurrence in matters of such moment with F. Walpole, can no ways be thought probable. Wherefore this fiction hath no show or shadow of probability at all.  
And truly it seemeth to wise men in these parts here, that if it had been thought expedient for the present time in England, that some such tragedy as this should be moved about killing her Majesty, for holding catholics in hatred and suspicion, and for better continuing of our breach with Spain (for it is observed, that still within certain distances of time, this affair of killing the Queen hath been renewed, and more men executed or called in question thereabout, then for all other Princes in Christendom besides) and if for the same, or other like considerations, it were judged also expedient, that some jesuite must enter in like manner into some part of the pageant (for that lightly none goeth without them in these days) yet might the matter more fitly have been laid upon some other of that order, as F. Creswel F. Holt, or F. Persons, who for their years and experience should have had more authority to persuade such an action, then upon F. Walpole, who being their punee, and attending only to matters of study, is very unprobably brought into this treaty. But as for F. Persons, it is well known, that he hath had many occasions to employ much more fit and resolute men in such affairs than squire, if he had listed, or been of that judgement or humour. For he hath caused many English to be delivered out of divers ports and prisons in Spain, and to return home free. And at one time almost a hundredth, out of the port and galleys of S. Marry in Andaluzia, and this last year above thirty out of the port and galleys of Naples, which were taken in the ship of Paulo Gondola the Ragusean, and I saw them myself in chains at the oar, and were only delivered by the earnest suit and credit of the said father. And all these being obliged to him, both by the benefit of their liberty, and the love of religion (for that all or many are commonly wont to return well affected to the catholic faith, by that they have seen and heard in foreign nations, and in so good a school as tribulation is wont to be) of these men I say, he might have made choice of far fit instruments than Edward squire, in so many years, to have effectuated such an enterprise, if he had liked thereof, which yet hitherto hath never been found. And perhaps no persons so fit as priests themselves, who go directly into England to die, if they were so persuaded of the matter as squires tale doth presuppose: to wit, that it is a work of so high perfection, merit, and godliness, yea of necessity to their salvation, as in his arraygnement is set down.  
Other means also more effectual would have been thought upon, for the accomplishing of the work, if ever any such had been intended, then is the poysonning of the Queen's saddle pommel, or the chair of my Lord of Essex, wherein it seemeth that both his lordship hath sitten, and her Majesty ridden, since that time, and yet neither of them, God be thanked, hath miscarried. And truly, having conferred with the learnedest physicians and Simplicistes of this city, about the probability of this poison, they do all laugh at the devise, and say that it is a mere fiction, that any such poison can be found in this world, or made by art; that being laid in such places & in such manner as this is describe, can hurt the sitter or rider, in the supposed chair or saddle. which they prove by these reasons that do ensue, of their art. First, for that all poison must needs work his effect by one of these four means and ways, to wit, by being received into our bodies, or by one of the senses of seeing, smelling, or touching.  
As for the first mean (which is the principal and most ordinary) it is here excluded in our case, for that this poison was not meant to be received within the body of her Majesty or of the Earl.  
As for the second, all physicians do agree, that no poison hath ever been recorded to hurt by sight, but only that of the basilisk according to the opinion of some old writers, whereof yet it is doubted by later authors, whether that infection came by the sight or no, but all do agree (howsoever this was) that no human art can reach to imitate this secret of nature. And those that handle of this matter, as Cardan in his subtleties, Matheolus upon Dioscorides, and some others, do add divers conditions, and necessary circumstances besides the poison itself, to work this effect by sight, as for example, the spirit and heat of the live serpent, the fear of the party that be holdeth her, and other like, and that no dead or cold poison made by any art can infect this way, all do agree. As neither by the sense of smelling except it should be very strong and much used, so as it might infect the very air that entereth into us, and then say they, would it be discovered also, by the ungratefulness of the very sent itself.  
There remaineth then the fourth way only, which is by touching, wherein the most learned also do agree, that they have only the saying of Galen, who affirmeth that the spittle of a mad dog, being touched, entereth of itself into the flesh and infecteth, yet is there no certain experience either of this, or of any other poison, that killeth in such sort, by only touching, but if it be true, yet confess they all, that this touching must be upon the bare flesh, and that with time, and continuance, and calefaction it must enter, and not otherwise, but if there be any thing interiected between the poison and the flesh itself (as it is probable in our case, where her majesties glove or sleeve upon the pommel of her saddle, and my Lord of Essex his apparel upon his chair, must needs have place) then do all agree, that by all probability, it could do no hurt at all, though poison had been put there. For say these men, if by poisoning only stools, chairs, saddles, or apparel, that toucheth not the flesh, or by sight only, princes may be poisoned, who should be safe? And why would men adventure to attempt any other ways, that are more dangerous to the attempter? yet do they still except the infection of the plague, which may be imparted by a cloth or vestment infected, which physicians hold to be a secret only of nature, not imitable by any art of man, as is not also the wonderful secret force of the fish named Torpedo in latin, for that being in the fisher's net, before they touch him they feel torporem, to wit, a numbness in their hands, by his being there, which effect no art possible can ever arrive to work or imitate.  
Again they say, that if any such poison could be made to work such strange effects, so far of as here is feigned, it had been impossible for squire himself to have carried it so many miles, and to have put it forth from his double bladder, into his red bottle stopped with cork (as he said he did, when he went to sea with my lord of Essex) without poisoning himself also, and the like difficulty would have been for him that made and sold the poison. Wherefore these learned men say, that all this, of the effect of this poison, upon the pommel of her majesties saddle, and the Earl's chair, is a very ridiculous thing. And greatly did they laugh when they heard tell, how the Queen's Attorney with weeping tears did congratulate her Majesties so dangerous escape, applying those words of the psalm to her Majesty, that were of Christ and his power: Super aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis, Thou shalt walk upon the snake and basilisk without hurt. And M. Solicitor and others giving unto her Majesty the privilege of Saint Paul, that shook of the venomous viper from his hand without danger, and that this was a miracle if ever their were a miracle. All which was attributed here, either to gross ignorance, or deep flattery, in these orators, seeing that no danger at all was near unto her Majesty in any reason, though any such touching of the saddle pommel with squires bladder, had been true. And they do think, that the enchantment which he used in crying: God save the Queen, when he touched the pommel with the said bladder, was a sufficient preservative against the force of this kind of poison: especially considering the great probability, that this act also of his touching the saddle pommel with his bladders and lethers, was feigned in like manner. For so it seemeth, that the poor caitiff began to make his tale with this at the beginning, upon the reasons before put down, thinking that either it would not have been so dangerous unto him, but that either he might have gone back again when he would, or at leastwise have distinguished the matter, confessing only so much against spain and jesuits, as might serve for the time and present turn, and deny the rest, that touched himself, and so we see he did, when he came to his arraygnement, pleading not guilty, with many solemn oaths and protestations, arguments, and reasons, to show that he attempted nothing after his coming into England, though he were content to let the rest stand, which he had said of F. Walpole and of Spain. And in this he stood stiffly all the time of his arraygnement, until he understood first by the chief judge, that he laboured in vain, for that the very concealing of the matter treated in Spain, for so many months, was treason of itself, though it had never been attempted to be put in execution within England. And secondly that he perceived by divers speeches and large discourses made unto him by sundry Counselours, but especially by Secretary Cecil, exhorting him to confess the whole, that except he yielded to all, as it lay in his first tale, there was no hope of favour and mercy. And then he falling down upon his knees, confessed all again. But yet afterward, when he found also by experience, that this would not save his life, nor keep him from execution (whereof it is likely that he had hope, if not full promise) he denied the matter again at his death, as they can witness that were present at the same and heard him, whereof some also have written the same hither.  
Wherefore to end this narration, the miserable fellow is now hanged, & whether his corporal or ghostly misery were greater, God knoweth, the men that did most for him, to the relief of the one & the other in Spain, are most wronged by him. The fiction of his treaty with F. Walpole in Sevil for killing of the persons before named, as also of the poison given, & other circumstances, are fond, & flatly false, & most apparently forged: & to this I will stand, & bind myself to prove it. Whether after his coming in to England, & discontentment, he might enter into any malignity of cogitations, words, or facts to this effect, as Doctor Pary was said to do that toucheth not me now to discuss. The tragical session of so many noble men, Councelours, & judges together, made upon his feigned confession, their orations, congratulations, admirations, exclamations their bitter invectives against lesuites, & the king of Spain, upon so small and weak grounds, & especially the repetition thereof again at Paul's cross the next sunday after, is ridiculous, & maketh men ween abroad, that ears and lips are more sought for, than judgements, and popular outcries, before sage inquyrie of the truth, and that while these matters are in talking to fill men's heads, some other plots are in deliberation, tending to other designments. Time will tell all, and to that, and to God's holy providence, that overreacheth man's diuises, I remit me. Rome this first of March, 1599   

AN ADDITION, TO THE READER.  
MEAN while the precedent confutation was on the printers press, there came out of England a printed pamphlet of squires forged conspiracy, as a letter addressed unto a gentleman at Padua. And albeit Master M. A. in this his confutation hath well and sufficiently confuted that fiction, yet is it not unnecessary to add a few lines in consideration of this pamphlet.  
First it is therefore considerable, that whereas this fiction of squires, being with such asseveration plotted & pursued, & himself condemned and executed: and the odiousness of the pretended crime so much sounded out, both from the Bench, and the Pulpit, why yet after all this there should need any pamphlet, to give new credit to the matter? Hereof the reason forsooth is no other, but that the forgers in this mint were afraid lest else their coin would be the more suspected to be counterfeit and so the less go for good payment.  
And the rather for that Squire himself when he came to the conclusion of the matter, to wit, when he was to be hanged, did there die a true protestant, & utterly denied the acting of any such thing, and such protestations, and at such times, do commonly make strong impressions in the minds of the people, who generally are given to believe, that at the very last instant of life, men are likeliest to declare the truth of their causes.  
And moreover seeing many of the wiser sort being enured to the noting of such pack (as this might easily seem unto them to be) do use narrowly to watch & observe, how things pass at arraignments, and might well see that the course & manner of this seemed rather some such match as Kemp and his companion's do handle on the stage, than the lively managing of a matter of truth in deed, which never would have needed such a playerlyke correspondence in the actors, for even as Kemp and his fellows having beforehand studied to con their parts by rote, and each knows to keep his cum, and to frame his speech and manners according to his feigned function, even so was this fore-studied tragedy acted in Westminster hall. Where first one played the prologue, and told a long and lamentable tale of the horribleness of the feigned fact. Another burst out in tears, and very pitifully wept at it. An other fell in to admiration of the greatness of the miracle, making it in effect, as very a miracle, as ever Christ wrought any: and squire himself that was to make good earnest of all the jest, was held in a tale while some good part of his indightment was red, to the end he should heed it the less, and so the less reply against it. This then being easily to be noted, and that squire in the end proved the fool that marred the play, by denying the act at his death (as aforesaid) and so consequently the great miracle if ever there ween a miracle. No marvel then is it that a smooth penned pamphlet is now come abroad, to revive the decaying credit of this late-made-matter, rather than that it should be helped up, by the ryming of some odd pot-poet or idle balletmaker.  
The writer whereof (if it be M. Smokey-swynes. flesh, at the instance of Sir R. C.) presumes so much upon the faith of the reader, who he hopeth will believe him, that he telleth him so direct and ready a tale, as though himself had been in every place, at every time; when, and where, the matter was dealt in, or spoken of: or else that he hath had his intelligence by especial revelation, for that he seems to know all, so precisely, and so perfectly, yea he knows now to call the Iesuyte in Spain, Richard Walpole, that so often in the indightment was William Walpole. And moreover he knows that the said Richard Walpole is a man of principal credit in Spain, and as Vicar general to Persons in his absence, which is a point in deed that must argue the man's knowledge to be supernatural, because he knows that, that no man else knows: but yet to know it better (as also some points and circumstances in relating acts of Catholic religion) he were better to employ some one spy more sufficient than it seems he hath any: unum est necessarium, by which sentence (by himself repeated) he may correct his ignorances and so make his pamphlets hereafter to be the less laughted at, If withal he leave out such bald notes, as that squire squeezed out the poison out of his double bladder in the sight and presence of divers, and therewithal did say God save the Queen, for this also makes the matter smell further of then the poison could infect.  
Further it is to be noted (as the indyghtement, & this pamphleter both testify) the poison was delivered unto squire in a double bladder, that is, in one bladder within another, and this he pricked with holes, and squeezed on the pommel of the Queen's saddle, and the saddle as the pamphleter saith, being on the back of the horse, and the horse standing in the stable yard (for that the Queen was ready to ride abroad) it would be known how squire did, to avoid his own harm by the poison, that now by the squeezing of the bladder, and straining it through, must needs be left sticking on the outside: and this marvel is the greater, for that squire must of necessity, have done it with a trice, and therefore could have no leisure (for fear of being noted by the lookers on) to put it into a new bladder or vessel (for that he was to reserve the remainder of this poison for the Earl of Essex chair) and therefore thrusting the bladder all wet on the outside into his pocket on the sudden, and yet to get no part of the poison, upon himself or his clothes, is a great marvel, and to get part upon him and to have no harm, may be deemed a miracle, but to avoid this question, if the pamphleter had remembered so much, he should either have said that squire had had skill in juggling, and could deceive their sights that looked on, or else that the saddle was in a corner in the stable where he was alone by himself, and not on the horses back in the open yard, and the sight of many, for now a miracle may be presupposed to be wrought upon the horse also, if any of the poison squeezed out on the saddle pommel did light upon him, as very likely it must, because the pommel is round and such a substance as may be strained through holes pricked with a pin in a bladder will easily run down a saddle pommel. And by this reason must ensue, miracle upon miracle (four at the least) if all be well remembered. And it is also a marvel (though no miracle) that neither the Queen's saddle, nor the Earl's chair, were presented at the bar, because in all likelihood the stain or sign of so forcible a poison should be found to remain upon the one or the other, at least to grace the matter some aqua fortis or alchemistical distillation might have been wiped on both, or one, in steed of a pretended poison, and so might the saddle and chair have been reserved for remembrance of so many great miracles, and well worthy: if this had been remembered, as in good earnest it would have been, if it had been a true donne thing in deed, or that the prosecuters of this matter had believed it themselves, or had better feigned, to have believed it.  
But to leave these oversightes to such as must take better heed to them hereafter, I will here draw to an end, and tell the pamphleter, that he doth serve his Paduan friend but by piecemeal: for seeming to go roundly to work with him, & to tell him a full tale without stop, and yet to leave out the later and chief part of all, which was played by the principal actor squire himself, to wit, in not telling how he ended the matter at Tyburn, and how he there made two denials, the one of Catholic religion, declaring himself a perfect protestant, and the other of his practisment of poison, all which I say to be left behind sticking in his pen, must needs be but a sly trik of his, and howsoever his friend do accept thereof, or of his excuse thereof, likely it is that he will be so wise, as not once to tel-the contents of his said letter so any of the Italians, lest he be well laughed at for his labour, for they are to wise for him to delude with flimflammes, and to well acquainted with the ridiculous rumours of English Queen-killinges. Some poor fools in England that know nothing, may do them the pleasure to believe it for them.  
They can tell him, and tell him truly, of the cruel and accustomarie kill that is used in England, which now a days (for the bloodiness thereof) is become the most sad spectacle of the universal world.  
They can tell him, how when by the open force of malice they list not to take away men's lives, that then they can do it by sleight, deceit, and cousinage, and yet still with exterior face and show of justice, and for proof of this, we need not seek over our histories of former ages.  
They can tell of the great numbers of innocent priests, and Catholic men, that for old faith and religion, under pretence of new treason, are made subject to so many and so great afflictions, and lastly to most cruel death: and this both by Italians and sundry other nations is published to the world in their several languages.  
And who knoweth not, and seethe not, that it is a common custom, before any new storm is raised up of persecuting Catholics, more violently then ordinary, that then some pretence is made of the discovery of some great treason, against the Queen's person.  
Valentyn Tomson his matter of Queene-killing had prevented squires, if he had come aswell from Spain as he did from Scotland, and that he could have said that he had seen and spoken with a jesuite, though he knew him not so familiarly, as to know his name.  
This world is now grown over well acquainted with these tales of Queen-killings, as also that those brutes are inductions to the kill of such innocent servants of God as light into the hands and power of the bloodthirsty and are by them allotted to the slaughter, whose glory both in heaven and earth willbe the greater, in that their pains are inflicted with double wrong. And when the Notorious acts of the injustice of England, shall come to be published in a large volume, to the view of the world, and to the admiration of after-coming posterity (the hastening Whereof the cruelty of the persecuter may enforce) then shall sundry fraudulent practices, and many bloody tragedies, be revealed, and those not altogether free from secret murders, and with sufficient proofs and arguments for the utterance of truth, and far different from that which cogging pamphleteers and fond baletmakers do divulge in the mean time while truth keepeth silence.