A DECLARATION OF THE causes, WHICH moved THE chief Commanders of the navy of her most excellent majesty the Queen of England, in their voyage and expedition for Portugal, to take and arrest in the mouth of the river of Lisbon, certain ships of corn and other provisions of war bound for the said city: Prepared for the services of the King of Spain, in the Ports and provinces within and about the sound, the 30. day of June, in the year of our Lord 1589. and of her majesties reign the one and thirty.  
Imprinted at London by the Deputies of Christopher Barker, printer to the Queen's most excellent majesty. 1589.   


HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE  
DIEV ET MON DROIT    

A DECLARATION OF THE causes, WHICH moved the chief commanders of the navy of her most excellent majesty the Queen of England, in their voyage and expedition for Portugal, to take and arrest in the mouth of the river of Lisbon, certain ships of corn, and other provisions of war bound for the said city, prepared for the services of the King of Spain, in the ports and provinces within and about the sound, the 30. day of June, in the year of our Lord 1589. and of her majesties reign the 31.  
WHereas it is a thing out of controversy, that certain merchants resiant and inhabiting within and near unto the sound in the kingdom of Denmark, commonly called the merchants of the Hanse towns, will grievously exclaim among foreign Nations, against the chief Commanders of the fleet of the most excellent Queen of England, as infringers of the law of Nations, and of the ancient contracts made betwixt the Kings of England, and the Hanse merchants, and as contemners of the neutrality which the said Hanse merchants do challenge to themselves, whereby they think and hold it lawful for them to exercise the traffic of all merchandises whatsoever, with all people whosoever, even in the times of greatest hostility between whatsoever kings and Princes, by reason of the intercepting & arresting of certain of their ships, passing to the aid and furnishing of the king of Spain with corn, and provisions of war: it seemed good unto her foresaid excellent majesty, in respect of her good will, together with singular affection and love to the sacred Empire, the emperors majesty himself, the noble Princes of Germany, and to all & singular the Estates of the Empire, in this public sort to make it manifest for what causes the aforesaid Hanse ships were stayed by the officers of her fleet, and as lawful prizes taken and confiscated. Which is done to no other end or purpose, but to make it evident that the same action doth stand & agree with equity and justice, and to be a thing most probable, that other Princes whosoever, their servants and Officers in the like case, and upon the like occasion, would not have failed to take the like course.  
For it is a thing notorious & sufficiently known, not only to the few Hanse towns, but also to all Christendom, that the king of Spain is transported with a mortal hatred against the Queen's majesty of England: a witness whereof is the intended but not performed invasion of the kingdom, and Dominions of England by the said king the year last passed, furthered by him with all his force, but by the mercy of God utterly disappointed.  
Which exulcerate malice of the King's mind, not lately sprung up, but of long time lurking in the closet of his heart, yet foreseen and still prevented by the Queen's majesty, she often by her messengers sent to him for that purpose, as with most gentle medicines endeavoured to assuage, to reduce him to a new mind meeter for a Prince, and so great a king as himself: to the end that removing out of both their minds not only the stain, but also the suspicion of the stain of discontentments, they might dispose themselves to enter and conclude a firm peace and durable friendship, according to the ancient leagues between their progenitors and fathers, and their kingdoms, for the space of many years happily continued.  
The king as a man bewitched by the bishop of Rome, the very firebrand and bellows of all the civil wars in Christendom, neglecteth the remedies and conditions of peace that have been offered, and persevereth according to his beginning, in his hostile intendment against her majesty, not otherwise contentable or satisfiable then with her destruction, the slaughter and bloodshed of her people most obedient unto her, and to be short, with the conquest of the whole kingdom.  
And for the better effecting hereof, he hath oftentimes sent his messengers (you would rather say his fireflingers) into England, & of latest years, two special persons, of all the rest most eager and furious, Gyrald Despes, and Bernardine Mendoza, who ceased not to sound and persuade the minds of all those whom they could grow in acquaintance with, and were men given over to all mischiefs and diabolical practices: promising them, and bestowing upon them extraordinary rewards, of purpose to stir them up to move domestical conspiracies against her majesty.  
And how much they prevailed in their attempts, it is not material in this place particularly to discuss, for so this work would grow large. The 3. principal conspiracies, the one of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and of their partisans, the second of the Duke of Norfolk, the third of the two Pagets brethren, as also of the two Throckmortons and of their confederates, whereof some were condemned and executed, for their intended overthrow of the Queen's majesty, and of the state of the Common wealth, and the rest that are fled, and wander up and down in uncertain places, and are to this day maintained at the charge and by the purse of the Spanish King, are in this matter very sufficient witnesses.  
But the Patrons and complotters of these rebellious, being subtle and cautelous in their actions, howsoever apparent the facts of their seditious ministers seem to be, yet peradventure the Spaniard himself will deny them to be his precepts, and directions. Did he then chastise those his ministers being returned into Spain, as transgressers of his pleasures? Did he detain from them all rewards and preferments, as having ill deserved them? hath he blamed the auctors of such facts, and excused himself to the Queen? I would to God it were so.  
But go to, let these witnesses pass. May he be taken for a man of a good spirit, & of no poisoned mind against her majesty? Let then Guilielmus Cataneus, the Pope's secretary that now is be produced: let his work of the life of Pius Quintus sometime bishop of Rome be read. The said Cataneus in that book of his reporteth, that Philip the king of Spain complained bitterly and with great grief to the Cardinal of Alexandria, sent unto him into Spain in the year 1572. because the conspired 
The conspiracy of the King of Spain against the kingdoms of England and Ireland 1570.  practise, as well against England as Ireland, not long before entered upon by his authority and advise, had not that success that he looked for.  
Add hereunto the ships and forces sent twice 
Ships and forces twice sent into Ireland by the King of Spain.  out of Spain into Ireland under the pretext of the Pope's name. As for the late treaty of peace with the Duke of Parma in Flanders, entered into upon the mediation, and request of the good prince the King of Denmark, how smooth & how sly a touch was that? for her majesty, being wholly bend to that treaty, with a sincere mind and unfeigned desire, behold as then at her doors, that huge & mighty fleet of Spain, behold a sort of Armies brought out of Italy, and Germany into Flanders, labouring and providing for nothing else but the desolation of the kingdom of England, and the destruction of the Queen: for the conspirators had as it were with their fingers, appointed every one of us to the slaughter: they had distributed our houses and lands, and a new Prince, a foreigner was already ordained & created to enjoy the kingdom.  
If the Spaniards seem to object against these so grievous, so deadly, and so strange devices, the succours which her majesty hath yielded to the low countries, let them consider well, and they shall find, that most of these practices have in time preceded the transporting of any aid to them: let them deny (if they can) that they solicited many English subjects to rebel, before her majesty, so much as thought, of the relieving of her ancient confederates, by her honest and just means.  
She appealeth to the King himself, and to his Vice Royes in Flanders, how often, and what messengers she sent before that into Spain, and Flanders, for breeding a concord and agreement betwixt the King, and the Nether-landers, not with hard, but with honourable and equal conditions: against which advisoes and requests, when the King began to be obdurate, and the ancient contracts of amity betwixt the Nether-landers, and the Kings of England could not suffer them to be deprived of their laws and liberty, and be exposed as a pray to Strangers, she at the last received them, being too much oppressed into her protection, only of a desire to relieve the poor afflicted people, and not to offer the smallest injury to the King.  
For if she had been disposed to regard her own commodity, she might have taken another course, but she did not so: seeking rather as yet, earnestly, and diligently with any conditions, if not too unreasonable, and such as may stand with her honour, and the profit of the state of christianity, how a commodious and secure pacification may be made betwixt the King, and the States of the low countries.  
In vain, and contrary to reason, hath she maintained with great charge, that honourable embassage to the Duke of Parma the last year: in vain was she advertised of the monstrous navy of Spain, and the miraculous swarms offorces with Parma in Flanders, destinated & prepared for her ruin, and the spoil of her kingdom: she remained still without all intention or disposition to send any further forces into Flanders, and was after a sort negligent, both of defending herself, and of extending the limits of her government beyond the Seas, with purpose to live in quietness without fear, and in peace without ambitious desire of rule.  
And howsoever she may be thought greedy of 
Her majesties Ambassadors sent into Flanders to entreat of a peace.  other men's Dominions, she sent to Parma very noble and excellent ambassadors, who being delayed from day to day, from month to month, without any thing accomplished, she notwithstanding took it patiently, and suffered so far these dangerous delays, that the Spanish soldiers panting with haste and greediness for the blood and butchery of her majesty, and people most dear unto her, were come upon her coasts, and before her doors. In this sort was her hope deluded, and her opinion frustrated by him, contrary to the royal dignity of both the kingdoms of England and of Denmark.  
And if the victorious hand of God had not herein derided the cunning devices and purposes of the Spaniards, if it had not scattered so great a terror to all Christendom, and drenched their carcases in the Sea, what should the state of the said Hanse merchants have been, so busily and so contrary to all equity and justice, hastening to furnish him with corn & provision for the wars? whither should the long and sacred quiet of the Roman Empire have gone to hide itself? where should all other Nations that profess the truth of christianity, think that they might have shrouded themselves to be free from his tyranny, and safe from his murderers and cruel executioners? If they saw not that their own destruction was joined with the ruin of the Queen of England, either it must be said that they would deny Christ, or that they were blinded to their own misery by the vengeance of God, for their secret sins. For where the cause of hostility is all one, the like effect and issue is to be looked for at the hands of a cruel and raging enemy of the truth: for in a manner, all the inhabitants of the Hanse towns are very good favourers of the reformed Religion, and mortal enemies to the Romish errors. And would any man than believe, that men so well instructed, could more respect their private gain, I will not say their filthy lucre, than their own security, the preservation of their country, and the propagation of true Religion?  
But what? will the inhabitants of the Hanse towns pretend that they knew not the Queen of England's pleasure? The city of Hamborough by their letters written unto the Queen's majesty, 
The city of Hamboroughs letters to the Queen's majesty.  the 21. of September, in the year 1585. having besought her, that their ships might pass quietly unto Spain and Portugal, without stop or hindrance either in their passage or repassage, by her majesties captains at Sea, received not they answer to this effect?  
We doubt not, but you have heard what occasions of discord are lately fallen out between us and the king of 
The Queen's majesties letters to the Hamburgers.  Spain, whereof we cannot thoroughly conjecture what troubles are like to ensue. If peace arise, we mean to deny you nothing, being our ancient confederates: but if it grow to a war, we wish you advisedly to consider, that it standeth not with the safety of our kingdom, to suffer our enemies to be aided with corn, and provisions for war, thereby to be armed against us. Which things, according to your accustomed wisdoms you calling to mind, we hope you will demand nothing at our hands, which may be hurtful to our state: as for the transporting of other sorts of merchandise into those parts, whereby our enemies may neither be aided with victuals, nor necessaries of war, we will not hinder you, but will permit your ships to ride on our coasts, and to pass along with all favour for the performance of their intended navigation: with which our answer, we hope you will be fully satisfied and contented; the present state of things considered.  
Secondly, whereas two years after that, to wit, 
The Hamburgers petitory message to the Queen's majesty.  the last year the said Burgomasters of Hamburrough sent Sebastian Berghen their secretary and Agent with letters unto the Queen of England, desiring that under the colour and title of neutrality, they might freely pass into Spain and Portugal, and repass again with all kind of merchandise whatsoever, was not the said Sebastian answered in this wise by the Lords of her majesties counsel?  
Whereas the King of Spain, having sent out his navy to invade this realm, to root out the Christian Religion, 
The answer to the petition of that Hamburge messenger.  & to work the ruin & destruction of the Queen's majesty, hath declared more clearly than the light itself, what he would have the Queen of England to think of him, she deemeth it not reasonable upon any colour to grant either to the Hambourgers, or to any other the Haunse towns whosoever, to carry corn, gunnepowder, and other appurtenances for the war to so obstinate and manifest enemy of the true Christian Religion. That such as presumptuously durst attempt the contrary, should suffer the punishment of their unbridled licensiousnesse, if they fell into the hands of the captains, or other subjects of the Queen of England, their goods and merchandises whatsoever thus transported against her majesties will to be made good prizes to any man that can take them, no excuse of neutrality prevailing to the contrary.  
Moreover it is not to be omitted, that the Lords of her majesties counsel aforesaid, having called for Maurice Tymberman resident in London, and 
The Alderman of the stillyard in London, commanded to advise the Hanse towns.  Alderman (as they call him) of the stillyard, commanded him to give warning to all the Haunse towns that her majesty willed, and according to her sovereign authority in her Dominions, commanded that they should forbear from thenceforth, from the beginning of the month of Januarie last passed from carrying of corn, and generally of all provision of war, cables, masts, and like merchandise into Spain and Portugal, whereby the enemy of her kingdom might be the better furnished, under the pain of loss both of ships and goods, to be inflicted upon such, as should violate this her princely commandment.  
That the Haunse towns were not ignorant of this inhibition, appeareth by the letters of the Cities of Lubeck, and Hamborough, written afterward 
The letters of the Lubeckers, Hamburgers, and Dantiskers.  to the Queen's majesty, the 26. of March, and from Dantiske, the 13. of the said month, before those ships set out from home, which are now taken. The same in like manner is apparent, by many bills of the hiring, and freighting of their ships, wherein among others, this one thing is worth the noting, which was there found, that they covenanted in plain words, with the shipmasters, that they should not pass into Spain & Portugal through the English channel & usual way, but on the back side of the kingdoms of Scotland, and Ireland, a new and strange, and without doubt, a dangerous course: by which their intention and deed, they declared how little they cared for good meaning, and how careful they were to arm and furnish the common and known enemy of the Queen of England. But as always for the most part it falleth out, deceit doth never thrive with any man, and when men think most to deceive, they are deceived, and suffer the penalty of their guile: for falling into the hands of her majesties army upon the coast of Portugal, and even in the entrance of the haven of Lisbon, they were brought back into England, and by the law of Nations, are become prizes to him which took them.  
Here now they cry out, that the commanders of our fleet have dealt injuriously with them, they exclaim that the leagues are broken, that their old privileges in England are violated, which they challenge to belong to their Cities, and aught to be kept and maintained. As though that any man were so mad, so far from the truth of things, so careless of his own safety, so great an enemy to public security, that with all his might and endeavour, would not prevent the mischief and destruction hanging over the Commonwealth. He that withstandeth not wrong when he is able, is in as great fault, as if he destroyed the Common wealth. The preservation of the people hath been ever accounted among all nations, for the very supreme Law. Are not the Hanse towns ashamed to maintain and pretend a privilege, that is to say, a private law against a public and sovereign law? Did ever any king or Prince witting and waring, suffer such a kind of traffic which should make his enemy over mighty, and though he did not disfurnish himself, yet should leave himself more open unto his fury, which otherwise were like to be unarmed and unable to wage war against him?  
In the year 1545. at which time the wars grew hot betwixt the kingdoms of England and 
The English and French enemies: Charles the fift a confederate.  France, when the subjects of Charles the Emperor the fift of that name of noble memory, would needs have had free liberty of passage with all commodities into France, under pretext of their neutrality, What was the emperors answer being a Prince of great equity? Did he not openly pronounce that course of theirs altogether unlawful? let the Contract itself concluded the 6. day of April be looked into.  
When the Kings of Denmark, and of Swethlande were at difference one with another, was it 
The Danes and Swethens enemies: the Hanse men confederates.  permitted to these Hansemen to convey freely any thing into one of their kingdoms, which was not in deed ceased upon & confiscated, if it fell into the laps of the other, not having first obtained special liberty for the same? Was this stately, & so much privileged name of neutrality at that time, of such force, that without using of any mediator, it could recover again their goods out of the hands of the Danes & Swethens, & countenance the same in safety, & security? Let them acknowledge that, whereof they are not ignorant, that although the Emperor Ferdinand and other Princes of the Empire dealt in their behalf by way of entreaty and mediation, and that from the solemn assembly of the said Empire, yet they in this case prevailed nothing at all with Ericke, the king of Swethland.  
And further in the time of hostility between the Empire, wherewith as then the king of Poland joined against the great Duke of Muscouie, went 
The Emperor and the King of Poland enemies to the Moscovite: the English and Hanse men friends.  these matters otherwise then? Can either the English merchants, or any other frequent the narve in Livonia, or any other parts of the Duke's dominions freely, and without danger? Did the Hanse men which then were for their king and Emperor, deliver and restore again the ships which they had intercepted and taken, from those which made such attempts? Many men's goods surprised by the Hanse men and others, as then entertained against the Moscovite, and by them still detained, without any precedent prohibition of passing to the said Moscovite, are hereof very good witnesses.  
It is also a thing well known, that the noble Prince of Orange, and the States, exercised the like justice, as well against the Hanse men, as others in times past.  
And verily the foresaid Princes in these arrests did that which was according to the tenor, and prescription of the laws of the equity of nations. For that same privilege of neutrality, is in such sort to be used and enjoyed, that in helping one of our confederates, we hurt not another: so that he which helpeth one, & thereby damnifieth another, falleth from his privilege and contract: not because he helpeth one of his confederates, but because he doth prejudice another, and by that fact of his, makes himself an enemy, as offering the first injury, and therefore in so doing, he is to be taken and reputed for an Adherent, and Assistant to the enemy, and a very enemy himself.  
This then being the state of these things, what law, what reason, or example may be objected to the contrary, but that it is lawful for the Queen of England, whose sceptre, diadem, kingdom, living, and life, are greedily thirsted after by the Spaniard, so potent and so malicious an enemy, to do that against his fautors and favourers so often premonished, which was lawful for the Emperor, for the Empire, for the king of Swethen, for the king of Denmark, for the Prince of Orange, for the States of netherlands, yea for the Hanse men themselves to do in the like cause, but not in the like danger, and extremity as this is.  
Nay, if we thought it requisite to allege any thing out of the privileges themselves, whereof they have so often, and so much complained, as being many years withheld from them by injustice, we might offer the charter of Edward the first king 
Anno Do. 1302.  of England, to be perused, granted in the third year of his reign: in which charter we read these express words.  
That all the aforesaid merchants may at any time carry, or cause to be carried into or out of the kingdom of 
An exception in the privilege.  England, their merchandises, which they shall bring with them, or buy here or otherwise come by, excepting to the countries of the manifest and notorious enemies of this kingdom.  
So that either they must deny, that the king of Spain having practised such cruel and horrible things (I would to God we might not say still practising the same) is an enemy to the Queen of England, or else by the words of the aforesaid charter, they must confess that they are included within those bounds and limits, which they may not pass, if they desire to be called and accounted friends.  
We may add to all this, that it is a thing able to be showed and proved in the Courts of Records of the kings of England, that heretofore the wars arising, and continuing betwixt the Kings of England and of France, the goods of these Hanse men were so subject here in England to arrests, as now they are, until they grew more wary, and had put in sufficient Sureties, that they would not from that time transport any part of their goods into the provinces and dominions of the French king.  
By these reasons we take it plainly, and fully demonstrated, that her majesties captains by Sea, in the present arrest of the Hanse men's goods, have committed no injustice against their pretended privileges, but rather that they have utterly lost them for this prank of theirs, in causing victuals and martial furnitures to be conveyed to the countries of her manifest and notorious enemies, directly contrary to the words specified in the privileges. Although her majesty is not purposed, notwithstanding all present extremities, and this most vile and most barbarous part of the Hanse merchants, to proceed in dealing with them, according to that severity of law which justly she might execute, but is now thus far only resolved, to confiscate all the corn and provisions of war: and as for the ships themselves, and other sorts of merchandise in them, she is content to dismiss them for the present.  
But now touching the matter of their privileges, for which they keep such a stir, in complaining to the Emperor, the states of the Empire, and all other princes else, which nevertheless are clearly found to have been broken, and forfeited in the time of Edward the sixth, that most noble and famous prince. The Queen of England can sufficiently prove, that these Hanse men have deserved no benefit or favour at her hands, even by the laws of the Empire itself, if her majesty thought the argument necessary to stand upon. It is a very apparent thing, that her majesty neglecting and not regarding the unjust pretences and forged suggestions, wherewith these Hanse men have charged her among strangers, hath yielded to them no less a benefit of free negotiation, then to her own subjects, without any other restraint but this, that in lieu 
The favour and liberality of the Queen of England, no less to the Haunse men, then to the English themselves.  and memory of so singular a favour, they also on their parts should grant the like freedom in their ports, and cities to her subjects, and merchants: and yet like unkind people, and without respect to this favour, they return to their old bias, & cease not to attempt things dangerous to her majesty, and by the opinions of all princes in no case to be suffered.  
These Hanse men were at the like controversy sometimes with the kings of Denmark & Swethen, by reason of certain like privileges in the kingdoms of Norway and Swethland, and the matter grew so hot that it broke out to an open war: but with what fruit or gain to the state of the Haunse men? This was the issue: they were forced to accept such conditions of privileges, not as they challenged but as the foresaid kings thought just, & equal. By which precedent they might learn if they were wise, not to accept only, but most gladly & thankfully to accept the conditions offered by her majesty, as proceeding from such a kind of liberality, that may make them in this case superiouts to all other Strangers, equal and alike with her own subjects. But if they continue in this their stubbornness and ingratitude, let them take heed lest they pluck upon themselves that most just reward of their most perverse behaviours, whereof they have felt the smart before this, both in Swethlande, Norway and Livonia also.  
Seeing then these Hanse men have received from her majesty many great benefits, but no ill deserts at any time, she desireth the emperors majesty, and the rest of the Princes and States of the Empire, to give no credit to the rumours spread abroad by them, or by the friends of the Romish Church, or by such as are corrupted with Spanish pensions, men suborned of purpose to scatter these false surmises, to the end that we being drawn to a mutual dislike and hatred, they in the mean time may the sooner and the more easily bring us, and the Religion which we profess (if it were possible) underfoot.  
And further her majesty entreateth, that this heavy war entered into with the Spaniard, for the maintenance whereof no small but huge sums are of necessity required, and wherein the quarrel is not in her own behalf only, but for the safety of all the Kings, Kingdoms, and Dominions of Europe that profess the sincerity of true Religion, and for that cause are as much hated of this Spanish enemy and his Romish confederates, as her majesty is, may at the least in this one thing seem more tolerable, and less difficult and laborious to be continued, in not suffering the foresaid Hanse men, to transport to the forenamed common enemy, out of their kingdoms, dukedoms, Ports and straits, any victuals or instruments of war, by ordaining severe corrections upon the rebellious and disobedient, and such as shall dare to attempt the contrary, and to think of her majesty and her actions, as of a Prince most careful, both of the universal peace of Religion, and of the safety of all and singular Princes her confederates, & that they would by joining their Counsels & forces in one, use all their power and ability to extinguish the practices of the Romish priesthood, that so a sincere, 
The desire of the Queen's majesty for a peace through Christendom.  holy, and largely extending peace, free from treacheries, may be entered, concluded and established throughout all christianity, to the honour of almighty God, and the tranquillity of all Kings, Princes and Estates, with all increase of happiness. In which cogitation, her majesty most sincerely and constantly abideth, and will not cease (God blessing her) to remove all impediments for her part, to procure this good effect according to her honourable desire.  
But now having hitherto spoken of the open violence of the Spanish King, and the Bishop of Rome, give us leave to use a few words also of another 
The Bishop of Rome's invasion of England by his jesuits.  matter not less odious than the former, consisting in the subtlety of the little fox: which is a thing so much the more diligently to be looked unto, by how much the more close and secret it is, and a thing that creeps far without many men's knowledge. It is that same privy legation and sending as it were in corners of certain falsely termed jesuits and Seminaries into this kingdom, to withdraw the minds of the simple and ignorant people, from their dutiful obedience to the Queen's majesty and the realm. But as these kind of men do spring of certain runagates, and fugitives naturally borne subjects, who at home, either for poverty grow desperate, or by reason of their vicious lives, could not longly hid: so being now sent home again by the Pope, cease not under the habit of their superstitious profession to run from house to house, from town to town, stirring up the people by their whisperings to rebellion, and scattering certain popish bulls, made and sent for that purpose, teaching the people out of them, under the pain of excommunication, and of a curse, that there is no hope of salvation remaining them, except they change their affections, and cast off their due obedience to her majesty.  
Those of her majesties subjects, which being taken with these bulls, and called in question for the same, have revealed their practices: and being moved with a conscience of their offence, do return to a better mind, and do forsake that filthy sink or dunghill of the company and opinions of jesuits and Seminaries: are pardoned of their former transgressions, and pass without punishment: but as for those that are rooted in their wickedness, and remain stiff-necked in their offence, they being demanded, whether if an invasion of the kingdom should be made by the Bishop of Rome or the Spanish King, they would (as good subjects ought to do) stand for the Queen or no, they answer stoutly and proudly, that they are bound whensoever it should seem good to the said Bishop of Rome, to 
The manifest treason of the jesuits, against the Queen's majesty, & the kingdom of England.  make any such innasion of the kingdom, and Dominions of her majesty, to assist and further the said invasion, by all the ways and means they can.  
I ask now of you, what Prince soever you be, having the authority of a Prince, what you would do with such monsters as these are, given over after this sort to such devilishness? would you suffer the cloak of popish religion and obedience, to exempt such traitors from the severity of justice? Would you suffer them to live, that would you should not live? surely no Prince or monarch ought or may tolerate such monstrous creatures, except he purposeth voluntarily to neglect good laws, his people, kingdom, and life; and sin grievously against God himself. And these are the monsters that are in England committed to execution; howsoever the companions of their treasons, by their infamous libels spread amongst the people cry out, and say, they suffer for the cause of Religion only, and for their consciences.  
Many of her subjects, and they no obscure men, but some of the nobility, and some others of the degree of knights are witnesses, that howsoever they stand catholicly affected, yet as long as they contain themselves within the compass of their duty, & obedience to her majesty and the State, are neither committed to prison, nor in any ill sort used, only for breaking the laws of frequenting the Churches, are peradventure rated at some pecuniary fine.  
The end and purpose why we speak and publish these things, is to let all good Princes and Magistrates, and others desirous to know the truth of things, understand how and by what means, as openly, privily, by force of arms, and practices of treachery, the state of her majesty and of her kingdom is assaulted by the bishop of Rome, and the Spanish King: and therefore how conveniently and necessarily her majesty is drawn to resist this force and to avoid these frauds, and with what injurious allegations the execution of laws and justice, is as it were torn and rend in pieces, not only by malicious imprinted Libels, but also by painted tables and pictures, signifying I know not what monstrous things, resemblances of some barbarous cruelty, as they falsely calumniate and exclaim, to be used against the foresaid jesuits, and seminary Priests, that is to say, against men guilty of high and horrible treason.  
But as for her majesty, she desireth to stand as a person void of all truth and credit with good Princes, if she ever punished any of these men with any strange or new kind of torment, then is appointed by the prescript of the ancient laws of this realm provided against such persons, as shall be found and convicted for Rebels and traitors.  
FINIS.