THE NATURAL and Moral History of the East and West Indies.  
Entreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Metals, Plants and Beasts which are proper to that Country: Together with the Manners, Ceremonies, Laws, Governements, and Wars of the Indians.  
Written in Spanish by joseph Acosta, and translated into English by E. G 〈…〉  
LONDON Printed by Val: Sims for Edward Blount and William Aspley. 1604.   

To the right Honourable Sir Robert Cicill Knight, Baron of Essingden, Viscount Cranborne, principal Secretary to his Majesty, master of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and one of his highness most honourable Privy Counsel.  
RIght Honourable; If it appear presumption in me to show my love, my duty betrays me to it. The advantage I have gleaned from idle hours, in exchanging this Indian History from Spanish to English, is commended to your honours Patronage, whose first father joseph Acosta, hath with great observation made worthy the overlooking. A greater motive then that you are yourself, needed not to excite me to this dedication. I beseech you my good Lord, take it into shelter, and receive that which is not, for that which I would it were. Let my insufficiency be measured by my good will. So shall my poor abilities thrive under your encouragement, and happily lead me on to some stronger undertaking; wherein I shall be bound to thank you for mine own pains, and for ever remain  
Your Lordship's most devoted E. G.   

The Author's advertisement to the Reader.  
MANY have written sundry books and discourses of the New World at the West Indies, wherein they describe new and strange things discovered in those parts, with the acts and adventures of the Spaniards, which have conquered and peopled those Countries. But hitherto I have not seen any other Author which treats of the causes and reasons of these novelties and wonders of nature, or that hath made any search thereof. Neither have I read any book which maketh mention of the histories of the ancient Indians, and natural inhabitants of the New World. In truth these two things are difficult; The first being the works of Nature, contrary to the ancient and received Philosophy, as to show that the region which they call the burning Zone, is very moist, and in many places very temperate, and that it rains there, whenas the Sun is nearest, with such like things. For such as have written of the West Indies, have not made profession of so deep Philosophy; yea, the greatest part of those Writers have had no knowledge thereof. The second thing it treats of, is, of the proper history of the Indians, the which required much conference and travail among the Indians themselves: the which most of them that have treated of the Indies could not do, either not understanding the language, or not curious in the search of their Antiquities: so as they have been contented to handle those things which have been most common and superficial. Desiring therefore to have some more particular knowledge thereof, I have been careful to learn from men of greatest experience and best seen in these matters, and to gather from their discourses and relations, what I have thought sit to give knowledge of the deeds and custom of these people. And for that which concerns the nature of those Countries, and their properties, I have learned it by the experience of many friends, and by my diligence to search, discover, and confer with men of judgement and knowledge. In my opinion there are many advertisements, which may serve and benefit better wits for the searching out of the truth, or to proceed farther, in finding that pleasing which is contained herein. So as although this new World be not new, but old, in respect of the much which hath been written thereof; yet this history may in some sort be h●ld for new; for it is partly historical, and partly philosophical, as well for that they are the works of nature, as of free-will; which are the deeds and customs of men, the which hath caused me to name it the Natural and Moral History of the Indies. Containing these two things: In the first two books mention is made of that which concerns the heaven's temperature, and habitation of the world, which books I had first written in Latin, & now I have translated them into Spanish, using more the liberty of an author, than the strict bonds of a translator, to apply myself the better to those for whom it is written in the vulgar tongue. In the two following books, is treated of that which concerns the Elements and natural mixtures, as Metals, Plants, Beasts, and what else is remarkable at the Indies. The rest of the books relate what I could certainly discover, and what I thought worthy memory of the Indians themselves, their Ceremonies, Customs, Governments, Wars, & Adventures. In the same History shall be spoken (as I could learn and comprehend,) of the figures of the ancient Indians, seeing they had no writing nor characters as we have, which is no small industry to have preserved their Antiquities, without the use of letters. To conclude, the scope of this work is, that having knowledge of the works of nature, which the wise Author of all nature made, we may praise and glorify the high God, who is wonderful in all things and all places. And having knowledge of the Indians customs, we may help them more easily to follow and persever in the high vocation of the Gospel; to the knowledge whereof, the Lord would draw this blind nation in these latter days. Besides all these things, every one may suck out some profit for himself; for that the wise do always draw forth some good out of the smallest subject, as we find deep Philosophy in the least and basest creatures. I must only advertise the Reader, that the two first books of this history or discourse, were written in Peru, and the other five, since in Europe, duty binding me to return into these parts: so as some speak of matters of the Indies, as of things present, and others, as being absent. And therefore I have thought it good to advertise the Reader hereof, that this diversity of speech may not be troublesome unto him.  
Farewell.   

A Table of the most remarkable things contained in this Natural and Moral History of the Indies:  

A.  Abundance of waters under the burning zone. 
folio 93  Absurdity of Plato's Atlantike Island. 
73  Abuse of the Spaniards at Peru taking winter for summer. 
89  Acamapach first king of Mexico. 
482  Accord betwixt the king of Mexico & his subjects before they attempted a war. 
532  Adlaguagi a kind of mummery of women. 
367  Acts of Ferdinand Cortes. 
574  Adimant makes a path in the Sea. 
57  The Adamant imparts a virtue to iron to look always towards the north. 
58  Use of the Adamant to sail by not ancient. 
59  Adoration of the dead begun and augmented. 
340  Adultery punished with death. 
469  Agility of monkeys. 
315  Air how necessary for the life of man 
114  The Air stirred with the motion of the heavens under the Equinoctial line, is sufficient to guide a ship. 
137  Alcos' little dogs, whereof the Indians are very careful. 
301  Amarro Ingua put to death by the Spaniards in Cusco. 
481  Amber a kind of physical and sweet gum. 
287  Almonds growing in Cocos. 
281  Almonds of Chacapoias' held for the rarest fruit in the world. 
ibid.  The Ancients could not make a determined voyage without the Compass. 
57  Th'ancients went only with oars. 
60  Ancient Doctors more studious of the Scriptures than of Philosophy. 
●  Annona a fruit called by the Spaniards Almond butter, by reason of some resemblance. 
278  Apopanaca the overseer of the Monasteries of women. 
367  Apachitas tops of hills that were worshipped. 
540  Arches in buildings unknown to the Indians. 
460  Aristotle not refuted by Lactantius as touching the place of the earth. 
22  Arms of the Mexicans. 
488  Army of the air foretelling a great ruin. 
561  Art of war much honoured by the Mexicans. 
488  Art to know the Stars invented by the Phenicens. 
54  Ashes issuing in great abundance out of the Vulcan's. 
195  Advantage which the Christians had of the Indians to plant the faith there. 
389  S. Augustine doubts whether the heaven environs the earth of all parts 
3  Attire for the head very diverse in sundry provinces at the Indies. 
467  Austerity practised by the Indians to keep themselves chaste. 
373  Axi a kind of Indian pepper. 
168   

B.  Balance wherein the Devil made the japponois confess themselves. 
401  Barks at the Indies called Canoes. 
68  Battle without bloodshed, made only for a ceremony at the yielding of Tescuco. 
539  Balm of Palestina, and that of the Indieses very different. 
285  Bezoar's stone found in the stomach of some beasts sovereign against poison, how it grows, and which are the most excellent. 
323  Beasts carefully preserved by the Ingu●s. 
464  Beasts worshipped by the Indians, & why. 
340  Beasts being venomous converted by devilish arts into good nourishment 
510  Beasts that are perfect cannot be engendered as those that are imperfect according to the order of nature. 
65  Beasts of sundry sorts at the Indies that are not in Europe. 
3●7  Birds remain willingly in the water, and why. 
305  Birds, some exceeding small, others wonderful great. 
309  Birds very profitable for the dung. 
311  Bisexte unknown to the Indians. 
437  Bochas and Such●s notable fishes in the Lake of Titica●a. 
170  B●ncos the divelles Ministers at the Indies. 
370  Bridge of straw very firm to pass over a swift stream. 
93  Brise's and lower winds are two general names which comprehend the winds of either side. 
132  Bodies being dead, wonderfully well preserved. 
478  Burden of the Indian sheep, and what journeys they make so laden. 
321   

C  CAcao a fruit much esteemed at the Indies, & serves them for money. 
271  Cacavi, bread made of a root. 
257  Calibasses, or Pompions at the Indies, and of their greatness. 
264  Calculation of the Indians very witty and ready. 
456  Camey the second month of the Indians. 
412  Canes of sugar of great revenues. 
298  Canopus a star seen at the new world. 
16  Cap of Comorni, sometimes called the promontory of Cory. 
37  Carthaginians did forbid the sailing to unknown lands, and why. 
36  Care of the Mexicaines' to teach their children their superstitious idolatry. 
486  Cattle in troops without masters in the islands of Cuba jamaica, and others. 
70  Cattle at the Indies killed only for their hides. 
ibid.  Caymans' or Lizards like unto Crocodiles, whereof Pli●ie speaks. 
165  Ceremony of the Mexicans in drawing blood from diverse parts. 
551  Ceremonies of the Indians in the burial of their dead. 
348  Ceremonies at the sacrificing of men. 
382  Chachalmua the chief priests and their attire at their sacrifices. 
ibid.  Chasquis Indian posts that carried news to all places. 
452  Chica a drink very wholesome for the back. 
255  Chichimequas ancient Inhabitants of N●w Spain, and of their barbarous life. 
501  Chicocapote a fruit like unto mermelade 
278  Chille, a country of the same temperature with Spain. 
87  Chinchilles, small beasts that have exquisite skins. 
314  Chocholate, the Indians drink, whereof they make great account. 
271  Cinabrium, or vermilion, called by the Indians, Limpi. 
238  Coca, a leaf which the Perusians used for money. 
210  Coca, a small leaf whereof the Indians make great traffic: it doth encourage and fortify. 
271  Cocas, Indian palms, and of their rare properties. 
280  Coch●nille, a grain that grows upon the tunal trees. 
275  Colleges ordained at Mexico to teach their young children to pronounce Orations. 
447  Combat betwixt a Caymant and a Tiger. 
166  Comedies very ordinary in China. 
444  Combat betwixt an Indian and a Caymant. 
167  Comets in the air move from East to West. 
137  Communion imitated by the slaves of Satan. 
393  Comparison to prove the natural effect of rain in the burning zone. 
95  Crown of the kings of Mexico like to that of the duke of Venice. 
518  Crimes punished with death by the Indians. 
469  Corriers at the Indies very swift being but footmen. 
452  Coya the Inguas chief wife, whose son succeeded after the uncle. 
455  Cross, a notable starr● at the new found world. 
16  Crowning of the kings of Mexico, performed with great solemnity, and the shedding of much man's blood. 
541  Covetousness of a certain priest thinking to draw gold out of a vulcan. 
195  Council of Lima dissolved the marriage betwixt brother and sister, and why. 
471  Cotton grows upon trees it serves to make linen cloth. 
276  Cold in the burning zone makes Aristotle's opinion ridiculous. 
101  Courage of men at the passage of Pongo. 
176  The Continent of lands is joined in some part, or else it is very near▪ 
68  Before the Creation there was neither time nor place, a matter hard to imagine. 
●4  Cruelty of the Indians in their sacrifices. 
382  Cruel ceremony to sprinkle the Ambassadors with blood, thinking thereby to have a better answer. 
571  Cuckoe the great Temple of Mexico, and the singularities thereof. 
361  Cugno, a kind of bread at the Indies made of roots. 
186  Cuschargui, a dried flesh which the Indians used. 
320  Cusco, the ancient habitation of the kings of Peru. 
128   

D  days and nights equal all the year under the liquinoctiall. 
83  Days in summer very short at Peru. 
103  Five Days in the year superfluous, wherein the Indians did nothing. 
434  Dancing and public recreations necessary in every commonweal. 
492  Dancing in Mex●●o, where the King himself danced. 
489  Da●tes, wild beast's almost like unto moils, and of their skins 
313  Deluge pretended by the Indians, whereof there is some likelihood. 
79  D●vision of the lands of Azca●●zalco, after the victory obtained by ●scoalt. 
533  Discovery of the west Indies prophesied by Senec●. 
38  Discovery of new lands, made more by tempest of weather than otherwise. 
62  Disseine of the Author. 
82  The Devil jealous against God, and hates men mortally. 
329  The Devil did speak in the Indies Guacas or Oratories. 
351  Difference of letters, pictures, & characters. 
439  Difficulty to know whence the Indians come, for that they have used no letters. 
79  Discourse upon the discovery of Magellan by Sarmiento. 
154  Division of Peru into Lanos, Sierres, & Andes. 
184  Division of the people. 
456  Division of the City of M●xico into four quarters, made by the commandment of their God. 
512  Divinations practised by the Indians, and how. 
406  Divorces practised amongst the Mexicaines', and how. 
409  Death the punishment of Virgins that were incontinent. 
367  Death of Chimalpopoca the young king of Mexico, slain treacherously by the Tapanecan●. 
526  Death of Mo●esuma the l●st king of Mexico. 
576  Doctors of the holy church not to be reproved, differing in opinion of Philosophy. 
2  Dogs as dangerous as wolves. 
301  Dogs dangerous in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, and others. 
70  Drake an Englishman did pass the strait of Magellan in our time, & others since. 
154  Ducks in great abundance in the Lake of Titicaca, and how they do hunt them. 
171  Drought follows not the nearness of the Sun. 
85   

E.  EAgle upon a tunal the Arms of Mexico, and why. 
513  Earthquakes very strange, and the cause. 
197  Earth, how it is sustained. 
10  The Earth under the pole Antarctic, is not all covered with waters. 
18  The Earth in longitude is all of one temperature, but not in latitude. 
29  The Earth with the water make one globe. 
ibid.  Eclipse of the Moon a certain proof of the roundness of the heavens. 
6  Effects natural proceed from contrary causes. 
96  Elements participate with the motion of the first mover. 
138  electors of the king of Mexico were commonly his kinsmen. 
485  Election of the kings of Mexico, & the feasts at their installment. 
ibid.  Election of the first K● of Mexico. 
515  Entry of the Spaniards into new Spain in the year 1518. 
558  Entry of Cortes into Mexico. 
574  Error of imagination. 
23  Esaies' passage expounded by the exemplification of the Gospel. 
208  emeralds more esteemed in former time then now. 
249  Exercises wherein they instructed their youth. 
487  Explication of a passage of saint Paul against the roundness of the earth. 
14  Explication of the 110, Psalm upon the same subject. 
15   

F.  FAmiliar reasons to teach an Indian, that the Sun is no god. 
●42  Fasting of the Indians before the fea●● of Ita, not accompanying with their wives. 
374  A Father losing his children, was held for a great sinner, h● would kill his children to save his own life. 
399  Fertility unfruitful in the Islands of new Spain●▪ 
187  Feasts of Merchants made with many sports. 
424  Feast of the Idol of Tlascalla. 
355  Feasts for to have rain. 
411  Feasts for every month. 
412  F●re drawn out of two sticks rubbd one against another by the Indians. 
119  Fire in hell different from ours. 
195  Fire from heaven consumed for their sins. 
63  Fish flying. 
165  Fountain casting up hot water, the which turns into a rock. 
173  Fig tree, whereof the one half carries fruit at one season, the other at another. 
297  flowers of Europe grow best at the Indies. 
283  ●loridians had no knowledge of gold. 
207  Flowing and ebbing of the sea is no local motion, but an alteration and ferv●● of the waters. 
162  Flowing and ebbing of the seas diverse 
ibid.  Fountain of salt in Cusc●. 
174  Forests wonderful thick at the Indies. 
291  Forests of orange trees at the Indies. 
294  Form of that which is discovered at Peru. 
201  Fr●●ci● H●●nandes the Author of a rar● book of plants, roote●, and physical herbs at the Indieses. 
●90  Fruits of Europe much increased a● the Indies. 
294   

G.  Garlic much esteemed a● th● Indie●. 
261  Gardin● upon the water in the midst of a Lake. 
172  Gardens artificially made upon the water t● remove where they please. 
519  Giant● came in ancient time to Peru. 
62  Gold found in three sorts. 
212  Gold of Caravana most famous at P●ru. 
214  Gold and silver esteemed throughout the whole world. 
206  Gold & silver served the Indians but for ornament. 
209  Gold why esteemed above other metals. 
212  Gold how refined into powder. 
214  Gums, with physical and odoriferous oils with their names. 
287  Gonzales Pziarre vanquished and defeated, his cruelty against the Indians. 
475  Governors of provinces, how established by the Inguas. 
455  Guacas or Sanctuaries very well maintained. 
463  Guancos and Vicuna● wild goats. 
70  Guayaquil an Indian oak, and very sweet. 
292  Guayavoes an Indian fruit. 
277  Guaynacapa, the great and valiant Ingua, and his life, he was worshipped as a god in his life. 
479  Guayras furnaces to refine gold. 
233  Gospel preached to the Indians when their Empire was at the highest, even a● to the Romans. 
583   

H.  HAtun●●squi Ay●●r●y, the six● m●neth of the Indians, which answereth unto May. 
413  Hearts of men pulled out and sacrificed: how that ceremony began. 
509  Hair of the prie●●s horribly long and anointed with resin. 
403  Heaven is round, and turn●● upon two Poles, proved more by experience than demonstration. 
5  Heaven no farther from the earth of the one side than of the other. 
18  Hens found at the Indies at the f●●st discovery, which they called Gualpa, and their eggs Ponto. 
306  Hercules Pillars the limits of the Roman Empire, & of the old world. 
27  Hypocrisy of M●tesuma last King of M●xico. 
554  History of the Indieses not to be contemned, and why. 
495  History of M●xico kept in the Library of Vatican. 
550  History of Mexico how framed. 
446  Horses goodly and strong at the Indies. 
301  Horseshoes of silver for want of y●on. 
212  House admirably filled with all sorts of beasts like to another noah's Ark. 
484  Humour of the jews contrary to that of the Indians. 
76   

I.  Jealousy of the Indies one against an other for renown of valour. 
472  Idleness banished by the Inguas as dangerous for the subjects. 
457  Idol carried by four Priests for a guide, whenas the Mexicaines' did seek a new land like to the children of Israel. 
504  Idols of the kings Inguas reverenced as themselves. 
356  Island of Su●atra now called Taproba●a. 
37  Island ●tl●n●ik● of Pla●● a mere fab●e 
72  Island of faggots made with exceeding labour to pass an army upon the sea. 
550  Islands very far from the firm land no● inhabited. 
●9  I●nmortalitie of the soul believed by the Indies. 
347  Indies, what it signifieth, and what we understand by that word. 
47  West Indies, most popular governements, in the which there were but two kingdoms. 
453  Indians not greatly desirous of silver. 
76  Indians have lived in troops, as those do of Florida, Br●sill, and other places. 
80  Indians good swimmers. 
168  Indians had no proper word to signify God. 
334  The Indians know all Arts necessary for man's life, without any need one of another. 
466  Infants sacrificed to the Sun. 
336  Inguas kings of Peru worshipped after their deaths. 
344  The Inguas empery continued above 300. years. 
471  Inguas married their sisters. 
455  Inundation of Nile a natural thing, though it seem supernatural. 
88  justice, by whom executed in Mexico. 
486  Indian books how they can be made without letters. 
440  justice severely executed by Motesuma the last king of Mexico. 
570  Integrity of women greatly honoured by the Mexicaines'. 
409  Inventions of jupanguy Ingua to deprive his father and brother of the kingdom. 
476   

L.  LAke exceeding hot in the midst of a cold land. 
171  Lake of Mexico having two kinds of water. 
172  Lakes on the tops of mountains, and how they grow. 
171  Lactanti● laughs at the Perepatetiks touching the heaven. 
2  Lactantius confuted touching the Antipodes. 
21  Ladders of leather to come out of the mines. 
230  Lands of excellent temperature not yet discovered. 
190  Lawyers have erred. 
432  Liberality of Autzol the eight king of Mexico. 
551  Litters of massy gold. 
212  Lions of Peru unlike to them of Afftrike. 70 the Indians hunt them. 
303   

M.  MAlaca, formerly called, the golden Ch●rsonesus. 
37  Mamaco●as ancient women, as it were mothers to the virgins secluded. 
366  Mameys, a fruit like unto peaches. 
276  Manati a monstrous fish that feeds in the fields, it is like to flesh when ye eat it. 
164  Mandarins' Indian officers, how hard it is to be capable of those offices. 
440  Mangocapa the fi●●t Ingua, and what they feign of him. 
474  Maguey, a tree of wonders, and to what use it serves. 
273  Mandarin tongue is the writing of the Indians, and is done by characters. 
441  Many rare things in nature, known more by chance than by industry 
63  Man's blood drunk by the slave that should be sacrificed. 
425  Marriage of the Indians how celebrated. 
408  Marriage amongst the Indians defended only in the first degree. 
469  Marriage of the Inguas with their sister's unlawful. 
170  Marks of some navigations of the Ancients. 
61  Matins at midnight practised by the devils ministers. 
365  Mays, Indian corn, how they eat it, and make drink thereof. 
253  Mechoacanes enim●es to the Mexicans, and why. 
506  Men, how they might pass to the Indies. 51 and how they might people it. 
7●  Men and women sacrificed at the death of the Inguas, to serve him in the other world. 
346  Men made gods, and then sacrificed. 
357  Men being sacrificed eaten by the Priests. 
385  Minerals imitate plants in their manner of growing. 
203  Mines, some wandering, some fixed. 
217  Mines in old time very rich, yet nothing near to them of Potozi. 
224  Mines exceeding painful. 
228  Mines of quickesilver in Spain. 
238  Middle region of the air cold, and why. 
108  Milles to grind metals. 
246  metal poor and rich what they be. 
217  metal, the nearer that it is to the superficies of th● earth, the richer. 
229  Metals why created. 
205  Metals are no● found but in barren grounds. 
209  M●xi, chief of the people that came from Mexico from whom they took their name. 
506  Mexico a City built in a Lake. 
170  Mockery of the Mexicains against the Tlatelulcos' afret they had vanquished them. 
548  month at the Indies of twenty days 
434  Morning most pleasant in Europe, and most troublesome in Peru. 
113  Mulberry trees planted in new Spain have greatly profited for silkworms 
298  Muttons or sheep of Peru serving ●or ass●s to carry their burdens, profitable above all other beasts. 
319   

N.  NAvatalcas, people that reform new Spain. 
498  Navigation at this day very easy. 
56  Navigation of Solomon what it might be. 
60  New Spain what it is. 
187  New world lying almost all under the burning zone. 
82  Nights in summer very fresh at Peru in respect of Europe. 
112  Nights of six months under the Pole. 
29  Night, how it comes. 
6  Nobility of Mexico murdered in dancing by the Spaniards. 
576  Nostril of the kings of Mexico pierced to hang an emerald. 
545  Nuts at the Indies unpleasant called by them imprisoned. 
280   

O.  Objection against Aristo●l● not resolved. 
28  Occasion of war betwixt the Tap●necans and Mexicans. 
526  Ocean at the Indies divided into the north and south seas. 
207  Ointment which the Indians did use, to make themselves fit to speak with the Devil, the which made them cruel and without fear. 
403  Ophir is at the east Indies. 
41  Opinion of some that the earthly Paradise is under the Equinoctial not without re●son. 
114  Orders of priests in Mexico and their ordinary offices. 
365  Orde's of Knights in Mexico, and the marks they carried. 
488  Oration of the Mexicains to the king of Culhuacan. 
516  Oration that an old man made to Acama●●xtl● first king of Mexico. 
517  Oration of a Mexicaine knight, to retain the people incensed for the murder of their king. 
526  Oration of an old Mexicaine for the election of a new king. 
527  Oration of the K. of Tescuco, made to Moteçuma upon his election. 
555   

P.  PAchacamac the great Sanctuary of the Indies. 
334  Pacos, wilful beasts, and how they be governed. 
319  Palaces of recreation and affliction. 
563  Palisadoe horrible to behold, all of dead men's heads. 
362  Papas, roots whereof some Indians make a bread called Cugno. 
186  Papas a kind of bread. 
259  Papas in Mexico were the sovereign priests of the Idols. 
365  Paragu●y a river in America which overflows like unto Nile. 
88  Passage of Pariacaca very dangerous by reason of the wind. 
146  Passage of Pariacaca one of the highest parts of the earth. 
ibid.  P●ste of Mays, called by the Indians, the flesh of their god Vuziliputzl●, which they eat. 
393  Pastures at the Indies lie common, which makes flesh good cheap. 
299  Paltas, a delicate fruit, and good for the stomach. 
277  Painting, the book of fools. 
439  Penance enjoined by the Indian Confessors. 
401  Partridges none in Peru. 
70  Pericol●●gero a very heavy beast. 
314  Parrots fly by stocks like unto Pigeons. 
70  Pearls in old time more esteemed than now. 
251  Peru abounding in wine. 
187  Peru abounds more in gold and silver than all the rest of the Indies. 
207  Peru, what part of the world it is. 
183  Peru, a name derived from a river of that country, not of Ophir, as some think. 
42  Perusiens very careful to preserve their History by tradition, without letters or characters. 
449  Pleasant manner of fishing at the Indies. 
168  Pilots, why at this day they sit on the poop, and not on the prow, as in old time. 
55  Physicians in former times very cunning at the Indies. 
289  Pines, or pine apples at the Indies. 
262  Pinchao, an idol of the Sun, & with what art he was framed. 
361  Pleasant act of a Portugal, whereby he freed himself from sacrificing. 
346  Plane brings forth fruit all the year. 
267  Plane leaf fit to write on. 
268  Planets move not of themselves in a corruptible body. 
7  Plants, why they profit more at the Indies than in Europe. 
261  Plebeians excluded from the King's presence, and from all office by Moteçuma. 
557  Pliny died in too curious a search. 
196  Pole at the south not marked by any sixed star. 
16  Pongo the most dangerous passage in the world upon the river of Amazons. 
176  Portugals very expert in the Art of navigation. 
17  Pot●zi, a mountain famous for the rich mines, and how they were discovered. 
219  Presages threatening the ruin of states not to be contemned as vain things 
560  Priests which every Indian Nobleman had like unto Almoners. 
349  Priests of Idols how they consulted with their gods. 
360  Pretext of the Inguas to enlarge their dominions, was religion, which they held for the best. 
472  Processions of the Indians. 
394  Prodigious sights before the ruin of Mexico. 
561  Profit which may be gathered by the reading of these excerable Indian superstitions. 
428  Property most rare of the Adamant unknown to the Ancients. 
55  Province next to Mexico left unconquered, to exercise their youth, and to take Captains to sacrifice. 
541  Ptol●me and Avicen held the bu●ning zone to be habitable. 
102  Punas, a desert in Peru, where the air kills both men and beasts. 
149  Pyramid of fire appearing in the heaven for a whole year, before the ruin of the Mexicain Empire. 
561  Pr●te jans country exceeding hot. 
106   

Q.  QVantitie of gold which cometh yearly from the Indies into Spain 
215  Quetzalcoalt the merchants god, and where he was worshipped. 
354  Qu●ppos bows serving as registers for the remembering of that which passed in Peru. 
449  Quickesilver flies from all metals, except gold and silver. 
234  Quickesilver turns into smoke, and again into quickesilver. 
235  Quickesilver heavier than any other metal. 
236  Quickesilver how it is drawn out of the mines. 
239   

R.  Rain caused by the heat of the burning zone. 
89  Rayme the first month of the Indians, & it answers with December. 
411  Our Reason ignorant even of natural things. 
59  Regions very delightful at the Indies. 
114  Regions under the Equinoctial very temperate. 
101  Religion served the Indians for a p●●text to make war. 
80  Remedy against the alteration which the wind causeth in Pariacaca. 
147  Riches of some islands in new Spain. 
187  Riches incredible of the Perusiens, when they were taken by the Spaniards. 
462  Rice very common at the Indies. 
260  River of Amazons diversely called, it is termed the empress of all rivers. 
92  Rivers admirable under the burning zone. 
93  River of Amazons three score leagues wide at the mouth. 
92  River of Magdale●ne called the Great river runs far into the sea and mingles not his water. 
ibid.  Rivers, hills, great stones, and tops of mountains worshipped by the Indian. 
355  Ro●kes r●sing in the midst of the sea and no bottom to be sound about them. 
202  Roses how they grow at the Indies. 
283  Roundness of the heaven, and the mo●●en thereof unknown to some doctors of the church. 
2  Roots worshipped by the Indians. 
341  Roo●es very profitable at the Indies. 
ibidem  A Roll the ma●ke of the kings Inguas, as here the S●●pter and the Crown. 
297  Ruin of a great village full of sorcerers. 
199   

S.  SAcrifices of men how they were made. 
383  Sacrifices diversely made by the Indians, and upon diverse occasions. 
376  Sacrifices usual with the Indians in their necessities. 
480  Sainos strange beasts to hunt, and how they may be slain. 
312  Salsepareille, good for the French disease. 
174  Sciences known by the Chinois. 
444  S. Croix of the Sierre a province of Charcas, how it was converted to the faith. 
580  Sea held by the Ancients unnavigable beyond the straits of G●braltar. 
26  Seas, some hot, some cold. 
111  Sea-water refresheth although it be salt. 
107  Silver, why esteemed above all other metal next to gold. 
216  Silver more esteemed in some places than gold. 
217  S●lver, how it is refined by fire, & how by quickesilver. 
218  Silver of diverse sorts. 
232  Silver, how it is tried. 
247  Soccabons artificially invented to draw forth the metal more easily. 
229  The Sun the nearer it is unto us the more it heats. 
●3  The Sun hath contrary effects within the burning zone, and without the tropics. 
87  The Sun by his great force causeth moisture under the Equinoctial. 
95  The Sun worshipped commonly by the Indians. 
335  A Sorceress sister to the Idol which built the town of Mal●nalco, where there are none but sorcerers. 
507  Spaniards borne at the Indies called Crollos'. 
278  Spaniards held for gods. 
69  Spaniards called by the Indians Virachocas, children of God, and why. 
480  Spanish ships esteemed by the Indians for rocks, and why. 
69  The Spaniard one year with an other draws a million of silver from Potozi. 
225  Springs of Nile sought for by Caesar. 
30  Springs, some blue, others red like blood. 
175  Snakes, the Arms of the kings of Peru. 
338  Black Spots in the milken way at the south. 
16  Stars, according to the Doctors of the Church move of themselves. 
2  Stars worshipped by the Indians for diverse reasons. 
336  Stones superstitiously offered at passages to have fair way. 
341  Stones carved and cut like wood. 
173  Stones, half gold, half stone. 
212  Stones of a wonderful greatness artificially joined together by the Indians in their buildings without any mortar. 
459  Strait of Magellan discovered by a Portugal, and carrieth the same name. 
152  Strait at the Arctic Pole, which they imagine to be in Florida, not yet discovered. 
157  Strait of Gibraltar called in old time the Pillars of H●rcules. 
151  Stuffs of three sorts made of wool. 
465  Su●●illes Indian nosegays, they love them greatly, and present them to their guests. 
282  Superstition used at the carrying of a stream through Mexico. 
552   

T.  Tobacco, a plant used for a counterpoison. 
289  Ta●bos ', according to the opinion of the Indians, the most ancient race of men. 
79  Temperature quite contrary in less tha● fifty leagues. 
183  Temple at Cusco like to the Pantheon at Rome. 
359  Tescalipuca the god of jubiles at Mexico, and his ornaments. 
353  Tharsis sometimes signifies the Crisolite or jacinth, sometimes the Sea, which is of that colour, by the reverberation of the Sun. 
46  Tharsis in the Scripture is not Tarso a city in Cilicia. 
47  Tharsis and Ophir general words in the Scripture. 
ibid.  Tlas●altecas, the sixth generation of the Mava●alcas, they gave entry to the Spaniards. 
501  Tlacaell●c, the most valiant Captain the Mexicaines' had. 
530  Thanksgiving after a victory. 
574  Tiburons, a very greedy fis●. 
165  Three kinds of beasts found at the Indies. 
303  Three kinds of land at the Indies, and their qualities. 
178  Three things ordinarily used in all the Indian ceremonies. 
410  Three kinds of government known at the Indies. 
471  Tigers at Peru more cruel to the Indians than to the Spaniards. 
70  Tigers may swim seven or eight leagues by sea. 
ibid.  Tooth of a Giant of an exceeding greatness. 
501  Tree of a wonderful greatness. 
291  Tit●caca a Lake of wonderful greatness. 
169  The Trinity imitated by the Devil, and worshipped by the Indians in three Images of the Sun. 
412  tunal, a tree of a strange form fit for many uses. 
274   

V.  VAlour of the Indians. 
586  Valleys hotter than the mountains, and why. 
108  Valleys the best habitations of Peru. 
185  Variety of temperature of lands lying under the Equinoctial. 
105  Verm●llion and Quickesilver grow in the s●me stone. 
237  Victories of the Mexicans against the Tapenecans. 
533  Vicugnes a kind of wild sheep, the flesh is good for the pain in the e●es. 
316  Vines without fruit in new Spain. 
188  Vines in Peru and Ch●lle bear good wine. 
296  Vines of the valley of Y●a, which do grow and are never watered with any rain, and how. 
ibid.  Vines that carry grapes every month in the year. 
ibid.  Viraco●h●, the name which the Indians gave to their supreme god, with others of great power. 
333  Vuziliputzli the chief idol of Mexico and his ornaments. 
352  Vittells set upon the tombs of dead men to feed them. 
347  Voice heard foretelling the ruin of Moteçuma. 
565  Volcan of Guat●mala more admirable than all the rest. 
194  Volcans' how entertained. 
196  Voyage of Hannon the Carthaginian admirable in his time. 
36  Vros brutish people which esteem not themselves. 
94  Utility of all natural histories. 
117  Unction of Vuzilovitli the second king of Mexico. 
521   

W.  Weigh by which the Spaniards go to the Indies, and their return. 
128  Waters of Guayaquil most sovereign for the French disease. 
174  Wars of the Mexicans most commonly to take prisoners. 
483  Western winds hurtful to silkworms. 
144  Western winds blow not in the burning zone. 
126  Whales how taken by the Indians, and how they eat them. 
167  Winds very dangerous, which kill and preserve the dead bodies without corruption. 
147  Winds called Brise's in the burning zone, which come from the east. 
127  Winds, how many, and their names. 
133  Winds of the land in the burning zone, blow rather by night than by day, and those of the sea contrary, and why. 
142  Wind corrupts iron. 
144  Winds that blow southerly make the coast habitable. 
125  One Wind hath divers properties according to the place where it reigns, and the cause. 
120  Wind doth cause strange diversities of temperature. 
112  Wisdom of this world weak in divine, yea in human things. 
31  Winter and summe●, and the cause. 
90  Woods rare and sweet at the Indies. 
292  Words of a man which had his heart pulled out. 
390  Writing of the Chinois was from the top downward, and the Mexicans from the foot upward. 
447   

X.  XAmabusis, pilgrims forced to confess their sins upon the top of a rock. 
400   

Y.  YCa and Arica, and their manner of sailing in skins. 
63  Year● at the Indies divided into eighteen months. 
432  Youth very carefully instructed in Mexico. 
489  Year at Peru approaching nearer to ours than that of Mexico. 
437  Ytu a great feast at the Indies which they made in their necessity. 
416  Yupangu● Ingua was in Peru like to an other Numa in Rome for the making of Laws. 
261   

Z.  ZEphiru● a pleasant and wholesome wind. 
126  Zone which they call burning, the Ancients held inhabitable. 
30  Burning zone in some parts temperate, in others cold, and in others hot. 
101  Burning Zone peopled, and pleasant, contrary to the opinion of Philosophers. 
86  Burning Zone why temperate. 
105  In the burning Zone they sail easily from east to west, and not contrary, and why. 
132  In the burning Zone the nearness of the Sun doth not always cause rain. 
100   
The end of the Table.   

Errata.  

111.22. for, Paraguen read Paraguay.  
120.30. for, River read Region.  
135.32. for, to read in  
141.28. for, the motion read without any ●otion  
148.33. for, inhabited read not inhabited  
164.17. for, green read great  
198.23. for, hundred read five hundred  
213.21. for, Curuma read Cucuma  
229.17. for, to read and  
235.11. for, it read that  
241.8, for, it read his  
253.12, for, maces read marks  
274.8. for, little read like  
278.19. for, is no read is a  
351.25. for, many read in many  
368.2. for, possession read profession  
397.14. for, to the communion read to the people in manner of a communion  
514.21. for partial read particular  
324.32. for, convenient in a manner read in a convenient manner.  
335.3. for, of read to  
347.25. for, neither read in their   
Gentle Reader, from the folio 225. line 14, 16, 19, 20. where you find pieces read pezoes till you come to folio 322. line 22.   

THE FIRST BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the East and West Indies.  

Of the opinions of some Authors, which supposed that the Heavens did not extend to the newfound world. The first Chapter.  
THE Ancients were so far from conceit, that this newfound world was peopled by any Nation, that many of them could not imagine there was any land on that part: and (which is more worthy of admiration) some have flatly denied, that the Heavens (which we now behold) could extend thither. For although the greatest part, (yea, the most famous among the Philosophers) have well known that the Heaven was round (as in effect it is) and by that means did compass and comprehend within itself the whole earth: yet many, (yea, of the holy doctors of greatest authority) have disagreed in opinion upon this point: supposing the frame of this universal world to be fashioned like unto a house: whereas the roof that covers it, environs only the upper part, and not the rest: inferring by their reasons, that the earth should else hang in the midst of the air, the which seemed unto them void of sense. For as we see in every building, the groundwork and foundation on the one side, and the cover opposite unto it: even so in this great building of the world, the Heaven should remain above on the one part, and the earth under it. The glorious chrysostom, (a man better seen in the study of holy Scriptures, then in the knowledge of Philosophy) seems to be of this opinion, when in his Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, he doth laugh at those, 
Chrysost. homil. 14 & 17. in epist and Hebre.  which hold the heavens to be round. And it seems, the holy Scripture doth infer as much; terming the Heavens a Tabernacle or Frame built by the hand of God. And he passeth farther upon this point, saying, that which moves and goes, 
Chrys. hom. 6.13 in Gen●s. & hom. 12 ad pop. Antioch.  is not the Heaven, but the Sun, Moon and Stars which move in the heaven, even as Sparrows and other birds move in the air: contrary to that, which the Philosophers hold, that they turn with the Heaven itself, as the arms of a wheel do with the wheel. 
Theodore●.  Theodoret a very grave Author, follows chrysostom in this opinion, and Theophilus likewise, as he is accustomed almost in all things. 
Theophil. in capitul. 8. ad Hebre.  But Lactantius Firmian, above all the rest, holding the same opinion, 
Lact. lib. 3. divin. inst. ca 24.  doth mock the Peripatetics and Academics, which give the heaven a round form, placing the earth in the midst thereof: for that it seemeth ridiculous unto him, that the earth should hang in the air, as is before said. By which his opinion, he is conformable unto Epicurus, who holdeth, that on the other part of the earth, there is nothing but a Chaos and infinite gulf. And it seemeth that S. Jerome draweth near to this opinion, 
jev. in epist. a● Ephes. ●●●. 2. ● 4.  writing upon the Epistle to the Ephesians in these words. The natural Philosopher by his contemplation pierceth to the height of heaven, and on the other part he findeth a great vast in the depth and bowels of the earth. Some likewise say that Procopius affirms (the which I have not seen) upon the book of Genesis, 
Sixtu● Senens. lib. 5. biblio. annot at. 3.  that the opinion of Aristotle, touching the form and circular motion of the Heaven, is contrary and repugnant to the holy Scriptures. But whatsoever the Ancients say or hold touching this point, it must not trouble us, for that it is well known and verified, that they have not been so studious in the knowledge and demonstrations of Philosophy, being busied in other studies of far greater importance. But that which is more to be admired, is, that S. Augustine himself, 
Aug. lib. 2. de Gen. ad lit. c. 9  so well seen in all natural Sciences, yea, very learned in Astrology and Physic, remains yet still in doubt, not able to resolve, whether the Heaven did compass in the earth on all parts. 
Id. Psal. 35.  What care I (saith he) if we suppose the Heaven doth environ the earth on all parts like unto a bowl, being in the midst of the world, as a bottom is compassed with thread: or that we say it is not so, and that the Heaven covereth the earth of one part only, as a great Basin that hangs over it. In the same place he seemeth to show, (nay, he speaketh plainly) that there is no certain demonstration, to prove the figure of the world to be round, but only by simple conjectures. In which places cited and others; they hold the circular motion of the Heaven very doubtful. But we ought not to take it offencively, nor esteem less of the Doctors of the holy Church, if in some points of Philosophy and natural knowledge, they have varied in opinion from that which is held for good philosophy; seeing all their study hath been to know, preach and serve the Creator of all things, wherein they have been excellent, and having well employed their studies in causes of greater weight, it is a small matter in them, not to have known all particularities concerning the creatures. But those vain Philosophers of our age, are much more to be blamed, who having attained to the knowledge of the being and order of the creatures, and of the course and motion of the Heavens, have not yet learned (wretched as they are) to know the Creator of all things, but busying themselves wholly in his works, have not yet mounted by their imaginations to the knowledge of the Sovereign Author thereof, 
Sapien. 13. Rom. 1.  as the holy Scripture teacheth us: or if they have known him, they have not served and glorified him, as they ought, blinded with their imaginations, whereof the Apostle doth accuse and blame them.   

That the Heaven is round on all parts, moving in his course of itself. CHAP. 2.  
But coming to our subject: there is no doubt, but the opinion which Aristotle and the other Peripatetics held with the Stoics, (that the figure of Heaven was round, and did move circularly in his course) is so perfectly true; as we which do now live in Peru, see it visibly. Wherein experience should be of more force, than all Philosophical demonstrations, being sufficient to prove that the Heaven is round, and comprehends and contains the earth within it of all parts. And to clear any doubt that might grow, it sufficeth that I have seen in this our Hemisphere, that part of Heaven which turns about this earth, the which was unknown to the Ancients: and have observed the two Poles, whereon the Heaven's turn, as upon their Axeltrees. I say, the Arctic or North Pole, which those of Europe behold, and the other Antarctic or Southern Pole (whereof saint Augustine is in doubt) the which we change and take for the North here at Peru, 
Aug. lib. 2. de Genes. ad lit. cap. 10.  having passed the Equinoctial line. Finally, it sufficeth that I have sailed near 70. degrees from North to South, that is, forty of the one side of the line, and 23. on the other, omitting at this present the testimony of others, which have sailed much farther than myself, & in a greater height, coming near 70. degrees towards the South. Who will not confess, but the ship called the Victori● (worthy doubtless of eternal memory) hath won the honour and praise to have best discovered and compassed the round earth, yea, that great Chaos, and infidite Vast, which the ancient Philosophers affirmed to be under, the earth, having compassed about the world, and circled the vastness of the great Oceans. Who is he then, that will not confess by this Navigation, but the whole earth (although it were bigger than it is described) is subject to the feet of man, s●eing he may measure it? Thus, without doubt the Heaven is of a round and perfect figure; and the earth likewise embracing and joining with the water, makes one globe or round bowl framed of these two elements, having their bounds & limits within their own roundness & greatness. The which may be sufficiently proved by reasons of Philosophy and Astrology, leaving all subtle definitions commonly objected. That, to the most perfect body, (which is the Heaven) we must give the most perfect figure, which without doubt is round: whose circular motion could not be firm nor equal in itself, if it had any corner or nook of any side, or if it were crooked, (as of necessity it must be) if the Sun, Moon & stars, made not their course about the whole world. But leaving all these reasons, it seems that the Moon is sufficient in this case, as a faithful witness of the Heaven itself, seeing that her Eclipse happens, but when as the roundness of the earth opposeth itself diametrally betwixt her and the Sun, and by that means keeps the Sunbeams from shining on her. The which could not chance, if the earth were not in the midst of the world compassed in and environed by the whole Heaven. Some have doubted whether the light of the Moon were borrowed from the brightness of the Sun: but it is needless, seeing there can be found no other cause of the Eclipses, full, and quarters of the Moon, but the communication of the beams which proceed from the Sun. 
Aug. ep. 109. ad januarium. cap. 4.  In like sort if we will carefully examine this matter, we shall find that the darkness of the night proceeds from no other cause but from the shadow which the earth makes, not suffering the light of the sun to pass to the other part of the heaven, where his beams shine not. If then it be so, that the sun passeth no farther, neither doth cast his beams on the other part of the earth, but only turns about, and returns to his setting, making a ridge upon the earth by his turning, (the which he must of force confess, that shall deny the roundness of the heaven, seeing (according to their saying) the heaven as a basin doth only cover the face of the earth,) it should then plainly follow, that we could not observe the difference betwixt the days and nights, the which in some regions be short and long according to the seasons, and in some are always equal: the which S. Augustine noteth in his books De Genes. ad litter am. 
August. lib. de Genes. ad litteram. cap. 19  That we may easily comprehend the oppositions, conversions, elevations, descents, and all other aspects and dispositions of Planets and stars, when we shall understand they move, and yet notwithstanding the heaven remains firm and immovable. The which seemeth to me easy to comprehend, and will be to all others, if it may be lawful to imagine that which my fancy doth conceive: for if we suppose that every star and planet be a body of itself, & that it be led & guided by an Angel, 
Dan. 14.  as Habacuc was carried into Babylon: who I pray you is so blind, but seeth that all the divers aspects which we see appear in planets & stars may proceed from the diversity of motion which he that guides them doth voluntarily give them. We cannot then with any reason affirm, but that this space & region by which they feign that stars do continually march and roll, is elementary and corruptible, seeing it divides itself when they pass, the which undoubtedly do not pass by any void place. If then the region wherein the stars and planets move, be corruptible, the stars and planets of their own motion should be, by reason likewise corruptible, and so by consequence they must alter, change, and be finally extinct: for naturally that which is contained is no more durable than that which containeth. And to say that the Celestial bodies be corruptible, it agreeth not with the psalm, That God made them for ever: 
Psal. 148.  And it is less conformable to the order & preservation of this universal world. I say moreover, to confirm this truth, that the heavens move, and in them the stars march in turning, the which we cannot easily discern with our eyes, seeing we see that not only thestarres do move, but also the regions & wh●le parts of heaven: I speak not only of the shining and most resplendent parts, as of that which we call Via lactea, and the vulgar, S. jaques way, but also of the darker and obscurer parts in heaven. For there we see really, as it were spots and darkness, which are most apparent: the which I remember not to have seen at any time in Europe, but at Peru, and in this other Hemisphere I have often seen them very apparent. These spots are in colour and form like unto the Eclipse of the Moon, and are like unto it in blackness and darkness: they march, fixed to the same stars, always of one form and bigness, as we have noted by infallible observation. It may be this will seem strange to some, & they will demand whence these spots in heaven should grow? To the which I cannot answer otherwise at this time, but (as the Philosophers do affirm) that this Via lactea, or milken way, is compounded of the thickest parts of the heaven: and for this cause it receives the greater light, and chose there are other parts very thin and transparent, the which receiving less light seem more black & obscure. Whether this be the true reason or no, I dare not certainly affirm. Yet is it true, that according to the figure these spots have in heaven, they move with the same proportion with their stars without any separation: the which is a true, certain, and often noted experience. It followeth then by all that we have said, that the heaven containeth in it all the parts of the earth, circling continually about it, without any more doubt.   

How the holy Scripture teacheth us that the earth is in midst of the world. CHAP. 3.  
ALthough it seems to Procopius, Gaza, and to some others of his opinion, that it is repugnant to the holy Scripture to place the earth in the midst of the world, and to say that the heaven is round: yet in truth, 
Hest 13. Sap. 1.27.11.18. Psal. 91.7.23.39.97. job 37. Eccles. 1.  this doctrine is not repugnant, but conformable to that which it doth teach us. For laying aside the terms which the Scripture itself doth use in many places, The roundness of the earth. And that which it sayeth in an other place that whatsoever is corporeal, is unvironed and compassed in by the heavens, and contained within the roundness thereof: at the least thy cannot deny, but that place of Ecclesiastes is very plain, where it is said, The Sunneriseth and sets, and returns to the same place, and so begins to rise again: he takes his course by the South, turning towards the North: this spirit marches compassing about all things, and then returns to the same place. In this place the paraphrase and exposition of Gregory Neocesarien, or Nazianzen, sayeth, The Sun having run about the whole earth, returns as it were turning to the same point. That which Solomon saveth, (being interpreted by Gregory) could not be true, if any part of the earth were not environed with the heaven. And so S. Jerome doth understand it, 
jerom. cap. 3. ad Ephes.  writing upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, in this sort, The most common opinion affirms (agreeing with Ecclesiastes:) That the heaven is round, moving circularly like unto a bowl. And it is most certain, that no round figure containeth in it, either longitude, latitude, height or depth, for that all parts are equal. Whereby it appears, according to S. Jerome, That those which hold the heaven to be round, are not repugnant to the holy Scripture, but conformable to the same. 
Basil. hom. li. 1. Hexam. prope finem.  And although that S. Basile especially, and S. Ambrose (who doth usually imitate him in his books called Hexameron) seem somewhat doubtful of this point: yet in the end they grant that the world is round. It is true that S. Ambrose doth not yield to this quintessence, 
Amb. lib. 10. Hexam cap. 6.  which Aristotle attributes to the heavens: without doubt it is a goodly thing to see with what a grace and excellent style the holy Scripture treats of the situation and firmness of the earth, to breed in us a wonderful admiration, and no less content to behold the unspeakable power and wisdom of the Creator. 
Psal. 74.  For that in one place, God himself says, that it was he which planted the pillars which support the earth: giving us to understand (as S. Ambrose doth well expound it) that the unmeasurable weight of the whole earth is held up by the hands of the divine power. 
Amb. 1. Hexa.  The holy Scripture doth commonly so call them, and useth this phrase, naming them the pillars of heaven and earth: not those of Atlas, as the Poets feign: but of the eternal word of God, who by his virtue supports both heaven and earth. Moreover, the holy Scripture in an other place teacheth, that the earth, or a great part thereof, 
job. 9 26.  is joined to, and compassed in by the Element of water, speaking generally, that God placed the earth upon the waters. And in another place, 
Heb. 1.  that he framed the roundness of the earth upon the Sea. And although S. Augustine doth not conclude upon this text as a matter of faith, that the earth and the water make one globe in the midst of the world, pretending by this means to give another exposition to the words of the Psalm: 
Aug. in Ps. 13●  yet notwithstanding it is most certain, that by the words of the psalm we are given to understand, that we have no other reason to imagine any other cement or uniting to the earth than the Element of water, the which although it be pliant and movable, yet doth it support and environ this great mass of the earth, the which was wrought by the wisdom of that great Architect. They say, the earth is built upon the waters, and upon the sea: but chose, the earth is rather under the waters: for according to common judgement and imagination, that which is on the other part of the earth which we inhabit, seems to be under the earth, and so by the same reason, the waters and sea, which do compass in the earth on the other part, should be underneath, and the earth above: yet the very truth is, that what is properly beneath, that is always in the midst of the universal: but the holy scripture frames itself to our manner of conceiving and speaking. Some may demand (seeing the earth is set upon the waters, as the scripture sayeth,) whereon the waters are placed, or what support have they? And if the earth and the water make one round globe, how can all this monstrous mass be sustained? To this the holy scripture answereth them in another place, giving us greatest cause to admire the power of the Creator: and saith in these words: 
job. 26.  The earth extends towards the North upon the Vast, and stays hanging upon nothing. The which in truth is very well spoken, for that really it seems this heap of earth and water is set upon nothing, when we describe it in the midst of the air, as in truth it is. But this wonder which men so much admire, God himself hath not laid open, demanding of the same job in these terms: 
job 38.  Tell me if thou canst, who hath laid the line or cast the lead for the building of the world, and with what mortar the foundations have been laid and joined. Finally, to make us understand the fashion and model of this admirable frame of the world, the Prophet David accustomed to sing and praise his divine works, says very well in a Psalm made of this subject, 
Psal. 103.  in these words, Thou which hast built the earth upon firmness itself, that it cannot stagger nor move for ever and ever. Meaning to show the cause why the earth set in the midst of the air, falleth not, nor staggereth from place to place, for that by nature it hath sure foundations, laid by the most wise Creator, to the end it might sustain itself without any other support. Man's imagination is therefore deceived in this place, seeking other foundations of the earth, and for want thereof, doth measure divine things, according to humane reason. So that we need not to fear (how great or heavy soever this mass of earth then hanging in the air seemeth to be,) that it can fall or turn topsy turvy, being assured upon this point: for that the same Psalmist saith, that it shall never be overthrown. Truly David with reason (after he had beheld and sung the wonderful works of the Lord) doth not cease to praise him in the same, 
Psal. 103.  saying, O how great & wonderful are the works of the Lord. It appears that all spring from his knowledge. And in truth (if I shall freely speak my opinion touching this point) often in my travel passing the great gulfs of the Ocean, and marching by other regions of so strange lands, staying to behold and consider the greatness of these works of the Lord, I felt a wonderful consolation of the sovereign wisdom and greatness of the Creator, who shines in his works: in comparison whereof, all the Palaces, castles, and princely buildings, together with all the inventions of man, seem nothing, yea, are base and contemptible in respect thereof. O how often hath come into my mind and mouth that place of the Psalm, which sayeth thus, Great comfort hast thou given me O Lord by thy works: I will not cease to rejoice in the contemplation of the works of thy hands. Really and in truth, the works of God have (I know not what) secret & hidden grace and virtue: the which although they be often beheld, yet do they still cause a new taste and content: whereas chose, the works of man, although they be built with exquisite art, yet often seen, they are no more esteemed, but breed a distaste: be they most pleasant Gardens, Palaces, or stately Temples, be they Pyramids of proud buildings, Pictures, carved images, or stones of rare work and invention, or whatsoever else adorned with all the beauties possible: Yet is it most certain that viewing them twice or thrice with attention, the eye presently turns away, being glutted with the sight thereof. But if you behold the sea with attention, or some steep mountain, growing from a plain to a strange height, or the fields clad in their natural verdure with pleasant flowers, or the raging course of some river, beating continually against the rocks: finally, what work of nature soever, although it be often viewed, yet doth it still breed a new content and never gluttes the sight: the which is like unto a stately banquet of the divine wisdom, which doth always cause a new consideration without any loathing.   

Containing an answer to that which is objected out of the holy Scripture, against the roundness of the earth. CHAP. 4.  
REturning then to the figure of heaven, I know not out of what authority of the holy scripture they can prove that it is not round, nor his motion circular: neither do I see (whereas S. Paul calls the heaven a Tabernacle, or a Tent which God made, 
Heb. 8.  & not man:) how can it be applied to this purpose: for although he telleth us that it was made by God, yet must we not therefore conjecture that the heaven covereth the earth like to a roof on the one part only, neither that the heaven was framed without motion, as it seems some would infer. The Apostle in this place treated of the conformity of the ancient Tabernacle of the law, saying thereupon, that the Tabernacle of the new law of grace, is heaven: into the which, the great Priest jesus Christ, entered once by his blood: and thereby is understood, that there is as great pre-eminence of the new above the old, as there is difference betwixt the author of the new, which is God, and of the old which was man: although it be most certain, that the old was built by the wisdom of God, who instructed his workman BeZeleell. 
Exo. 36.  Neither must we imagine that these comparisons, parables, and allegories, do in all things agree with that whereunto they are applied, as the happy Crysostome hath learnedly spoken upon this point. 
Chrisost. in 20. cap.  The other authority (which S. Augustine says is alleged of some to show that the heaven is not round) is this, The heavens stretch forth like unto a skin. 
Psal. 103.  Whereby he concludes that it is not round, but flat on the upper part, whereunto the same Doctor doth answer very well and familiarly, giving us to understand that that place of the Psalm, is not properly to be understood of the figure of heaven, 
Aug. 2. de Gen. ad litterans. ca 9  but only to show with what facility God built so great a heaven, being no more painful for him to build so huge a cover as the heaven is, then to unfold a double skin. Or else the Psalmist pretending to show us the great majesty of God, to whom the heaven with his greatness and beauty doth serve in like manner, as our tents and pavilions in the field. The which was well expressed by a Poet calling it, The Tent of the clear heaven. In like sort, the place of Isaii, which sayeth, Heaven serves me as a chair, and the earth for a footstool. 
isaiah. 66.  But if we follow the error of the Antromorphites, which did attribute corporal members unto God, according to his divinity: we should have occasion upon this last text, to examine how it were possible the earth should be a footstool to God's feet, and how the same God could hold his feet of the one part and the other, and many heads round about, seeing that he is in all parts of the world, which were a vain and ridiculous thing. We must therefore conclude, that in the holy scriptures we ought not to follow the letter which kills, 
2. Cori●. ●. 2.  but the spirit which quickeneth, as saith S. Paul.   

Of the fashion and form of Heaven, at the newfound world. CHAP. 5.  
MAny in Europe demand of what form and fashion Heaven is in the Southern parts, for that there is no certainty found in ancient books, who although they grant there is a Heaven on this other part of the world, yet come they not to any knowledge of the form thereof, although in truth they make mention of a goodly great Star seen in those parts, 
Plin. lib. 6. c●p. 22.  which they call Canopus. Those which of late days have sailed into these parts, have accustomed to write strange things of this heaven; that it is very bright, having many goodly stars: and in effect, things which come far, are commonly described with increase. But it seems contrary unto me, holding it for certain, that in our Region of the North, there is a greater number and bigger Stars; finding no stars in these parts, which exceed the Fisher or the Chariot in bigness. It is true, that the Cross in these parts is very fair and pleasing to behold: we call the Cross, four notable and apparent stars, which make the form of a cross, set equally and with proportion. The ignorant suppose this Cross to be the southern Pole, for that they see the Navigators take their height thereby, as we are accustomed to do by the North star. But they are deceyved, and the reason, why Sailors do it in this ●orte, is for that in the South parts there is no fixed star that marks the Pole, as the North star doth to our Pole. And therefore they take their height by the star at the foot of the Cross, distant from the true and fixed Pole Antarctic thirty degrees, as the North star is distant from the Pole Arctic three degrees or little more. And so it is more difficult to take the height in those parts, for that the said star at the foot of the Cross must be right, the which chanceth but in one hour of the night; which is in diverse seasons of the year in diverse hours, and often times it appeareth not in the whole night, so as it is very difficult to take the height. And therefore the most expert Pilots regard not the Cross, taking the height of the Sun by the Astrolabe, by which they know in what height they are: wherein commonly the Portugal's are more expert, as a Nation that hath more discourse in the Art of Navigation than any other. There are also other stars in these southern parts, which in some sort resemble those of the North. That which they call the Milken way, is larger and more resplendent in the south parts, appearing therein those admirable black spots, 
Via lactea.  whereof we have made mention. As for other particularities, let others speak of them with greater curiositle, and let this which we have said, suffice for this time.   

That there is Land and Seavader the two Poles. CHAP. 6.  
IIt is no small labour to have unfolded this doubt with this knowledge and resolution, that there is a Heaven in these parts of the Indies, which doth cover them as in Europe, Asia, and A●●ri●ke. And this point serveth often against many Spaniards, who being here, sigh for Spain, having no discourse, but of their country, They wonder, yea, they grow discontented with us, imagining that we have forgotten & make small account of our native soil. To whom we answer, that the desire to return into Spain, doth nothing trouble us, being as near unto Heaven at Peru, as in Spain: as saint Jerome saith well, writing unto Paulinus; That the gates of Heaven are as near unto Brittany, as to jerusalem. But although the Heaven doth compass in the world of all pa●ts, yet must we not imagine that there is land necessarily on all parts of the world. For being so, that the two elements of earth and water make one globe or bowl, according to the opinion of the most renowned ancient Authors, (as Plutarch testifieth) and as it is proved by most certain demonstrations, 
Plut. blind plac●tis ●hil. cap. 9 & 1●.  we may conjecture, that the sea doth occupy all this part, which is under the Antarctic or southern Pole, so as there should not remain any place in these parts for the earth, the which saint Augustine doth very learnedly hold against them that maintain the Antipodes, saying, that although it be proved, and we believe that the world is round like to a bowl, we may not therefore infer, that in this other part of the world, the earth is uncovered, and without water. Without doubt, 
Aug. lib. 16. de c●vit. cap. 9  saint Augustine speaks well upon this point; and as the contrary is not proved, so doth it not follow, that there is any land discovered at the Antarctic Pole. The which experience hath now plainly taught us, for although the greatest part of the world under the Pole Antarctic be sea, yet is it not altogether, but there is likewise land, so as in all parts of the world, the earth and water embrace one another, which truly is a thing to make us admire and glorify the Art of the sovereign Creator. We know then by the holy Scripture, that in the beginning of the world, 
G●●es. 1.  the waters were gathered together in one place, so as the earth remained uncovered. Moreover, the same holy writ doth teach us, that these gatherings together of the water were called Sea; and as there be many, so of necessity there must be many Seas. And this diversity of seas is not only in the Mediterranean Sea, whereas one is called Euxine, another the Caspian, an other the Erethean or red Sea, an other the Persian, an other of Italy, and so many others. But also in the great Ocean, which the holy Scripture doth usually call a gulf: although really and in truth it be but a Sea, yet in many and diverse manners: as in respect of Peru and all America, the one is called the North Sea, the other the South; and at the East Indies, the one is called the Indian sea, the other that of China. And I have observed, as well by my own navigation, as by the relation of others, that the Sea is never divided from the Land above a thousand Leagues. And although the great Ocean stretcheth far, yet doth it never pass this measure. I will not for all this affirm that we sail not above a thousand leagues in the Ocean, which were repugnant to truth, being well known that the ships of Portugal have sailed four times as much, and more; and that the whole world may be compassed about by sea, as we have seen in these days, without any further doubt. But I say and affirm, that of that which is at this day discovered, there is no land distant from an other firm land, by direct line, or from some Islands near unto it above a thousand leagues, and so betwixt two firm lands there is no greater distance of sea, accounting from the nearest parts of both the lands: for from the end of Europe or Africa and their coasts, to the Canaries, the Isles of Acores, Cape Verd and others in the like degree, are not above three hundred leagues, or five hundred from the Main land. From the said islands running along to the West Indies, there are scant nine hundred leagues, to the islands of saint Dominick, the Virgins, the Happy Islands and the rest; and the same islands run along in order to the Islands of Barlovent which are Cuba, Hispan●ola, and Boriquen; from the same islands unto the Main land are scarce two or three hundred leagues, & in the nearest part far less. The firm land runs an infinite space▪ from Terra●Florida to the land of Patagons, and on the other side of the South, from the Strait of Maggellan, to the Cape of Mendoce, there runs a long Continent but not very large: for the largest is the Travers of Peru, which is distant from Brasil about a thousand leagues. In this South Sea, although they have not yet discovered the end towards the West, yet of late they have found out the islands, which they call Solomon, the which are many and great, distant from Peru about eight hundred leagues. And for that we find by observation, that whereas there be many and great Islands, so there is some firm Land not far off, I myself with many others do believe, that there is some firm land near unto the islands of Solomon, the which doth answer unto our America on the West part, and possibly might run by the height of the South, to the straights of Maggellan. Some hold, that Nova Guinea is firm Land, and some learned men describe it near to the islands of Solomon; so as it is likely, a good part of the world is not yet discovered, seeing at this day our men sail in the South Sea unto China and the Philippines: and we say, that to go from Peru to those parts, they pass a greater Sea, then in going from Spain to Peru. Moreover, we know, that by that famous Strait of Maggellan these two Seas do join and continue one with an other (I say the South sea with that of the North) by that part of the Antarctic Pole, which is in fifty one degrees of altitude. But it is a great question (wherein many have busied themselves) whether these two Seas join together in the North part: but I have not heard, that any unto this day, could attain unto this point, but by certain likelihoods and conjectures, some affirm, there is an other Strait under the North, opposite to that of Maggellan. But it sufficeth for our subject, to know, that there is a firm Land on this Southern part, as big as all Europe, Asiae and Africa: that under both the Poles we find both land and sea, one embracing an other. Whereof the Ancients might stand in doubt, and contradict it for want of experience.   

To confute the opinion of Lactantius, who holds there be no Antipodes. CHAP. 7.  
SEeing it is manifest, that there is firm land upon the South part or Pole Antarctic, we must now see if it be inhabited: 
Lact. lib. 7. in●●. divin. cap. 23.  the which hath been a matter very disputable in former times. Lactantius Firmian, and S. Augustine mock at such as hold there be any Antipodes, (which is as much to say, 
Aug. lib. 16. the ●u●tate. c. ●. 9.  as men marching with their feet opposite to ours. But although these two authors agree in these jests, yet do they differ much in their reasons and opinions, as they were of very diverse spirits and judgements. Lactantius follows the vulgar, seeming ridiculous unto him that the heaven should be round, and that the earth should be compassed in the midst thereof, like unto a ball, whereof he writes in these terms, What reason is there for some to affirm, that there are Antipodes, whose steps are opposite to ours? Is it possible that any should be so gross and simple as to believe there were a people or nation marching with their fe●te upwards, and their heads downwardly, and that things which are placed here of one sort, are in that other part hanging topsy-turvy: that trees and corn grow downwardly, and that rain, snow, & hail, fall from the earth upward. Then after some other discourse, the same Lactantius useth these words, The imagination and conceit which some have had, supposing the heaven to be round, hath been the cause to invent these Antipodes hanging in the air. So as I know not what to say of such Philosophers, who having once erred, continue still obstinately in their opinions defending one another. But whatsoever he saith, we that live now at Peru, and inhabit that part of the world which is opposite to Asia and their Antipodes (as the Cosmographers do teach us) find not ourselves to be hanging in the air, our heads downward, and our feet on high. Truly it is strange to consider, that the spirit and understanding of man cannot attain unto the truth, without the use of imagination: and on the other part, it were impossible but he should err and be deceived, if he should wholly forbear it. We cannot comprehend the heaven to be round as it is, and the earth to be in the midst of it, without imagination. But if this imagination were not controlled and reform by reason, in the end we should be deceived; whereby we may certainly conclude, that in our souls there is a certain light of heaven, whereby we see and judge of the interior forms which present themselves unto us, and by the same we allow of, or reject that which imagination doth offer unto us. Hereby we see that the rational soul is above all corporal powers: and as the force and etenall vigour of truth doth rule in the most eminent part of man: yea, we plainly see that this pure light is participant and proceeds from that first great light, that whoso knoweth not this, or doubteth thereof, we may well say that he is igmorant, or doubts whether he be a man or no. So, if we shall demand of our imagination what it thinks of the roundness of heaven, without doubt she will answer us as Lactantius doth, That if the heaven were round, the Sun & stars should fall, when as they move and change their places, rising towards the South. Even so, if the earth did hang in the air, those which inhabit the other part, should go with their feet upwards, and their heads downward, and the rain which falls from above, should mount upward, with many other ridiculous deformities. But if we consult with the force of reason, she will make small account of all these vain imaginations, nor suffer us to believe them no more than a foolish dream. But Reason will answer with this her integrity and gravity, that it were a very gross error, to imagine the whole world to be like unto a house, placing the earth for the foundation, and the heaven for the covering. Moreover she will say, that as in all creatures the head is the highest part and most elevated, although all creatures have not heads placed in one, and the same sctuation, some being in the highest part, as man, some athwart, as sheep, others in the midst, as spiders:) even so the heaven, in what part soever it be, remains above, and the earth likewise in what part soever, remains underneath. Our imagination therefore is grounded upon time and place, the which she cannot comprehend nor conceive in general, but in particular. It followeth, that when we shall raise it to the consideration of things which exceed the time and place which are known unto her, then presently she shrinks and cannot subsist, if reason doth not support her. In like sort we see, upon the discourse of the creation of the world, our imagination strays to seek out a time before the creation thereof, and to build the world: she describes a place, but she comes not to consider that the world might be made after another fashion. Notwithstanding, reason doth teach us, that there was no time before there was a motion, whereof time is the measure, neither was there any place before the universal, which comprehends within it all place. 
Arist. 1. dd Cel. ca 3.  Wherein the excellent Philosopher Aristotle doth plainly satisfy (and in few words) that argument made against the place of the earth, helping himself with our use of imagination, when he sa●eth, and with truth, That in the world the same place of the earth is in the midst and beneath, and the more a thing is in the midst, the more it is underneath. The which answer being produced by Lactantius Firmian, yet he doth pass it over without confutation, by reason, saying that he cannot stay thereon, and omit the handling of other matters.   

The reason why S. Augustine denied the Antipodes. CHAP. 8.  
THe reason which moved S. Augustine to deny the Antipodes, was other then that formerly alleged, being of a higher judgement, for the reason before mentioned (that the Antipodes should go upwards) is confuted by the same Doctor in his book of sermons in these words, The ancients hold, 
Aug lib. Categoriacum. c. 10. in tom● 1.  that the earth of all parts is beneath, and the heaven above, by reason whereof the Antipodes, which they say go opposite unto us, have like unto us the heaven above their heads. Seeing then S. Augustine hath confessed this to be conformable to good Philosophy, what reason shall we say did move so learned and excellent a man to follow the contrary opinion? Doubtless he drew the motive and cause from the bowels of divinity, whereby the holy Writ doth teach us, that all mankind doth come from the first man Adam: and to say that men could pass to that new world, crossing the great Ocean, were uncredible, and a mere lie. And in truth, if the success an experience of what we have seen in these ages, had not satisfied us in this point, we had yet held this reason to be good. And although we know this reason neither to be pertinent nor true, yet will we make answer thereunto, showing in what sort, and by what means, the first lineage of men might pass thither, and how and by what means they came to people and inhabit the Indies. And for that we mean hereafter to entreat briefly of this subject, it shall be fit now to understand what the holy Doctor Augustine disputes upon this matter in his books of the city of God, It is no point that we ought to believe (as some affirm) that there are Antipodes, 
Lib. 16. c●p. 9  that is to say, men which inhabit that other part of the earth, in whose region the Sun riseth when it sets with us, and that their steps be opposite and contrary to ours, seeing they affirm not this by any certain revelation which they have, but only by a Philosophical discourse they make, whereby they conclude, that the earth being in the midst of the world, environed of all parts and covered equally with the heaven, of necestitie that must be in the lowest place which is in the midst of the world. Afterwards he continues in these words, The holy Scripture doth not err, neither is deceived in any sort: the truth whereof is well approved in that which it propoundeth of things which are passed, for as much as that which hath benefore-told, hath succeeded in every point, as we see: And it is a thing void of all sense, to say, that men could pass from this continent to the new found world & cut through the Vast Ocean, seeing it were impossible for men to pass into those parts any other way, being most certain that almen descend from the first man. Wherein we see, that all the difficulty S. Augustine hath found, was nothing else but the incomparable greatness of this vast Ocean. Gregory Nazianzen was of the same opinion, 
Nazian. epist. 27. ad P●stumi●num.  assuring (as a matter without any doubt) that it was not possible to sail beyond the straits of Gibraltar: and upon this subject he writes in an Epistle of his: I agree well with the saying of Pindarus, That past Cadiz, that Sea is not navigable. And he himself in the funeral Sermon he made for saint Basil saith: It was not tolerable for any one sailing on the Sea, to pass the Strait of Gibraltar. And it is true, that this place of Pindarus, where he saith, That it is not lawful, neither for wise men nor fools, to know what is beyond the Strait of Gibraltar, hath been taken for a Proverb. Thus we see by the beginning of this Proverb, how the Ancients were obstinately settled in this opinion; as also by the books of Poets, Historiographers and ancient Cosmographers, that the end and bounds of the earth were set at Cadiz in Spain: where they plant the pillars of Hercules: there they set the limits of the Roman Empire, and there they describe the bounds of the world. And not only profane writers speak in this sort, but also the holy Scripture, to apply itself to our phrase saith, That the edict of Augustus Caesa● was published, to the end that all the world should be taxed: and of Alexander the great, that he stretched forth his Empire even to the end and uttermost bounds of the earth. And in another place they say, that the Gospel did flourish and increase through the universal world. For the holy Scripture by an usual phrase, calleth all the world, that which is the greatest part thereof, and was at that time discovered and known. And the Ancients were ignorant, that the East Indian Sea, and that of the West were navigable, wherein they have generally agreed. By reason whereof, Pliny writes as a certain truth, that the seas which are betwixt two lands, takes from us a just moiety of the habitable earth. For saith he, we cannot pass thither, neither they come hither. Finally, Tully, Macrobius, Pomponius Mela, and the ancient Writers hold the same opinion.   

Of Aristotle's opinion, touching the new World, and what abused him to make him deny it. CHAP. 9  
BEsides all the former reasons, there was yet an other, which moved the Ancients to believe it to be impossible for men to pass to this new world: the which they held; for that besides the vastness of the great Ocean, the heat of that Region, which they call the burning Zone, was so excessive, as it would not suffer any man, how venturous or laborious soever, to pass by sea or land, from one Pole to an other. For although these Philosophers have themselves affirmed, that the earth was round, (as in effect it is) and that under the 2. Poles there was habitable land; yet could they not conceyve, that the Region, containing all that lieth betwixt the two tropics, (which is the greatest of the five Zones or Regions, by the which the Cosmographers and Astrologers divide the World) might be inhabited by man. The reason they give to maintain this Zone to be inhabitable, was, for the heat of the Sun, which makes his course directly over this Region, and approacheth so near, as it is set on fire, and so by consequence, causeth a want of waters and pastures. Aristotle was of this opinion, who although he were a great Philosopher, yet was he deceyved in this point: for the cleared whereof, it shall be good to observe his reasons, and to note wherein he hath discoursed well, 
Arist. 2. Meta ●ap. 5.  and wherein he hath erred. This Philosopher makes a question of the Meridional or Southern wind, whether we should believe it takes his beginning from the South, or from the other Pole contrary to the North, and writes in these terms. Reason teacheth us, that the latitude and largeness of the habitable earth, hath her bounds and limits, and yet all this habitable earth cannot be united and joined one to the other, by reason the middle Region is so intemperate. For it is certain, that in her longitude, which is from East to West, there is no immoderate cold nor heat, but in her latitude and height, which is from the Pole to the Equinoctial Line. So as we may well pass the whole earth in her longitude, if the greatness of the Sea, which joins lands together, were no hindrance. Hitherto there is no contradicting of Aristotle, who hath great reason to affirm, that the earth in her longitude, which is from East to West, runs more equally, & is more proper for the life and habitation of man, then in her latitude from North to South. The which is true, not only for this foresaid reason of Aristotle, that there is always one temperature of the Heavens from East to West, being equally distant both from the Northern cold and the Southern heat. But also for an other reason, for that traveling always in longitude, we see the days and nights succeed one another by course, the which falleth not out going in her latitude: for of necessity we must come to that Region under the Pole, whereas there is continual night for six Months, a very inconvenient thing for the life of man. The Philosopher passeth on further, r●prooving the Geographers, which described the earth in his time, and saith thus: We may discern the truth of that which I have said, by the passages which may be made by land, and the navigations by sea, for there is a great difference betwixt the longitude and the latitude, for the distance from the pillars of Hercules, at the Strait of Gibraltar, unto the East Indies, exceeds the proportion of above five to three, the passage which is from Ethiopia to the lake of Meotis in the farthest confines of Scythia, the which is confirmed by the account of journeys by land, & by sailing, as we do now know by experience: we have also knowledge of the habitable earth, even unto those parts which are inhabitable. And truly in this point we must pardon Aristotle, seeing that in his time, they had not discovered beyond the first Ethiopia, called the exterior, joining to Arabia and Africa, the other Ethiopia being wholly unknown in his age: Yea, all that great Land, which we now call the Land of Prete jan, neither had they any knowledge of the rest that lies under the Equinoctial, and runs beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, unto the Cape of good Hope, so famous and well known by the navigation of Portugals; so as if we measure the Land from this Cape unto Scythia and Tartary, there is no doubt, but this distance and latitude, will prove as great as the longitude, which is from Gibraltar unto the East Indies. It is certain, the Ancients had no knowledge of the springs of Nilus, nor of the end of Ethiopia, and therefore Lucan reproves the curiosity of julius Caesar, searching out the springs of Nilus in these verses; 
O Roman what avails thee so much travel,  

Lucan. 10. Pharsal.  In search of Nile's first source thyself to gravel.  And the same Poet, speaking to Nile saith: 
Since thy first source is yet so unrevealed,  
Nile, what thou art, is from the world concealed.   
But by the holy scripture we may conceive that this land is habitable: for if it were not, the Prophet Sophonias would not say (speaking of these nations called to the Gospel,) 
Soph. ●●. 3.  The children of my dispersed (so he calleth the Apostles) shall bring me presents from beyond the banks of Ethiopia. Yet (as I have said) there is reason to pardon the Philosopher, who believed the writers and Cosmographers of his time. Let us continue and examine what follows of the same Aristotle: One part of the world (saith he) which lieth towards the North, beyond the temperate zone, is inhabitable for the exceeding cold: the other part upon the South, is likewise inhabitable beyond the Tropic for the extreme heat. But the parts of the world lying beyond India on the one side, and the pillars of Hercules on the other, without doubt cannot be joined and continued one with the other: so as all the habitable earth is not contained in one continent, by reason of the sea which divides it. In this last point he speaks truth: then he continues touching the other parts of the world, saying, It is necessary the earth should have the same proportion with the Pole Antarctic, as this our part which is habitable hath with the North: and there is no doubt, but in that other world all things should be ordered as in ours, especially in the growing and order of the winds. And having alleged other reasons to no purpose, he concludes, saying, We must confess of necessity, that the Southern wind is that which blows and comes from the burning zone, the which being so near the sun, wants water and pastures. This is Aristotle's opinion, and in truth, man's conjecture can hardly pass any farther. So as I do often consider (with a Christian contemplation) how weak the Philosophy of the wise of this world hath been in the search of divine things, seeing in humane things (wherein they seem so well read) they often err. Aristotle holds, that the habitable earth of the Pole Antarctic, in longitude from East to West is very great, and in latitude from the Pole Antarctic to the Equi●●cticall is very s●●all ●● the which is so contrary to the truth, that in a manner all the habitation on this side the Pole Antarctic is in latitude, (I mean from the Pole to the line) and in longitude from East to West it is so small, as the latitude exceeds in three parts or more. In his other opinion he affirme●, that the middle region is inhabitable, being under the burning zone, burnt up by the excessive heat caused by the nearness of the sun▪ and by this reason hath neither waters nor pastures. The which is in like so●t contrary: for the greatest part of this new world, is situated betwixt the two tropics under the burning zone, and yet is it found very well peopled and inhabited by men and other sorts of creature's, being a region of all the world the most fruitful of waters and pastures, and very temperate in the greatest pa●t, which the will of God hath so appointed, to show that even in natural things he hath confounded the wisdom of this world▪ To conclude, we must believe that the burning zone is well inhabited, although the ancients have held it impossible. But the other zone or region, which lieth betwixt the burning zone and that of the Pole Antarctic, although it be in a climate more commodious for the life of man, yet is it smally peopled and inhabited, seeing we know no other dwelling in it but the Kingdom of Chile and a small portion joining to the Cape of good Hope. The rest is possessed by the Ocean. Although many be of opinion (the which I likewise hold) that there is much more land not yet discovered, the which should be firm land opposite to the Kingdom of Chile, which runs beyond the circle or Tropic of capricorn. And if there be any: without doubt it is a land of an excellent temper, being in the midst of two extremes, and situate in the same climate with the best regions in Europe. And in this regard Aristotle's conjecture was good. But speaking of what is discovered at this day in this zone, it is little in regard of the large countries inhabited under the burning zone   

That Pliny, and the ancients, held the same opinion with Aristotle. CHAP. 10.  
THis opinion of Aristotle's, hath been held by Pliny, who saith thus, 
Plin. lib. ●. cap. 61.  The temperature of the middle region of the world, where the sun continually runs his course, is scorched and burnt up as with a near fire. joining to the same region, there are two others of either side, which (lying betwixt the heat of this burning zone & the cruel cold of the other two extremes,) are very temperate, and can have no communication one with another, by reason of the excessive heat of the heaven: which hath been the opinion of the Ancients, generally described by the Poet in these verses.  
Heaven's circuit is of five zones, one whereof,  
Which still the sun burns, makes the earth below  
With flames intempestive red hot to glow.  
And the same Poet in another place.  
Hear this, if any harbour in that seat  
Whose quarter under that large zone is set  
Amidst four others by the sun enlightened.  
And another Poet speaks more plainly.  
As many regions are there on the ground,  
As are in heaven, wherein five parts are found,  
Whereof the midst, through heat raised from the rays  
Of scorching sun, inhabitable stays.  
The Ancients have grounded their general opinion upon one reason, which seemed to them certain and not to be confuted: for finding that the more a region drew near unto the South, the hotter it was: the proof whereof was so infallible in those regions, as by the same reason in Italy, Apulia is hotter than Tuscan, and in Spain Andelozia then biscay. A thing so apparent, that although there be but eight degrees difference or less betwixt the one and the other, yet do we find the one extreme hot, and the other very cold, whereby they did infer, that the region so near the South, having the sun so directly for zenith, must of necessity be continually scorched with heat. They did likewise see, that the diverse seasons of the year, as the Spring, Summer, Autumn & Winter, were caused by the nearness and distance of the sun, finding also that although they were far from the Tropic, by which the sun doth pass in summer, yet when it approached near unto them, at the same season they felt great heat. Whereby they did conjecture, that if they had had the sun so near unto them as to go directly over their heads, the heat would have been so insupportable, as it would burn and consume men with the vehemency thereof. The same reason moved the Ancients, to think that the middle region was not habitable, and therefore they called it the burning zone. And in truth, if visible experience did not unfold this doubt, we should yet confess, that this reason were very peremptory and Mathematical: whereby we may see how weak our understanding is, to comprehend these natural things. But we may say, it is fallen out to the great good and happiness of our age, to have the knowledge of these two great wonders, that is, to know how easily we may sail through the great Ocean, and that under the burning zone men enjoy a very temperate heaven, the which the Ancients could never believe. Of the last of these two wonders, touching the quality and habitation of the burning zone, by the grace of God we will discourse amply thereof in the next book. I think it therefore fit in this book to treat of the manner of sailing through the Ocean, for that it imports us much for the subject of this work. But before we come to this point, it shall be good to show what the Ancients thought of these new men, whom we call Indians.   

That in ancient Books we find some knowledge of this new world. CHAP. 11.  
LEt us return to that which hath been formerly spoken. We must necessarily conclude, that the Ancients did believe, that either there were no men beyond the Tropic of Cancer (as S. Augustine and Lactantius do affirm) or if there were any, 
Plutarch. 3. de placitis phillip cap. 11.  at the least they did not inhabit betwixt the two Tropics, (as Aristotle and Pliny have maintained, and before them the Philosopher Parmenides) the contrary whereof is before sufficiently proved, both for the one and the other. But many through curiosity may demand, if the Ancients had no knowledge of this truth, which to us is now so apparent: seeing that in truth it seemeth very strange, that this new world which is so spacious as we do visibly see it, should be hidden from the Ancients by so many ages. But some at this day, seeking to obscure the felicity of this age, and the glory of our Nation, strive to prove, that the new found world was known to the Ancients. And in truth we cannot deny, but there was some apparency. S. Jerome writing upon the Epistle to the Ephesians, saith, 
S jerom. supper ap. 1. ad Ephes.  We seek with reason what the Apostle meaneth in these words, where he saith: you have walked for a season according to the course of this world, whether he would have us to understand, that there is an other world, which neither is, nor depends of this world: but other worlds, whereof Clement writes in his Epistle, the Ocean and the worlds which are beyond the Ocean: These are the words of S. Jerome, but in truth I cannot find this Epistle of S. Clement cited by S. Jerome: yet I believe undoubtedly, that S. Clement hath written it, seeing S. Jerome maketh mention thereof. And with reason saint Clement saith, that beyond the Ocean there is an other world, yea, many worlds, as in truth there is; seeing there is so great distance from one new world to an other new world: (I mean from Peru and the West Indies, to China and the East Indies.) Moreover, Pliny, who hath been so curious a searcher out of strange things, reports in his natural History, that Hannon a Captain of the Carthaginians, sailed through the Ocean, from the Strait of Gibraltar, coasting alongst the land, 
Pil●. li. 2. c. 67.  even unto the confines of Arabia, and that he left this his Navigation in writing. If it be as Pliny writes, it follows that Hannon sailed as far as the Portugals do at this day, passing twice under the Equinoctial: which is a fearful thing. And the same Pliny reports of Cornelius Nepos a very grave Author, who saith, that the same course hath been sailed by an other man, called Eudaxius, but by contrary ways: for this Eudaxius following the King of Latyres, passed by the red sea into the Ocean; and turning back, came to the Strait of Gibraltar, the which Cornelius Nepos affirms to have happened in his time. And also other grave Authors do write, that a ship of Carthage driven by force of wind into the Ocean, came to a Land, which until then was unknown: and returning to Carthage, kindled a great desire in the Citizens to discover and people this land: the which the Senate perceiving, did forbid this navigation by a rigorous decree; fearing that with the desire of new lands, they should leave to love their own Country. By all this we may gather, that the Ancients had some knowledge of the new world: yet shall you hardly find in the books of ancient Writers, any thing written of our America, and all the West Indies: but of the East Indies (I say) there is sufficient testimony, not only of that on the other side, but also of that on this side, which then was farthest off; going thither by a contrary way to that at this day. Is it not easy to find Molaco in ancient books, which they called the golden Chersonese: the Cape of Comori, which was called the Promontory of Coci; & that great & famous Island of Sumatra, so well known by the ancient name of Taprobana. What shall we say of the two Ethiopiaes, the Brachmanes, and that great Land of the Chinaes'? Who doubts, but there was often mention made thereof in ancient books? But of the West Indies, we find not in Pliny, that in this navigation they passed the islands of the Canaries, 
Plin. lib. 6. cap. 21.  which he calleth Fortunate: the principal whereof is said to be called Canary, for the multitude of dogs which are in it. But there is scarce any mention in ancient books of the voyages which are made at this day beyond the Canaries, by the Gulf which with reason they call great. Yet many hold opinion, that Seneca the Tragedian did prophecy of the West Indies, in his Tragedy of Medea, which translated, saith thus; 

Senec. in M●d. Act. 2. in sin.  An age shall come, ere age's end,  
Blessedly strange and strangely blest,  
When our Sea far and near or'prest,  
His shore shall farther yet extend.  
Descried then shall a large Land be,  
By this profound Seas navigation,  
another World, an other Nation,  
All men shall then discovered see.  
Thule accounted heretofore  
The worlds extreme, the Northern bound,  
Shall be when south-west parts be found,  
A nearer Isle, a neighbour shore.   
This Seneca reports in these verses; & we cannot well deny, but (understanding it literally) it is very true: for if we reckon the many years he speaks of, beginning from the time of the Tragedian, it is above a thousand and four hundred years past: and if it were from the time of Medea, it is above two thousand years, the which we see plainly now accomplished: seeing the passage of the Ocean so long time hidden, hath been found out, and that they have discovered a great land and a new world inhabited, more spacious than all the Continent of Europe and Asia. But therein may a question with reason be made, whether Seneca spoke this by divination, or poetically and by chance. And to speak my opinion, I believe he did divine, after the manner of wise men and well advised; for that in his time they undertook new voyages and navigations by sea, he knew well, like a Philosopher, that there was an other land contrary and opposite unto us, which they call Antichthon. And by this ground he might conceyve, that the industry and courage of man might in the end pass the Ocean, and discover new lands and another world, for that in Senecaes' time, they had knowledge of the Voyage which Pliny speaketh of, whereby they passed the great Ocean. The which seems to be the motive of Senecaes' prophecy, as he giveth us to understand by these former verses, after the which having described the careful life of the Ancients, free from malice, he followeth thus: 
Now is it not as erst it was,  
For whether the Ocean will or nill,  
He traversed is by hardy will:  
Which pastime makes time so to pass.   
And a little after he saith thus: 
Now every boat dares swim and sport  
On surging Seas, fearing no wrack:  
Passengers seeking what they lack,  
So long a voyage think but short.  
Nothing is now more to discover,  
No place is now left to surprise,  
Towns now that for defence devise,  
With new fortifications cover.  
All in the world turned round about,  
No thing in place as 'twas enured,  
Nothing unseen, nothing assured  
This Circle universe throughout.  
The Indian, whom at home heat fries,  
Drinks of Araxis waters cold:  
The Persian rich in gems and gold,  
Wash in the Rhine and Elbe likewise.   
Seneca did conjecture this by the great courage of men, as that which shall happen last, saying, It shall fall out in the latter age, etc. as hath been before mentioned.   

Of the opinion which Plato held of the West Indies. CHAP. 12.  
IF any one hath treated more particularly of the west Indies, the honour belongs to Plato, who in his time faith thus. In those days, they could not sail this Gulf (meaning the Atlantike Sea (which is the Ocean) which meets at the Strait of Gibraltar) for that the passage was stopped at the mouth of the pillars of Hercules, (which is the same Strait of Gibraltar) and this Island was in those days joined▪ to the foresaid mouth, and was of that bigness, as it exceeded all Asia and Africa together: and then was there a passage to go from these islands to others, and from those others Islands, they went to the firm Land, the which was near environed with the very Sea. This is reported by Critias in Plato. And such as believe that this narration of Plato is a true History, delivered in these terms, say, that this great Atlantic Island (the which did exceed both Africa and Asia in greatness) did then comprehend the greatest part of the Ocean called Atlantike: which the Spaniards now sail in: and that those other islands, which (he said (were near unto this great one; are those, which we now call the islands of Barlovante; that is, Cuba, Hispaniola, S. john de Port ricco, jamaica, and other islands of that Country: and that the main Land whereof he maketh mention, is the same we now call firm Land, that is, Peru and America; and that Sea, which he saith is adjoining to the firm Land, is the South sea, the which he calleth the very Sea, for that in comparison of her greatness, all other Seas, both Mediterranean, yea, and the Atlantike Sea, are small in regard thereof. Hereby in truth they give a cunning and witty interpretation to these words of Plato. But whether this interpretation should be held for true or not, I am resolved to declare in an other place.   

That some have held opinion that in places of holy Scripture, whereas they speak of Ophir, is to be understood of our Peru. CHAP. 13.  
SOme hold opinion, that mention is made of the West Indies in the holy scripture; taking the region of Peru for that Ophir which so famous Robert Steevens, or to say more truly Francis Vatable, a man well seen in the Hebrew tongue (as I have heard our master report, who was his disciple) saith in his annotations upon the 9 chapter of the 3. book of Kings, that the Island of Hispaniola which Christopher Colombus found out, was that of Ophir, 
In. 3. lib. Reg. cap. 9  from whence Solomon caused to be brought four hundred and twenty, or four hundred and 50. talents of most fine and pure gold, 
In. appaca●●● Bibliae regiae impha leg. ca 9  for that the gold of Cibao which our men bring from Hispaniola, is of the same fashion and quality. And there are many others which affirm that our Peru is Ophir, deriving one name from another, who believe, that when as the book of Paralipomenon was written, 
2. Para●●p. 9 3. Reg. 10.  they called it Peru, grounding it upon that which the holy scripture saith, that they brought from Ophir pure gold, precious stones, and wood which was rare and goodly: which things abound in Peru, as they say. But in my opinion, it is far from the truth, that Peru should be Ophir so famous in the Bible. For although in this Peru, there be good store of gold, yet is there not such abundance, as it may be equalled with the fame of the riches that was in ancient time at the East Indies. 
2 Para. ●. 4. Reg. 22. 9 Reg 9  I find not that in Peru there are such precious stones, or such exquisite woods, as the like have not bend seen at jerusalem. For although there be exquisite Emeralds, and some hard trees of Aromatical wood, yet do I not find any thing ofso great commendation as the scripture giveth unto Ophir. Moreover, it seems not likely that Solomon would leave the East Indies (most rich and plentiful) to send his fleets to this farther land: whether if they had come so often (as it is written,) we had surely found more signs and testimonies thereof. Moreover, the Etymology of the name of Ophir, and the change or reduction thereof to Peru, seems to me of small consideration, being most certain that the name of Peru is not very ancient, nor common to all that country. It hath been usual in the discovery of the new world, to give names to lands and ports of the sea, according to the occasions presented at their arrival: and I believe that the name of Peru, hath been so found out, and put in practice: for we find here that the name hath been given to all the country of Peru, by reason of a river so called by the inhbitants of the country, where the Spaniards arrived upon their first discovery. Whereby we maintain that the Indians themselves be ignorant, and do not use this name and appellation to signify their land. It seemeth moreover, the same Authors will say, that Sepher spoken of in the scripture, is that which we now call Andes, which are most high mountains in Peru. But this resemblance of names and appellations is no sufficient proof. If that were of force, we might as well say, that jectan is jecsan, mentioned in the holy scripture. Neither may we say, 
jectan filius Heber Gen 10. jecsan filius Abrahae ex Cetura. Gen. 25.  that the names of Titus and Paul, which the Kings Inguas of Peru do use, come from the Romans or Christians, seeing it is too weak an argument, to draw a conclusion of great matters. We see plainly, that it is contrary to the intention of the holy scriptures, which some have written, that Tharsis and Ophir were one and the same Province, conferring the 22▪ chapter of the 4. book of the Kings, with the 20. chapter of the second book of Paralipomenon, for that in the book of the Kings, it is said, that josaphat prepared a fleet of ships in Asiongaber to fetch gold at Ophir, and in Paralipomenon, it is written, that the same fleet was furnished to go unto Tharsis. Whereby it may be supposed, that in these foresaid books, where the scripture speaks of Tharsis and Ophir, that it means one thing. Some one may demand, what region or Province that Ophir was, whether Solomon's fleet went with the Mariners of Hyram King of tire and Sidon to fetch hold. And whether King josaphats fleet, 
3. Reg. 9 4. Reg. 22.  pretending to go, did suffer shipwreck, and perish in Asiongaber, as the holy scripture doth testify. In this I do willingly agree with the opinion of joseph, in his books of Antiquities, where he saith, that it is a Province of the East Indies, 
Gen. 10.  the which was found by that Ophir the son of jectan, whereof mention is made in the 10. of Genessis: and that Province did abound with most fine gold. Thereof it comes, they did so much extol the gold of Ophir or of Ophas, or as some will say, this word of Obrise is the same with Ophrise, for finding there seven sorts or kinds of gold (as S. Jerome reports,) that of Ophir was held for the most fine, as here we esteem the gold of Valdivia and Caramaya. The chiefest reason which moves me to think that Ophir is at the East Indies, and not in the West▪ is, for that Solomon's fleet could not come hither, without passing the East Indies, all China, and a great part of the sea: being unlikely they would pass over all the world to come thither for gold, that continent especially lying in that sort, as they could not come to the knowledge thereof by any voyage by land. And hereafter we will show that the Ancients had never knowledge in thart of Navigation, without the which they could not run so far into the sea. Finally, in these matters (when as there appears no certain proofs, but only light conjectures,) we are not bound to believe but what we shall think good.   

What Tharsis and Ophir signify in the holy Scripture. CHAP. 14.  
IF every man's conjecture and opinion may be allowed, for my part I hold, that in the holy scripture these words of Tharsis and Ophir, most commonly do not signify any certain place: but it is a word and signification general to the Hebrews, as in our vulgar tongue, this word of Indies, is general unto us in our usual manner ofspeech: for we mean by the Indies, those rich countries which are far off, and strange unto us. So we Spaniards do indifferently call Indieses, the countries of Peru, Mexico, China, Malaca, and Bresil: and from what parts soever of these any letters come, we say they be from the Indies, which countries be far distant and different one from another. Yet we cannot deny, but that name of Indies, is properly to be understood of the East Indies. And for that in old time they did speak of these Indies, as of a country far off, so likewise, in the discovery of other remote lands, they have given them the names of Indies, being distant from the rest, and held as the end of the world. Even so, in my judgement, Tharsis in the holy scripture, doth not signify any certain and determined place, but only regions a far off, and (according to the vulgar opinion,) very rich and strange: for that which josephus and some others would affirm, that Tharsis is Tarso, according to the meaning of the scripture, 
jerom ad Marcel. in. 3. tomo.  in my opinion hath been well refuted by S. Jerome: not only for that these words are written with diverse letters, the one with an aspiration, the other without: but also, that many things are written of Tharsis, which cannot agree with Tarso, a City in Cilicia. It is true, that in some places of the scripture, Tharsis is said to be in Cilicia, the which you shall find in the book of judith, speaking of Holophernes, who having passed the limits of Assyria, 
judith. 2.  he came to the great mountains of Ange, (which perchance is Taurus,) which hills be on the left hand of Cilicia, and that he entered into all the castles, 
Lege Pline. lib. 5. cap. 27.  where he assembled all his forces, having destroyed that famous City of Melothi, he ruined all the children of Tharsis and of Israel, which were joining unto the desert, and those which were in the South, towards the land of Cellon, and from thence passed Euphrates: but as I have said, that which is so written of Tharsis, 
Theodor in 1. joan.  cannot be applied to the City of Tharso. Theodoret and some others, following the interpretation of the 70. 
Astasmont ibid. and in alphabeto aparatus.  in some places they set Tharsis in Africa, saying, it was the same City which was anciently called Carthage, and is now the kingdom of Thunis: and they say, that jonas meant to go thither, when as the scripture reports, that hefled from the Lord into Tharsis. Others pretend, that Tharsis, is a certain country of the Indies: whereunto it seems that S. Jerome is inclined. 
jer. ad Marcel.  I will not now decide these opinions: but I hold that in this case, the scripture doth not always signify one region or certain part of the world. It is true, that the wise men or Kings that came to worship Christ, were of the East: and the scripture saith, they were of Saba, Epha, and Madiem. And some learned men hold that they were of Ethiopia, Arabia, and Persia: and yet the Psalmist and the Church sings of them: 
Psal 60 Isa●●. 16.  The Kings of Tharsis shall bring presents. We agree then with S. Jerome: that Tharsis, is a word that hath many and diverse significations in the scripture. Sometimes it signifies the Crisolite, or jacinth stone, sometimes a certain region of the Indies, sometimes the sea which is of the colour of a jacinth by the reverberation of the sun. But the same Doctor doth with reason deny that Tharsis is any region of the Indies whether jonas would fly, seeing that parting from joppa, it had been impossible to sail unto the Indies by that sea, for that joppa (which at this day we call jaf,) is no port of the red Sea, joining to the East Indian Sea, but of the Mediterranean Sea, which hath no issue into the Indian. Whereby it doth plainly appear, that the voyage which solomon's Fleet made, parting from Asiongaber (whereas the ships of king josaphat were lost) went by the red Sea to Tharsis and Ophir, the which is directly testified in the Scripture. The which voyage was very different from that which jonas pretended to Tharsis: seeing that Asiongaber is the port of a City of Idumea, seated upon the Strait, whereas the red sea joins with the great Ocean. From this Ophir they brought to Solomon gold, silver, Elephants teeth, Monkeys, Indian Cocks, and their voyage was of three years: all which without doubt ought to be understood of the East Indies, which is fruitful and abundant of all these things, as Pliny testifieth, and our own experience doth witness. From our Peru, doubtless they could not bring any Elephant's teeth, those beasts being unknown there; but they might well bring gold, silver, and pleasant monkeys. Finally, the holy Scripture, in my opinion, doth commonly understand by this word of Tharsis, either the great Sea, or far and strange Regions. So as he supposeth that the prophecies which speak of Tharsis (seeing the spirit of prophecy may comprehend all things) may often be applied to things of our new world.   

Of the Prophecy of Abdias, which some do interpret to be the Indies. CHAP. 15.  
MAny say and affirm, that in the holy Scripture it was foretold long before, that this new world should be converted to jesus Christ by the Spanish nation, and to this purpose they expound the text of the Prophecy of Abdias, which saith thus: At the transmigration of this O●t, the children of Israel shall possess all the the dwellings of the Canaanites unto Sarepte, and the transmigration of jerusalem, which is at Bosphorus, shall possess the Cities of the South, and they that shall save, shall come up to the hill of Zion to judge the mount of Esau, and the kingdom shall be the Lords. This hath been set down according to the letter, but the hebrew Authors read it thus: And the transmigration of this O●t of the children's, which be the Canaanites, unto Zarphat (which is France) and the transmigration of jerusalem, which is in Sapharad (understood for Spain) shall possess for inheritance the Cities of the South, and those which procure salvation, shall mount up to the hill of Zion, to judge the mount of Esau, and the kingdom shall be the Lords. Yet some of them do not produce any sufficient testimony of the Ancients, nor pertinent reasons to prove that Sapharad (which S. Jerome doth interpret the Bosphor or Strait, and the 70. Interpreters Euphrates,) should signify Spain, but their only opinion. Others allege the Chaldean Paraphrase, which is of this opinion, and the ancient Rabbins, which expound it on this sort; as also that Zarphat is France, (which the vulgar and the 70- Interpreters call Sarepte.) But leaving this dispute, which belongs to men of more leisure; what necessity is there to believe, that the cities of the South or of Mageb (as the 70. writ) be those of this new world? Moreover, what need is there to believe and to take the Spanish Nation for the transmigration from jerusalem to Sapharad, unless we will understand jerusalem spiritually, and thereby the Church? So as by the transmigration from jerusalem to Sapharad, the holy spirit shows us the children of the holy Church, which inhabit the ends of the earth, & the banks of the Sea, for so is Sapharad understood in the Syrian tongue, and doth well agree with our Spain, which according to the Ancients is the end of the earth, being in a manner all environed with Sea. And by the Cities of the South, we may well understand these Indies, seeing the greatest part of this new world is seated in the South; and the better part looks to the Pole Antarctic. That which followeth is easy to interpret, viz. They which procure Salvation, shall ascend the hill of Zion, to judge the mount of Esau. For we may say, they unite themselves to the doctrine and strength of the holy Church, which seek to break and disperse the profane errors of the Gentiles, for that may be interpreted to judge the mount of Esau: whereby it follows, that in those days the Realm shall neither be for the Spaniards, nor for them of Europe, but for jesus Christ our Saviour. Whosoever shall expound the Prophecy of Abdias in this sort, ought not to be blamed; being most certain, that the holy Spirit did understand all secrets long before. And it, seems there is great reason to believe, that mention is made in the holy Scripture of a matter of such importance, as the discovery of the Indies, of the new world, and their conversion to the faith. Isay saith in these words; Oh the wings of ships which come from the other part of Ethiopia. 
Isay. 18. luxt● 70. Interp.  Many learned Authors hold, that all this Chapter is understood of the Indies: and that same Prophet in an other place saith; 
I●ay. 66.  Those which shall escape out of Israel, shall go far off to Tharsis and to remote islands, where they shall convert many Nations unto the Lord. Amongst the which, he names Greece, Italy, Africa with many others: the which without doubt may well be applied unto the conversion of the Indies. Being most certain that the Gospel shall be preached generally throughout the world, as our Saviour hath promised, and then the end of the world shall come. It follows then, and so we ought to understand it, that there be many Nations upon the face of the earth, to whom jesus Christ hath not yet been preached. Whereby we may gather, that there remained a great part of the world unknown to the Ancients, and that yet at this day, there is a good part to discover.   

By what means the first men might come to the Indies, the which was not willingly, nor of set purpose. CHAP. 16.  
NOw it is time to make answer to such as say there are no Antipodes, and that this region where we live, cannot be inhabited. The huge greatness of the Ocean did so amaze S. Augustine, as he could not conceive how mankind could pass to this newfound world. But seeing on the one side we know for certain, that many years ago there were men inhabiting in these parts, so likewise we cannot deny but the scripture doth teach us clearly, that all men are come from the first man: without doubt we shall be forced to believe and confess, that men have passed hither from Europe, Asia or Africa, yet must we discover by what means they could pass. It is not likely that there was an other noah's Ark, by the which men might be transported into the Indies, and much less any Angel to carry the first man to this new world, holding him by the hair of the head, like to the Prophet Abac●c: for we entreat not of the mighty power of God, but only of that which is conformable unto reason, & the order and disposition of human things. Wherefore these two things ought to be held for wonderful and worthy of admiration, yea, to be numbered among the secrets of God. The one is; how man could pass so huge a passage by Sea and Land. The other is; that there being such multitudes of people, they have yet been unknown so many ages. For this cause I demand, by what resolution, force or industry, the Indians could pass so large a Sea, and who might be the Inventor of so strange a passage? Truly I have often times considered thereof with myself, (as many others have done) but never could I find any thing to satisfy me. Yet will I say what I have conceived, and what comes presently into my mind, seeing that testimonies fail me, whom I might follow, suffering myself to be guided by the rule of reason, (although it be very subtle.) It is most certain, that the first men came to this land of Peru by one of these two means, either by land or by sea. If they came by sea, it was casually, and by chance, or willingly, & of purpose. I understand by chance, being cast by force of some storm or tempest, as it happens in tempestuous times. I mean done of purpose, when they prepared fleets to discover new lands. Besides these two means, I see it is not possible to find out any other, if we will follow the course of human things, and not devise fabulous and poetical fictions; for no man may think to find another Eagle as that of Ganymede, or a flying Horse, like unto Perseu●, that should carry the Indians through the air; or that peradventure these first men have used fishes, as Mir-maides, or the fish called a Nicholas, to pass them thither. But laying aside these imaginations and fopperies, let us examine these two means, the which will be both pleasant and profitable. First in my judgement, it were not far from reason to say, that the first and ancient people of these Indies, have discovered and peopled after the same sort as we do at this day, that is, by the Art of Navigation and aid of Pilots, the which guide themselves by the height and knowledge of the heavens, and by their industry in handling and changing of their sails according to the season. Why might not this well be? Must we believe, that we alone, and in this our age, have only the Art and knowledge to sail through the Ocean? We see even now, that they cut through the Ocean to discover new lands, as not long since Alvero Mendana and his companions did, who parting from the Port of Lima, came alongst the West, to discover the land which lieth Eastward from Per●; and at the end of three months, they discovered the islands, which they call the islands of Solomon, which are many and very great, and by all likelehood, they lie adjoining to new Guinnie, or else are very near to some other firm land. And even now by commandment from the King and his Counsel, they are resolved to prepare a new fleet for these islands. Seeing it is thus, why may we not suppose, that the Ancients had the courage and resolution to travel by sea, with the same intent to discover the land which they call Antictho● opposite to theirs, and that (according to the discourse of their Philosophy) it should be with an intent, not to rest until they came in view of the lands they sought? Surely there is no repugnancy or contrariety in that which we see happen at this day, and that of former ages, seeing that the holy scripture doth wit●es, that Solomon took Masters and Pilots from tire and Sidon, men very expert in Navigation, 
2 2. Para▪ 9  who by their industry performed this voyage in three years. 
3 3. R●z. 10.  To what end think you doth it note the Art of Mariners, and their knowledge, with their long voyage of three years, but to give us to understand, that Solomon's sleet sailed through the great Ocean? Many are of this opinion, which think that S. Augustine had small reason to wonder at the greatness of the Ocean, who might well conjecture, that it was not so difficult to sail through, considering what hath been spoken of Solomon's Navigation. But to say the truth, I am of a contrary opinion, neither can I persuade myself, that the first Indians came to this new world, of purpose, by a determined voyage; neither will I yield, that the Ancients had knowledgein the Art of Navigation, whereby men at this day pass the Ocean, from one part to another, where they please, the which they perform with an incredible swiftness and resolution; neither do I find in all Antiquities, any marks or testimonies of so notable a thing, and of so great importance. Besides, I find not, that in ancient books there is any mention made of the use of the Adamant or Loadstone, nor of the Compass to sail by: yea, I believe they had no knowledge thereof. And if we take away the knowledge of the compass to sail by, we shall easily judge how impossible it was for them to pass the great Ocean. Such as have any knowledge of the sea, understand me well: for that it is as easy to believe that a Mariner in full sea can direct his course where he please, without a compass, as for a blind man to show with his finger any thing, be it near or far off. And it is strange, that the Ancients have been so long ignorant of this excellent property of the Adamant stone: 
P●in●lib. 3. c●. 6 and lib. 34. cap. 1.14. and lib. 7. cap. 4.  for Pliny, who was so curious in natural causes, writing of this Adamant stone, speaks nothing of that virtue and property it hath, always to turn the iron which it toucheth towards the North: the which is the most admirable virtue it hath. Aristotle, Theophrastes, Dioscorides, Lucretius, nor any other Writers, or natural Philosophers, 
Dios. lib. ●. cap. 10. Lucret. lib. 6.  that I have seen, make any mention thereof, although they treat of the Adamant stone. Saint Augustine writing many and sundry properties and excellencies of the Adamant stone, 
Aug. de Cuit. D●● c●●. 4. ubi multa de magnett.  in his books of the City of God, speaks nothing thereof. And without doubt, all the excellencies spoken of this stone, are nothing in respect of this strange property, looking always towards the North, which is a great wonder of nature. There is yet another argument, 
Plin. lib. 7. c. 16  for Plinic treating of the first inventors of Navigation, and naming all the instruments, yet he speaks nothing of the compass to sa●e by, nor of the Adamant stone. I say only, that the art to know the stars, was invented by the Phaeniciens. And there is no doubt, but whatsoever the Ancients knew of the Art of Navigation, was only in regard of the stars, and observing the Shores, Capes, and differences of lands. And if they had once lost the sight of land, they knew not which way to direct their course, but by the Stars Sun, and Moon: and that sailing (as it doth often, in a dark and cloudy season,) they did govern themselves by the quality of the winds, and by conjecture of the ways which they had passed. Finally they went as they were guided by their own motions. As at the Indies, the Indians sail a long way by sea, guided only by their own industry & natural instinct. And it serves greatly to purpose, that which Pliny writes of the Islanders of Taprobana, (which at this day, we call Sumatra,) speaking in this sort, when as he treats of the art and industry they use in sailing. Those of Taprobana see not the North to sail by▪ which defect they supply with certain small birds they carry with them, the which they often let fly, and as those birds by a natural instinct fly always towards the land, so the Mariners direct their course after them. Who doubts then, if they had had any knowledge of the compass, they would not have used these little birds for their guides, to discover the Land. To conclude, this sufficeth to show that the Ancients had no knowledge of the secrets of the Loadstone: seeing that for so notable a thing, there is no proper word in Latin, Greek, or Hebrew: for a thing of such importance, could not have wanted a name in these tongues, if they had known it. Whereupon the Pilots at this day to direct him his course that holds the helm, sit aloft in the poop of the Ship, the better to observe the compass: where as in old time, they sat in the prow of the Ship, to mark the differences of lands and seas, from which place, they commanded the Helm: as they use at this day, at the entry or going out of any Port or haven: and therefore the greeks called Pilots Proritaes, for that they remained still in the prow.   

Of the properties and admirable virtue of the Adamant stone for Navigation, whereof the Ancients had no knowledge. CHAP. 17.  
BY that which hath been formerly spoken, it appears, that the Navigation to the Indies, is as certain, and as short, as we are assured of the Adamant stone. And at this day, we see many that have sailed from Lisbon, to Goa, from Siville to Mexico, and through all the South sea, even unto China, and to the strait of Maggellan, and that as certainly, & as easily, as the Husbandman goeth from his Farm unto the City. We have also seen men that have made fifteen, yea, eighteen voyages to the Indies, and we have heard speak of some Ancients, which have made above twenty vioges, passing, and repassing the great Ocean, in the which they have not seen any signs of such as have travelled, nor met with any passengers to demand the way of them. 
S●p. 2  For as the Wife man saith, a ship cutteth the waves of the water, leaving no way where it passeth, nor any path in the floods. But by the virtue and property of the Adam ant stone, it makes as it were a beaten path in this Ocean. The high Creator of all things, having imparted this virtue unto it, that by the touch of iron, it hath always his motion and aspect towards the North, in what part of the world soever you be. Some search what should be the cause of this wonderful property, and imagine I know not what sympathy. But for my part, I take more pleasure and content in the considerations of these wonders, to praise the power and greatness of the Almighty, and rejoice in the contemplation of his admirable works, and to say with Solomon, 
Sap. 14.  speaking upon this subject, O father whose providence governs and maintains a piece of wood, giving it an assured way upon the sea, and in the midst of the swelling waves, to show, that in the like sort, thou canst save and deliver man from all peril and shipwreck; yea, although he were in the midst of the sea without ship. But for that thy works are full of wisdom, men hazard their lives in a small piece of wood, and pass through the sea in a ship, and are saved. And upon the same subject the Psalmist saith, They which go to the sea in ships, and traffic by the great waters, have seen the works of the Lord, 
Psal. 106.  and his wonders in the depth of the sea. And in truth, it is not one of the least wonders of God, that the force of so small a stone should command the sea, and force the infinite depth thereof to obey him, and follow his commandment. But for that it is an usual thing, and seems easy, men do not admire it, nor take any great regard thereof: and for that his bounty is such, the ignorant make less account thereof. Notwithstanding, such as will duly consider it, are led by reason, to bless the wisdom of God, and to give him thanks for so great a benefit. Being then decreed in heaven, that these nations of the Indies, which have lain so long hidden, should be known and discovered, and that this rout should be frequented, to the end so many souls should come to the knowledge of jesus Christ, and win eternal life. There was an assured guide provided for such as travel that way, that is, the Compass to sail by, and the virtue of the Adamant stone. We do not certainly know at what time this Art of sailing was brought to light. But for my part, I hold for certain, that it is not very ancient, for besides the reasons alleged in the former chapter, I have not read in any ancient Author, treating of dials, any mention made of the Adamant. And yet undoubtedly, the principal and most necessary instument for sun dials, which we use at this day, is the needle of iron touched with the Adamant stone. Some approved Authors write in the History of the East Indies, that the first which began to discover this secret upon the sea, was Vascor de Gama, who in the height of Mosambique, 
Lib. 1. d● Ital. illustr. regne. 19 Plin. lib. 2. cap. 71. &. lib. 7. c. 1. ult. Ozor. de reb. g●st. Eman. li. 1  met with certain Mariners Moors, which used this compass or needle to sail by, and by the means thereof, he sailed through those seas: yet they write not from whom they learned this Art. And some amongst them are of our opinion, that the Ancients were ignorant of this secret. Moreover, I will show a greater wonder of the needle to sail by, which we might hold incredible, if we had not proof thereof by undoubted experience. The iron touched or rubbed with that part of the Adamant stone which is towards the South, hath this virtue, to turn always and in all places to the contrary, which is the North. Yet doth it not in all places directly regard it, but hath certain points and climates, where it directly regards the North, and their stays: but changing this climate, it inclines a little, either to the East, or to the West, the farther it goes from this climate, which the Mariners call north-east, or Northwest, which is to say, coasting or inclining to the East, or to the West. And it is a thing of such consequence, to understand this declining or coasting of the needle, that if they observe it not advisedly (although it be small,) they shall stray wonderfully in their course, and arrive in another place then where they pretended to go. Once a very expert Pilot of Portugal told me, that there were four points in all the world, whereas the needle looked directly towards the North, the which he named, but I do not well remember them. One is in the height of the Island of Corvo at the Terceres or Acores, which is very well known to all men: but passing to a greater altitude, it declines to the West: and chose, drawing to a less altitude, towards the Equinoctial, it leans to the East. The masters of this Art can well tell how far and how much. For my part, I would gladly know, of such as presume to know all things, what should be the cause of this effect, and for what reason, a little iron touched with the Adamant stone, receyves such virtue, as to look always towards the North, and with such dexterity, that it understandeth the sundry Climates and situations of the world, and which way it should turn and incline, as well as any Philosopher or Cosinographer whatsoever. And seeing we cannot well discover the causes and reasons of these things which we see daily, without doubt they were very hard to believe, if they were not apparent. Herein we discover our folly & vanity, to make ourselves judges ' & to subject divine & high things to our reason & discourse. It is therefore better, as S. Gregory the divine saith, ●o subject reason unto faith, for that in her own mansion she hath no government. But this shall suffice. Let us return to our purpose, and conclude, that the use of the needle to sail by, was unknown to the Ancients: whereby we may resolve, that it was impossible to make a determined voyage, parting from the other world, to come to this by the Ocean.   

Wherein an answer is made to them that say, that in times passed they have sailed through the Ocean, as at this day. CHAP. 18.  
THat which is alleged to the contrary of that which hath been spoken, that Salomon's Fleet sailed in three years, is no sufficient proof, seeing the holy Scripture doth not directly affirm, that this voyage continued three years, but that it was made once in three years. And although we grant, that the voyage lasted three years, it might be, as it is likely, that this Fleet sailing towards the East Indies, was stayed in their course, by the diversity of Ports and Regions, which they discovered: as at this day, in all the South Sea, they sail from Chile to new Spain, the which voyage, although it be more certain, yet is it longer, by reason of the turnings they are forced to make upon the Coast, and they stay in diverse Ports: And in truth, I do not find in ancient books, that they have launched far into the Ocean, neither can I believe, that this their sailing was otherwise then they use at this day in the Mediterranean Sea: which makes learned men to conjecture, that in old time they did not sail without Owers, for that they went always coasting along the shore: and it seems the holy Scripture doth testify as much, speaking of that famous voyage of the Prophet jonas: where it says, that the Mariners being forced by the weather, rowed to land.   

That we may conjecture, how the first Inhabitants of the Indies came thither by force of weather, and not willingly. CHAP. 19  
HAving showed, that there is no reason to believe, that the first Inhabitants of the Indies came thither purposely; it followeth then, that if they came by Sea, it was by chance, or by force of weather, the which is not incredible, notwithstanding the vastness of the Ocean, seeing the like hath happened in our time, when as that Mariner, (whose name we are yet ignorant of) (to the end so great a work, and of such importance, should not be attributed to any other Author then to God) having (through tempest discovered this new world,) left for payment of his lodging, where he had received it, to Christopher Columbus, the knowledge of so great a secret. Even so it might chance, that some of Europe or Africa in times past, have been driven by soul weather, and cast upon unknown lands beyond the Ocean. Who knoweth not, that most, or the greatest part of the Regions in this new world, were discovered by this means, the which we must rather attribute to the violence of the weather, then to the spirit and industry of those which have discovered. And to the end we may know, that it is not in our time only, that they have undertaken such voyages, through the greatness of our ships, and the valour and courage of our men: we may read in Pliny, that many of the Ancients have made the like voyages, he writes in this manner: It is reported that Caius Caesar, son to Augustus Caesar, 
Plin. li. 2. c. 69.  having charge upon the Arabian Sea, did there see and find certain pieces and remainders of Spanish ships that had perished. And after he saith: Nepos reports of the Northern circuit, that they brought to Quintus Metellus Caeler companion in the Consulship to Caius Affranius (the same Metellus being then Proconsul in Gaul) certain Indians which had been presented by the King of Sueden: th● which Indians, sailing from India, for their traffic, were cast upon Germany by force of tempest. Doubtless, if Pliny speaketh truth, the Portugals in these days, sail no further than they did in those two shipwreck, 
Plin. lib 6. c. 22  the one from Spain to the red Sea, the other from the East Indies to Germany. The same Author writes in another place, that a servant of Annius Plocanius, who farmed the customs of the red Sea, sailing the course of Arabia, there came so furious a Northern wind, that in fifteen days he passed Caramania, and discovered Hippares, a port in Taprobane, which at this day we call Sumatra. And they report of a ship of Carthage, which was driven out of the Mediterranean Sea, by a Northern wind, to the view of this new world. The which is no strange thing to such as have any knowledge of the sea, to know that sometimes a storm continues long & furious, without any intermission. I myself, going to the Indies, parting from the Canaries, have in fifteen days, discovered the first land peopled by the Spaniards. And without doubt, this voyage had been shorter, if the Mariners had set up all their sails to the Northern winds that blew. It seems therefore likely to me, that in times past, men came to the Indies against their wills, driven by the fury of the winds. In Peru, they make great mention of certain Giants, which have been in those parts, whose bones are yet seen at Manta, and Port Vi●il, of a huge greatness, and by their proportion, they should be thrice as big as the Indians. At this day they report that the Giants came by sea, to make war with those of the Country, and that they made goodly buildings, whereof at this day they show a well, built with stones of great price. They say moreover, that these men committing abominable sins, especially against nature, were consumed by fire from heaven. In like fort the Indians report of Y●a, and Arica, that in old time they were wont to sail far to the islands of the West, and made their voyages in Seals skins blown up. So as there wants no witnesses, to prove that they sailed in the South sea, before the Spaniards came thither. Thus we may well conjecture, that the new world began to be inhabited, by men that have been cast upon that coast by the violence of the Northern winds, as we have seen in our age. So it is, (being a matter very considerable) that the works of nature of greatest importance, for the most part, have been found out accidentally, and not by the industry and diligence of man. The greatest part of physical herbs, of Stones, Plants, Metals, Pearl, gold, Adamant, Amber, Diamond, and the most part of such like things, with their properties and virtues, have rather come to the knowledge of man by chance, then by art or industry, to the end we may know, that the glory & praise of such wonders, should be attributed to the providence of the Creator, and not to man's understanding: for that which we think to happen accidentally, proceeds always from the ordinance and disposition of God, who does all things with reason.   

Notwithstanding all that hath been said, it is more likely that the first inhabitants of the Indies, came by land. CHAP. 20.  
I Conclude then, that it is likely the first that came to the Indies, was by shipwreck and tempest of wether, but hereupon groweth a difficulty, which troubleth me much. For, suppose we grant that the first men came from far Countries, and that the nations which we now see, are issued from them, and multiplied; yet can I not conjecture, by what means brute beasts (whereof there is great abundance) could come there, not being likely, they should have been embarked and carried by sea. The reason that enforceth us to yield, that the first men of the Indies are come from Europe, or Asia, is the testimony of the holy scripture, which teacheth us plainly, that all men came from Adam. 
●en. 7.  We can therefore give no other beginning to those at the Indies, seeing the holy scripture saith, that all beasts and creatures of the earth perished, but such as were reserved in the Ark of Noah, for the multiplication and maintenance of their kind: so as we must necessarily refer the multiplication of all beasts to those which came out of the Ark of Noah, on the mountains of Ararat, where it stayed. And by this means, we must seek out both for men and beasts, the way whereby they might pass from the old world to this new. Saint Augustine, treating upon this question, by what reason you shall find in some Islands, Wolves, 
A●g. lib. 6. d: Civit. cap. 7.  Tigers, and other ravenous beasts, which breed no profit to men, seeing there is no doubt, but Elephants, Horses, Oxen, Dogs, and other beasts which serve man to use, have been expressly carried in ships, as we see at this day brought from the East into Europe, and transported from Europe, to Peru, although the voyages be very long. And by what means these beasts which yield no profit, but are very hurtful (as Wolves, and others of that wild nature) should pass to the Indies, supposing, as it is certain, that the deluge drowned all the earth. In which Treaty, this learned & holy man labours to free himself of these difficulties, saying that they might swim unto these islands, or that some have carried them thither for their delight in hunting: or that, by the will of God, they had been newly created of the earth, after the same manner of the first creation, when God said, Let the earth bring forth every living thing according to his kind, 
Gen. 1.  Cattle, and creeping Worms, and the beasts of the field, every one in his kind. But if we shall apply this solution to our purpose, the matter will remain more doubtful: for beginning at the last point, it is not likely, according to the order of Nature, nor conformable to the order of government established by God, that perfect creatures, as Lions, Tigers, and Wolves, should be engendered of the earth, as we see that Rats, Frogs, Bees, and other imperfect creatures, are commonly engendered. Moreover, to what purpose is that which the scripture saith, and doth so often repeat, 
Gen. 7.  Thou shalt take of all the beasts and birds of the air, seven, and seven, male and female, to maintain generation upon earth; if such beasts after the deluge, should be created again after a new kind of creation, without conjunction of male and female? And hereupon might grow another question: Seeing such creatures are breeding on the earth (according to this opinion) wherefore are they not likewise in all other parts of the main Land, and in many Islands, seeing we must not regard the natural order of generation, but the bounty of the Creator. On the other part, I will not hold it for a thing incredible, that they have carried some of these beasts for the pleasure of hunting: for that we often see, Princes and great men keep and nourish in their cages, (only for their pleasure and greatness) both Lions, Bears, and other savage beasts, especially when they are brought from far Countries: but to speak that of wolves, Foxes and other beasts which yield no profit, and have nothing rare and excellent in them, but to hurt the cattle; and to say also that they have carried them by sea for hunting, truly it is a thing that hath no sense. Who can imagine, that in so long a voyage, men would take the pains to carry Foxes to Peru, especially of that kind which they call Anas, which is the filthiest that I have seen? Who would likewise say, that the have carried Tigers and Lions? Truly it were a thing worthy the laughing at, to think so. It was sufficient, (yea, very much) for men, driven against their wills by tempest, in so long and unknown a voyage, to escape the danger of the Sea with their own lives, without busying themselves to carry wolves and Foxes, and to nourish them at Sea. If these beasts than came by Sea, we must believe it was by swimming, which may happen in some islands not far distant from others, or from the main Land, the which we cannot deny, seeing the experience we have, and that we see these beasts, being priest to swim day and night without weariness, and so to escape. But this is to be understood in small, straits and passages: for in our Ocean, they would mock at such swimmers, whenas birds fail in their flight, yea, those of the greatest wing, upon the passage of so great a Gulf. And although we find small birds, which fly above a hundred leagues, as we have often seen in our travel, yet it is a matter impossible●, at the least very difficult, for birds to pass all the Ocean. All this being true which we have spoken, what way ●●all we make for beasts and birds to go to the Indies? and how can I say, they passed from one world to an other? I conjecture then, by the discourse I have made, that the new world, which we call Indies, is not altogether severed and disjoined from the other world: and to speak my opinion, I have long believed, that the one and the other world are joined and continued one with an other in some part, or at the least, are very near. And yet to this day, there is no certain knowledge of the contrary. For towards the Arctic or Northern Pole, all the longitude of the earth is not discovered, and many hold, that above Florida, the Land runs out very large towards the North, and as they say, joins with the Scithike or German Sea. Others affirm, that a Ship sailing in that Sea, reported to have seen the coast of Bacalaos, which stretcheth almost to the confines of Europe. Moreover, no man knows how far the land runs beyond the Cape of Mendoça in the South sea, but that they affirm it is a great Continent, which runs an infinite length: and returning to the Southern Pole, no man knows the lands on the other part of the Strait of Magellan. A ship belonging to the Bishop of Plaisance, which passed the Strait, reports to have sailed always within sight of Land: the like Hernando Lamer a Pilot doth affirm, who (forced by foul weather) passed two or three degrees above the said Strait. So as there is no reason or experience that doth contradict my conceit and opinion; which is, that the whole earth is united & joined in some part, or at the least, the one approacheth near unto the other. If this be true, (as in effect there is some likelihood:) the answer is easy to the doubt we have propounded, how the first Inhabitants could pass to the Indies: For that we must believe they could not so conveniently come thither by Sea, as traveling by Land, which might be done without consideration, in changing by little and little their lands and habitations. Some peopling the lands they found, and others seeking for new; in time they came to inhabit and people the Indies, with so many nations, people, and tongues as we see.   

By what means tame Beasts passed to the Indies. CHAP. 21.  
THe signs and arguments, which offer themselves to such as are curious to examine the Indians manners and fashions, help much to maintain the foresaid opinion: for that you shall not find any inhabiting the islands that are far from the main Land, or from other islands, as the Bermudes, the reason whereof is, for that the Ancients did never sail but alongst the coast, and in view of land: whereupon it is reported, that they have found no great Ships in any part of the Indies, capable to pass such Gulfs, but only Balsae, Barks and Canoes, which are all less than our long boats, the which the Indians do only use, with the which they could not run through so great a Passage, without apparent danger of shipwreck: and although their ships had been sufficient, yet had they no knowledge of the Astrolabe or Compass. If then they had been but eight or ten days at Sea withoutsight of land, they must of necessity lose themselves, having no knowledge where they were: we know many Islands well peopled with Indians, and their usual navigations, the which was such, as they may well perform in Canoes and boats, without any Compass to sail by. Whenas the Indians of Peru, which remain at Tombs, did see our first Spanish ships sailing to Peru, and viewed the greatness of their sails, being spread, and of the bodies of the ships, they stood greatly amazed, not being able to persuade themselves that they were ships, having never seen any of the like form and greatness, they supposed they had been rocks. But seeing them advance, and not to sink, they stood transported with amazement, until that beholding them nearer, they discovered men with beards that walked in them, whom then they held for some gods or heavenly creatures. Whereby it appears, how strange it was to the Indians to have great Ships. There is yet an other reason, which confirms us in the foresaid opinion, which is, that these beasts (which we say are not likely to have been transported by Sea to the Indies,) remain only on the main Land, and not in any islands, four days journey from the main Land. I have made this search for proof thereof, for that it seems to me a point of great importance, to confirm me in mine opinion, that the confines of the Indies, Europe, Asia, and Africa have some communication one with another, or at the least, approach very near together. There are in America and Peru many wild beasts, as Lions: (although they be not like in greatness, fierceness, nor of the same colour, red, to the renowned Lions of Africa.) There are also many Tigers, very cruel, and more to the Indians then to the Spaniards: there are likewise Bears, but in no great abundance: of Boars and Foxes an infinite number. And yet if we shall seek for all these kinds of beasts in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, jamaica, Marguerita, or Dominica, you shall not find any. So as in the said islands, although they were very fertile, and of a great circuit, yet was there not any kind of beasts for service when the Spaniards arrived, but at this day there are so great troops of Horses, Oxen, Cows, Dogs and Hogs, which have multiplied in such abundance, as now the Kine have no certain master, but belong to him that shall first kill them, be it on the mountains or on the plains; which the Indians do, only to save their hides, whereof they make great traffic, without any regard of the flesh to eat it. Dogs have so increased, as they march by troops, and endamage the cattle no less than wolves, which is a great inconvenience in these islands. There wants not only beasts in these islands, but also birds both great and small. As for Parrots, there are many that fly by flocks, but (as I have said,) there are few of any other kind. I have not seen, nor heard of any Partridges there, as in Peru. Likewise, there are few of those beasts, which at Peru they call Guancos, and Vicunas, like to wild Goats, very swift, in whose stomach they find the Beezars' stone, which many do greatly value: sometimes you shall find them as big as a hen's egg, yea, half as big again. They have no other kind of beasts, but such as we call Indian sheep, the which (besides their wool and flesh (wherewith they cloth and feed themselves,) do serve them as Asses to bear their burdens. They carry half as much as a Moil, and are of small charge to their masters, having need, neither of shoes, saddle, nor oats to live by, nor of any furniture, for that Nature hath provided them of all these, wherein she seems to have favoured these poor Indians. Of all these creatures, and of many other sorts, whereof I will make mention, the main land at the Indies abounds. But in the islands, there are not any found, but such as the Spaniards have brought. It is true, that once one of our Friars did see a Tiger in an Island, as he reported unto us upon the discourse of his peregrination and shipwreck; but being demanded how far it was from the main land, he answered, six or eight leagues at the most; which passage, Tigers might easily swim over. We may easily infer by these arguments, and others like, that the first Indians went to inhabit the Indies, more by land then by sea; or if there were any navigation, it was neither great, nor difficult, being an indibitable thing, that the one world is continued and joined with the other, or at the least, they approach one near unto another in some parts.   

That the lineage of the Indies, hath not passed by the Atlantike Island, as some do imagine. CHAP. 22.  
SOme (following Plato's opinion mentioned before,) affirm, that these men parted from Europe, 
Sag. cap. 12.  or Africa, to go to that famous and renowned Atlantike Island, and so passed from one Island unto another, until they came to the main land of the Indies: for that Critias of Plato in his time discourseth in this manner: if the Atlantike Island whereas great as all Asia, and Africa together, or greater, as Plato says, it should of necessity contain all the Atlantike Ocean, and stretch even unto the islands of the new world. And Plato saith moreover, that by a great and strange deluge, the Atlantike Island was drowned, and by that means the sea was made unnavigable, through the abundance of banks, rocks, and roughness of the waves, which were yet in his time. But in the end, the ruins of this drowned Island weresetled, which made this sea navigable. This hath been curiously handled and discoursed of by some learned men of good judgement; and yet (to speak the truth) being well considered, they are ridiculous things, resembling rather to Ovid's tales, than a History or Philosophy, worthy of account. The greatest part of Plato's Interpreters, affirm, that it is a true History, whatsoever Critias reports of the strange beginning of the Atlantike Island, of the greatness thereof, of the wars they had against them of Europe, with many other things. That which gives it the more credit of a true History, be the words of Critias, (whom Plato brings in in his time,) saying, that the subject he means to treat of, is of strange things, but yet true. The other disciples of Plato, considering that this discourse hath more show of a fable, then of a true History, say, that we must take it as an allegory, and that such was the intention of their divine Philosopher. Of this opinion is Procles, and Porphire, yea, and origen, who so much regards the writings of Plato, as when they speak thereof, they seem to be the books of Moses, or of Esdras: and whereas they think the writings of Plato have no show of truth, they say, they are to be understood mystically, and in allegories. But to say the truth, I do not so much respect the authority of Plato, (whom they call Divine,) as I will believe he could write these things of the Atlantike Island for a true History, the which are but mere fables, seeing he confesseth that he learned them of Critias, being a little child, who (among other songs,) sung that of the Atlantike Island. But whether that Plato did write it for a true History, or a fable, for my part, I believe that all which he hath written of this Island, beginning at the Dialogue of Time, and continuing to that of Critias, cannot be held for true, but among children and old folks. Who will not account it a fable, to say that Neptune fell in love with Clite, and had of her five pair of twins at one birth▪ And that out of one mountain, he drew three round balls of water, and two of earth, which did so well resemble, as you would have judged them all one bowel? What shall we say moreover of that Temple of a thousand pace long, and five hundred broad, whose walls without were all covered with silver, the ceiling of gold, and within ivory, indented and inlaied with gold, silver, and pearl? In the end, speaking of the ruin thereof, he concludes thus in his time, In one day, and one night, came a great deluge, whereby all our soldiers were swallowed by heaps within the earth, and in this sort the Atlantike Island being drowned, it vanished in the Sea. Without doubt it fell out happily, that this Island vanished so suddenly, seeing it was bigger than Asia and Africa: and that it was made by enchantment. It is in likesort all one to say, that the ruins of this so great an Island, are seen in the bottom of the sea, and that the Mariners which see them, cannot sail that way. Then he adds, For this cause unto this day, that Sea is not navigable, by reason of the bank which by little & little is grown in that drowned Island. I would willingly demand what Sea could swallow up so infinite a continent of land, greater than Asia and Africa, whose confines stretched unto the Indies, and to swallow it up in such sort, as there should at this day remain no signs nor marks thereof, whatsoever: seeing it is well known by experience, that the Mariners find no bottom in the Sea, where they say this Island was. Notwithstanding, it may seem indiscreet and far from reason, to dispute seriously of those things which are reported at pleasure, or if we shall give that respect to the authority of Plato (as it is reason,) we must rather understand them to signify simply, (as in a picture) the prosperity of a City, and withal, the ruin thereof. For the argument they make, to prove that this Atlantike Island, hath been really and indeed, saying that the sea in those parts, doth at this day bear the name of Atlantike, is of small importance, for that we know Mount Atlas, 
Plin. lib. 5. cap. 1. & lib. 6. c. 31  whereof Pliny says this sea took the name, is upon the confines of the Mediterranean Sea. And the same Pliny reports, that joining to the said Mount, there is an Island called Atlantike, which he reports to be little, and of small account.   

That the opinion of many which hold, that the first race of the Indians comes from the jews, is not true. CHAP. 23.  
NOw that we have showed how unlikely it is, that the first Indians passed to the Indies by the Atlantike Island, there are others hold opinion, that they took the way, whereof Esdras speaks in his fourth book, in this manner: And whereas thou sawest that he gathered an other peaceable troup unto him, 
4. Esdr. 13.  thou shalt know, those are the ten tribes, which were carried away captives out of their own land, in the time of king Ozeas, whom Salmanazar king of the Assyrians took captives, and led them beyond the river, so were they brought into an other land: but they took this counsel to themselves, to leave the multitude of the heathen, and go forth into a farther country, where never mankind dwelled, that they might there observe their statutes, which they could not keep in their own land: and they entered by the narrow passages of the river Euphrates, for then God showed his wonders, and stayed the springs of the flood, until they were passed over: for the way unto that Country is very long, yea, of a year and a half, and this Region is called Arsareth, then dwelled they there until the latter time, and when they come forth again, the most Mighty shall hold still the springs of the river again, that they may go through; for this cause sawest thou this multitude peaceable. Some will apply this text of Esdras to the Indies, saying, they were guided by God, whereas never mankind dwelled, and that the land where they dwelled, is so far off, as it requires a year and a half to perform the voyage, being by nature very peaceable. And that there are great signs and arguments amongst the common sort of the Indians, to breed a belief, that they are descended from the jews: for commonly you shall see them fearful, submiss, ceremonious and subtle in lying. And moreover they say, their habits are like unto those the jews used, for they wear a short coat or waistcoat, and a cloak embroidered all about; they go barefooted, or with soles tied with latchers over the foot, which they call Oiotas. And they say, that it appears by their Histories, as also by their ancient pictures, which represent them in this fashion, that this attire was the ancient habit of the Hebrews, and that these two kinds of garments, which the Indians only use, were used by Samson, which the Scripture calleth Tunicam, and Sidonem: being the same which the Indians term waistcoat and cloak. But all these conjectures are light, and rather against them then with them; for we know well, that the Hebrews used letters, whereof there is no show among the Indians; they were great lovers of silver, these make no care of it: the jews, if they were not circumcised, held not themselves for jews, and chose the Indians are not at all, neither did they ever use any ceremony near it, as many in the East have done. But what reason of conjecture is there in this, seeing the jews are so careful to preserve their language and Antiquities, so as in all parts of the world they differ and are known from others, and yet at the Indies alone, they have forgotten their Lineage, their Law, their Ceremonies, their Messias; and finally, their whole judaism. And whereas they say, the Indians are fearful cowards, superstitious, and subtle in lying; for the first; it is not common to all, there are some nations among the Barbarians free from these vices, there are some valiant and hardy, there are some blunt and dull of understanding. As for ceremonies and superstitions, the Heathen have always used them much; the manner of habits described which they use, being the plainest and most simple in the world; without Art, the which hath been common, not only to the Hebrews, but to all other Nations; seeing that the very History of Esdras (if we shall believe the Scriptures that be Apocrypha) make more against them then for their purpose: for he saith in that place, that the ten tribes went from the multitude of the Heathen, to keep their faith and ceremonies, and we see the Indians given to all the Idolatries in the world. And those which hold this opinion, see well if the entries of the River Euphrates stretch to the Indies, and whether it be necessary for the Indies to repass that way, as it is written. Besides, I know not how you can name them peaceable, seeing they be always in war amongst themselves. To conclude, I cannot see how that Euphrates in Esdras Apocrypha, should be a more convenient passage to go to the new world, than the enchanted & fabulous Atlantike Island of Plato.   

The reason why we can find no beginning of the Indians. CHAP. 24.  
IT is easier to refute and contradict the false opinions conceyved of the Original of the Indians, then to set down a true and certain resolution; for that there is no writing among the Indians, nor any certain remembrances of their founders: neither is there any mention made of this new world in their books that have knowledge of letters: our Ancients held, that in those parts, there were neither men; land, nor heaven. So as he should seem rash and presumptuous, that should think to discover the first beginning of the Indians. But we may judge a far off, by the former discourse, that these Indians came by little and little to this new world, and that by the help and means of the nearness of lands, or by some navigation: the which seems to me the means whereby they came, and not that they prepared any army to go thither of purpose: neither that they have been carried thither by any shipwreck or tempest, although some of these things may chance in some part of the Indies: for these Regions being so great, as they contain Nations without number, we may believe, that some came to inhabit after one sort, and some after an other. But in the end I resolve upon this point, that the true and principal cause to people the Indies, was, that the lands and limits thereof are joined and continued in some extremities of the world, or at the least, were very near. And I believe, it is not many thousand years past, since men first inhabited this new world and West Indies, and that the first men that entered, were rather savage men and hunters, then bred up in civil and well governed Commonweals: and that they came to this new world, having lost their own land, or being in too great numbers, they were forced of necessity to seek some other habitations; the which having found, they began by little and little to plant, having no other law, but some instinct of nature, and that very dark, and some customs remaining of their first Countries. And although they came from Countries well governed, yet is it not incredible to think, that they had forgotten all through the tract of time and want of use; seeing that in Spain and Italy we find companies of men, which have nothing but the shape and countenance only, whereby we may conjecture in what sort this new world grew so barbarous and uncivil.   

What the Indians report of their beginning. CHAP. 25.  
IT is no matter of any great importance, to know what the Indians themselves report of their beginning, being more like unto dreams, then to true Hiries. ●hey make great mention of a deluge happened in their Country: but we cannot well judge if this deluge were universal (whereof the scripture makes mention,) or some particular inundation of those regions where they are. Some expert men say, that in those Countries are many notable signs of some great inundation, and I am of their opinion which think that these marks and shows of a deluge, was not that of Noah, but some other particular, as that which Plato speaks of, or Deucalion's flood, which the Poets sing of: whatsoever it be, the Indians say, that all men were drowned in this deluge: and they report that out of the great Lake Titicaca, came one Viracocha, which stayed in Tiaguanaco, where at this day there is to be seen the ruins of ancient and very strange buildings, and from thence came to Cusco, and so began mankind to multiply. They show in the same Island a small Lake, where they feign that the sun hid himself, and so was preserved; and for this reason they make great sacrifices unto him in that place, both of sheep and men. Others report, that six, or I know not what number of men, came out of a certain cave by a window, by whom men first began to multiply: and for this reason they call them Pacaritampo. And therefore they are of opinion, that the Tambos is the most ancient race of men. They say also, that Mango Capa, whom they acknowledge for the founder and chief of their Inguas, was issued of that race, and that from him sprang two families or lineages, the one of Havan Cusco, the other of Vrni Cusco. They say moreover, that when the Kings Inguas attempted war and conquered sundry Provinces, they gave a colour and made a pretext of their enterprise, saying, that all the world ought to acknowledge them; for that all the world was renewed by their race and Country: and also that the true religion had been revealed to them from heaven. But what availeth it to speak more, seeing that all is full of lies and vanity, and far from reason? Some learned men write, that all which the Indians make mention of, is not above 400. years old, and whatsoever they speak of former ages, is but a confusion full of obscurity, wherein we find no truth. The which may not seem strange, they having no use of books, or writing; in steed whereof, they use counting with their Quipocamayes, the which is peculiar unto them. But which reckoning all they can report is not past 400. years. Instructing myself carefully of them, to know from what land, and what nation they passed, to that where they ●ow live, I have found them so far unable to give any reason thereof, as they believe confidently, that they were created at their first beginning at this new world, where they now dwell. But we have freed them of this error by our faith, 
Act. 17.  which teacheth us, that all men came from the first man. There are great and apparent conjectures, that these men for a long time, had neither Kings nor common weals, but lived in troops, as they do at this day in Florida, the Chiriquanas those of bresil and many other nations, which have no certain Kings, but as occasion is offered in peace or war, they choose their Captains as they please. But some men excelling others in force and wit, began in time to rule and domineer as Nembroth did: 
Genit●.  so increasing by little and little, they erected the kingdoms of Peru and Mexico, which our Spaniards found: and although they were barbarous, yet did they far surpass all the other Indians. Behold how the foresaid reason doth teach us, that the Indians began to multiply, for the most part, by savage men and fugitives, which may suffice touching the beginning of these men we speak of, leaving the rest, until we treat of their History more at large.    

THE SECOND BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

That it is not out of purpose, but necessary to treat of the 〈…〉. CHAP. 1.  
FOR the well conceiving of things at the Indies, it is necessary to know the nature and disposition of that Region, which the Ancients did call the burning Zone, the which they held inhabitable, seeing the greatest part of this new world, which hath been of late discovered, lies and is situate under this region in the midst of heaven. And it seems to me greatly to purpose which some do say, that the knowledge of things at the Indies, depends of the well understanding the nature of the Equinoctial: for that the difference which is betwixt the one and the other world, proceeds in a manner from the qualities of this Equinoctial. And we must note, that all the space betwixt the two tropics, must be properly taken and held for this middle line, which is the Equinoctial; so called, for that the Sun running his course therein, makes the days & nights even throughout the world: yea, they that dwell under this line, enjoy, throughout the year, the same equality of days, and nights. In this Equinoctial line, we find so many admirable qualities, that with great reason man's understanding doth study and labour to search out the causes; not moved thereunto so much by the doctrine of ancient Philosophers, as by reason and certain experience.   

For what reason the Ancients held, that the burning Zone was inhabitable. CHAP. 2.  
EXamining this subject from the beginning, no man can deny that which we plainly see, that the Sun when it draws near, doth heat, and when it retires, groweth cold. The days and nights, with the Winter and Summer be witnesses hereof; whose variety with the heat and cold, grows by the nearness and distance of the Sun. Moreover it is certain, the more the Sun approacheth and casteth his beams prependicularly, the more the earth is scorched and burnt, the which we see plainly in the heat of the South, and in the force of Summer, whereby we may judge (in my opinion) that the farther a Country is distant from the course of the Sun, the more cold it is. So we find by experience, that the Countries and Regions, which approach nearest to the North, are coldest: and chose, those that lie near the Zodiac, where the Sun keeps his course, are most hot. For this cause Ethiopia passeth Africa and Barbary in heat, Barbary exceeds Andalousia, Andalousia, Castille and Arragon surpass Biscaie and France. And the more they decline to the North, the colder they are: and so by consequence, those which approach nearest to the Sun, and are beaten perpendicularly with his beams, they do most feel the heat thereof. Some urge another reason to this effect, which is, that the motion of the heaven is very sudden and light towards the Tropikes, but near the Poles it is slow and heavy, whereby they conclude, that the region which the Zodiac circles and contains, is set on fire with heat for three causes and reasons; the one for the nearness of the Sun, the other, for that his beams reflect directly, and the third, for that it doth participate and feel this swift and sudden motion of the heaven. See what reason and discourse teacheth us, touching the cause of heat and cold upon the regions of the earth. But what shall we say of the two other qualities, wet and dry? Even the same. For the drought seems to grow by the nearness of the Sun, and moistness, being retired far off, for that the night being colder than the day, is likewise more moist; and the day which is drier, is also hotter. Winter, whilst the Sun runs his course farther off, is more cold and rainy, and Summer, when the Sun is near, is more hot and dry: for even as the fire hath the property to parch and burn, so hath it to dry up the moistness. These things therefore considered, Aristotle and other Philosopher's attribute unto the regions of the South, which they call burning, an excessive heat and a drought likewise. And therefore they said, this region is wonderfully scorched and dry; & so by consequence, hath neither waters nor pastures, whereby of necessity it must be contrary and unfit for man's life.   

That the burning Zone is very moist, contrary to the opinion of the Ancients. CHAP. 3.  
ALl that we have propounded, seems undoubtedly true, and to purpose; and yet the conclusion they would draw from it, is directly false; for that the Region of the South, which they call the burning Zone, is peopled and inhabited by men; and we ourselves have stayed long there, being very commodious, pleasant and agreeable. If therefore it be so (as we cannot deny it) that from a true proposition, we cannot draw a false conclusion, and yet this conclusion should be false, (as indeed it is,) we must of necessity return back the same way, to examine this proposition more strictly, & whence the error should proceed: we will first show the truth, as assured experience doth teach us, then will we prove it, (although it be very difficult) and will endeavour to give a rea●on, following the terms of Philosophy. The last point that we propounded, that the drought is greatest, whenas the Sun is nearest to the earth, seemeth certain and infallible, and yet it is very false; f●r there is never greater abundance of rain in the burning Zone, then whenas the Sun goeth directly over them, and is very near. Truly it is an admirable thing, and worthy observation, that the air is most clear, and without rain under this burning Zone, whenas the Sun is farthest off; and chose there is most rain, snow and mists, whenas the Sun is nearest. Such as have not traveled in this new world, will happily think this incredible, and it will seem strange even unto such as have been there, if they have not well observed it: but the one and the other will willingly yield, in noting the certain experience of that which hath been said of this part of Peru, which looks to the Southern or Antarctic Pole: the Sun is then farthest off, when it is nearest unto Europe, that is, in May, june, july and August, whenas he makes his course in the Tropic of Cancer. During which Months, the air at Peru is very clear and calm, neither doth there fall any snow or rain; all their rivers fall much, and some are dried up quite: but as the year increaseth, and the Sun approacheth near unto the Tropic of Capricorn, then begins it to rain and to snow, and their Rivers swell from October to December. Then after that the Sun retiring from Capricorn, whenas his beams reflect directly upon the heads of them of Peru, then is the violence of their waters great, then is the time of rain, snow, and great overflowings of their Rivers, when as their heat is greatest, that is, from januarie to mid March: this is so true and certain, as no man may contradict it. And at that time the contrary is found in the Regions of the Pole Arctic, beyond the Equinoctial, which proceeds from the same reason. But let us now look into the temperature of Panama & all that coast, as well of new Spain, the islands of Barlovent, Cuba, Hispaniola, jamaica, as of S. john de Port ricco, we shall without doubt find, that from the beginning of November, until April, they have the air clear and bright; the reason is, for that the Sun passing by the Equinoctial to the Tropic of Capricorn, retires from those Regions more than at any other time of the year. And chose, they have violent showers and great swellings of water, whenas the Sun returns and is nearest unto them, which is from june, unto September, for then his beams beat most upon them. The like happens at the East Indies, as we learn daily by letters that come. So as it is a general rule, (although in some places there is an exception) that in the Region of the South or burning Zone, which is all one, the air is most clear and driest, whenas the Sun is farthest off; and chose, when it approacheth, there is greatest rain and humidity: and even as the Sun advanceth or retireth little or much, even so the earth abounds or wants water and moisture.   

That in the Regions which be without the Tropics, there is greatest store of waters, whenas the Sun is farthest off, contrary to that under the burning Zone. CHAP. 4.  
IN Regions which lie without the Tropics, we see the contrary to that which hath been spoken: for that the rain is mingled with cold, & the drought with heat, the which is well known in all Europe and the old world, as we see in the same manner in the new world, whereof the whole Kingdom of Chile is a witness, which lying without the Tropic of Capricorn, and in the same height with Spain, is subject to the same laws of Winter and Summer, but that Winter is there, whenas it is Summer in Spain, being under diverse Poles. So as when it is cold in these Provinces, the waters are in great abundance, which is, when the Sun is farthest off, from the beginning of April, to the end of September: finally, the disposition of seasons is like to that in Europe, which is, that the heat and drought comes whenas the Sun returns, which is the cause that this Realm of Chile approacheth nearer the temperature of Europe, than any other of the Indies, as well in the fruits of the earth, as in the bodies and spirits of men. The like they report of that part which lies before the Inner Ethiopia, that stretcheth out in manner of a point unto the Cape Bonne Esperance or Good Hope, the which they hold for a true cause of the inundations of Nile, which be in Summer, whereof the Ancients have so much disputed, for that in that Region the Winter and rain begins in April, whenas the Sun hath passed Aries: and these waters, which partly grow from snow, and partly from rain, assemble and make great Lakes and Pools, from whence by good and true Geography the River of Nile proceeds, and by this means goes by little and little stretching out her course, till that having run a long way, it finally in the time of Summer overfloweth Egypt, which seemeth against nature, and yet it is certainly reported; for at what time it is Summer in Egypt, lying under the Tropic of Cancer, then is it winter at the springs of Nile, which is under the other Tropic of Capricorn. There is in America an other inundation like to that of Nile, at Paraguen, or River de la Plata, which is as much to say, as the River of silver, the which receiving yearly infinite waters which fall from the Mountains of Per●, doth so terribly swell in her course, and overflows that Region, as the Inhabitants are forced, during those Months, to retire themselves into boats and Canoes, and to leave the dwelling of the Land.   

That betwixt the two Tropics, the greatest abundance of rain is in Summer, with a discourse of Winter and Summer. CHAP. 5.  
TO conclude, Summer is always accompanied with heat and drought, in the two temperate Zones, and Winter with cold and moistness: but under the burning Zone those qualities are not alike, for that rain accompanies heat, and drought followeth the cold: I understand by cold, want of excessive heat, so as Winter is taken in our Europe for the cold and rainy season, and Summer for the hot and clear season. Ou● Spaniards which live at Peru, and in new Spain, seeing these two qualities not to concur together as in Spain, call that season Winter, wherein there is greatest abundance of rain and waters; and Summer; where there is little or non● at all: wherein they are plainly deceived, although they affirm by a general rule, that in the Mountains of Peru, it is Summer from the month of April to September, for that the rain ceaseth in that season; and that Winter is, from the month of September unto April, for that the showers return then▪ and therefore it is winter and summer at the same instant that in Spain. So as when the Sun●e goeth directly over their heads, they then take it to be the depth of Winter, having greatest store of rain. But it is worthy to be laughed at, coming from ignorant men and unlearned: for even as the difference betwixt the day and night proceeds from the presence or absence of the Sun in our hemisphere, according to the motion of the first motor, which is the cause of day and night; even so the difference which we see betwixt Winter and Summer, proceeds from the nearness and distance of the Sun, according to the motion of the said Sun, which is the proper cause. To speak truth then, it is Summer whenas the Sun is nearest, and Winter when it is farthest off. Both heat and coldness, and every other temperature, grows of necessity, by the nearness and distance of the sun; but to rain, or not to rain, which is humidity and drought, do not necessarily follow. It is therefore easy to judge (besides this vulgar opinion) that at Peru, the Winter is clear and without rain, and the Summer full of showers, and not otherwise, as many believe, that the winter is hot, and the summer cold. They fall into the like error, upon the difference they make betwixt the Plains and the Mountains of Peru, saying, that when it is summer upon the mountain, it is winter in the valley, which is in April, May, june, july, and August: for then the air is very clear upon the mountain, without any rain or mists, and at the same season, we commonly see fogs in the plain, which they call Guarva, which is as it were a very sweet dew wherewith the sun is covered. But winter and summer, as it is said, are caused by the nearness and distance of the sun. Seeing then that throughout all Per●, both upon the Mountains and on the Plains, the sun approacheth and retireth in one sort, there is no reason to say, that when it is summer in one part, that it is winter in an other; yet is it no m●tter of any importance, to contend upon the signification of words: Let them term them as they please, and call that summer when it rains not, although the heat be greater. But that, whereunto we must have greatest regard, is the truth of the subject, which is, that drought and want of rain, is not always greatest, when the sun approacheth nearest, as we see in the burning Zone.   

That the burning Zone abounds with waters and pastures, against the opinion of Aristotle, who holds the contrary. CHAP. 6.  
BY the former Discourse we may easily conceive, that the burning Zone is not dry, but abounding with waters; the which is so true, as it exceeds all the Regions of the world for store of waters, except in some parts, where there are sands and desert Countries, as we find likewise in some other parts of the world. As for water from Heaven, we have already shown, that there is great abundance of rain, snow and hail, which especially abound in the kingdom of Peru. But as for land-waters, as rivers, fountains, brooks, springs, floods, and lakes, I have not spoken thereof till now; yet being an ordinary thing, that the waters below have a correspondency with them above, we must not imagine that there can be any want: and in truth there is so great store of springs and fountains, as you shall not find in any Region or Country of the world; so many lakes, marshes, and such store of rivers, for the greatest part of America is almost inhabitable through too great abundance of waters: for that the rivers swelled with the great Rains in Summer, do often overflow their banks, with such fury, as they break all they encounter: and in many places they cannot pass, by reason of the mud and mire of marshes and valleys: for this cause, those that live near to Paraguen, (whereof we have made mention,) foreseeing the rising of the River before it comes, put themselves and their goods into Canoes, and so preserve themselves and their goods, floating up and down, almost for the space of three months: and when the River is returned within her bounds, than they go to their houses, still wet and dropping with the ●●ood. And this River is so great, as Nile, Ganges & Euphrates all together cannot equal it. But what shall we say of the great river of Magdalaine, which falls into the sea betwixt S. Martha and Carthagene, and with reason is called the great river? Sailing in those parts, I was amazed to see her stream (which was very clear) run ten leagues into the sea, being in breadth above two leagues, not mingling no● vanquished with the violent waves of the Ocean. But if we shall speak more of rivers, that great flood called by some, the river of Amazons, by others Marannon, and by some, the river of Orellana, which our Spaniards sailed in their discoveries, aught to blemish all the rest; and in truth I am in doubt whither I may term it a river, or a sea. It flows from the mountains of Peru, from whence it receives a great abundance of water, both of rain and of rivers, which it gathereth into it; then passing by the great plains of Pautiti, Dorado, and the Amazons, in the end it falls into the Ocean, almost right against the ●land of Marguerite and Trinidado. It hath so large & broad a channel, specially in the last third part of her length, as it contains in it many great ●lands. And that which seems incredible, when you sail through the midst of it, you shall see nothing but air and water. They say moreover, that from the midst you cannot see nor discover with the eye, many great and high mountains which are upon the banks, by reason of her great breadth. We have learned from credible persons, the great and wonderful breadth of this river (which in my opinion, deserves well the name of Empress and Queen of all floods,) which was by the report of a brother of our company, who being then young, sailed it in the company of Peter d'Orsua, with whom he was present at all the adventures of this strange entry and discovery; and at the seditious and pernicious acts of that wicked Diego d' Aguirra, from the which God delivered him to place him in our company. Such are the rivers in that region, which they call the burning Zone, and the dry & parched up country, in the which Aristotle and the Ancients affirmed there were neither waters, nor pastures. But seeing I have made mention of the river of Marannon, to show the abundance of the waters that are in the burning zone, it shall not be from the purpose, to speak somewhat of that great Lake which they call Titicaca, which is in the midst of the Province of Collao. There are above ten great rivers which lose themselves entering into that Lake, and yet hath it no issue but one small current of water, although some hold it to be very deep, and of such a fashion, as it is impossible to build a bridge over it, for the depth of the water, neither can they pass it by boat for the violence of the current. They pass it by an artificial and notable practice, peculiar to the Indians, with a bridge of straw laid upon the water, the which (being of so light a substance) sinks not, and yet this passage is very easy and safe. This Lake contains almost four score leagues, thirty five in length, and fifteen in breadth at the largest place. There are many islands which in old time were inhabited and tilled, but now lie waste. It brings forth a great abundance of reeds, which the Indians call Totora, which serves them to a thousand uses; for it is meat for swine, for horses, and for men, they make houses therewith, fire and barks. To conclude, the Vros in this their Totora find all they have need of. These Vros be such dull and brutish people, as they esteem not themselves men. It is reported of them, that being demanded of what nation they were? They answered, they were not men, but Vros, as it were some kind of beasts. There are whole villages of these Vros inhabiting in the Lake in their boats of Totora, the which are tied together and fastened to some rock, and often times the whole village changeth from place to place. So as he that would seek them now whereas they were yesterday, shall find no show nor remainder of them, or of their village. The current or issue of this Lake, having run above fifty leagues, makes another Lake, but less than the first which they call Paria, and contains in it some small islands, but they find no issue thereof. Some imagine it runs under the ground, & that it falls into the South sea; giving out, that there is a branch of a river which they see rise and enter into the sea near the bank, having no knowledge of the Spring. But chose, I believe that the waters of this Lake, dissolve and are dispersed within the Lake itself through the heat of the Sun. This discourse seems sufficient to prove, that the Ancients had no reason to hold, that the middle region was inhabitable for the defect of waters, seeing there is such store both from heaven and on the earth.   

Showing the reason why the Sun without the Tropics, causeth greatest quantity of waters when it is farthest off; and chose, within them it breedeth most, when it is nearest. CHAP. 7.  
COnsidering with myself often times, what should cause the Equinoctial to be so moist, as I have said; to refute the opinion of the Ancients, I find no other reason, but the great force of the sun in those parts, whereby it draws unto it a great abundance of vapours from out of the Ocean, which in those parts is very great and spacious: and having drawn unto it this great abundance of vapours, doth suddenly dissolve them into rain, and it is approved by many tried experiences, that the rain and great storms from heaven proceed from the violent heat of the Sun: first (as we have said before) it rains in those countries, whenas the Sun casts his beams directly upon the earth, at which time he hath most force: but when the Sun retires, the heat is moderate, and then there falls no rain: whereby we may conclude, that the force and heat of the Sun is the cause of rain in those Countries. Moreover we observe, both in Peru, New Spain, and in all the burning Zone, that the rain doth usually fall in afternoon, when as the sunbeams are in their greatest force, being strange to see it rain in the morning. And therefore travelers foreseeing it, begin their journeys early, that they may end and rest before noon, for they hold that commonly it rains after noon. Such as have frequented and traveled those Country's, can sufficiently speak thereof. And there are, that (having made some abode there) say, that the greatest abundance of rain is, when the Moon is at the full; but to say the truth, I could never make sufficient proof thereof, although I have observed it. Moreover, the days, the year and the months, show the truth hereof, that the violent heat of the sun causeth the rain in the burning Zone: experience teacheth us the like in artificial things, as in a Limbeck, wherein they draw waters from herbs & flowers; for the vehemency of the fire forceth and driveth up an abundance of vapours, which being pressed, and finding no issue, are converted into liquor and water. The like we see in gold and silver, which we refine with quickesilver, the fire being small and slow, we draw out almost nothing of the quickesilver, but if it be quick and violent, it doth greatly evaporate the quicksilver, which encountering the head above, doth presently turn into liquor, and begins to drop down: Even so the violent heat of the sun produceth these two effects, when it finds matter disposed, that is, to draw up the vapours on high, and to dissolve them presently, and turn them into rain, when there is any obstacle to consume them. And although these things seem contrary, that one sun within the burning Zone, being near, should cause rain, and without the Zone afar off should breed the like effect; so it is, that all well considered, there is no contrariety. A thousand effects in natural causes proceed of contrary things by diverse means: we dry linen by the fire, and in the air, and yet the one heats and the other cools; pastures are dried and hardened by the sun and with the frost; moderate exercise provokes sleep, being too violent, it hindereth: if you lay no wood on the fire, it dieth; if you lay on to● much, it likewise quencheth: for the only proportion entertains and makes it to continue. To well discern a thing, it must not be too near the eye, nor too far off, but in a reasonable distance proportionable; being too far off from any thing, we lose the sight, and too near likewise, we cannot see it. If the sun beams be weak, they draw up no fog from the rivers, if they be violent, having drawn up the vapours, they presently dissolve and consume them; but if the heat be moderate, it draws up and preserves it: for this reason the vapours rise not commonly in the night, nor at noon, but in morning, whenas the sun begins to enter into his force. There are a thousand examples of natural causes upon this subject, which we see do often grow from contrary things: whereby we must not wonder, if the sun being near, engenders rain, and being far off, works the like effect: but being of a moderate and proportionable distance, causeth none at all. Yet there remains one doubt, why the nearness of the sun causeth the rain under the burning Zone, and without, when it is farthest off. In my opinion the reason is, that in Winter without the Tropics, the sun hath not force sufficient to consume the vapours which rise from the land and sea; for these vapours grow in great abundance in the cold region of the air, where they are congealed and thickened by the extremity of the cold; and after being pressed, they dissolve and turn into water. Therefore in Winter when the sun is farthest off, the days short, and the nights long, his heat hath small force: but when the sun approacheth, which is in the summer time, his force is such, as it draws up the vapours, and suddenly consumes and disperseth them; for the heat and the length of the days grow through the nearness of the sun. But within the tropics under the burning Zone, the far distance of the sun works the same effects that the nearness doth without the Tropiks; by reason whereof, it rains no more under the burning Zone when the sun is far off, then without the Tropics when it is nearest, for that in this approaching and retiring, the sun remains always in one distance whence proceeds this effect of clearness. But when the sun is in the period of his force in the burning zone, and that he cast his beams directly upon the inhabitants heads, there is neither clearness nor dryness, as it seems there should be, but rather great and strange showers; for that by this violent heat, he draws up suddenly a great abundance of vapours from the Earth and Ocean, which are so thick, as the wind, not able easily to disperse them, they melt into water, which breedeth the cold rain in so great abundance: for the excessive heat may soon draw up many vapours, the which are not so soon dissolved: and being gathered together through their great abundance, they melt and dissolve into water. The which we may easily discern by this familiar example: roast a piece of pork, mutton, or veal, if the fire be violent, and the meat near, we see the fat melts suddenly, and drops away, the reason is, that the violent heat draws forth the humour and fat from the meat, and being in great abundance, cannot dissolve it, and so it distilleth more away: But when the fire is moderate, and the meat in an equal distance, we see that it rostes handsomely, and the fat drops not too suddenly, for that the moderate heat draws out the moistness which it consumes suddenly. And therefore Cooks make a moderate fire, and lay not their meat too near nor too far off, lest it melt away. The like may be seen in another experience in candles of tallow or wax, if the wike be great, it melts the tallow or the wax, for that the heat cannot consume the moistness which riseth, but if the flame be proporcionable, the wax melts nor drops not, for that the flame doth waste it by little and little as it riseth. The which seemeth to me the true reason, why under the Equinoctial and burning Zone, the violence of the heat doth cause rain, the which in other Regions grows through want thereof.   

How we should understand, that which hath been formerly spoken of the burning Zone. CHAP. 8.  
IF in natural and physical things, we must not seek out infallible and mathematical rules, but that which is ordinary and tried by experience, which is the most perfect rule, we must then believe what we have said, that there is more humidity under the burning Zone then in other Regions; and that it rains less there, when the sun is nearest, must be taken and understood after one sort, as in truth it is the most common and ordinary. But this is not to hinder the exceptions which nature hath given to this rule, making some Regions of the burning Zone extremely dry. The which is reported of Ethiopia, and we have seen it in a great part of Peru, where all that land or coast, which they call Plains, wants rain, yea, land waters, except some valleys, where rivers fall from the mountains; the rest is a sandy and barren soil, where you shall hardly find any springs, but some deep wells. But with the help of God, we will show the reason why it raineth not in these Plains (the which many demand;) for now I only pretend to show, that there are many exceptions to natural rules, whereby it may happen, that in some part of the burning Zone, it rains not when the sun is nearest, but being farthest off, although unto this day I have neither seen nor heard of it: but if it be so, we must attribute it to the particular quality of the earth: and also, if sometimes the contrary doth chance, we must have regard that in natural things there happens many contrarieties and le●s, whereby they change and dissolve one another. For example, it may be the sun will cause rain, and that the winds will hinder it, or else cause more abundance than hath been usual. The winds have their properties and diverse beginnings, by the which they work diverse effects, the which are most commonly contrary to that which the order & season requires. Seeing then in all places we see great varieties in the year, which proceeds from the diverse motions and aspects of Planets, it is not out of purpose to say, that in the burning Zone, we may see and observe some things contrary to that we have tried. But to conclude, that which we have spoken, is a certain and undoubted truth, which is, that the great draft which the Ancients held to be in the middle region, which they call the burning Zone, is nothing at all: but chose there is great humidity, and then it rains most, when the sun is nearest.   

That the Burning Zone is not violently hot, but moderate. CHAP. 9  
HItherto we have treated of the humidity of the Burning Zone, now it shall be fit to discourse of the other two qualities, Hot, and Cold. We have showed in the beginning of this Discourse, how the Ancients held that the burning Zone was hot and exceeding dry, the which is not so; for it is hot and moist, and in the greatest part, the heat is not excessive, but rather moderate, which some would hold incredible, if we had not tried it. When I passed to the Indies, I will tell what chanced unto me: having read what Poets and Philosophers write of the b●●ning Zone, I persuaded myself, that coming to the Equinoctial, I should not endure the violent heat, but it fell out otherwise; for when I passed, which was when the sun was there for Zenith, being entered into Aries, in the month of March, I felt so great cold, as I was forced to go into the sun to warm me, what could I else do then, but laugh at Aristotle's Meteors and his Philosophy, seeing that in that place, and at that season, whenas all should be scorched with heat, according to his rules, I, and all my companions were a cold? In truth there is no region in the world more pleasant and temperate, then under the Equinoctial, although it be not in all parts of an equal temperature, but have great diversities. The burning Zone in some parts is very temperate, as in Quitto, and on the plains of Peru, in some parts very cold, as at Potozi, and in some very hot, as in Ethiopia, bresil, and the Molucques. This diversity being known and certain unto us, we must of force, seek out another cause of cold and heat then the sun beams, seeing that in one season of theyeere, and in places of one height and distance, from the Pole and Equinoctial we find so great diversity, that some are environed with heat, some with cold, 
Plato in Tim. & Critiae.  and others tempered with a moderate heat. Plato placeth his most renowned Atlantike Island under the burning Zone; then he saith, that at certain seasons of the year, it hath the sun for Zenith, and yet it was very temperate, fruitful, and rich. Pliny saith, that Taprobana (which at this day they call Sumatra,) is under the Equinoctial, 
Plin. lib. 6. c. 12  as in effect it is, writing, that it is not only happy and rich, but also peopled with men and beasts: whereby we may easily judge, that although the Ancients held the heat of the burning Zone to be insupportable, yet might they well understand, that it was not so great as they had spoken. The most excellent ginger and Cosmographer Ptolemy, and the worthy Philosopher and Physician Avicen; were of a better resolution, being both of opinion, that under the Equinoctial, there were very commodious habitations.   

That the heat of the burning Zone is temperate, by reason of the rain and the shortness of the days. CHAP. 10.  
SInce the discovery of this new world, we have found by experience, that which late Writers have held for truth. But it is a natural thing, whenas any matter beyond our conceit is made known unto us by experience, we by and by examine the cause. Therefore we desire to know the reason, why a Region where the sun approacheth nearest, is not only temperate, but in many parts cold. Considering this matter generally, I find two general causes, which maketh this Region temperate: the one is that before mentioned, for that this Region is very moist and subject to rain, and there is no doubt but the rain doth refresh it, for that the water is by nature cold; and although by the force of the fire it be made hot, yet doth it temper this heat proceeding only from the sunbeams. The which we see by experience in the inner Arabia, the which is burnt with the Sun, having no showers to temper the violence thereof. The clouds and mists are the cause that the sun offends not so much, and the showers that fall from them, refresh both the air and the earth, and moisten likewise how hot soever it be. They drink rain water, and it quencheth the thirst, as our men have well tried, having no other to drink. So as reason and experience doth teach us, that rain of itself doth temper the heat; and having by this means showed, that the burning Zone is much subject unto rain, it appears that there is matter in it, to temper the violence of the heat. To this I will add an other reason, which deserves to be known, not only for this matter, but for many others; for although the Sun be very hot and burning under the Equinoctial, yet is it not long, so as the heat of the day being there shorter, and of less continuance, it causeth not so violent a heat; the which it behoves to specify more particularly. Such as are practised in the knowledge of the Sphere teach very well, that the more the Zodiac is oblique and traversing our Hemisphere, the more unequal are the days and nights; and chose, where the sphere is strait, and the signs mount directly, there the days and nights are equals. And therefore in all that Region which is between the two Tropics, there is less inequality then without them, and the more we approach the Line, the less inequality we find, the which we have tried in those parts. Those of Quitto, for that they are under the line; have not throughout the whole year, the days and nights more short at one season, then at an other, but are continually equal. Those of Lima being distant almost twelve degrees, find some difference betwixt the days and the nights, but very little, for that in December and januarie, the days increase an hour or little less. Those of PotoZi find much more difference, both in winter and in summer, being almost under the Tropic. But those that live without the Tropikes, find the days in winter shorter, and in summer longer: the more remote they are from the Equinoctial and come near the Pole, as we see in Germany and in England, the days are longer in summer, then in Italy and in Spain. It is a thing which the Sphere doth teach, and experience doth plainly show us. We must add an other proposition, which is likewise true and very considerable for all the effects of nature to understand the perseverance and continuation of the efficient cause to work and move. This presupposed, if any one demand of me, why under the Equinoctial Line, the heat is not so violent in summer, as in some other Regions, (as in Andelousiae in the months of july and August) I will answer, that in Andelousia the days are longer, and the night's shorter; and as the day being hot, inflames and causeth heat; so the nights being cold and moist, give a refreshing. According to the which, at Peru, there is no such great heat, for that the days in summer are not long, nor the night's short; so as the heat of the day is much tempered by the freshness of the night. And although the burning Zone be nearer the Sun than all other Regions, yet doth not the heat continue there so long. It is a natural thing, that a small fire continued, heats more, than a greater that lasts but little, especially if there be any thing to refresh it. He therefore that shall put these two properties of the Zone in one balance, that it is most rainy in the time of greatest heat, and that the days are shortest there, he shall perchance find them to equal the other two contrarieties, which be, that the Sun is nearer and more directly over them then in other Regions.   

That there be other reasons besides the former mentioned, which show, that the burning Zone is temperate, especially alongst the Ocean. CHAP. 11.  
BEing a thing concluded, that the two forenamed properties are common and universal to all the region of the burning Zone: and yet in the same there are found some places very hot, and other exceeding cold: Also, that the temperature is not there equal in all places, but under one climate, one part is hot, another cold, and the third temperate, all at one season; we are forced to seek out other reasons, whence this great diversity should proceed in the burning Zone. Discoursing therefore upon this question, I do find threeapparant and certain causes, and a fourth more obscure and dark. The apparent and certain causes be: The first is the Ocean, the second, the situation of the land, and the third, the nature and property of many and sundry winds. Besides these three which I hold for manifest, I believe there is a fourth hidden and less apparent, which is the property of the same land inhabited, and the particular influence of the heavens. Whoso would nearly consider the causes and general reasons before mentioned, shall find them insufficient for the full resolution of this point, observing that which daily happens in divers parts of the Equinoctial. Manomotapa, and a great part of the kingdom of Prester jean are seated under the line, or very near. In which regions they endure excessive heat, and the men are all black; the which is not only in those parts of the land far from the sea, but also in islands environed with the sea. The Island of Saint Thomas is under the Line, the islands of Cape Verd are very near, and both in the one and the other are violent heats: and the men are likewise black. Under the same line, or very near, lies a part of Peru, and of the new kingdom of Grenado, which notwithstanding are very temperate Countries, inclining rather to cold than heat, and the inhabitants are white. The Country of bresil is in the same distance from the line with Peru, and yet both bresil and all that coast is extremely hot, although it be in the North sea, and the other coast of Peru, which is in the South sea, is very temperate. I say then, that whosoever would consider these differences, and give a reason thereof, cannot content himself with these general rules before specified, to prove that the burning Zone may be a temperate land. Among the special causes and reasons, I have first placed the Sea, for without doubt, the nearness thereof doth help to temper and cool the heat: for although the water be salt, yet is it always water, whose nature is cold, and it is a thing remarkable, that in the depth of the Ocean, the water cannot be made hot by the violence of the Sun, as in rivers: finally, even as saltpeter (though it be of the nature of salt) hath a property to cool water, even so we see by experience, that in some ports and havens, the salt-water doth refresh; the which we have observed in that of Callao, whereas they put the water or wine which they drink, into the Sea in flagons to be refreshed, whereby we may undoubtedly find, that the Ocean hath this property, to temper and moderate the excessive heat: for this cause we feel greater heat at land then at sea, Caeteris paribus; and commonly Countries lying near the sea, are coooler than those that are farther off. Caeteris paribus, as I have said, even so the greatest part of the new world, lying very near the Ocean, we may with reason say, although it be under the burning Zone, yet doth it receive a great benefit from the sea to temper the heat.   

That the highest lands are the coldest, and the reason thereof. CHAP. 12.  
But if we shall yet search more particularly, we shall not find in all this land an equal temperature of heat, although it be in equal distance from the sea, and in the same degree, seeing that in some parts there is great heat, and in some, very little. Doubtless, the cause thereof is, that the one is lower, and the other higher; which causeth that the one is hot, and the other cold. It is most certain, that the tops of the mountains are colder than in the bottom of the valleys, the which proceeds, not only for that the sun beams have greater repercussions upon lower places, although it be a great reason; yet there is an other, which is, that the Region of the air is colder when it is farthest from the ground. The Plains of Collao at Peru & of Popaian in new Spain make sufficient proof hereof. For without all doubt those parts are high countries, and for this reason cold, although they be all environed with high points of mountains, much subject to the Sun beams. But if we demand why at Peru, and in new Spain, the Plains along the coast be very hot, and the plains of the same Countries of Peru and new Spain be chose cold? In truth I see no other reason can be given, but that the one is a low country, and the other high. Experience doth teach us, that the middle region of the air is colder than the neither. And therefore the more the mountains approach to the middle, the colder they are, being covered with snow and frosts. Reason itself doth yield to it. For if there be a sphere and region of fire, as Aristotle and the other Philosophers say, the middle region of the air must be most cold, by Antiparistasis, the cold being expelled and thickened there, as in summer time we see in wells that are very deep. For this cause the Philosophers affirm, that the two extreme regions of the air, that above, and the other below, are the hottest, and the middle region more cold. If it be thus, as experience doth teach us, we shall yet draw out another reason and notable argument, to show that the burning Zone is temperate, which is, that the greatest part of the Indies is a high country, filled with many mountains, which by their nearness refresh the neighbour countries. You may continually see upon the tops of these mountains, snow, hail and frozen waters; and the cold so bitter, as the grass is all withered, so as the men and beasts which pass that way, are benumbed with cold. This, as I have said, is in the burning Zone: and it happens most commonly when they have the sun for zenith. It is therefore most certain and conformable unto reason, that the mountains are colder than the valleys and plains, for that they participate more of the middle region of the air, which is very cold. The cause why the middle region of the air is more cold, hath been showed before: for that the region of the air next to the fiery exhalation, the which (according to Aristotle) is upon the sphere of the air, repels and thrusts back all the cold, the which retires itself into the middle region of the air, by Antiparistasis, as the Philosophers speak. Now if any one should question with me in this manner; If it be so that the air is hot and moist, as Aristotle holds, and as we commonly say, whence then proceeds the cold which is congealed in the middle region of the air, seeing it cannot come from the fiery sphere? For if it come from the water, or the earth, 
Arist. Me.  by this reason the lower region of the air should be colder than the middle.  
To answer truly what I think, I will confess, that this Argument and Objection is so difficult, as I am almost ready to follow the opinion of such as reprove the qualities, agreements and disagreements which Aristotle gives unto the Elements, saying they are but imaginations, who for this occasion hold the air to be cold by nature. And to this end they use many arguments and reasons, whereof we will propound one very familiar and well known, leaving the rest apart. In the canicular days we are accustomed to beat the air with a fan, and we find that it doth refresh us; so as these Authors affirm, that heat is no private property of any other Element, but of fire only, which is dispersed and mingled with all things (as the great Denis doth teach us.) 
Dionys. c. 25. the coel. hierar.  But whether it be so, or otherwise (for I will not contradict Aristotle, but in that which is most certain) in the end they agree all, that the middle region of the air is colder than the lowest next to the earth, as experience doth show us; seeing that in this middle region are congealed, snow, hail, frosts, and other signs of extreme cold. The middle region then which they call the burning Zone, having on the one side the sea, and on the other the mountains, we must hold them for sufficient causes to temper and cool the heat.   

That the cold winds be the principal cause to make the burning Zone temperate. CHAH. 13.  
THe temperature of this region ought chiefly to be attributed to the property of the wind that blows in that country, the which is pleasant and fresh. The providence of the great God Creator of all things hath been such, as he hath ordained fresh and cool winds in that region where the sun makes his course (which seems should be burnt up) that by their coolness the excessive heat of the sun might be qualified. And they are not far from appearance of reason, which held that the earthly Paradise was under the Equinoctial. If they had not deceived themselves in the cause of their opinion, saying that the equality of the days and nights, was sufficient of itself to make that Zone temperate; to which opinion many others have been opposite, of which number was that renowned Poet, saying; 
That coast incessantly by hot beams tired  
Of Phoebus, who from thence never retired.   
The coolness of the night than is not sufficient to moderate and to correct the violent heat of the Sun; but rather this burning Zone, receives so sweet a temperature, by the benefit of the fresh and pleasant air, as notwithstanding, it were held by the Ancients to be more hot than a burning furnace: yet those which inhabit there, take it for a delightful spring. It appears by arguments and very apparent reasons, that the cause hereof consists principally in the quality of the wind. We see in one climate, some regions and Cities hotter than others, only for that they feel less wind to refresh them. The like is in other Countries where no wind blows, the which are all on fire like unto a furnace. There are many of these Villages and Towns in bresil, Ethiopia, and Paraguen, as every one knoweth, and that which is more considerable; we see these differences, not only on the Land, but also on the Sea: there are some seas where they feel great heat, as they report of that of Mozambigus and Ormus in the East, and of the Sea of Panama in the West: the which for this reason, engenders and brings forth great Lizards (called Cayamans,) as also in the sea of bresil. There are other seas in the same degree of height, very cold, as that of Peru, in the which we were a cold, (as I have said before) when we first sailed it, which was in March, when the Sun was directly over us. In truth on this continent, where the land and sea are of one sort, we cannot imagine any other cause of this so great a difference, but the quality of the wind which doth refresh them. If we shall nearly look into the consideration of the wind, whereof we have spoken, we may resolve many doubts which some object, and which seem strange and wonderful: wherefore the Sun casting his beams upon the burning Zone, and particularly at Peru, and that more violently then in Spain in the Canicular days, yet they defend the heat with a light covering, so as with a slender covering of mats or straw, they are better preserved from the heat, then in Spain under a roof of wood, or a vault of stone. Moreover, why are not the nights in summer at Peru, as hot and troublesome as in Spain? Wherefore on the highest tops of mountains, even amongst the heaps of snow, you shall sometimes feel great and insupportable heat? Wherefore in all the Province of Colao, when ye come into the shade, how little soever, you feel cold: But coming into the Sun beams, you presently find the heat excessive? Why is all the coast of Peru, being full of sands, very temperate? And why is Potozi (distant from the silver City but eighteen leagues, and in the same degree) of so diverse a temperature, that the Country being extremely cold, it is wonderfully barren and dry? And chose, the silver City is temperate, inclining unto heat, and hath a pleasant and fertile soil? It is more certain, that the wind is the principal cause of these strange diversities; for without the benefit of these cool winds, the heat of the Sun is such, as (although it be in the midst of the snow,) it burns and sets all on fire: but when the coolness of the air returns suddenly, the heat is qualified how great soever it be: and whereas this cool wind rains ordinary, it keeps the gross vapours and exhalations of the earth from gathering together, which cause a heavy and troublesome heat: whereof we see the contrary in Europe, for by the exhalation of these vapours, the earth is almost burnt up with the Sun by day, which makes the nights so hot and troublesome, as the air doth often seem like unto a furnace: for this reason, at Peru, this freshness of the wind, is the cause (by the means of some small shade at the Sunnesetting) that they remain cool. But chose, in Europe the most agreeable and pleasing time in summer, is the morning, and the evening is the most hot and troublesome. But at Peru, and under all the Equinoctial it is not so, for every morning the wind from the sea doth cease, and the Sun begins to cast his beams; and for this reason they feel the greatest heat in the morning, until the return of the same winds, which otherwise they call the tide or wind of the sea, which makes them first to feel cold. We have tried all this, whilst we were at the islands of Barlovante, where in the mornings we did sweat for heat, and at noon we felt a fresh air; for that then, a North-easterly wind which is fresh and cool, doth commonly blow.   

That they which inhabit under the Equinoctial, live a sweet and pleasant life. CHAP. 14.  
IF those which have held opinion, that the earthly Paradise was under the Equinoctial, had been guided by this discourse, 
Vi●es. lib. 13. de Civit. c. 21.  they had not seemed altogether deceived, not that I will conclude, that the delightful Paradise, whereof the Scripture speaks was in that place, which were too great a temerity to affirm it for certain. But I may well say, if there be any Paradise on earth, it ought to be placed whereas they enjoy a sweet and quiet temperature; for there is nothing more troublesome or repugnant to man's life, then to live under a heaven or air that is contrary, troublesome or sickly: as there is nothing more agreeable, then to enjoy a heaven that is sound, sweet and pleasant: It is certain that we do not participate of any of the Elements, nor have not the use of any so often in our bodies as of the air. It is that which invironeth our bodies on all parts, which enters into our bowels, and at every instant visits the heart; and there engraves her properties. If the air be any thing corrupted, it causeth death, if it be pure and healthful, it augmenteth the strength; finally we may say, that the air alone is the life of man: so as although we have goods and riches, if the air be troublesome and unwholesome, we cannot live quietly, nor with content: But if the air be healthful, pleasant, and sweet, although we have no other wealth, yet doth it yield content. Considering with myself, the pleasing temperature of many Countries at the Indies, where they know not what winter is, which by his cold doth freeze them, nor summer which doth trouble them with heat, but that with a mat they preserve themselves from the injuries of all weather, and where they scarce have any need to change their garments throughout the year. I say, that often considering of this, I find that if men at this day, would vanquish their passions, and free themselves from the snares of covetousness, leaving many fruitless and pernicious disseines, without doubt they might live at the Indies very pleasant and happily: for that which other Poets sing of the Elisean fields and of the famous Tempe, or that which Plato reports or feigns of his Atlantike Island; men should find in these lands, if with a generous spirit they would choose rather to command their silver and their desires, then to remain slaves as they are. That which we have hitherto discoursed, shall suffice touching the qualities of the Equinoctial, of cold, heat, drought, rain, and the causes of temperature. The particular discourse of winds, waters, lands, metals, plants, and beasts, (whereof there is great abundance at the Indies,) shall remain for the other books; for the difficulty of that which is handled in this, though briefly, will happily seem too tedious.    

An advertisement to the Reader.  
THE Reader must understand, that I wrote the two first books in Latin, when I was at Peru, and therefore they speak of matters of the Indies, as of things present: Being since returned into Spain, I thought good to translate them into our vulgar tongue, and not to change my former manner of speeach. But in the five following books, for that I made them in Europe, I have been forced to change my style, and therein to treat of matters of the Indies, as of Countries and things absent. And for that this diversity of speech might with reason offend the Reader, I have thought good to advertise him thereof.   

THE THIRD BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

That the natural History of the Indies, is pleasant and agreeable. CHAP. 1.  
Every natural History is of itself pleasing, & very profitable, to such as will raise up their discourse and contemplation on high, in that it doth move them to glorify the Author of all nature, as we sea the wise & holy men do, 
Psal. 103.135. 91.92.18.8. job 28.39.  specially David in many Psalms. And job likewise, treating of the secrets of the Creator, whereas the same Lord answereth job so amply. He that takes delight to understand the wondrous works of Nature, shall taste the true pleasure & content of Histories; & the more, whenas he shall know they are not the simple works of men, but of the Creator himself, & that he shall comprehend the natural causes of these works, then shall he truly occupy himself in the study of Philosophy. But he that shall raise his consideration higher, beholding the great & first architect of all these marvels, he shall know his wisdom and infinite greatness, and (we may say) shall be divinely employed. And so the discourse of natural things, may serve for many good considerations, although the feebleness and weakness of many appetites, are commonly accustomed to stay at things less profitable, which is the desire to know new things, called curiosity. The Discourse and History of natural things at the Indies (besides the common content it gives,) hath yet another benefit, which is to treat of things a far off, the greatest part whereof were unknown to the most excellent Authors of that profession, which have been among the Ancients. And if we should write these natural things of the Indies, so amply as they require, being so strange, I doubt not but we might compile works, no less than those of Pliny, Theophrastes, and Aristotle. But I hold not myself sufficient, and although I were, yet is not my intent, but to note some natural things which I have seen and known being at the Indies, or have received from men worthy of credit, the which seem rare to me, and scarce known in Europe. By reason whereof, I will pass over many of them briefly, either because they are written of by others, or else require a longer discourse than I can now give.   

Of the winds, their differences, properties, and causes in general. CHAP. 2.  
HAving discoursed in the two former Books of that which concerns the heavens, and the habitation of the Indies in general, it behoves ●s now to treat of the three elements, air, water and land, and their compounds, which be metals, plants and beasts; for as for the fire, I see no special matter at the Indies which is not in other regions, unless some will say, that the manner to strike fire in rubbing two stones one against another, as some Indians use, or to boil any thing in gourds, casting a burning stone into it, and other such like things, are remarkable, whereof I have written what might be spoken. But of those which are in the Vulcan's and mouths of fire at the Indies, worthy doubtless to be observed, I will speak in their order, treating of the diversity of grounds, whereas they find these fires or Vulcan's. Therefore to begin with the winds, I say, that with good reason, Solomon in the great judgement which God had given him, esteems much the knowledge of the winds; and their properties, being very admirable; for that some are moist, others dry, some unwholesome, others found, some hot, others cold, some calm and pleasant, others rough and tempestuous, some barren, and others fertile, with infinite other differences. There are some winds which blow in certain regions, and are, as it were, Lords thereof, not addmitting any entry or communication of their contraries. In some parts they blow in that sort, as sometimes they are Conquerors, sometimes conquered; often there are diverse and contrary winds, which do run together at one instant, dividing the way betwixt them, sometimes one blowing above of one sort, and another below of an other sort; sometimes they encounter violently one with another, which puts them at sea in great danger: there are some winds which help to the generation of creatures, and others that hinder and are opposite. There is a certain wind, of such a quality, as when it blows in some country, it causeth it to rain fleas, and in so great abundance, as they trouble and darken the air, and cover all the sea shore: and in other places it rains frogs. These diversities and others which are sufficiently known, are commonly attributed to the place by the which these winds pass. For they say, that from these places they take their qualities to be cold, hot, dry or moist, sickly or sound, and so of the rest, the which is partly true, and cannot be denied; for that in a small distance you shall see in one wind many diversities. For example, the Solanus or Eastern wind is commonly hot and troublesome in Spain; and in Murria it is the coolest and healthfullest that is, for that it passeth by the Orchards, and that large champain which we see very fresh. In Carthagene which is not far from thence, the same wind is troublesome and unwholesome. The meridional (which they of the Ocean call South, and those of the Mediterranean sea, Mezo giorno) commonly is rainy and boisterous, and in the same City whereof I speak, it is wholesome and pleasant. Pliny reports that in Africa it rains with a Northern wind, and that the Southern wind is clear. He then that shall well consider what I have spoken of these winds, he may conceive, that in a small distance of land or sea, one wind hath many and divers qualities, yea sometimes quite contrary; whereby we may infer, that he draweth his property from the place where it passeth, the which is in such sort true (although we may not say in 〈◊〉) as it is the only and principal cause of the diversity of the winds. It is a thing we easily find, that in a river containing fifty leagues in circuit (I put it thus for an example) that the wind which blows of the one part, is hot and moist; and that which blows on the other, is cold and dry: Notwithstanding this diversity is not found in places by which it passeth, the which makesmee rather ●o say, that the winds bring these qualities with them, whereby they give unto them the names of these qualities. For example, we attribute to the Northern wind, otherwise called Cicrco, the property to be cold and dry, and to dissolve mists; to the Southern wind his contrary called Lev●s●he, we attribute the contrary quality, which is moist and hot, and engenders mists. This being general and common, we must seek out another universal cause, to give a reason of these effects. It is not enough to say, that the places by which they pass, give them these qualities, seeing that passing by the same places we see contrary effects. So as we must of force confess, that the region of the heaven where they blow, gives them these qualities; as the Septentrional is cold, because it comes from the North, which is the region farthest from the Sun. The Southern which blows from the Midday or South, is hot, and for that the heat draws the vapours, it is also moist and rainy: and chose the north is dry and subtle, for that it suffereth no vapours to congeal. And in this manner we may discourse of other winds, giving them the qualities of the region where they blow. But looking more precisely into it, this reason can not satisfy me: I will therefore demand, What doth the region of the air by which they pass; if i● doth 〈◊〉 them their qualities. I speak it for that in Germane in the Southern wind is hot and moist, and in Africa the Northern is cold and dry. Notwithstanding it is most certain, that in what region soever of Germany the Southern wind is engendered, it must needs be more cold than any part of Africa where the Northern is engendered. And if it be so, why is the Northern wind more cold in Africa then the Southern in Germany, seeing it proceeds from a hotter region? Some may answer me that the reason is, for that it blows from the North, which is cold; but this is neither sufficient, nor true: for if it were so, whenas the Northern wind blows in Africa, it should also run and continue his motion in all the Region, even unto the North, the which is not so: For at one instant there blow Northern winds very cold, in countries that are in fewer degrees; and Southern winds which are very hot, in country's lying in more degrees, the which is most certain, usual, and well known. Whereby (in my opinion) we may infer that it is no pertinent reason to say, that the places by which the winds do pass give them their qualities, or that they be diversified for that they blow from diverse regions of the air, although the one and the other have some reason, as I have said. But it is needful to seek further, to know the true and original cause of these so strange differences which we see in the winds. I cannot conceive any other, but that the same efficient cause which bringeth forth and maketh the winds to grow, doth withal give them this original quality: for in truth the matter whereon the winds are made, which is no other thing (according to Aristotle) but the exhalation of the interior Elements, may well cause in effect a great part of this diversity, being more gross, more subtle, more dry, and more moist. But yet this is no pertinent reason, seeing that we see in one region, where the vapours and exhalations are of one sort and quality, that there rise winds and effects quite contrary. We must therefore refer the cause to the higher and celestial efficient, which must be the Sun, and to the motion and influence of the heavens, the which by their contrary motions, give and cause diverse influences. But the beginnings of these motions and influences are so obscure and hidden from men, and on the other part, so mighty, and of so great force, as the holy Prophet David in his prophetical Spirit, and the Prophet jeremy admiring the greatness of the Lord speak thus, Qui profert ventos d● thesauris suis.: 
* Psalms 134● jeremy. 10.  He that draws the winds out of his treasures. In truth these principles and beginnings are rich and hidden treasures: for the Author of all things holds them in his hand, and in his power; and when it pleaseth him, sendeth them forth for the good or chastisement of men, and sends forth such winds as he pleaseth: not as that Aeolus whom the Poets do foolishly feign to have charge of the winds, keeping them in a cave like unto wild beasts. We see not the beginning of these winds, neither do we know how long they shall continue, or whither they shall go. But we see and know well the divers effects and operations they have, even as the supreme truth, the Author of all things hath taught us, saying, Spiritus ubi vult spirat, & vocemeius audis, & nescis unde venit, aut q●● vadit. The spirit or wind blows where it pleaseth, and although thou feelest the breath, yet dost thou not know whence it cometh, nor whither it shall go: To teach us, that conceiving a little of matters which are present & common unto us, we should not presume to understand that which is so high and so hidden, as the causes and motives of the Holy-ghost. It is therefore sufficient that we know his operations and effects, the which are plainly discovered in his greatness and perfections, and to have treated a little philosophically of the winds, and the causes of their differences, properties, and operations, which we have produced into three; the place by which they pass, the regions where they blow, and the celestial virtue, the beginning and motive of the winds.   

Of certain properties of winds which blow at the new world. CHAP. 3.  
IT is a question much disputed by Aristotle, whether the Southern wind, which we call Abreguo, blows from the pole Antarctic, or only from the Equinoctial line● which is properly to demand, if beyond the Equinoctial it hold the same quality of hot and rainy, as we see here. It is a point whereof we may with reason stand in doubt, for although it pass the Equinoctial, yet is it still the Southern wind, seeing it comes from the same part of the world; as the Northern wind which comes to the contrary, continues still the same wind, although it pass the burning Zone and Equinoctial line. And it seems hereby, that these two winds should hold their first properties, the one to be hot and moist, the other cold and dry; the South to breed mists and rain, and the North to disperse them, and to make a clear Sky. Notwithstanding Aristotle leans to the contrary opinion, for that in Europe the Northern wind is cold, because it comes from the Pole, a region extremely cold, and the Southern wind chose is hot, because it comes from the South, which is the region the Sun doth most heat. By this reason than we should believe that the South wind should be cold to them that inhabit on the other side of the line, and the Northern wind should be hot, for in those parts the Southern wind comes from the Pole, & the Northern from the Line. And though it seems by this reason, that the Southern wind should be more cold there, than the Northern is here: for that they hold the region of the South Pole to be more cold than that of the North, by reason that the Sun stayeth seven days every year in the Tropic of Cancer, more than it doth in the Tropic of Capricorn, as it appeareth by the Equinoxes and Solstices he makes in the two Circles, wherein it seemeth, that Nature would show the pre-eminence and excellency of this moiety of the world, which is in the North, above the other part in the South: so as it seemeth there is reason to believe that these qualities of the winds do change in passing the Line; but in truth it is not so, as I could comprehend by the experience I had some years, being in those parts of the Indies, which lie on the South of the other side of the Line.  
It is true, that the Northern wind is not usually cold and clear there as here. In some parts of Peru, as at Lima, and on the Plains, they find the Northern winds troublesome and unwholesome, and all along the coast, which runs above five hundred leagues, they hold the Southern winds for healthful and cool, and (which is more) most clear and pleasant; yea it never rains, contrary to that we see in Europe, and of this side the Line. Yet that which chanceth upon the coast of Peru is no general rule, but rather an exception, and a wonder of Nature, never to rain upon that coast, and ever to have one wind, without giving place to his contrary, whereof we will hereafter speak our mind.  
Now let us stand upon this point, that the Northern wind beyond the line, hath not the same properties, which the Southern wind hath on this side, although they both blow from the midday, to regions and parts of the world which be opposite and contrary. For it is no general rule there, that the Northern wind is neither hot nor rainy there, as the South wind is on this side; but chose, it rains whenas the South wind blows there, as we see in all the Sierre or mountain of Peru, in Chile, and in the Country of Congo, which is on the other side of the line, and far advanced into the Sea. And in Potozi likewise, the wind which they call Tomahani, (which is our North,) if my memory fail me not, is extremely cold, dry, and unpleasant, as it is here with us. Yet doth not the Northern wind disperse the clouds usually there, as it doth here: but chose, if I be not deceived, it doth often cause rain. There is no doubt, but the winds do borrow this great diversity of contrary effects, from the places by which they pass, and the near regions where they are bred, as we see by daily experience in a thousand places. But speaking in general of the quality of the winds, we must rather look to the coasts or parts of the world from whence they proceed, then to observe, whether they be on this side, or beyond the line, as it seems the Philosopher held opinion. These capital winds, which be the East, and West, have no such universal qualities, nor so common in this continent, nor in the other, as the two former. The Solanus or Eastern wind, is commonly here troublesome & unwholesome, & the Western or Zephyrus, is more mild and healthful. At the Indies, and in all the burning Zone, the Eastern wind which they call Brise, is chose very healthful and pleasant. Of the West, I cannot speak any thing certain or general, for that it blows not at all, or very seldom in the burning Zone, for in all the navigation betwixt the two Tropikes, the Eastern wind is ordinary. And for that it is one of the admirable works of Nature, it shall be good to understand the cause and the beginning thereof.   

That the burning Zone, the Brise's, or Easterly winds, do continually blow, and without the Zone the western, and that the Easterly are ordinary always there. CHAP. 4.  
THe ways at Sea are not as at Land, to return the sameway they pass. It is all one way (saith the Philosopher) from Athens to Thebes, and from Thebes to Athens; but it is not so at Sea, 
juan. de ●●cos in Decade. 1. li. 4. ca 6.  for we go one way, and return by another. The first which discovered the East and west Indies, laboured much with great difficulty to find out their course, until that Experience (the mistress of these secrets,) had taught them, that to sail through the Ocean, is not like the passage in Italy, through the Mediterranean sea, where in their return, they observe the same Ports and Capes they had sight of in their passage, attending still the benefit of the wind, which changeth instantly, and when that fails, they have recourse to their owers; and so the Galleys go and come daily, coasting along the shore. In some parts of the Ocean, they may not look for any other wind then that which blows, for that commonly it continues long. To conclude, that which is good to go by, is not fit to return with: for in the sea beyond the Tropic, and within the burning Zone, the Easterly winds rain continually, not suffering their contraries. In the which region, there are two strange things, the one is, that in that Zone, (being the greatest of the five, into the which the world is divided,) the Easterly winds (which they call Brise's) do rain, not suffering the Western or Southern, (which they call lower winds,) to have their course at any season of the year: The other wonder is, that these Easterly winds never cease to blow, and most commonly in places nearest to the line, (where it seems that calms should be more frequent, being a part of the world, most subject to the heat of the Sun, but it is contrary, for you shall hardly find any calms there, and the wind is cold and continues longer, which hath been found true in all the navigations of the Indies. This is the reason, why the voyage they make from Spain to the West Indies is shorter, more easy, and more assured, than the return to Spain. The fleets parting from Siville, have more difficulty to pass the Canaries, for that the gulf of Yegues or of Mares, is variable, being beaten with diverse winds, but having passed the Canaries, they sail with a western wind until they come to the burning Zone, where presently they find an Easterly wind, and so they sail on with full winds, so as they have scant any nedde to touch their sails in the whole voyage: for this reason they called this great gulf, the gulf of Dances for the calmness and pleasantness thereof. Then following their course, they come to the islands of Guadelupe Dominique, Desir●e, Marigualante, and the rest, which in that place, be as it were, the suburbs of the Indies. There the fleets separate and divide themselves, whereof some (which go to new Spain,) take to the right hand towards Hispaniola; and having discovered Cape S. Anthony, they pass unto S. John Delua, always using the same Easterly winds. Those for the main Land, take the left hand, discovering the high mountain of Tayrone, then having touched at Carthagene, they pass unto Nombre de Dios, from whence they go by land to Panama, and from thence, by the South sea to Peru. But when the fleets return to Spain, they make their voyage in this sort: The fleet of Peru discovers Cape S. Anthony, than they enter into the Havana, which is a goodly Port in the Island of Cuba. The fleet of new Spain, doth likewise touch at the Havana, being parted from the true Cross, or from the Island of S. John Delua, the which is not without difficulty, for that commonly Easterly winds blow there, which is a contrary wind to go to the Havana. These fleets being joined together for Spain, they seek their height without the Tropics, where presently they find Westerly winds, which serve them until they come in view of the Acores, or Terceres, and from thence to Sevill. So as their voyage in going, is of a small height, not above twenty degrees from the line, which is within the tropics. But the return is without the tropics, in eight and twenty or thirty degrees of height at the least, for that within the tropics, the Eastern winds continually blow, the which are fittest to go from, Spain to the West Indies, for that their course is, from East to west; and without the tropics, (which is in three and twenty degrees of height,) they find westerly winds, the which are the more certain and ordinary, the farther you are from the line, and more fit to return from the Indies; for that they are winds blowing from the South and West, which serve to run into the East and North. The like discourse is of the Navigation made into the South sea, going from new Spain, or Peru, to the Philippines or China, and returning from the Philippines or China to new Spain, the which is easy, for that they sail always from East to West, near the line, where they find the Easterly winds to blow in their poop. In the year 1584. there went a ship from Callo● in Lima to the Philippines, which sailed 2000 and 700. leagues without sight of land, and the first it discovered, was the Island of Lusson, where they took port, having performed their voyage in two months, without want of wind or any torment, and their course was almost continually under the line; for that from Lima (which is twelve degrees to the South) he came to Menilla, which is as much to the North. The like good fortune had Alvero de Mandana, whenas he went to discover the islands of Solomon, for that he had always a full gale, until he came within view of these islands, the which must be distant from that place of Peru, from whence he parted, about a thousand leagues, having run their course always in one height to the South. The return is like unto the voyage from the Indies unto Spain: for those which return from the Philippines or China to Mexico, to the end they may recover the Western winds, they mount a great height, until they come right against the islands of jappon, and discovering the Caliphornes, they return by the coast of new Spain, to the Port of Acapulco, from whence they parted. So as it is proved likewise by this navigation, that they sail easily from East to West, within the tropics, for that their Easterly winds do rain: but returning from West to East, they must seek the Western winds without the tropics, in the height of seven and twenty degrees. The Portugese's prove the like in their navigations to the East Indies, although it be in a contrary course; for that going from Portugal the voyage is troublesome, but their return is more easy, for that in going, their course is from the West to the East: so as they must of necessity mount, until they have found their general winds, which they hold to be above the seven and twentieth degree. And in their return, they discover the Terceres, but with more ease, for that they come from the East, where the Easterly or Northern winds do serve them. Finally, the Mariners hold it for a certain rule and observation, that within the tropics continually rain Easterly winds, and therefore it is very easy to sail to the West. But without the tropics, there are in some seasons Easterly winds, and in some, and more ordinary Western winds: by reason whereof, they which sail from West to East, labour always to be out of of the burning Zone, to put themselves in the height of seven and twenty degrees. And for this reason, men have endangered themselves to undertake strange Navigations, and to seek out far Country's unknown.   

Of the differences of the Brise's or Eastern winds, and the Western, and likewise of other winds. CHAP. 5.  
ALthough that which we have spoken, be general and well approved, yet there remains still a desire in me to learn the cause of this secret; why under the burning Zone we sail always from East to West, with so great facility, and not from West to East▪ Which is as much as if we should demand, why the Easterly winds rain there, and not the Weasterly, for that according to good Philosophy, that which is perpetual, universal, and of itself (as the Philosophers say) must have a proper cause, and of itself. But before I stay at this question, which seems remarkable, it shall be necessary to show what we understand by Brise's or Easterly winds, and Weasterly, for that it will serve much for this subject, and for many other matters touching winds and navigations. The Pilots make two and thirty points of winds, for that to bring their ship to the desired haven, they must make their account as punctually and as strictly as they can; for bending to the one side, or the other, never so little, in the end of their course, they should find themselves far from their pretended place. And they reckon but two and thirty quarters of the winds, for that more would confound the memory. But with reckoning as they account two and thirty winds, so may they reckon, three score and four, one hundred twenty and eight, and two hundred fifty and six. Finally, multiply these parts to an infinite, for the place where the ship is, being as it were the centre, and all hemisphere in circumference, what should let, but we may account lines without number, the which coming from this centre, draw directly to these lineal circles in so many parts, which might cause as many divers winds, seeing that the wind comes from all parts of the hemisphere, which we may divide into as many parts as we will imagine, yet the wisdom of man, conformable to the holy Scripture, observes four winds, the principal of all others, and as it were the four corners of the world, the which they join in making a cross with two lines, whereof the one goes from one Pole to another; and the other from one Equinoctial to the other. Of the one side the North or Aquilon, and the Southern wind or midday opposite; and on the other side the East, which comes from the Sun rising, and the West from his setting. And although the holy Scripture in some places speaks of other diversities of winds, as of Eurus and Aquilo●, which those in the Ocean sea call Nordest, & they of the mediterranean sea, Gregual, whereof there is mention made in Saint Paul● navigation; yet the same holy Scripture makes mention of those four notable winds, which all the world knows, which areas is said, North, South, East and West.  
But for that we find three differences in the rising of the Sun, from whence the name of East comes, that is, the two greatest declinings which he doth usually make, and the mean betwixt them both, as he doth rise in divers places, in winter, in summer, and in that which holds the middle of these two seasons. For this reason they have reckoned two other winds, the East of summer, and the East of winter; and by consequence, two Weasts, the one of summer, and the other of winter, their contraries. So as there are eight winds in eight notable points of heaven, which are the two Poles, the two Equinoxes, the two Solstices, and their opposites in the same Circle, the which are called by diverse names and appellations in every place of the sea and land. Those which sail the Ocean, do usually call them thus. They give the name of North to those winds that blow from our Pole, which carrieth the same name, and North-east that which is nearest, and comes from the summer East: They call East that which comes directly from the rising Equinoctial, and Southeast that which comes from the winter rising. To the Midday or Pole Antarctic they give the name of south-west; and to that of the winter's setting, the name of south-west, to the right setting Equinoctial the name of West, and to the summers setting, northester. They divide amongst them the rest of the winds, and give them their names as they participate and approach to others: as North-northweast, North-north-east, Eastnortheast, Eastsoutheast, South-southweast, Weast-southwest, Weast-norwest; so as by their names we know whence they proceed. In the Mediterranean sea, although they follow the same division and manner of reckoning, yet do they give them other different names; they call the North Tramontana, and his contrary, the South MeZo-giorno, or Mydy; the East they call Levant, and the West Povant: and those which cross these four they call thus: Southeast is by them named Xirocque, or Xaloque, and his opposite, which is northwest; Mestrall they call the North-east. Gre● or Greguall; and the Southweast his contrary; Levesche, Libique, or Affricaine. In Latin the four known winds be, S●ptentrio, Auster, Subsolanus, Favonius; and those which be interlaced are Aquilo, Vulturnus, Affricus and Corus; according unto Pliny, Vulturnus and Eurus, is the same wind that Southeast or Xaloque, Favonius is the West or Ponent, Aquilo and Boreas is Nortest or Gregual, or Tramontana, Affricus and Libique is the Southweast or Levesche, Auster and Notus is the South or Midday, Corus and Zephyrus the Northwest or Mestral, and to the North-east or Gregual, they give no other name than Phenicien. Some divide them after an other manner: but for that it is not now our purpose to repeat the Latin and Greek names of all the winds, let us only show which be those amongst these winds, that the Mariners of the Indian Ocean call Brise's, and lower winds. I was long in some difficulty about these names, seeing them to use them very diversely, until I found that these names were more general, then proper and peculiar. They call Brise's those which serve to go to the Indies, the which blow in their poop, which by this means comprehend all the Easterly winds, and those which depend of them. And they do call lower winds those which are fit to return from the Indies, which blow from the South to the summer-weast, so as they be, as it were, two Esquadrons of winds of either side, the corporals be of oneside north-east or Greguall, on the other Southweast or Levesche. But you must understand, that of the number of eight winds and differences which we have counted, five are proper to sail by, and not the other three. I say, that when a ship sails at sea, he may make a long voyage with one of these winds, although they serve him not equally; but he cannot use any of the other three. As if a ship go to the South, he shall sail with the North, north-east, northester, and with East and West: for side-windes serve to go, or to come. But with a Southern wind he cannot sail, being directly contrary, nor with with his two Collaterals which is Southest and south-west, which is a very trivial thing, & common to them that sail. And therefore it is not needful to explain them here, but to signify that the side-windes of the right East, are those which commonly blow to the burning Zone, which they do call Brise's: and those from the South declining to the West, which serve to sail from West to East, are not common in the burning Zone, and therefore they seek them without the tropikes; and the Indian Mariners commonly call them lower winds, or Vents dábas.   

What is the reason why sailing v●der the burning Zone, we find always Easterly winds? CHAP. 6.  
LEt us now speak of that which toucheth the Question propounded, what should be the reason why under the burning Zone we sail easily from East to West, and not contrary: wherein we must presuppose two certain grounds. The one is, that the motion of the first mover, which they call Diurnal, not only draws and moves with him the celestial spheres, which are inferior unto him, as we see daily in the sun, the moon, and the stars, but also the Elements do participate of this motion, insomuch as they are not hindered. The earth is not moved, by reason of her heaviness, which makes it immooveable, being far from this first motor. The element of water moves not likewise with this Diurnal motion, for that it is united to the earth and make one sphere, so as the earth keeps it from all circular motion. But th'other two elements of fire & air, are more subtle and nearer the heavenly regions, so as they participate of their motion, and are driven about circularly, as the same celestial bodies. As for the fire, without doubt it hath his sphere, (as Aristotle and other Philosophers have held) but for the air (which is no point of our subject) it is most certain that it moves with a motion diurnal, which is from East to West, which we see plainly in Comets that move from the East unto the West, mounting, descending, and finally turning in the hemisphere in the same sort as the Stars move in the firmament; for otherwise these Comets being in the region & sphere of the air, whereas they engender, appears consumed. It should be impossible for them to move circularly, as they do, if the element of the air doth not move with the same motion that the first motor doth. For these elements being of a burning substance, by reason they should be fixed, without moving circularly, if the sphere where they are did not move; if it be not as we feign, that some Angel or intellectual Spirit doth walk with the Comet, guiding it circularly. In the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred seventy and seven appeared that wonderful Comet, (in form like unto a feather) from the horizon almost to the midst of heaven, and continued from the first of November, until the eight of December: I say from the first of November, for although in Spain it was noted but the ninth of November (according to the testimony of Writers of that time) yet at Peru, where I was then, I remember well, we did see it, and observe it eight days before, and all the time after. Touching the cause of this diversity, some may dilate upon it particularly, I will only show, that during those forty days which it continued, we all observed (both such as were in Spain, and we that lived then at the Indies) that it moved daily with an universal motion, from East to West, as the Moon and other Planets, whereby it appears that the sphere of the air, being its Region, the element itself must of necessity move after the same sort. We noted, also, that besides this universal motion, it had an other particular, by which it moved with the planets fro west to east; for every night it turned more Eastward▪ like unto the Moon, Sun, and Planet of Venus. We did also observe a third particular motion, whereby it moved from the zodiac towards the North; for after some nights it was found nearer unto the Septentrional signs. And it may be this was the reason why the great Comet was sooner seen by those that were southerly, as at Peru, and later discovered by them of Europe: for by this third motion (as I have said) it approached nearer the Northern Regions. Yet every one may well observe the differences of this motion, so as we may well perceive, that many and sundry celestial bodies, give their impressions to the sphere of the air. In like sort it is most certain that the air moves with the circular motion of the heaven, from east to West, which is the first ground before mentioned. The second is no less certain, the which is, that the motion of the air in those parts that are under the Line, or near unto it, is very swift and light, the more it approacheth to the Equinoctial; but the farther off it is from the Line, approaching near the Poles, the more slow and heavy this motion is. The reason hereof is manifest, for that the moving of the celestial bodies, being the efficient cause of the moving of the air, it must of necessity be more quick and light, where the celestial bodies have their swiftest motion.  
To labour to show the reason why the heaven hath a quicker motion under the burning Zone, which is the Line, then in any other part of the heaven, were to make small account of men: seeing it is easy to see in a wheel, that its motion is more slow and heavy in the part of greatest circumference, then in the less, and that the greater circumference ends at one instant with the lesser. From these two grounds proceeds the reason, where such as sail great gulfs from east to west, do always find the wind in their powpe, going in a small altitude, and the nearer they come to the Equinoctial, the more certain and durable the wind is. And chose, sailing from west to east, they always find the wind contrary; for that the swift motion of the Equinoctial draws after it the element of the air, as it doth the surplus of the higher spheres. So as the air doth always follow the motion of the day. Going from east to west, without any alteration, and the motion of the air being swift, draweth after it all the vapours and exhalations which rise from the sea, which causeth in those Regions a continual easterly wind, which runs from the Levant. Father Alonso Sanches a religious man, and of our company, who hath traveled the east and west Indies, as a man ingenious, and of experience, said, that sailing under the Line, or near unto it, with a continued and durable season, it seemed to him to be the same air, moved by the heaven the which guided the ships, and was not properly a wind nor exhalation, but an air moved with the daily course of the sun: for proof whereof he showed, that the season is always equal, and alike at the gulf of Danee▪ and in other great gulfs where we sail under the burning Zone, by reason whereof their sails are always of one fashion, without any blustering, having no need, in a manner, to change them in all their course. And if the air were not moved by the heavens, it might sometimes fail, sometimes change to the contrary, and sometimes there would grow some storms. Although this be learnedly spoken, yet can we not deny it to be a wind, seeing there are vapours and exhalations of the sea; and that we sometimes see the Brise or easterly winds stronger, sometimes more weak, and placed in that sort, as sometimes they can hardly carry all their sails. We must then know (and it is true) that the air moved, draweth unto it the vapours it finds; for that the force is great, and finds no resistance, by reason whereof the eastern and weasterne winds are continual, and in a manner always alike, in those parts which are near the Line, and almost under all the burning zone, which is the course the Sun follows betwixt the two circles of Cancer and Capricorn.   

Why without the Zone, in a greater altitude, we find always westerly wind●s CHAP. 7.  
WHoso would nearly look into what hath been spoken, may likewise understand, that going from the west to the east, in altitude beyond the Tropikes, we shall find western winds, for that the motion of the Equinoctial being so swift, it is a cause that the ay●e moveth under it according to this motion, which is from east to west, drawing after it the vapours and exhalations that rise of either side the Equinoctial or burning zone, encountering the course and motion of the zone, are forced by the repercussion to return almost to the contrary, whence grow the southweast winds so ordinary in those parts. Even as we see in the course of waters, the which (if they be encountered by others of more force,) return in a manner back. So it seems to be like in vapours and exhalations, whereby it grows that the winds do turn and separate themselves from one part to another. These westerly winds do commonly rai●● in a mean altitude, which is from twenty and seeven to thirty and seven degrees, though they be not so certain nor so regular as the Brise's that are in a less altitude. The reason is, for that the south-west winds are no causes of this proper and equal motion of the heaven, as the Brise's are, being near to the Line. But (as I have said) they are more ordinary, and often more furious and tempestuous. But passing into a greater altitude, as of forty degrees, there is as small assurance of winds at sea as at land; for sometimes the east or north wind blows, and sometimes the south, or west: whereby it happeneth their navigations are more uncertain, and more dangerous.   

Of the exceptions to the foresaid Rules, and of the Winds and Calms both at Land and at Sea. CHAP. 8.  
THat which we have spoken of winds, which blow ordinarily within and without the Zone, must be understood of the main Sea, and in the great gulfs; for at land it is otherwise, where we find all sorts of winds, by reason of the inequality which is betwixt the mountains and the valleys; the great number of Rivers and Lakes, and the diverse situations of Countries, whence the gross and thick vapours arise, which are moved from the one part or the other, according to the diversity of their beginnings, which cause these diverse winds the motion of the air, caused by the heaven having not power enough, to draw and move them with it. And this variety of winds is not only found at land, but also upon the sea coast, which is under the burning Zone, for that there be foreign or land winds which come from the land, and many which blow from the sea; the which winds from the sea, are commonly more wholesome and more pleasant than those of the land, which are chose troublesome and unwholesome, although it be the difference of the coast that causeth this diversity: commonly the land winds blow from midnight to the sun rising, and the sea winds until sun setting. The reason perhaps may be, that the earth, as a gross substance, fumes more whenas the sun shines not upon it, even as green wood, or scarce dry, smokes most when the flame is quenched. But the sea, which is compounded of more subtle parts, engenders no fumes, but when it is hot, even as straw or hay, being moist and in small quantity, breeds smoke when it is burnt, and when the flame fails, the fume suddenly ceaseth. Whatsoever it be, it is certain that the land wind blows by night, and that of the sea by day. So that even as there are often contrary, violent, and tempestuous winds upon the sea coast, so do we see very great calms. Some men of great experience report, that having sailed many great passages at sea under the line, yet did they never see any calms, but that they always make way little or much, the air being moved by the celestial motion, which is sufficient to guide a ship, blowing in poop, as it doth. I have already said, that a ship of Lima going to Mani●●a, sailed two thousand seven hundred leagues, always under the line, or not above twelve degrees from it, and that in the months of February and March, whenas the sun is there for Zenith, and in all this space they found no calms, but always a fresh gale, so as in two months they performed this great voyage. But in the burning Zone and without it, you shall usually see great calms upon the coasts, where the vapours come from the islands, or main land. And therefore storms and tempests, and the sudden motions of the air, are more certain and ordinary upon the coasts, whereas the vapours come from the land, then in full sea, I mean under the burning Zone, for without it and at sea, there are both calms and whirlwinds. Notwithstanding, sometimes betwixt the two tropics, yea, under the line, you shall have great rain and sudden showers, yea, far into the sea; for the working whereof, the vapours and exhalations of the sea, are sufficient, which moving sometimes hastily in the air, cause thunder and whirlwinds, but this is more ordinary near to the land, and upon the land. When I sailed from Peru to new Spain, I observed, that all the time we were upon the coast of Peru, our voyage was (as it was ordinary,) very calm and easy, by reason of the Southern wind that blows, having always a fore wind, returning from Spain and new Spain. As we passed the gulf, launching farther into the sea, almost under the line, we found the season cool, quiet, and pleasant, with a full wind, but coming near to Nicaragua, and to all that coast, we had contrary winds, with great store of rain and fogs. All this navigation was under the burning Zone: for from twelve degrees to the South, which is Lima, we sailed to the seventeenth, which is Gautulco, a port of new Spain: and I believe, that such as have observed their navigations, made under the burning Zone, shall find what I have said, which may suffice for the winds which rain at sea, under the burning Zone.   

Of some mervellous effects of the winds, which are in some parts of the Indies. CHAP. 9  
IT were a very difficult matter, to report particularly the admirable effects which some wind's cause in diverse regions of the world, and to give a reason thereof. There are winds, which naturally trouble the water of the sea, and makes it green and black, others clear as Crystal, some comfort and make glad, others trouble and breed heaviness. Such as nourish silkworms, have great care to shut their windows, whenas the south-west winds do blow, and to open them to the contrary: having found by certain experience, that their worms diminish and die with the one, and fatten and become better with the other; and who so will nearly observe it, shall find in himself, that the diversities of winds, cause notable impressions and changes in the body, principally in sick parts and ill disposed, when they are most tender and weak. The holy scripture calleth one a burning wind, 
Ex. c. 10. & 14 Ilb. 17. joan. 4. Osee. 13. Dan. 3.  another, a wind full of dew and sweetness. And it is no wonder if we see such notable effects of the winds, in plants, beasts, and men, seeing that we see it visibly in iron, which is the hardest of all metals. I have seen grates of iron in some parts of the Indies, so rusted and consumed, that pressing it betwixt your fingers, it dissolved into powder, as if it had been hay or parched straw, the which proceeds only from the wind which doth corrupt it, having no means to withstand it. But leaving apart many other great and notable effects, I will only make mention of two. The one, although it causeth pangs grater then death itself, yet doth it not breed any further inconvenience. The other takes away life without feeling of it. The sickness of the sea, wherewith such are troubled as first begin to go to sea, is a matter very ordinary; and yet if the nature thereof were unknown to men, we should take it for the pangs of death, seeing how it afflicts and torments while it doth last, by the casting of the stomach, pain of the head, and other troublesome accidents. But in truth this sickness so common and ordinary, happens unto men by the change of the air and sea. For although it be true that the motion of the ship helps much, in that it moves more or less: and likewise the infections and ill favours of things in the ship: yet the proper and natural cause, is the air and the vapours of the sea, the which doth so weaken and trouble the body and the stomach, which are not accustomed thereunto, that they are wonderfully moved and changed: for the air is the Element, by which we live and breath, drawing it into our entrails, the which we bathe therewithal. And therefore there is nothing that so suddenly, and with so great force doth alter us, as the change of the air we breath, as we see in those which die of the plague. It is approved by many experiences, that the air of the sea, is the chief cause of this strange indisposition; the one is, that when there blows from the sea a strong breath, we see them at the land as it were sea sick, as I myself have often found. Another is, the farther we go into the sea, and retire from land, the more we are touched and dazzled with this sickness. Another is, that coasting along any Island, and after launching into the main, we shall there find the air more strong. Yet will I not deny, but the motion and agitation may cause this sickness, seeing that we see some are taken therewith passing rivers in Barks: others in like sort going in Coaches and Carosses, according to the diverse complexions of the stomach: as chose, there are some, how boisterous and troublesome soever the sea be, do never feel it. Wherefore it is a matter certain, & tried, that the air of the sea, doth commonly cause this effect in such as newly go to sea. I thought good to speak this, to show a strange effect, which happens in some parts of the Indies, where the air & the wind that reins make men daisy, not less, but more than at sea. Some hold it for a fable, others say it is an addition: for my part I will speak what I have tried. There is in Peru, a high mountain which they call Pariacaca, and having heard speak of the alteration it bred, I went as well prepared as I could. according to the instructions which was given me, by such as they call Vaguianos or expert men: but notwithstanding all my provision, when I came to mount the degrees, as they call them, which is the top of this mountain, I was suddenly surprised with so mortal and strange a pang, that I was ready to fall from the top to the ground: and although we were many in company, yet every one made haste (without any tarrying for his companion,) to free himself speedily from this ill passage. Being then alone with one Indian, whom I entreated to help to stay me, I was surprised with such pangs of straining & casting, as I thought to cast up my heart too; for having cast up meat, sleugme, & choler, both yellow and green; in the end I cast up blood, with the straining of my stomach. To conclude, if this had continued, I should undoubtedly have died; but this lasted not above three or four hours, that we were come into a more convenient and natural temperature, where all our companions (being fouteteene or fifteen) were much wearied. Some in the passage demanded confession, thinking verily to die; others left the ladders and went to the ground, being overcome with casting, and going to the stool: and it was told me, that some have lost their lives there with this accident. I beheld one that did beat himself against the earth, crying out for the rage and grief which this passage of Pariacaca had caused. But commonly it doth no important harm, only this, pain and troublesome distaste while it endures: and not only the passage of Pariacaca hath this property, but also all this ridge of the mountain, which runs above five hundred leagues long, and in what place soever you pass, you shall find strange intemperatures, yet more in some parts then in other, and rather to those which mount from the sea, then from the plains. Besides Pariacaca, I have passed it by Lucanas and Soras; in an other place, by Colleguas, and by Cavanas. Finally, by four different places, going and coming, and always in this passage I have felt this alteration, although in no place so strongly, as at the first in Pariacaca, which hath been tried by allsuch as have passed it. And no doubt but the wind is the cause of this intemperature and strange alteration, or the air that reigns there. For the best remedy (and all they find) is to stop their noses, their ears, and their mouths, as much as may be, and to cover themselves with clothes, especially the stomach, for that the air is subtle and piercing, going into the entrails, and not only men feel this alteration, but also beasts that sometimes stay there, so as there is no spur can make them go forward. For my part I hold this place to be one of the highest parts of land in the world; for we mount a wonderful space. And in my opinion, the mountain N●vade of Spain, the Pirences, and the Alps of Italy, are as ordinary houses, in regard of high Towers. I therefore persuade myself, that the element of the air is there so subtle and delicate, as it is not proportionable with the breathing of man, which requires a more gross and temperate air, and I believe it is the cause that doth so much alter the stomach, & trouble all the disposition. The passages of the mountains N●vade, and other of Europe, which I have seen, although the air be cold there, and doth force men to wear more clothes, yet this cold doth not take away the appetite from meat, but chose it provokes; neither doth it cause any casting of the stomach, but only some pain in the feet and hands. Finally, their operation is outward. But that of the Indies, whereof I speak (without molesting of foot or hand, or any outward part) troubles all the entrails within: and that which is more admirable, when the sun is hot, which maketh me imagine, that the grief we feel comes from the quality of the air which we breath: Therefore that is most subtle and delicate, whose cold is not so sensible, as piercing. All this ridge of mountains is, for the most part, desert, without any villages or habitations for men, so as you shall scarce find any small cottages to lodge such as do pass by night: there are no beasts, good or bad, but some Vicunos', which are their country muttons, and have a strange and wonderful property, as I shall show in his place. The grass is often burnt, and all black with the air, and this desert runs five and twenty or thirty leagues overthwart, and in length above five hundred leagues. There are other deserts or places inhabited, which at Peru they call Punas (speaking of the second point we promised) where the quality of the air cutteth off man's life without feeling. In former time the Spaniards went from Peru, to the realm of Chille by this mountain, but at this day they do pass commonly by sea, and sometimes alongst the side of it. And though that way be laborious and troublesome, yet is there not so great danger as by the mountain, where there are Plains, on the which many men have perished and died, and sometimes have scaped by great hap, whereof some have remained lame. There runs a small breath, which is not very strong nor violent, but proceeds in such sort, that men fall down dead, in a manner without feeling, or at the least, they lose their feet and hands: the which may seem fabulous, yet is it most true.  
I have known and frequented long the Gennerall Jerome Costilla, the ancient peopler of Cusco, who had lost three or four toes, which fell off in passing the desert of Chille, being perished with this air, and when he came to look on them, they were dead, and fell off without any pain, even as a rotten Apple falleth from the tree. This Captain reported, that of a good army which he had conducted by that place, in the former years, since the discovery of this kingdom by Almagro, a great part of the men remained dead there, whose bodies he found lying in the desert, without any stink or corruption; adding thereunto one thing very strange, that they found a young boy alive, and being examined how he had lived in that place, he said, that he lay hidden in a little cave, whence he came to cut the flesh of a dead horse with a little knife, and thus had he nourished himself a long time, with I know not how many companions that lived in that sort, but now they were all dead, one dying this day, and another to morrow, saying that he desired nothing more than to die there with the rest, seeing that he found not in himself any disposition to go to any other place, nor to take any taste in any thing. I have understood the like of others, and particularly of one that was of our company, who being then a Secular man, had passed by these deserts: and it is a strange thing, the quality of this cold air, which kills, and also preserves the dead bodies without corruption. I have also understood it of a reverend religious man, of the Order of Saint Dominike, and Prelate thereof, who had seen it passing by the deserts: and which is strange, he reported, that traveling that way by night, was forced to defend himself against that deadly wind which blows there (having no other means) but to gather together a great number of those dead bodies that lay there, and made thereof, as it were, a rampire and a bolster for his head: in this manner did he sleep, the dead bodies giving him life. Without doubt this is a kind of cold so piercing, that it quencheth the vital heat, cutting off his influence; and being so exceeding cold, yet doth not corrupt nor give any putrefaction to the dead bodies, for that putrefaction groweth from heat and moistness. As for the other kind of air which thunders under the earth, and causeth earthquakes, more at the Indies, then in any other Regions, I will speak thereof in treating the qualities of the land at the Indies. We will content ourselves now with what we have spoken of the wind and air, and pass to that which is to be spoken of the water.   

Of the Ocean that environs the Indies, and of the North and South Seas. CHAP. 10.  
AMongst all waters the Ocean is the principal, by which the Indies have been discovered, and are environed therewith; for either they be islands of the Ocean sea, or main land, the which wheresoever it ends, is bounded with this Ocean. To this day they have no● discovered at the Indies any mediterranean sea, as in Europe, Asia, and Africa, into the which there enters some arm of this great sea, and makes distinct seas, taking their names from the Provinces they bathe: and almost all the mediterranean Seas continue and join together, and with the Ocean itself, by the strait of Gibraltar, which the Ancients called, the Pillars of Hercules, although the red sea being separated from the mediterranean seas, enters alone into the Indian Ocean; and the Caspian sea joins not with any other: so that at the Indies we find not any other sea than this Ocean, which they divide into two, the one they call the north sea, and the other the south; for that the Indies which were first discovered by the Ocean, and reacheth unto Spain, lies all to the north, and by that land thereafter discovered a sea on the other side, the which they called the South sea, for that they decline until they have passed the Line: and having lost the North, or Pole arctic, they called it South. For this cause they have called all that Ocean the South sea, which lieth on the other side of the East Indies, although a great part of it be seated to the north, as all the coast of new Spain, Nuaragna, Guatimala and Panama. They say, that he that first discovered this sea, was called Blasconunes of Bilbo, the which he did by that part which we now call main land, where it grows narrow, and the two seas approach so near the one to the other, that there is but seven leagues of distance: for although they make the way eighteen from Nombre de Dios, to Panama, yet is it with turning to seek the commodity of the way, but drawing a direct line, the one sea shall not be found more distant from the other. Some have discoursed and propounded to cut through this passage of seven leagues, and to join one sea to the other, to make the passage from Peru more commodious and easy, for that these eighteen leagues of land betwixt Nombre de Dios and Panama, is more painful and chargeable than 2300. by sea, whereupon some would say, it were a means to drown the land, one sea being lower than another. 
Herodo●us.  As in times past we find it written, that for the same consideration, they gave over the enterprise to win the red sea into Nile, in the time of King Sesostris, and since, in the Empire of the Ottomans. But for my part, 
Ioviu●.  I hold such discourses and propositions for vain, although this inconvenient should not happen, the which I will not hold for assured. I believe there is no humane power able to beat and break down those strong and impenetrable mountains, which God hath placed betwixt the two seas, and hath made them most hard rocks, to withstand the fury of two seas. And although it were possible to men, yet in my opinion they should fear punishment from heaven, in seeking to correct the works, which the Creator by his great providence hath ordained and disposed in the framing of this universal world. Leaving this discourse of opening the land, and joining both seas together, there is yet another less rash, but very difficult and dangerous to search out. Whether these two great gulfs do join in any other part of the world, which was the enterprise of Fernando Magellan a Portugal gentleman, whose great courage and constancy in the research of this subject, and happy success in the finding thereof, gave the name of eternal memory to this strait, which justly they call by the name of the discoverer Magellan, of which strait we will entreat a little, as of one of the greatest wonders of the world. Some have believed, that this Strait which Magellan had discovered in the South sea, was none, or that it was straightened, as Don Alonso d' Arsille writes in his Auracane: and at this day there are some that say, there is no such strait, but that they are islands betwixt the sea and land, for that the main land ends there, at the end whereof are all islands, beyond the which the one sea joins fully with the other, or to speak better, it is all one Sea. But in turth it is most certain, there is a strait and a long and stretched out land on either side, although it hath not yet been known how far it stretcheth of the one side of the strait towards the South. After Magellan, a ship of the Bishop of Plaisance passed the strait, Don Gui●ieres Carvaial, (whose mast they say is yet at Lima, at the entry of the palace,) they went afterwards coasting along the South, to discover the Strait, by the commandment of Don Garcia of Mendoce, than governor of Chille, according to that which Captain Ladrillero found it and passed it. I have read the discourse and report he made, where he saith, that he did not hazard himself to land in the Strait, but having discovered the North sea, he returned back, for the roughness of the time, winter being now come, which caused the waves coming from the North, to grow great and swelling, and the sea continually foaming with rage. In our time, Francis Drake an Englishman, passed this strait. After him, Captain Sarmiento passed it on the South side. And lastly, in the year 1587. other Englishmen passed it, by the instruction of Drake, which at this time run along all the coast of Peru. And for that the report which the master Pilot that passed it made, seemeth notable unto me, I will here set it down.   

Of the Strait of Magellan, and how it was passed on the South side. CHAP. 11.  
IN the year of our Lord God, one thousand five hundred seventy nine, Francis Drake having passed the straits that run alongst the coast of Chille, and all Peru, and taken the ship of Saint jean d' Anthona, where there was a great number of bars of silver, the Viceroy Don Francis of Toledo armed and sent forth two good ships, to discover the Strait, appointing Peter Sarmiento for Captain, a man learned in Astrology. They parted from Callao of Lima in the beginning of October; and forasmuch as upon that coast there blows a contrary wind from the South, they took the sea, and having sailed little above thirty days with a favourable wind, they came to the same altitude of the Strait: but for that it was very hard to discover, they approached near unto the land, where they entered into a great Bay, in the which there is an Archipelague of islands: Sarimento grew obstinate, that this was the Strait, and stayed a whole month to find it out, by divers ways creeping up to the high mountains. But seeing they could not discover it, at the instance of such as were in the army, they returned to sea. The same day the weather grew rough, with the which they ran their course, in the beginning of the night the admirals light failed so, as the other ship never see them after: The day following, the force of the wind continuing still, being a ●ide wind, the Admiralles ship discovered an opening, which made land, thinking good to enter there for shelter, until the tempest were passed. The which succeeded in such sort, as having discovered this vent, they found that it ran more and more into the land; and conjecturing that it should be the Strait which they sought, they took the height of the Sun, where they found themselves in fifty degrees and a half, which is the very height of the Strait: and, to be the better assured, they thrust out their Brigandine, which having run many leagues into this arm of the sea, without seeing any end, they found it to be the very Strait. And for that they had order to pass it, they planted a high Cross there, with letters thereon, to the end, that if the other ship should chance to arrive there, they should have news of their General, and follow. They passed the Strait in a favourable time without difficulty, and passing into the north sea, they came to certain unknown Islands, where they took in fresh water, and other refresh: From thence they took their course towards Cape de Vert, from whence the Pilot mayor returned to Peru, by the way of Carthagene, and Panama, carrying a discourse of the Strait to the Viceroy, and of all their success, of whom he was well rewarded for his good service.  
But Captain Peter Sarmiento sailed from Cape Vert to Sevill in the same ship wherewith he had passed the Strait, and went to Court; where his Majesty rewarded him; and at his instance, gave commandment to prepare a great army, which he sent under the command of Diego Flores de Valdes, to people and fortify this Strait. But this army, after variable success, spent much, and profited little.  
Returning now to the Viceadmiralles ship, which went in company of the General, having lost him in the storm, they took the sea, but the wind being contrary and stormy, they looked all to perish, so as they confessed themselves, and prepared for death. This tempest continued three days without intermission, and hourly they feared to run on ground; but it fell out contrary, for they went still from land, until the end of the third day, that the storm ceased, and then taking the height, they found themselves in fifty six degrees: but seeing they had not crossed, and yet were far from land, they were amazed, whereby they surmised (as Hernando Lamero told me) that the land which is on the other side of the Strait, as we go by the south sea, runs not the same o romer that it doth to the Strait, but that it turneth to the East▪ for else it were impossible but they should have touched land, having run so long time with this cross wind: but they passed on no further, neither could they discover the lands end (which some hold to be there) whether it were an Island on the other side of the Strait, where the two seas of North and South do join together, or that it did run up towards the East, and join with the land of Vesta, as they call it, which answers to the Cape of Good Hope (as it is the opinion of some.) The truth hereof is not to this day well known, neither is there any one found that hath discovered that land. The Viceroy Don Martin Henrique sa●de unto me, that he held this report for an invention of the English, that the Strait should presently make an Island, and that the two seas did join together; for that (being Viceroy of New Spain) he had diligently examined the Portugal Pilot, who had been left there by Francis Drake, and yet had no knowledge of any such matter by him. But that was a very Strait, and a main land on either side. Returning then to the said Vice-admiral, they discovered this Strait (as the said Hernando Lamero reported unto me) but by another mouth or entry, and in a greater height, by reason of a certain great Island which is at the entry of the Strait, which they call, the Bell, for the form it carries. And (as he said) he would have passed it: but the Captain and soldiers would not yield thereunto, supposing that the time was too far spent, and that they were in great danger. And so they returned to Chille and Peru, without passing it.   

Of the Strait which some hold to be in Florida. CHAP. 12.  
EVen as Magellan found out this Strait upon the South, so some have pretended to discover another Strait, which they say is in the north, and suppose it to be in Florida, whose coast runs in such sort, as they know no end thereof. Peter Melendez the Adelantade, a man very expert at sea, affirmeth for certain, that there is a Strait, and that the King had commanded him to discover it, wherein he showed a great desire: he propounded his reasons to prove his opinion, saying, that they have seen some remainders of ships in the North sea, like unto those the which the Chinois use, which had been impossible, if there were no passage from one sea unto another. Moreover, he reported, that in a certain great Bay in Florida, (the which runs 300. leagues within the land,) they see Whales in some season of the year, which come from the other sea. Showing moreover other likelihood, he concludes, that it was a thing agreeing with the wisdom of the Creator, and the goodly order of nature, that as there was communication and a passage betwixt the two seas at the Pole Antarctic, so there should in like sort, be one at the Pole Arctic, which is the principal Pole. Some will say, that Drake had knowledge of this Strait, and that he gave occasion so to judge, whenas he passed along the coast of new Spain by the South sea. Yea, they hold opinion, that other Englishmen which this year 1587. took a ship coming from the Philippines, with great quantity of gold and other riches, did pass this strait, which prize they made near to the Calliphornes, which course the ships returning from the Philippines and China, to new Spain, do usually observe. They confidently believe, that (as the courage of man is great, and his desire infinite, to find new means to enrich himself) so within few years this secret will be discovered. And truly, it is a thing worthy admiration, that as the Ants do always follow the trace of other; so men in the knowledge and search of new things, never stay, until they have attained the desired end for the content and glory of men. And the high and eternal wisdom of the Creator useth this curiosity of men, to communicate the light of his holy Gospel to people, that always live in the obscure darkness of their errors. But to conclude, the strait of the Arctic Pole (if there be any) hath not been yet discovered. It shall not therefore be from the purpose, to speak what we know of the particularities of the Antarctic strait, already discovered and known, by the report of such as have seen and observed it.   

Of the properties of the Strait of Magellan. CHAP. 13.  
THis Strait, as I have said, is just fifty degrees to the South, and from one sea to another, fourscore and ten, or a hundred leagues, in the narrowest place, it is a league and little less, wher● it was intended the King should build a Fort to defend the passage. It is so deep in some places, that it cannot be sounded, and in some places they find ground at 18. yea, at 15. fathoms. Of these hundred leagues which it contains in length from one sea unto the other, it is plainly seen, that the waves of the South sea, run 30. leagues, and the other 70. are possessed with the billows and waves of the North sea. But there is this difference, that the 30. leagues to the South, run betwixt the rocks and most high mountains, whose tops are continually covered with snow: so as they seem) by reason of their great height) to be joined together, which makes the entry of the Strait to the South so hard to discover. In these 30. leagues, the sea is very deep, and without bottom, yet may they fasten their ships to the land, the banks being strait and uneven, but in the 70. leagues towards the North, they find ground, and of either side there are large plains, the which they call Ca●●na●. Many great rivers of fair and clear water run into this Strait, and thereabout are great and wonderful forests, whereas they find some trees of excellent wood and sweet, the which are not known in these parts, whereofsuch as passed from thence to Peru, brought some to show. There are many meadows within the land, and many islands in the midst of the Strait. The Indians that inhabit on the South side, are little, and cowards, those that dwell on the North part, are great and valiant: they brought some into Spain, which they had taken. They found pieces of blue cloth, and other marks and signs that some men of Europe had passed there. The Indians ●●luted our men with the name of jesia. They are good Archers, and go● clad in wild beasts skins, whereof there is great abundance. The waters of the Strait rise and fall as the tide, and they may visibly see the tides come of the one side of the North sea, and of the other from the South whereas they meet, the which (as I have said) is thirty leagues from the South, and three score and ten from the North. And although it seems there should be more danger then in all the rest, yet whenas Captain Sarmi●nto his ship (whereof I spoke) passed it, they had no great storms, but found far less difficulty than they expected: for then the time was very calm and pleasant. And moreover, the waves from the north sea, came broken, by reason of the great length of three score and ten leagues, and the waves from the south sea were not raging, by reason of the great depth, in which depth, the waves break, and are swallowed up. It is true, that in winter the strait is not navigable, by reason of the tempests and raging of the sea in that season. Some ships which have attempted to pass the Strait in winter, have perished. One only ship passed it on the South side, which is the Captain I made mention of. I was fully instructed of all that I have spoken by the Pilot thereof, called Hernando Alonse, and have seen the true description of the Strait they made in passing it, whereof they carried the copy to the King of Spain, and the original to their viceroy of Peru.   

Of the ebbing and flowing of the Indian Ocean. CHAP. 14.  
ONe of the mostadmirable secrets of Nature is the ebbing and flowing of the sea, not only for this strange property of rising and falling, but much more for the difference there is thereof in divers seas, yea in divers coasts of one and the same sea. There are some seas that have no daily flowing nor ebbing, as we see in the inner Mediterranean, which is the Thyrene sea, and yet it flows and ebbs every day in the upper Mediterranean sea, which is that of Venice, and justly giveth cause of admiration, that these two seas being Mediterranean, and that of Venice being no greater than the other, yet hath it his ebbing and flowing as the Ocean, and that other sea of Italy none at all. There are some Mediterranean seas, that apparently rise and fall every month; and others that neither rise in the day, nor in the month. There are other seas, as the Spanish Ocean, that have their flux and reflux every day; and besides that, they have it monthly, which cometh twice, that is to say, at the entry, and at the full of every Moon, which they call Spring tides. To say that any sea hath this daily ebbing and flowing, and not monthly, I know not any. It is strange, the difference we find of this subject at the Indies, for there are some places whereas the sea doth daily rise & fall two leagues as at Panama, and at a high water it riseth much more; There are other places where it doth rise and fall so little, that hardly can you find the difference. It is ordinary in the Ocean sea to have a daily flowing and ebbing, and that was twice in a natural day, and ever it falls three quarters of an hour sooner one day then another, according to the course of the Moon: so as the tide falls not always in one hour of the day. Some would say, that this flux and reflux proceeded from the local motion of the water of the sea; so as the water that riseth on the one side, falls on the other that is opposite unto it: so that it is full sea on the one side when as it is a low water on the opposite, as we see in a kettle full of water, when we move it, when it leans to the one side the water increaseth; and on the other it diminisheth. Others affirm, that the sea riseth in all parts at one time, and decreaseth at one instant: as the boiling of a pot, coming out of the centre it extendeth itself on all parts, and when it ceaseth, it falls likewise on all parts.  
This second opinion is true, and in my judgement, certain and tried, not so much for the reasons which the Philosophers give in their Meteors, as for the certain experience we may make. For to satisfy myself upon this point and question, I demanded particularly of the said Pilot, how he found the tides in the strait, and if the tides of the South sea did fall whenas those of the North did rise. And chose (this question being true) why the increase of the sea in one place, is the decrease thereof in another, as the first opinion holdeth. He answered that it was not so, but they might see plainly, that the tides of the North and South seas rise at one instant, so as the waves of one sea encountered with the other, and at one instant likewise they began to retire, every one into his sea, saying, that the rising and falling was daily seen, and that the encounter of the tides (as I have said) was at three score and ten leagues to the North sea, and thirty to the South. Whereby we may plainly gather, that the ebbing and flowing of the Ocean is no pure local motion, but rather an alteration: whereby all waters really rise and increase at one instat, and in others, they dimini●h, as the boiling of a pot, whereof I have spoken. It were impossible to comprehend this point by experience, if it were not in the Strait, where all the Ocean, both on th'one side, & on th'other joins together: for none but Angels can see it, and judge of the opposite parts: for that man hath not so long a sight, nor so nimble and swift footing as were needful, to transport his eyes from one part to another, in so short a time, as a tide will give him respite, which are only six hours.   

Of sundry Fishers, and their manner of fishing at the Indies. CHAP. 15.  
THere are in the Indian Ocean, an infinite number of fishes, the kinds & properties whereof the Creator only can declare. There are many such as we have in the sea of Europe, as shaddes, and aloses which come from the sea into the rivers; dorads, pilchards, and many other. There are others, the like I do not think to have seen in these parts, as those which they do call Cabrillas, which do somewhat resemble the trout, and in new Spain they call them Bobos, they mount from the sea into the rivers. I have not seen any Besugues there, nor trout, although some say there are in Chille. There are Tonins in some parts upon the coast of Peru, but they are rare, and some are of opinion, that at a certain time they do cast their spawn in the Strait of Magellan, as they do in Spain at the Strait of Gibraltar, and for this reason they find more upon the coast of Chille, although those I have seen there, are not like to them in Spain. At the Islands (which they call Barlovente) which are Cuba, Saint Dominique, Port rique, and jamaique, they find a fish which they call Manati, a strange kind of fish, if we may call it fish, a creature which engenders her young ones alive, and hath teats, and doth nourish them with milk, feeding of grass in the fields, but in effect it lives continually in the water, and therefore they eat it as fish; yet when I did eat of it at Saint Dominique on a friday, I had some scruple, not for that which is spoken, but for that in colour and taste it was like unto morsels of veal, so is it green, and like unto a cow on the hinder parts. I did wonder at the incredible ravening of the Tib●rons, or sharks, whenas I did see drawn from one (that was taken in the Port) out of his gullet, a butcher's great knife, a great iron hook, and a piece of a cows head with one whole horn, neither do I know if both were there, or no. I did see in a creak made with that sea, a quarter of a horse for pleasure hanging upon a stake, whither presently came a company of these Tiburons, at the smell thereof: and for the more pleasure, this horse flesh was hung in the air, I know not how many hand breadth from the water; this company of fish flock about it, leaping up, and with a strange nimbleness cut off both flesh and bone off the horse leg, as if it had been the stalk of a lettuce; their teeth being as sharp as a razor. There are certain small fishes they call Rambos, which cleave to these Tiburons, neither can they drive them away, and they are fed with that which falls from the Tiburons. There are other small fishes, which they call flying fishes, the which are found within the tropics, and in no other place, as I think: they are pursued by the Ducades; and to escape them they leap out of the sea, and go a good way in the air, and for this reason they are called flying Fishes: they have wings as it were of linen cloth, or of parchment, which do support them some space in the air. There did one fly or leap into the ship wherein I went, the which I did see, and observe the fashion of his wings.  
In the Indian histories there is often mention made of Lizards or Caymans' (as they call them) and they are the very same which Pliny and the Ancients call Crocodiles, they find them on the sea side, and in hot rivers, for in cold rivers there are none to be found. And therefore they find none upon all the coast of Peru unto Payra, but forward they are commonly seen in the rivers. It is a most fierce and cruel beast, although it be slow and heavy. He goes hunting and seeks his prey on the land, and what he takes alive, he drowns it in the water, yet doth he not eat it, but out of the water, for that his throat is of such a fashion, as if there entered any water, he should easily be drowned. It is a wonderful thing to see a combat betwixt a Caymant and a Tiger, whereof there are most cruel at the Indies. A religious man of our company told me that he had seen these beasts fight most cruelly one against the other; upon the sea shore the Caymant with his tail gave great blows unto the Tiger, striving with his great force to carry him into the water: and the Tiger with his paws resisted the Caymant, drawing him to land. In the end the Tiger vanquished and opened the Lezard; it seems by the belly, the which is most tender and penetrable, for in every other part he is so hard, that no lance, and scarce a arqebus can pierce it. The victory which an Indian had of a Caymant was yet more rare: the Caimant had carried away his young child, and suddenly plunged into the sea; the Indian moved with choler, cast himself after him, with a knife in his hand, and as they are excellent swimmers and dievers, and the Caymant swimmeth always on the top of the water, he hurt him in the belly, and in such sort, that the Caymant feeling himself wounded, went to the shore, leaving the little infant dead. But the combat which the Indians have with Whales is yet more admirable, wherein appears the power and greatness of the Creator, to give so base a Nation (as be the Indians) the industry and courage to encounter the most fierce and deformed beast in the world, and only to fight with him, but also to vanquish him, & not to triumph over him. Considering this, I have often remembered that place of the Psalm, speaking of the Whale, Draco iste quem formasti ad illudendum eum: What greater mockery can there be, then to see an Indian lead a whale as big as a mountain, vanquished with a cord? The manner the Indians of Florida use (as some expert men have told me) to take these whales, (whereof there is great store) is, they put themselves into a Canoe, which is like a bark of a tree, and in swimming approach near the whales side, then with great dexterity they leap to his neck, and there they ride as on horse back expecting his time, than he thrusts a sharp and strong stake (which he carries with him) into the whales nostril, for so they call the hole or vent by which they breath, presently he beats it in with an other stake as forcibly as he can; in the mean space the whale doth furiously beat the sea, and raiseth mountains of water, running into the deep with great violence, and presently riseth again, not knowing what to do for pain; the Indian still sits firm, and to give him full payment for this trouble, he beats another stake into the other vent or nostril, so as he stoppeth him quite, and takes away his breathing, than he betakes him to his Canoe, which he holds tied with a cord to the whales side, and goes to land, having first tied his cord to the whale, the which he lets run with the whale, who leaps from place to place, whilst he finds water enough: being troubled with pain, in the end he comes near the land, and remains on ground by the hugeness of his body, unable any more to move; then a great number of Indians come unto the Conqueror, to gather his spoils, they kill him, and cut his flesh in pieces, the which is bad enough; this do they dry and beat into powder, using it for meat, it doth last them long: wherein is fulfilled, that which is spoken in another Psalm of the whale, Dedisti eum escam populis Aethiopum: Peter Mendez the Adelantade did often speak of this kind of fishing. Whereof M●nardes makes mention in his book. There is an other fishing which the Indians do commonly use in the sea, the which, although it be less, yet is it worthy the report. They make as it were faggots of bul-rushes or dry sedges well bound together, which they call Bassas, having carried them upon their shoulders to the sea, they cast them in, and presently leap upon them; being so set, they launch out into the deep, rowing up and down with small reeds of either side: they go a league or two into the sea to fish, carrying with them their cords and nets upon these faggots, and bear themselves thereon. They cast out their nets, and do there remain fishing the greatest part of the day and night, until they have filled up their measure, with the which they return well satisfied. Truly it was delightful to see them fish at Callao of Lima, for that they were many in number, and every one set on horseback, cutting the waves of the sea, which in their place of fishing are great and furious, resembling the Tritons or Neptunes, which they paint upon the water, and being come to land, they draw their bark out of the water upon their backs, the which they presently undo, and lay abroad on the shore to dry. There were other Indians of the valleys of Yca which were accustomed to go to fish in leather, or skins of sea-wolves, blown up with wind, and from time to time they did blow them like balls of wind, lest they should sink. In the vale of Canete, which in old time they called Guaroo, there were a great number of Indian fishers; but because they resisted the Ingua, when he came to conquer that land, he made show of peace with them, and therefore to feast him, they appointed a solemn fishing of many thousand Indians, which went to sea in their vessels of reeds; at whose return, the Ingua (who had laid many soldiers in ambush) made a cruel butchery of them, so as afterward this land remained unpeopled, although it be abundant and fertile. I did see an other manner of fishing, whereunto Don Francis of Toledo the Viceroy did lead me, yet was it not in the sea, but in a river which they call great in the Province of Charcas, where the Indians Chiraquanas plunged into the water, and swimming with an admirable swiftness, followed the fish, where with darts and hooks which they use to carry in their right hand, only swimming with the left) they wound the fish, and so hurt, they brought them forth, seeming in this more like unto fishes than men of the land. But now that we have left the sea, let us come to other kind of waters that remain to be spoken of.   

Of Lakes and Pools that be at the Indies. CHAP. 16.  
IN place of the Mediterranean Sea, which is in the old world, the Creator hath furnished this new with many Lakes, whereof there are some so great, as they may be properly called seas; seeing the Scripture calleth that of Palestina so, which is not so great as some of these. The most famous, is that of Titicaca, which is at Peru, in the Province of Callao, the which as I have said in the former book, contains near fourscore leagues in compass, into the which, there runs ten or twelve great rivers. A while since, they began to sail in it with barks and ships, wherein they proceeded so ill, that the first ship was split with a tempest that did rise in the Lake. The water is not altogether sour nor salt, as that of the sea, but it is so thick, as it cannot be drunk. There are two kinds of fishes breed in this Lake in great abundance, the one they call Suches, which is great and savorous, but phlegmatic and unwholesome; and the other Bogos, which is more healthful, although it be less and fuller of bones; there are great numbers of wilde-duckes and wigens. Whenas the Indians will feast it, or show delight to any one that passeth along the two banks, which they call Chucuyto and Omasugo, they assemble a great number of Canoes, making a circle and environging the fowl, until they take with their hands what they please; and they call this manner of fishing Chaco. On the one and the other bank of this Lake▪ are the best habitations of Peru. From the issue thereof there grows a lesser Lake, although it be great, which they call Paria, upon the banks whereof, there are great numbers of cattle, especially swine, which grow exceeding fat with the grass upon those banks. There are many other Lakes in the high mountains, whence proceed brooks & rivers, which after become great floods. Upon the way from Arequippa to Callao, there are two Lakes, upon the mountains of th'one & other side the way, from th'one flows a brook, which grows to a ●loud, and falls into the South sea; from the other, they say the famous river of Aporima takes her beginning; from the which, some hold that the renowned river of Amazos, otherwise called Maragnon proceeds, with so great an assembly and abundance of waters, which join in these mountains. It is a question may be often asked, why there are so many Lakes in the tops of these mountains, into the which no river enters, but chose, many great streams issue forth, and yet do we scarce see these Lakes to diminish any thing at any season of the year. To imagine that these Lakes grow by the snow that melts, or rain from heaven, that doth not wholly satisfy me: for there are many that have not this abundance of snow, nor rain, and yet we see no decrease in them, which makes me to believe they are springs which rise there naturally, although it be not against reason, to think that the snow and rain help somewhat in some seasons. These Lakes are so common in the highest tops of the mountains, that you shall hardly find any famous river that takes not his beginning from one of them. Their water is very clear, and breeds little store of fish, and that little is very small, by reason of the cold which is there Continually. Notwithstanding, some of these Lakes be very hot, which is another wonder. At the end of the valley of Tarapaya near to Potozi, there is a Lake in form round, which seems to have been made by compass, whose water is extremely hot, and yet the land is very cold: they are accustomed to bathe themselves near the bank, for else they cannot endure the heat being farther in. In the midst of this Lake, there is a boiling of above twenty foot square, which is the very spring, and yet (notwithstanding the greatness of this spring) it is never seen to increase in any sort: it seems that it exhales of itself, or that it hath some hidden and unknown issue, neither do they see it decrease; which is another wonder, although they have drawn from it a great stream, to make certain engines grind for metal, considering the great quantity of water that issueth forth, by reason whereof, it should decrease. But leaving Peru, and passing to new Spain, the Lakes there, are no less to be observed; especially that most famous of Mexico, where we find two sorts of waters, one salt Lake to that of the sea, and the other clear and sweet, by reason of the rivers that enter into it. In the midst of this Lake, is a rock very delightful and pleasant, where there are baths of hot water that issue forth, the which they greatly esteem for their health. There are gardens in the midst of this Lake, framed and fleeting upon the water, where you may see plots full of a thousand sorts of herbs and flowers, and they are in such sort, as a man cannot well conceive them without sight. The City of Mexico, is seated in the same Lake, although the Spaniards have filled up the place of the situation with earth, leaving only some currents of water, great and small, which enter into the City, to carry such things as they have need of, as wood, herbs, stone, fruits of the country, and all other things. When Cortes conquered Mexico, he caused Brigandins to be made, yet afterwards he thought it more safe not to use them: therefore they use Canoes, whereof there is great store. There is great store of fish in this Lake, yet have I not seen any of price: notwithstanding, they say the revenue of this Lake, is worth three hundred thousand ducats a year. There are many other Lakes, not far from this, whence they bring much fish to Mexico. The Province of Mechovacan is so called, for that it aboundeth greatly with fish. There are goodly and great Lakes, in the which there is much fish, and this Province is cool and healthful. There are many other Lakes, whereof it is not possible to make mention, nor to know them in particular, only we may note by that which hath been discoursed in the former book, that under the burning Zone there is greater abundance of Lakes, then in any other part of the world: and so by that which we have formerly spoken, and the little we shall say of rivers and fountains, we will end this discourse of Waters.   

Of many and diverse Springs and Fountains. CHAP. 17.  
THere is at the Indies, as in other parts of the world, great diversity of Springs, Fountains, and Rivers, and some have strange properties. In Guancavilica of Peru, (where the mines of quicksilver be,) there is a Fountain that casts forth hot water, and in running, the water turns to rock, of which rock or stone, they build in a maver all the houses of the Village. This stone is soft, and easy to cut, for they cut it as easily with iron as if it were wood, it is light and lasting. If men or beasts drink thereof, they die, for that it congeals in the very entrails, and turns into stone, and for that cause some horses have died. As this water turns into stone, the which flows, stops the passage to the rest; so as of necessity it changeth the course, and for this reason it runs in diverse places, as the rock increaseth. At the point of Cape S. Helaine, there is a spring or fountain of pitch, which at Peru, they call Coppey. This should be like to that which the Scripture speaks of the savage valley, where they did find pits of pitch. The Mariners use these fountains of pitch or Coppey, to pitch their ropes and tackling, for that it serves them as pitch and tar in Spain. When I sailed into new Spain by the coast of Peru, the Pilot showed me an Island, which they call the I'll of Wolves, where there is another fountain or pit of Coppey or pitch, with the which they anoint their tackling. There are other fountains and springs of Goultran resin, which the Pilot (an excellent man in his charge) told me he had seen, and that sometimes sailing that ways, being so far into the sea, as he had lost the sight of land, yet did he know by the smell of the Coppey, where he was, as well as if he had known the land, such is the savour that issues continually from that fountain. At the baths, which they call the baths of Ingua, there is a course of water, which comes forth all hot and boiling; and joining unto it, there is another whose water is as cold as ice. The Ingua was accustomed to temper the one with the other; & it is a wonderful thing to see springs of so contrary qualities, so near one to the other. There are an infinite number of other hot springs, specially in the Province of Charcas, in the water whereof, you cannot endure to hold your hand, the space of an Ave Maria, as I have seen tried by wager. In a farm near to Cusco, springs a fountain of salt, which as it runs turns into salt, very white & exceeding good, the which (if it were in another country) were no small riches, yet they make very small account thereof, for the store they have there. The waters which run in Guayaquel, which is in Peru, almost under the Equinoctial line, are held to be healthful for the French disease, and other such like, so as they come from many places far off to be cured. And they say the cause thereof is, for that in that Country there is great abundance of roots, which they call Sallepareille, the virtue and operation whereof is so known, that it communicates her property to the waters wherein it is put to cure this disease. Bilcanota is a mountain the which (according to common opinion,) is in the highest part of Peru, the top whereof is all covered with snow, and in some places is black like coal. There issueth forth of it, two springs in contrary places, which presently grow to be very great b●rookes, and so by little and little become great floods, the one goes to Calloa, into the great Lake Titicaca, the other goes to the lands, and is that which they call Yucay, which joining with another, runs into the North sea, with a violent and furious course. This spring, when it comes out of the rock Bilcanota, as I have said, is of the colour of lie, having an asshie colour, and casts a fume as a thing burnt, the which runs far in this sort, until the multitude of waters that run into it, quench this smoke and fire which it draws from the spring. In new Spain, I have seen a spring as it were ink, somewhat blue, in Peru another, of colour red like blood, whereupon they call it the red river.   

Of Rivers. CHAP. 18.  
AMongst all Rivers, not only at the Indies, but generally through the world, the River Maragnon, or of Amazons, is the chief, whereof we have spoken in the former book. The Spaniards have often sailed it, pretending to discover the lands, which by report are very rich, especially those they call Dorado and Paytiti, jean de Salnies, the Adelantade, made a memorable entry, though of small effect. There is a passage which they call Pongo, one of the most dangerous in all the world; for the river being there straightened, and forced betwixt two high steep rocks: the water falls directly down with so great a violence, that coming steep down, it causeth such a boiling, as it seemeth impossible to pass it without drowning: yet the courage of men durst attempt to pass it, for the desire of this renowned Dorado: they slipped down from the top to the bottom, thrust on with the violence and currant of the flood, holding themselves fast in their Canoes or barks: and although in falling they were turned topsy-turvy, and both they and their Canoes plunged into the deep, yet by their care and industry they recovered themselves again; and in this sort the whole army escaped, except some few that were drowned. And that which is more admirable, they carried themselves so cunningly, that they neither lost their powder nor munition. In their return (having suffered many troubles and dangers) they were forced, in the end, to pass back that same way) mounting by one of those high Rocks, sticking their poniards in the rock.  
Captain Peter d' Orsua made an other entry by the same river, who being dead in the same voyage, and the soldiers mutined; other Captains followed the enterprise, by an arm that comes into the north sea. A religious man of our company told us, that being then a secular man, he was present in a manner at all that enterprise, and that the tides did flow almost a hundred leagues up the river, and whereas it enters into the sea, (the which is under the Line, or very near) it hath 70. leagues, breadth at the mouth of it, a matter incredible; and which exceeds the breadth of the Mediterranean sea, though there be some others, who in their descriptions give it but twenty five or thirty leagues breadth at the mouth. Next to this river that of Plata, or of Silver holds the second place, which is otherwise called Paragu●y, which runs from the mountains of Peru, into the sea, in thirty five degrees of altitude to the South: it riseth (as they say) like to the river of Nile, but much more without comparison, and makes the fields it overflows like unto a sea, for the space of three months, and after returneth again to his course, in the which ships do sail many leagues against the stream. There are many other rivers that are not of that greatness, and yet are equal: yea they surpass the greatest of Europe, as that of Magdalaine, near to Saint Marthe the great river, and that of Alvarado in new Spain, and an infinite number of others. Of the south side, on the mountains of Peru, the rivers are not usually so great, for that their current is not long, and that many waters cannot join together, but they are very swift, descending from the mountains, and have sudden falls, by reason whereof they are very dangerous, and many men have perished there. They increase and overflow most in the time of heat. I have gone over twenty and seven rivers upon that coast, yet did I never pass any one by a ford. The Indians use a thousand devises to pass their rivers. In some places they have a long cord that runs fro one side to th'other, & thereon hangs a basket, into the which he puts himself that means to pass; and then they draw it from the bank with another cord, so as he passeth in this basket. In other places the Indian passeth, as it were on horse back, upon a bottle of straw, and behind him he that desires to pass; and so rowing with a piece of a board, carries him over. In other places they make a float of gourds or pompions, upon the which they set men with their stuff to carry over, and the Indians having cords fastened to them, go swimming before, and draw this float of pompions after them, as horses do a Coach: others go behind thrusting it forward. Having passed, they take their bark of pompions upon their back, and return swimming: this they do in the river of Saint at Peru. We passed that of Alvarado in new Spain upon a table, which the Indians carried upon their shoulders, and when they lost their footing, they swam. These devises, with a thousand others wherewith they use to pass their rivers, breed a terror in the beholders, helping themselves with such weak and unsure means; and yet they are very confident. They do use no other bridges but of hair or of straw. There are now upon some rivers bridges of stone, built by the diligence of some governors, but many fewer than were needful in such a country, where so many men are drowned by default thereof, and the which yields so much silver, as not only Spain, but also other strange Countries make sumptuous buildings therewith. The Indians do draw from these floods that run from the mountains to the valleys and plains, many and great brooks to water their land, which they usually do with such industry, as there are no better in Murcia, nor at Milan itself, the which is also the greatest and only wealth of the Plains of Peru, and of many other parts of the Indies.   

Of the quality of the land at the Indies in general. CHAP. 19  
WE may know the quality of the land at the Indies, for the greatest part (seeing it is the last of the three Elements, whereof we have propounded to treat in this Book) by the discourse we have made in the former Book of the burning Zone, seeing that the greatest part of the Indies doth lie under it. But to make it known the more particularly, I have observed three kinds of lands, as I have passed through those Regions: whereof there is one very low, another very high, and the third which holds the middle of these two extremes. The lower is that which lieth by the sea coasts, whereof there is in all parts of the Indies, and it is commonly very hot and moist, so as it is not so healthful; and at this day we see it less peopled, although in former times it hath been greatly inhabited with Indians, as it appeareth by the histories of New Spain and Peru, and where they kept and lived, for that the soil was natural unto them being bred there. They lived of fishing at sea, & of seeds, drawing brooks from the rivers, which they used for want of rain, for that it rains little there, and in some places not at all. This low country hath many places inhabitable, as well by reason of the sands which are dangerous, (for there are whole mountains of these sands) as also for the marshes which grow by reason of the waters that fall from the mountains, which finding no issue in these flat and low lands, drown them, and make them unprofitable.  
And in truth the greatest part of all the Indian sea coast is of this sort, chiefly upon the South sea: The habitation of which coasts is at this present so wasted & contemned, that of thirty parts of the people that inhabited it, there wants twenty nine; and it is likely the rest of the Indians will in short time decay. Many, according to the variety of their opinions, attribute this to divers causes; some to the great labour which hath been imposed upon these Indians; others, unto the change and variety of meats and drinks they use, since their commerce with the Spaniards; others to their great excess & drinking, and to other vices they have: for my part, I hold this disorder to be the greatest cause of their decay, whereof it is not now time to discourse any more. In this low country (which I say generally is unhealthful, and unfit for man's habitation) there is exception in some places which are temperate and fertile, as the greatest part of the Plains of Peru, where there are cool valleys and very fertile. The greatest part of the habitation of the coast entertains all the traffic of Spain by sea: whereon all the estate of the Indies dependeth. Upon this coast there are some Towns well peopled, as Lima and Truxillo in Peru, Panama and Carthagena upon the main land, and in the islands S. Dominique, Port Ricco, and Havana, with many other Towns which are less than these, as the true Cross in new Spain, Yca, Arigua and others in Peru: the ports are commonly inhabited, although but slenderly. The second sort of land is contrary, very high, and by consequent, cold and dry, as all the mountains are commonly. This land is neither fertile nor pleasant, but very healthful, which makes it to be peopled and inhabited. There are pastures, and great store of cattle, the which, for the most part, entertains life, and by their cattle, they supply the want they have of corn and grain, by trucking and exchange. But that which makes these lands more inhabited and peopled, is the riches of the mines that are found there, for that all obeys to gold and silver. By reason of the mines there are some dwellings of Spaniards and Indians, which are increased and multiplied, as Potozi and Gancavelicqua in Peru, and Cacatecas in new Spain. There are also through all these mountains great dwellings of the Indians, which to this day are maintained; yea some will say they increase, but that the labour of the mines doth consume many, and some general diseases have destroyed a great part, as the Cocoliste in new Spain: yet they find no great diminution. In this extremity of of high ground they find two commodities, as I have said, of pastures and mines, which do well countervail the two other that are in the lower grounds alongst the sea coast, that is, the commerce of the sea, & the abundance of wine which groweth not but in the hot lands. Betwixt these two extremes there is ground of a mean height, the which, although it be in some parts higher or lower one than other, yet doth it not approach neither to the heat of the sea coast, nor the intemperature of the mountains. In this sort of soil there groweth many kinds of grain, as wheat, barley, and mays, which grows not at all in the high countries, but well in the lower, there is likewise store of pasture, cattle, fruits, and green forests. This part is the best habitation of the three, for health and recreation; and therefore it is best peopled of any part of the Indies, the which I have curiously observed in many voyages that I have undertaken, and have always found it true, that the Province best peopled at the Indies be in this situation. Let us look nearly into new Spain, (the which without doubt is the best Province the Sun doth circle) by what part soever you do enter, you mount up; and when you have mounted a good height, you begin to descend, yet very little: and that land is always much higher than that along the sea coast.  
All the land about Mexico is of this nature and situation; and that which is about the Vulcan, which is the best soil of the Indies, as also in Peru, Arequipa, Guamangua and Cusco, although more in one then in the other. But in the end, all is high ground, although they descend into deep valleys, and climb up to high mountains: the like is spoken of Quitto, Saint Foy, and of the best of the new kingdom. To conclude, I do believe that the wisdom and providence of the Creator would have it so, that the greatest part of this country of the Indies should be hilly, that it might be of a better temperature: for being low, it had been very hot under the burning Zone, especially being far from the sea. Also all the land I have seen at the Indies, is near to the mountains on the one side or the other, and sometimes of all parts: So as I have oftentimes said there, that I would gladly see any place, from whence the horizon did fashion itself and end by the heaven, and a country stretched out and even, as we see in Spain in a thousand champain fields; yet do I not remember that I have ever seen such sights at the Indies, were it in the islands, or upon the main land, although I have traveled above seven hundred leagues in length. But as I have said, the nearness of the mountains is very commodious in this region, to temper the heat of the Sun. To conclude, the best inhabited parts of the Indies are as I have said: and generally, all that country abounds in grass, pastures, and forests, contrary unto that which Aristotle and the Ancients did hold. So as when we go out of Europe to the Indies, we wonder to see the land so pleasant, green and fresh. Yet this rule hath some exceptions, & chiefly in the land of Peru, which is of a strange nature amongst all others, whereof we will now proceed to speak.   

Of the properties of the land of Peru. CHAP. 20.  
We mean by Peru, not that great part of the world which they call America, seeing that therein is contained Bresil, the kingdom of Chille, and that of Grenade, and yet none of these kingdoms is Peru, but only that part which lies to the South, beginning at the kingdom of Quitto, which is under the Line, and runs in length to the realm of Chille, the which is without the tropics, which were six hundred leagues in length, and in breadth it contains no more than the mountains, which is fifty common leagues, although in some places, as at Chachapayas, it be broader. This part of the world which we call Peru, is very remarkable, and contains in it strange properties, which serveth as an exception to the general rule of the Indies. The first is, that upon all that coast it blows continually with one only wind, which is South and Southweast, contrary to that which doth usually blow under the burning Zone. The second is, that this wind being by nature the most violent, tempestuous, and unhealthful of all others, yet in this region it is marvelous pleasing, healthful, and agreeable: so as we may attribute the habitation of that part thereunto, without the which it would be troublesome and inhabitable, by reason of the heat, if it were not refreshed with the wind. The third property is, that it never rains, thunders, snows, nor hails in all this coast, which is a matter worthy of admiration. Fourthly, that a little distance from the coast it rains and snows terribly. Fiftly, that there are two ridges of mountains which run the one as the other, and in one altitude, notwithstanding on the one there are great forests, and it rains the greatest part of the year, being very hot; and the other is all naked and bare, and very cold: so as winter and summer are divided on those two mountains, and rain and clearness itself. For the better understanding hereof, we must consider that Peru is divided as it were into three parts, long and narrow, which they call Lanos, Sierras, and Andes; the Lanos runs along est the sea coast; the Sierras be all hills, with some valleys; and the Andes be steep and craggy mountains. The Lanos or sea coast, have some ten leagues in breadth, in some parts less, and in some parts a little more. The Sierra contains some twenty leagues in breadth: and the Andes as much, sometimes more, sometimes less. They run in length from north to south, and in breadth from east to west. It is a strange thing, that in so small a distance, as fifty leagues, equally distant from the Line and Pole, there should be so great a contrariety, as to rain almost continually in one place, and never in the other. It never rains upon the coast or Lanos, although there falls sometimes a small dew, which they call Guarva, and in Castill Mol●●●a, the which sometimes thickens, and falls in certain drops of water, yet is it not troublesome, nor such as they need any covering. Their cover are of mats with a little earth upon them which is sufficient. Upon the Andes it rains in a manner continually, although it be sometimes more clear than other. In the Sierra which lies betwixt both the extremes, it raineth in the same season as it doth in Spain, which is from September unto April, but in the other season, the time is more clear, which is when the Sun is farthest off, and the contrary when it is nearest, whereof we have discoursed at large in the former book. That which they call Andes, and Sierra, are two ridges of most high mountains, which run above a thousand leagues, the one in view of the other, and almost equally. There are an infinite number of Vicagues, which breed in the Sierres, and are properly like unto wild goats, very nimble and swift. There are also of those beasts which they call Guanacoes and Pacos, which are sheep, which we may well term the asses of that country; whereof we shall speak in their place. And upon the Andes they find Apes, very gentle and delightful, and Parrots in great numbers. There also they find the herb or tree which they call Coca, that is so greatly esteemed by the Indians, and the traffic they make of it, is worthy much money.  
That which they call Sierre, causeth valleys, whereas it opens, which are the best dwellings of Peru, as is the valley of Xauxa of Andaguaylas, and Yucay. In these valleys there grows wheat, mays and other sorts of fruits, but less in one then in the other. Beyond the City of Cusco, (the ancient Court of the Lords of those Realms,) the two ridges of mountains separate them. selves one from the other, and in the midst leave a plain and large champain, which they call the Province of Callao, where there are many rivers and great store of fertile pastures: there is also that great Lake of Titicaca. And although it be a full soil, and in the same height and intemperature, that the Sierre having no more trees nor forests, yet the want they have of bread, is countervailed with the roots they sow, the which they call Papas, and they grow in the earth. This root is the Indians food; for drying it, and making it clean, they make that which they call Chugno, which is the bread and nourishment of those Provinces. There are other roots and small herbs which they eat. It is a healthful soil, best peopled, and the richest of all the Indies, for the abundance of cattle they feed, as well of those that are in Europe, as sheep, neat, and goats, as of those of the Country, which they call Guanacoes and Pacos, and there are store of Partridges. Next to the Province of Callao, is that of Charcas, where there are hot valleys very fertile, and very high rocks, the which are very rich in mines, so as in no part of the world shall you find better, nor fairer.   

The reason why it rains on the Lanos, along the Sea coast. CHAP. 21.  
FOr that it is rare and extraordinary to see a Country where it never rains nor thunders; men desire naturally to know the cause of this strangeness. The reason which some give that have nearly looked into it, is, that upon that coast there rise no vapours, sufficient to engender rain for want of matter; but only that there be final and light vapours, which cannot breed any other than mists and dews, as we see in Europe, oftentimes vapours do rise in the morning, which are not turned into rain, but into mists only: the which grows from the substance, which is not gross and sufficient enough to turn to rain. They say, the reason why that which happens but some times in Europe, falls out continually upon the coast of Peru, is, for that this region is very dry, and yields no gross vapours. The dryness is known by the gre● abundance of sands, having neither wells nor fountains, but of fifteen stades deep, (which is the height of a man or more,) and that is near unto rivers, the water whereof, piercing into the land, gives them means to make wells. So as it hath been found by experience, that the course of rivers being turned, the wells have been dried up, until they returned to their ordinary course: and they give this reason for a material cause of this effect, but they have another efficient, which is no less considerable, and that is the great height of the Sierre, which coming along the coast, shadows the Lanos; so as it suffers no wind to blow from the land, but above the tops of these mountains. By means whereof, there rains no wind, but that from the Sea, which finding no opposite, doth not press, nor strain forth the vapours which rise to engender rain; so as the shadow of the mountains keeps the vapours from thickening, and convertes them all into mists. There are some experiences agree with this discourse; for that it rains upon some small hills along the coast, which are least shadowed, as the rocks of Atico and Arequipa. It hath reigned in some years whenas the Northern or easterly winds have blown: yea, all the time they have continued, as it happened in seventy eight, upon the Lan●s of Trugillo, where it reigned abundantly, the which they had not seen in many ages before. Moreover, it rains upon the same coast, in places, whereas the Easterly or Northern winds be ordinary, as in Guayaquil, and in places whereas the land riseth much, and turns from the shadow of the mountains, as in those that are beyond Ariqua. Some discourse in this manner, but let every one think as he please. It is most certain, that coming from the mountains to the valleys, they do usually see as it were two heavens, one clear and bright above, and the other obscure, and as it were a grey vail spread underneath, which covers all the coast: and although it rain not, yet this mist is wonderful profitable to bring forth grass, and to raise up and nourish the seed: for although they have plenty of water, which they draw from the Pools and Lakes, yet this moisture from heaven hath such a virtue, that ceasing to fall upon the earth, it breeds a great discommodity and defect of grain and seeds. And that which is more worthy of admiration, the dry and barren sands are by this dew so beautified with grass and flowers, as it is a pleasing and agreeable sight, and very profitable for the feeding of cattle, as we see in the mountain called Sandie, near to the City of Kings.   

Of the property of new Spain, of the islands, and of other Lands, CHAP. 22.  
NEw Spain passeth all other Provinces in pastures, which breeds infinite troops of horse, kine, sheep, and other cattle. It abounds in fruit and all kind of grain. To conclude, it is a Country the best furnished, and most accomplished at the Indies. Yet Peru doth surpass it in one thing, which is wine, for that there grows store, and good; and they daily multiply and increase, the which doth grow in very hot valleys, where there are waterings. And although there be vines in new Spain, yet the grape comes not to his maturity, fit to make wine. The reason is, for that it rains there in julie and August, whenas the grape ripens: and therefore it comes not to his perfection. And if any one through curiosity would take the pains to make wine, it should be like to that of Genua and Lombardie, which is very small and sharp, having a taste like unto verjuice. The islands which they call Barlovente, which be Hispaniola, Cuba, Port Ricco, & others there about, are beautified with many green pastures, and abound in cattle, as neat, and swine, which are become wild. The wealth of these islands, be their sugar-workes and hides. There is much Cassia fistula & ginger. It is a thing incredible, to see the multitude of these merchandises brought in one fleet, being in a manner impossible that all Europe should waste so much. They likewise bring wood of an excellent quality and colour, as Ebony, & others, which serve for buildings and joiners. There is much of that wood which they call Lignum Sanctum or Guage, fit to cure the pox. All these islands and others there about, which are many, have a goodly and pleasant aspect, for that throughout the year, they are beautified with grass & green trees, so as they cannot discern when it is Autumn or Summer, by reason of continual moisture joined to the heat of the burning Zone. And although this land be of a great circuit, yet are there few dwellings, for that of itself it engenders great Arcabutos, as they call them, which be Groves or very thick Coppeses: and on the plains there are many marshes and bogs. They give yet another notable reason, why they are so smally peopled, for that there have remained few natural Indians, through the inconsiderateness and disorder of the first Conquerors that peopled it: and therefore, for the most part, they use Negroes, but they cost dear, being very fit to till the land. There grows neither bread nor wine in these islands, for that the too great fertility and the vice of the soil, suffers them not to seed, but casts all forth in grass, very uneaqually. There are no olive trees, at the least, they bear no olives, but many green leaves pleasant to the view, which bear no fruit. The bread they use is of Cacave, whereof we shall hereafter speak. There is gold in the rivers of these islands, which some draw forth, but in small quantity, I was little less than a year in these islands, and as it hath been told me of the main land of the Indies, where I have not been, as in Florida, Nicaraqua, Guatimala, and others, it is in a manner of this temper, as I have described: yet have I not set down every particular of Nature in these Provinces of the firm land, having no perfect knowledge thereof. The Country which doth most resemble Spain, and the regions of Europe, in all the West Indies, is the realm of Chille, which is without the general rule of these other Provinces, being seated without the burning Zone, and the Tropic of Capricorn. This land of itself is cool and fertile, and brings forth all kinds of fruits that be in Spain; it yields great abundance of bread and wine, and abounds in pastures and cattle. The air is wholesome and clear, temperate betwixt heat and cold, winter and summer are very distinct, and there they find great store of very fine gold. Yet this land is poor and finally peopled, by reason of their continual war with the Auricanos, and their associates, being a rough people and friends to liberty.   

Of the unknown Land, and the diversity of a whole day, betwixt them of the East and the West. CHAP. 23.  
THere are great conjectures, that in the temperate Zone at the Antarctic Pole, there are great and fertile lands: but to this day they are not discovered, neither do they know any other land in this Zone, but that of Chille, and some part of that land which runs from Ethiopia, to the Cape of Good Hope, as hath been said in the first book; neither is it known if there be any habitations in the other two Zones of the Poles, and whether the land continues and stretcheth to that which is towards the Antarctic or South Pole. Neither do we know the land that lies beyond the strait of Magellan, for that the greatest height yet discovered, is in fifty ●ix degrees, as hath been formerly said; and toward the Arctic or Northern Pole, it is not known how far the land extends, which runs beyond the Cape of Mendocin, and the Caliphornes, nor the bounds and end of Florida, neither yet how far it extends to the West. Of late, they have discovered a new land, which they call New Mexico, where they say is much people that speak the Mexicaine tongue. The Philippines and the following islands, as some report that know it by experience, ran above nine hundred leagues. But to entreat of China, Cochinchina, Syam, and other regions which are of the East Indies, were contrary to my purpose, which is only to discourse of the West: nay, they are ignorant of the greatest part of America, which lies betwixt Peru and bresil, although the bounds be known of all sides, wherein there is diversity of opinions; some say it is a drowned land, full of Lakes and watery places; Others affirm there are great and flourishing kingdoms, imagining there be the Paytiti, the Dorado, and the Caesars, where they say are wonderful things. I have heard one of our company say, a man worthy of credit, that he had seen great dwellings there, and the ways as much beaten, as those betwixt Salamanca, and Villadillit, the which he did see, whenas Peter d'Orsua, and after, those that succeeded him, made their entry and discovery by the great river of Amazons, who believing that the Dorado which they sought, was farther off, cared not to inhabits there, and after went both without the Dorado, which they could not find, and this great Province which they left. To speak the truth, the habitations of America, are to this day unknown, except the extremities, which are Peru, bresil, and that part where the land begins to straighten, which is the river of Silver, then Tucuman, which makes the round to Chille and Charc●. Of late we have understood by letters from some of ours which go to S. Croix, in the Sierre, that they go discovering of great Provinces and dwellings, betwixt bresil and Peru. Time will reveile them, for as at this day the care and courage of men is great, to compass the world from one part to another; so we may believe, that as they have discovered that which is now known, they may likewise lay open that which readiness, to the end the Gospel may be preached to the whole world, seeing the two Crowns of Portugal and Ca●●ille, have met by the East and West, joining their discoveries together, which in truth is a matter to be observed, that the one is come to China and jappan by the East, and the other to the Philippines, which are neighbours, and almost joining unto China, by the West: for from the islands of Lusson, which is the chief of the Philippines, in the which is the City of Mamill●, unto Macan, which is in the I'll of Cauton, are but four score or a hundred leagues, and yet we find it strange, that notwithstanding th●● small distance from the one to the other, yet according to their account, there is a days difference betwixt them; so as it is Sunday at Macan, whenas it is but Saturday at Mamille, and so of the rest. Those of Macan and of China have one day advanced before the Philippines. It happened to father Alo●●● Sanches, of whom mention is made before, that parting from the Philippines, he arrived at Macan the second day of May, according to their computation, and going to say the Mass of S. Athanasius, he found they did celebrate the feast of the invention of the holy Cross, for that they did then reckon the third of May. The like happened unto him in another voyage beyond it.  
Some have found this alteration and diversity, strange, supposing that the fault proceeds from the one or the other; the which is not so: but it is a true and well observed computation, for according to the difference of ways where they have been, we must necessarily say, that when they meet, there must be difference of a day; the reason is, for that sailing from West to East, they always gain of the day, finding the sun rising sooner: and chose, those that sail from East to West, do always lose of the day, for that the Sun riseth later unto them; and as they approach nearer the East or the West, they have the day longer or shorter. In Peru, which is westward in respect of Spain, they are above six hours behind; so as when it is noon in Spain, it is morning at Peru; and when it is morning here, it is midnight there. I have made certain proof thereof, by the computation of Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. Now that the portugals have made their navigations from West to East, and the Castillans from East to West, when they came to join and meet at the Philippines and Macan, the one have gained twelve hours, and the other hath lost as much; so as at one instant, and in one time, they find the difference of twenty hours, which is a whole day; so as necessarily, the one are at the third of May, whenas the others account but the second; and whenas the one doth fast for Easter eve, the others eat flesh for the day of the resurrection. And if we will imagine that they pass farther, turning once again about the world, using the same computation, when they should return to join together, they should find by the same account, two days difference: for as I have said, those that go to the Sun rising, account the day sooner, for that the Sun riseth to them sooner, and those that go to the setting, account the day later, for that it goes from them later: finally, the diversity of the noon tide, causeth the diverse reckoning of the day. And now for as much as those that do sail from East to West, change their noon tie without perceiving it, and yet still follow the same computation they did when they parted; of necessity having made the compass of the world, they must find the want of a whole day in their computation.   

Of the Volcans' or Vents of fire. CHAP. 24.  
ALthough we find vents of fire in other places, as mount Aetna and Wesuvio, which now they call mount S●ma, yet is that notable which is found at the Indies. Ordinarily these Volcans' be rocks or pikes of most high mountains, which raise themselves above the tops of all other mountains; upon their tops they have a plain, and in the midst thereof a pit or great mouth, which descends even unto the foot thereof; a thing very terrible to behold. Out of these mouths, there issues smoke, and sometimes fire: some cast little smoke, and have in a manner no force of Volcans', as that of Arequipa, which is of an unmeasurable height, and almost all found. It cannot be mounted up in less than two days, yet they have not found any show of fire, but only the relics of some sacrifices which the Indians made while they were Gentiles, and sometimes it doth cause a little smoke. The Volcan of Mexico which is near to the Village of Angels, is likewise of an admirable height, whereas they mount thirty leagues in turning: from this Volcan issueth not continually, but sometimes, almost every day, a great exhalation or whirlwind of smoke, which ascends directly up like to the shot of a Crossbow, and grows after like to a great plume of feathers, until it ceaseth quite, and is presently converted into an obscure and dark cloud. Most commonly it riseth in the morning after the Sun rising, and at night when it setteth, although I have seen it break out at other times. Sometimes it doth cast forth great store of ashes after this smoke. They have not yet seen any fire come from it; yet they fear it will issue forth and burn all the land round about, which is the best of all the kingdom: And they hold it for certain, that there is some correspondency betwixt this Vulcan & the Sierre of Tlaxcala, which is near unto it, that causeth the great thunders and lightnings they do commonly hear and see in those parts.  
Some Spaniards have mounted up to this Volcan, and given notice of the mine of sulphur to make powder thereof. Cortes reports the care he had to discover what was in this Volcan. The Volcans' of Guatimalla are more renowned, as well for their greatness and height: which those that sail in the South Sea discover a far off, as for the violence and terror of the fire it casts. The three and twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred eighty and six, almost all the City of Guatimalla fell with an Earthquake, and some people slain. This Volcan had then six months together, day and night cast out from the top, and vomited as it were, a flood of fire, the substance falling upon the sides of the Volcan, was turned into ashes like unto burnt earth (a thing passing man's judgement, to conceive how it could cast so much matter from its centre during six months, being accustomed to cast smoke alone, and that sometimes with small flashes. This was written unto me being at Mexico, by a Secretary of the audience of Guatimalla, a man worthy of credit, and at that time it had not ceased to cast out fire. This year past, being in Quitto in the City of Kings, the Volcan which is near thereunto, cast such abundance of ashes, that in many leagues compass thereabout it darkened the light of the day: and there fell such store in Quitto, as they were not able to go in the streets. There have been other Volcans' seen which cast neither smoke, flame, nor yet ashes, but in the bottom they are seen to burn with a quick fire without dying: such a one was that which in our time a covetous and greedy Priest seeing, persuaded himself that they were heaps of gold he did see burning, imagining it could be no other matter or substance, which had burnt so many years, and not consumed. And in this conceit he made certain kettles with chains, and an instrument, to gather and draw up the gold out of this pit or Volcan: but the fire scorned him, for no sooner did his iron chain and cauldron approach near the fire, but suddenly they were broken in pieces. Yet some told me, that this man was still obstinate, seeking other inventions for to draw out this gold as he imagined.   

What should be the reason why the fire and smoke continues so long in these Vulcan's? CHAP. 25.  
THere is no need now to make any mention of other Vulcan's, seing we may well understand by the former what they are: yet is it worthy the search, what should be the cause why the fire and smoke continues in these Volcans'; for that it seems a prodigious thing, yea against the course of Nature, to vomit and cast out so many flames. Whence doth this matter proceed, or whether it be engendered within the bowels thereof? Some have held opinion, that these Volcans' consume the inner substance they have of Nature; and for this reason they believe, that naturally they shall end, whenas they have consumed the fuel (as a man may say) that is within them. According to which opinion we see at this day, some mountains and rocks, from whence they draw a burnt stone which is light, but very hard, and is excellent to build with, as that which is carried to Mexico. And in effect there are some shows of that which hath been spoken, that these mountains or rocks had sometimes a natural fire, which hath died after the matter was consumed; and so these stones have remained burnt and pierced with the fire as we see. For my part, I will not contradict it, that in those places there hath not been fire sometimes, or Volcans'. But there is some difficulty to be believe it should be so in all Volcans', considering the matter they cast out is almost infinite; and that being gathered together, it could not be contained in the same concavity from whence it goes. Moreover, there are some Volcans', that in hundreds, yea thousands of years are always of one fashion, casting out continually, smoke, fire, and ashes. Pliny the Historiographer of natural things (as the other Pliny his nephew reports) searching out the secret how this should pass: and approaching too near th'exhalation of fire of one of these Volcans', died; and thinking by his diligence to find an end thereof, had an end of his life. For my part, upon this consideration I think, that as there are places in th'earth, whose virtue is to draw vaporous matter, and to convert it into water, which be the fountains that always run, and have always matter to make them run, for that they draw unto them the substance of water. In like sort there are places that have the property to draw unto them hot exhalations, and to convert them into fire and smoke which by their force and violence cast out other thick matter which dissolves into ashes, into pumice stone, or such like substance: and for a sufficient argument to prove it to be so in these Volcans', they sometimes cast smoke, and not always, and sometimes fire, and not always, which is according to that it can draw unto it, and digest, as the fountains which in winter abound, and in summer decrease; yea some are quite dried up, according to the force and vigour they have, and the matter that is presented: even so it is of these Volcans', which cast fire more or less at certain seasons. Others say, that it is hell fire, which issueth there, to serve as a warning, thereby to consider what is in the other life: but if hell (as Divines hold) be in the centre of the earth, the which contains in diameter above two thousand leagues, we can not judge that this fire is from the centre; for that hell fire (as saint Basil and others teach) is very different from this which we see, for that it is without light, 
Basil. psal. 28. & in exam.  and burneth without comparison much more than ours. And therefore I conclude, that what I have said, seems to me more reasonable.   

Of Earthquakes. CHAP. 26.  
SOme have held, that from these Volcans' which are at the Indies, the earthquakes proceed, being very common there: but for that they ordinarily chance in places far from those Volcans', it can not be the total cause. It is true they have a certain sympathy one with another, for that the hot exhalations which engender in the inner concavities of the earth, seem to be the material substance of fire in the Volcans', whereby there kindleth an other more gross matter, and makes these shows of flame and smoke that come forth. And these exhalations (finding no easy issue in the earth) move it, to issue forth with great violence, whereby we hear that horrible noise under the earth, and likewise the shaking of the earth, being stirred with this burning exhalation; Even as gunpowlder in mines, having fire put to it breaks rocks and walls: and as the chestnut laid into the fire, leaps and breaks with a noise, whenas it casts forth the air (which is contained within the husk) by the force of the fire: Even so these Earthquakes do most commonly happen in places near the water or sea. As we see in Europe, and at the Indies, that towns and cities farthest from the sea and waters are least afflicted therewith; and chose, those that are seated upon ports of the sea, upon rivers, the sea coast, and places near unto them, feel most this calamity. There hath happened in Peru, (the which is wonderful, and worthy to be noted) Earthquakes which have run from Chille unto Quitto, and that is above hundred leagues, I say the greatest that ever I heard speak of, for lesser be more common there. Upon the coast of Chille (I remember not well in what year) there was so terrible an Earthquake, as it overturned whole mountains, and thereby stopped the course of rivers which it converted into lakes, it beat down towns, and flew a great number of people, causing the sea to leave her place some leagues, so as the ships remained on dry ground, far from the ordinary road, with many other heavy and horrible things. And as I well remember, they say this trouble and motion, caused by the Earthquake, ran three hundred leagues alongst the coast. Soon after, which was in the year eighty two, happened that Earthquake of Arequipa, which in a manner overthrew the whole city. Since in the year eighty six, the ninth of julie, fell an other Earthquake in the city of Kings, the which as the Viceroy did write, had run a hundred three score and ten leagues alongst the coast, and overthwart in the Sierre fifty leagues. The mercy of the Lord was great in this earth quake, to forewarn the people by a great noise which they heard a little before the Earthquake, who taught by former experiences, presently put themselves in safety, leaving their houses, streets, and gardens, to go into the fields; so as although it ruined a great part of the City, and of the chiefest buildings, yet there died not above fifteen or twenty persons of all the Inhabitants. It caused the like trouble and motion at sea, as it had done at Chille, which happened presently after the Earthquake, so as they might see the sea furiously to fly out of her bounds, and to run near two leagues into the land, rising above fourteen fathom: it covered all that plain, so as the ditches and pieces of wood that were there, swam in the water. There was yet an other earthquake in the Realm and City of Quitto; and it seems all these notable Earthquakes upon that coast, have succeeded one an other by order, as in truth it is subject to these inconveniences. And therefore although upon the coast of Peru, there be no torments from heaven, as thunder and lightning, yet are they not without fear upon the land: and so every one hath before his eyes, the Heralds of divine justice, to move him to fear God. For as the Scripture saith, Fecit haec ut timeatur. Returning then to our purpose, I say the sea coast is most subject to these earthquakes, the reason is, in my judgement, for that the water doth stop the conduits and passages of the earth, by which the hot exhalations should pass, which are engendered there. And also the humidity thickening the superficies of the earth, doth cause the fumes and hot exhalations to go close together and encounter violently in the bowels of the earth, which do afterwards break forth.  
Some have observed, that such Earthquakes have usually happened, whenas a rainy season falls after some dry ye●res. Whereupon they say, that the Earthquakes are most rare, where are most wells, the which is approved by experience. Those of the City of Mexico hold opinion, that the Lake whereon it is seated, is the cause of the Earthquakes that happen there, although they be not very violent: and it is most certain, that the Towns and Provinces, far within the land, and farthest from the sea, receive sometimes great losses by these Earthquakes, as the City of Chachapoyas at the Indies, and in Italy that of Ferrara, although upon this subject. It seems this latter, being near to a river, and not far from the Adriatic sea, should rather be numbered among the sea-Townes. In the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred eighty and one, in Cugiano, a City of Peru, otherwise called the Peace, there happened a strange accident touching this subject. A village called Angoango (where many Indians dwelled that were sorcerers and idolaters) fell suddenly to ruin, so as a great part thereof was raised up and carried away, and many of the Indians smothered, and that which seems incredible (yet testified by men of credit) the earth that was ruined and so beaten down, did run and slide upon the land for the space of a league and a half, as it had been water or wax molten, so as it stopped and filled up a Lake, and remained so spread over the whole country.   

How the land and sea embrace one an other. CHAP. 27.  
I Will end with this Element of earth, uniting it to the precedent of water, whose order and embracing is truly of itself admirable. These two elements have one sphere divided between them, and entertain and embrace one another in a thousand sorts and manners. In some places the water encounters the land furiously as an enemy, and in other places, it environs it after a sweet and amiable manner. There are parts whereas the sea enters far within the land, as coming to visit it; and in other parts the land makes restitution, casting his capes, points and tongues far into the sea, piercing into the bowels thereof. In some parts one element ends and another begins, yielding by degrees one unto another. In some places (where they join) it is exceeding deep, as in the islands of the South Sea, and in those of the North, whereas the ships ride close to the land; and although they sound three score and ten, yea four score fathoms, yet do they find no bottom, which makes men conjecture, that these are pikes or points of land which rise up from the bottom, a matter worthy of great admiration. Hereupon a very expert Pilot said unto me, that the islands which they call of wolves, and others, that lie at the entry of the coast of New Spain, being called Cocos, were of this manner.  
Moreover, there is a place in the midst of the great Ocean, without the view of land, and many leagues from it, where are seen as it were two towers or pikes of a very high elevated rock, rising out of the midst of the sea, and yet joining unto it they find no bottom. No man can yet perfectly comprehend, nor conceive the full and perfect form of the land at the Indies, the bounds being not wholly discovered to this day: yet we may guess that it is proportioned like a heart with the lungs. The broadest of this heart is from bresil to Peru, the point at the strait of Magellan, and the top where it ends is the firm land, and there the continent begins by little and little to extend itself until we come to the height of Florida and the upper lands, which are not yet well discovered. We may understand other particularities of this land at the Indies, by the Commentaries which the Spaniards have written of their success and discoveries; and amongst the rest, of the Peregrination which I have written; which in truth is strange, and may give a great light. This in my opinion may suffice at this time, to give some knowledge of things at the Indies, touching the common elements, of the which all parts of the world are famed.    

THE FOURTH BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

Of three kinds of mixtures or compounds, of the which I must entreat in this History. CHAP. 1.  
HAving entreated in the former book of that which concerns the Elements, and the simples of the Indies, in this present book we will discourse of mixtures and compounds, seeming fit for the subject we shall treat of. And although there be many other sundry kinds, yet we will reduce this matter into three, which are Metals, Plants, and Beasts. Metals are (as plants,) hidden and buried in the bowels of the earth, which have some conformity in themselves, in the form and manner of their production; for that we see and discover even in them, branches, and as it were a body, from whence they grow and proceed, which are the greater veins and the less, so as they have a knitting in themselves: and it seems properly that these minerales grow like unto plants, not that they have any inward vegitative life, being only proper to plants: but they are engendered in the bowels of the earth, by the virtue and force of the Sun and other planets, and in long continuance of time, they increase and multiply after the manner of plants. And even as metals be plants hidden in the earth, so we may say, that plants be living creatures fixed in one place, whose life is maintained by the nourishment which Nature furnisheth from their first begnning. But living creatures surpass plants, in that they have a more perfect being; and therefore have need of a more perfect food and nourishment; for the search whereof, Nature hath given them a moving and feeling to discover and discern it. So as the rough and barren earth is as a substance and nutriment for metals; and that which is fertile and better seasoned a nourishment for plants. The same plants serve as a nourishment for living creatures, and the plants and living creatures together as a nourishment for men, the inferior nature always serving for the maintenance and sustentation of the superior, and the less perfect yielding unto the more perfect: whereby we may see how much it wants, that gold and silver and other things which men so much esteem by their covetousness, should be the happiness of man, whereunto he should tend, seeing they be so many degrees in quality inferior to man, who hath been created and made only to be a subject to serve the universal Creator of all things, as his proper end and perfect rest, and to which man, all other things in this world, were not propounded or left, but to gain this last end. Who so would consider of things created, and discourse according to this Philosophy, might draw some fruit from the knowledge and consideration thereof, making use of them to know and glorify their Author. But he that would pass on farther to the knowledge of their properties and profits, and would curiously search them out, he shall find in these creatures, that which the Wiseman says, that they are snares and pitfalles to the feet of fools & ignorant, into the which they fall and lose themselves daily. 
Sap. 14.  To this intent therefore, and that the Creator may be glorified in his creatures, I pretend to speak of some things in this Book, whereof there are many at the Indies worth the report, touching metals, plants, and beasts, which are proper and peculiar in those parts. But for that it were a great work to treat thereof exactly, and requires greater learning and knowledge; yea, much more leisure than I have, my intent is only to treat of some things succinctly, the which I have observed, as well by experience, as the report of men of credit, touching these three things which I have propounded, leaving to men more curious and diligent to treat more amply of these matters.   

Of the abundance and great quantity of metal at the West Indies. CHAP. 2.  
THe wisdom of God hath made metals for physic, and for defence, for ornament and for instruments for the work of men, of which four things we may easily yield examples, but the principal end of metals, and the last thereof, is, for that the life of man hath not only need of nourishment as the beasts, but also he must work and labour according unto the reason and capacity which the Creator hath given him. And as man's understanding doth apply itself to diverse arts and faculties, so the same Author hath given order, that he should find matter and subject to divers arts, for the conservation, reparation, surety, ornament and exaltation of his works. The diversity therefore of metals, which the Creator hath shut up in the closerts and concavities of the earth, is such, and so great, that man draws profit and commodity from every one of them. Some serve for curing of diseases, others for arms and for defence against the enemies, some are for ornament and beautifying of our persons and houses, and others are fit to make vessels and yron-workes, with diverse fashions of instruments, which the industry of man hath found out and put in practice. But above all the uses of metals, which be simple and natural, the communication and commerce of men hath found out one, which is the use of money, the which (as the Philosopher saith) is the measure of all things. 
●●ri●t ●. Ethic. cap. 5.  And although naturally, and of itself, it be but one only thing, yet in value and estimation we may say, that it is all things. Money is unto us as it were, meat, clothing, house, horse, and generally whatsoever man hath need of. By this means all obeys to money, and as the Wise man saith, to find an invention that one thing should be all. Men guided or thrust forward by a natural instinct, choose the thing most durable and most maniable, which is metal, and amongst metals, gave them the pre-eminence in this invention of money, which of their nature were most durable and incorruptible, which is silver and gold. The which have been in esteem, not only amongst the Hebrews Assyrians, greeks, Romans, and other nations of Europe and Asia, but also amongst the most retired and barbarous nations of the world, as by the Indians both East and West, where gold and silver is held in great esteem, employing it for the works of their Temples and Palaces, & for the attiring and ornament of kings and great personages. And although we have found some Barbarians, which know neither gold nor silver, as it is reported of those of Florida, which took the bags and sacks wherein the silver was, the which they cast upon the ground, and left as a thing unprofitable. And Pliny likewise writes of the Babitacques, which abhorred gold, and therefore they buried it, to the end that no man should use it. But at this day they find few of these Floridiens or Babitacques, but great numbers of such as esteem, seek, and make account of gold and silver, having no need to learn it of those that go from Europe. It is true, their covetousness is not yet come to the height of ours, neither have they so much worshipped gold and silver, although they were Idolaters, as some blind Christians, who have committed many great outrages for gold and silver. Yet is it a thing very worthy consideration, that the wisdom of the Eternal Lord, would enrich those parts of the world, which are most remote, and which are peopled with men of less civility and government, planting there great store of mines, and in the greatest abundance that ever were, thereby to invite men to search out those lands, and to possess them, to the end that by this occasion, they might plant religion, and the worship of the true God, amongst those that knew it not, fulfilling therein the prophecy of isaiah. 
●●ie. 54.  saying, that the Church should stretch forth her bounds, not only to the right, but also to the left: which is understood as S. Augustine saith, that the Gospel should be spread abroad, 
Aug. lib. 1. de con●o●. ●●ang. cap. 31.  not only by those that sincerely, and with a true & perfect charity preach and declare it, but also by those that publish it, tending to temporal ends; whereby we see, that the Indian land, being more abundant in mines and riches, hath been in our age best instructed in the Christian religion, the Lord using our desires and inclinations to serve his sovereign intentions. Hereupon a Wise man said, that what a father doth to marry his daughter well, is to give her a great portion in marriage; the like hath God done for this land so rough and laboursome, giving it great riches in mines, that by this means it might be the more sought after. At the West Indies then there are great store of mines of all sorts of metals, as copper, iron, lead, tin, quickesilver, silver and gold: and amongst all the regions and parts of the Indies, the realms of Peru abound most in these metals, especially with gold, silver, quick silver, or mercury, whereof they have found great store, and daily discover new mines. And without doubt, according to the quality of the earth, those which are to discover, are without comparison, far more in number, than those which are yet discovered: yea, it seems that all the land is sowed with these metals, more than any other in the world that is yet known unto us, or that ancient writers have made mention of.   

Of the quality and nature of the earth where the metals are found, and that all these metals are not employed at the Indies, and how the Indians used them. CHAP. 3.  
THe reason why there is so great abundance of metals at the Indies, (especially at the west of Peru, as I have said,) is the will of the Creator, who hath imparted his gifts as it pleased him. But coming to a natural and philosophical reason, 
Philo. lib 5. de Genes. mund.  it is very true, which Philon a wise man writes, saying, that gold, silver, and metals, grow naturally in land that is most barren and unfruitful. And we see, that in lands of good temperature, the which are fertile with grass and fruits, there are seldom found any mines; for that Nature is contented to give them vigour to bring forth fruits more necessary for the preservation and maintenance of the life of beasts and men. 
Euseb. lib. 8. de prepar. evau. c. 9  And chose to lands that are very rough, dry, and barren, (as in the highest mountains and inaccessible rocks of a rough temper,) they find mines of silver, of quickesilver and of gold, and all those riches (which are come into Spain since the West Indies were discovered) have been drawn out of such places which are rough and full, bare and fruitless: yet the taste of this money, makes these places pleasing and agreeable, yea, well inhabited with numbers of people. And although there be, as I have said, many mines of all kinds of metals as at the Indies, yet they use none but those of gold and silver, and as much quickesilver as is necessary to refine their gold and silver. They carry iron thither from Spain and China. As for copper, the Indians have drawn of it, and used it for their arms, the which were not usually of iron, but of copper. Since the Spaniards possessed the Indies, they have drawn very little, neither do they take the pain to seek out these mines, although there be many busying themselves in the search of richer and more precious metals, wherein they spend their time & labour. They use no other metals, as copper, and iron, but only that which is sent them from Spain, or that which remains of the refining of gold and silver. We find not that the Indians in former times used gold, silver, or any other metal for money, and for the price of things, but only for ornament, as hath been said, whereof there was great quantity in their Temples, Palaces, and Tombs, with a thousand kinds of vessels of gold and silver, which they had. They used no gold nor silver to traffic or buy withal, but did change and truck one thing for another, as Homer and Pliny report of the Ancients. They had some other things of greater esteem, 
Plin. lib. 33. cap. 3.  which went currant amongst them for price, and in steed of coin: and unto this day this custom continues amongst the Indians, as in the Provinces of Mexico, in steed of money they use Cacao, (which is a small fruit,) and therewith buy what they will. In Peru they use Cocae, to the same end, (the which is a leaf the Indians esteem much,) as in Paraguay, they have stamps of iron for coin, and cotton woven in S. Croix, of the Sierre. Finally, the manner of the Indians traffic, and their buying and selling, was to exchange, and give things for things: and although there were great martes and famous fairs, yet had they no need of money, nor of brokers, for that every one had learned what he was to give in exchange for every kind of merchandise. Since the Spaniards entered, the Indians have used gold and silver to buy withal: and in the beginning there was no coin, but silver by weight was theirprice and money, as they report of the ancient Romans. Since, 
●li●. lib. 33. c. 4  for a greater benefit, they have forged coin in Mexico and Peru, yet unto this day they have not in the West Indies, coined any money of copper or other metal but only of silver and gold: for the richness of that Country hath not admitted nor received such money as they call bullion, nor other kinds of alloy, which they use in Italy, and in other Provinces of Europe; Although in some islands of the Indies, as S. Dominique & Port Ricco, they use coin of leather, which is square, the which are currant only in those islands, having little silver or gold. I say little, although there be much, for that no man digs it and refines it. But for that the riches of the Indies, and their manner to labour in the mines, consists of gold, silver, and quicke●silver, I will speak some thing of these three metals, leaving the rest for this time.   

Of gold which they dig and refine at the Indies. CHAP. 4.  
GOld amongst other metals hath been always held the most excellent; and with reason, being the most durable and incorruptible of all others; for sire which consumes and diminisheth the rest, amends it, and brings it to perfection. Gold which hath often passed through the fire, keeps his colour, and is most fine and pure; which properly is called (as Pliny saith) Obriso, whereof the Scripture makes so often mention, & use, which consumeth all other metals, (as the same Pliny saith) doth not any thing waste gold, 
Plin. lib. 33. c. 3  nor yet hurt it, neither is it eaten, nor groweth old. And although his substance and body be firm and solid; yet doth it yield and bow wonderfully; the Beaters and Drawers of gold know well the force it hath to be drawn out without breaking. All which things well considered, with other excellent properties, will give men of judgement to understand, wherefore the holy Scripture doth compare Charity to gold. 
Apoc. 3. & 21. Cant. 3. Psal. 67. 3. Reg. 6.  To conclude, there is little need to relate the excellencies thereof to make it more desirable. For the greatest excellency it hath, is to be known (as it is) amongst men, for the supreme power and greatness of the world. Coming therefore to our subject; at the Indies there is great abundance of this metal, and it is well known by approved histories, that the Inguas of Peru did not content themselves with great and small vessels of gold, as pots, cups, goblets, and flagons; yea with kowles or great vessels, but they had chairs also, and litters of massy gold: and in their Temples they had set up main Images of pure gold, whereof they find some yet at Mexico, but not such store as when the first conquerors came into the one and the other kingdom, who found great treasure, and without doubt there was much more hidden in th'earth by the Indians. It would seem ridiculous to report that they have made their horse shoes of silver for want of iron, and that they have paid three hundred crowns for a bottle of wine, and other strange things; and yet in truth this hath come to pass, yea and greater matters. They draw gold in those parts, after three sorts: or at the least, I have seen all three used. For either they find gold in grains, in powder, or in stone. They do call gold in grains, small morsels of gold, which they find whole, without mixture of any other metal, which hath no need of melting or refining in the fire: and they call them pippins, for that commonly they are like to pippins, or seeds of melons, or pompions: and that whereof job speaks, when he says, Leave illius aurum, 
job 18.  though sometimes there be greater, and such as I have seen weighed many pounds. It is the excellency of this metal alone (as Pliny affirms) to be found thus pure and perfect, which is not seen in any other metals, 
Plin. lib. 3. ca 5  which are always earthly, and have a scum, and need purging by the fire: I have likewise seen silver natural like to. Yea there is an other kind which the Indians call Papas, and sometimes they find pieces very five and pure, like to small round roots, the which is rare in that metal, but usual in gold. They find little of this gold in pippin, in respect of the other kinds. Gold in stone is a vein of gold that groweth or engendereth within the stone or flint, as I have seen in the mines of Curuma, within the government of Salines, very great stones pierced and intermixed with gold; others that were half gold, and half stone. The gold which groweth in this manner, is found in pits or mines, which have their veins like to the silver mines, but it is very hard to draw it forth: Agatarchides writes in his first book of the Erithrean or red sea (as Photion reports in his Bibliotheca) of the manner and fashion to refine gold, drawn out of stones, the which the ancient Kings of Egypt were wont to use, & it is a strange thing to see how that which is written resembles properly to the manner they use at this day in refining these metals of gold and silver. The greatest quantity of gold which is drawn at the Indies, is that in powder, the which is found in streams and places where much water hath passed, because the slouds at the Indies abound in this kind of gold; As the Ancients for this occasion did celebrate the river of Tagus in Spain, Pa●olus in Asia, and Ganges in the East Indies, and call●d the● R●menta auri, the which we others call gol●e in powder, and of this sort is the greatest quantity of gold they have at this day. At this present in t●e ●lands of Barlovent, Hispaniola, Cuba, and Port Ricco, there hath been, and is great quantity in the rivers, but they bring little from thence into Spain, for want of the natural inhabitants of the country, & the difficulty to draw it. There is great abundance in the kingdom of Chille, of Quitto, and in the new Realm of Grenado.  
The most famous gold is that of Caranava in Peru, and of Valdivia in Chille, for that it riseth with his alloy and perfection, which is twenty three carrats and a half, and sometimes more. They make account likewise of the gold of Vera●●a to be very fine. They bring much gold to Mexico from the Philippines, and China, but commonly it is weak and of base alloy. Gold is commonly found mixed with silver or with copper; but that which is mixed with silver is commonly of fewer carra●s than that which is mixed with copper. If there b●●a si●e part● of silver, 
〈◊〉 3 〈◊〉  Pliny saith, it is then properly called Fl●●●●, which hath the property to shine more at the light of the fire, then fine gold or fine silver. That which is incorporate with copper, is commonly of a higher value. They refine powldred gold in basins, washing it in many waters, until the sand falls from it, and the gold as most heavy remaineth in the bottom. They refine it likewise with quickesilver and strong water, for that the alum whereof they make this water hath the virtue to separate gold from dross, or from other metals. After it is purified and molten, they make bricks or small bars to carry it unto Spain; for being in powder, they cannot transport it from the Indies, for they can neither custom it, mark it, nor take say, until it be molten. The foresaid His●●ria● grapher reporteth that Spain above all other Countries of the world, did abound in gold and silver; 
〈◊〉. 33. 〈◊〉  especially Galitia and Portugal, & above all, the Asturia●s, whence he saith they brought every year twenty thousand pounds of gold, and that they found not so great abundance in any other place. The which is confirmed in the book of Macabees, where it is said, that amongst the great riches of the Romans, 
1. Ma●cab. 8.  they had in their power, the gold and silver of Spain. At this day the great treasure of Spain comes from the Indies, wherein the divin● Providence hath appointed one Realm to serve another, which do impart their wealth to participate their government for the good the one of the other, in communicating mutually the goods and graces they do enjoy: we can not value nor esteem the quantity of gold that is brought from the Indies; but we may well say, it is much more than that which 〈◊〉 reports was brought yearly from Spain to Rom●. In the fleet where I came, which was in the year, 1585. the declaration of the firm land was of of twelve cassons or chests of gold, every casson at the least weighed four Arobes, that is a hundred weight; and a thousand fifty and six mares from New Spain, which was for the King only, besides that which came for Merchants and private men being registered; and much that came unregistered. This may suffice touching the gold of the Indies, and now we will speak of silver.   

Of the Silver at the Indies. CHAP. 5.  
WE read these words in the Book of job, Silver hath certain beginnings and roots in his veins, 
job 28.  and gold hath a settled place, where it engenders and thickens, iron with digging is drawn out of the earth, and stone molten with heat is turned into copper: Hereby he wisely shows in few words, the nature of silver, gold, iron & copper. We have spoken something of the places where gold is engendered and congealed, which is either of the foresaid stones in the depth of mountains, and in the bowels of the earth: or in the sand of rivers, and where brooks have run, or else on the tops of mountains, the which gold in powder runs down with the water. And this is the common opinion they hold at the Indies. Whereupon many of the common sort believe that the deluge (having drowned all, even to the highest hills) hath been the cause that at this day they find this gold in the rivers, and in places so far off. Now we will show how they discover the mines of silver, their veins; roots, and beginnings whereof job speaks.  
And first I will say, that the reason why they give silver the second place among all other metals, is, for that it approacheth nearer to gold then any other, being more durable and less indomaged by the fire, and more maniable than any other: yea it passeth gold in brightness, beauty and sound, the which is clear, and agreeable, for the colour is more conformable and resembling the light, and the sound more piercing, more lively, and more delicate. Likewise there are some places where they value silver more than gold. It is yet an argument, to judge that gold is more precious then all other metals, for that it is found with greater difficulty; and Nature seems more sparing in bringing it forth (although there be countries as they say of Chine) where they find gold more easily than silver: yet it is more common and ordinary, to find silver with more facility and greater abundance than gold. The Creator hath furnished the West Indies with so great a treasure of silver, as all that which we read of in ancient Histories, and that which is spoken of the mines of Spain, and other provinces, is not comparable to that we see in those parts. The mines of silver are commonly found in mountains, and high rocks very desert, although they have sometimes been found in Plains and Champains. There are two different kinds, the one they call straggling, the other fixed and settled. The straggling, are pieces of metal found in certain places, the which drawn away, there is no more found. But the fixed veins, are those which have a continuance in depth and length, like to great branches and arms of trees; and when they find any one of them, they commonly find many in the same place. The manner to purge & refine silver which the Indians have used, was by melting, in dissolving this mass of metal by fire, which casts the earthly dross apart, and by his force separates silver from lead, tin from copper, and other metals mixed. To this end they did build small furnaces in places whereas the wind did commonly blow, and with wood and coal made their refining, the which furnaces in Ptru they call Guayras. Since the Spaniards entered, besides this manner of refining which they use to this day: they likewise refine silver with quickesilver, and draw more by this means then in refining it by fire. For there is some kind of silver metal found which can by no means be purged, and refined by fire, but only with quickesilver. But thi● kind of metal is commonly poor and weak, the which usually they find in greatest abundance. They c●l that poor which yields least silver, and great quantity of other metal, and that rich which yields m●st silver. It is strange to see, not only the difference betwixt the refining of metal by fire, and without it by quickesilver, but also that some of these metals, which are refined by the fire, can not well be molten with any artificial wind, as with bellows; but when it is kindled and blown with the natural air, or natural wind. The metal of the mines of Porco is easily refined with bellows, and that of the mines of Potozi cannot be molten with bellows, but only by the breath of their Guayras, which are small furnaces upon the sides of the mountains, built expressly where the wind lies, within the which they melt this metal; and though it be hard to yield a reason for this difference, yet is it most certain and approved by long experience: so as the greedy desire of this metal so much valued amongst men, hath made them seek out a thousand gentle inventions and devises, whereof we will hereafter make mention. The chief places of the Ind●●s from whence they draw silver, a●e N●w Spain●, and P●ru; but the mines of P●ru far surpass the rest; and amongst all others of the world, those of Potozi, whereof we will entreat a little at leisure, being the most famous and remarkable things at the Indies.   

Of the mountain or hill of Potozi, and the discovery thereof. CHAP. 6.  
THe mountain or hill of Potozi so famous, situate in the Province of Charcas, in the kingdom of Peru, distant from the Equinoctial towards the South, or Pole Antarctic, 21. degrees and two thirds: so as it falls under the Tropic, bordering upon the burning Zone, and yet this region is extremely cold, yea, more than old Castill in the kingdom of Spain, and more than Flanders itself, although by reason it should be hot or temperate, in regard of the height and elevation of the Pole where it is seated. The reason of this so cold a temperature, is the height of the mountain, whereas cold and intemperate winds continually blow, especially that which they call Thomahavi, which is boisterous and most cold. It rains most commonly in june, julie, and August. The ground and soil of this mountain is dry, cold, and very unpleasant, yea altogether barren, which neither engenders nor brings forth any fruit, grass, nor grain; it is naturally inhabitable, for the intemperature of the heaven, and the barrenness of the earth. But the force of silver, which draws unto it the desire of all things, hath peopled this mountain more than any other place in all these Kingdoms, making it so fruitful of all kinds of meats, as there wants nothing that can be desired, yea, in great abundance; and although there be nothing but what is brought by carriage, yet every place abounds so with fruit, conserveses exquisite wines, silks, & all other delicates, as it is not inferior to any other part. This mountain is of colour dark red, and is in form pleasing at the first sight, resembling perfectly the fashion of a pavilion, or of a sugar loaf. It exceeds all other hills and mountains about it in height. The way whereby they ascend, is very rough and uneven, and yet they go upon horseback. It is round at the top, & at the foot it hath a league in circuit. It contains from the top to the bottom 1680. common yards, the which reduced to the measure of Spanish leagues, makes a quarter of a league. At the foot of this mountain there is another small hill that riseth out of it, in the which there hath been sometimes mines of metal dispersed, which were found as it were in purses, and not in fixed or continued veins; yet were they very rich, though few in number. This small rock was called by the Indians Guayna Potozi, which is young Potozi; at the foot whereof begins the dwellings of the Spaniards and Indians, which are come to the riches and work of Potozi, which dwelling may contain some two leagues in circuit, and the greatest traffic and commerce of all Peru is in this place. The mines of this mountain were not digged nor discovered in the time of their Inguas, which were the Lords of Peru, before the Spaniards entered, although they had digged and opened the mines of Porco, near to Potozi, distant only six leagues. The reason might be the want of knowledge thereof, although some do report I know not what fable, that having sometimes laboured to open those mines, a voice was heard, commanding them not to touch it, being reserved for others. In truth they had no knowledge of Potozi, nor of the wealth thereof, till after twelve years that the Spaniards were entered into Peru, the discovery whereof was made in this manner.  
An Indian called Gualpa, of the Nation of Chumbibilca, which is a Province of Cusco, going one day to hunt for venison, passing towards the west whither the beast was fled, he beguine to run up against the rock, which at that time was covered and planted with certain trees, they call Quinua, and with thick bushes, and as he strove to get up a way which was somewhat rough and uneasy, he was forced to lay hold upon a branch, which issued from a vein of a silver mine (which since they have called Rich) which he pulled up, perceiving in the hole or root thereof, metal, the which he knew to be very good, by the experience he had of the mines of Porco: and after finding upon the ground, certain pieces of metal, which lay broken and dispersed near to this vein, being scarce well able to judge thereof, for that the colour was spoiled and changed by the Sun and rain. He carried it to Porco to try by the Guayras (which is the trial of metal by fire, and having thereby found the great riches and his happy fortune, he secretly digged and drew metal out of this vein, not imparting it to any man, until that an Indian called Guanca, of the valley of Xaura, which is upon the bordures of the City of Kings, who remaining at Porco, near unto Gualpa of Chumbibilca, perceved one day that he made a refining, and that his wedges and bricks were greater than such as were usually made in those places: and also increasing in his expense of apparel, having till then lived but basely. For this reason, and for that the metal his neighbour refined was different from that of Porco, he thought to discover this secret, and wrought so, that although the other kept it as secret as he could, yet thorough importunity he was forced to carry him unto the rock of Potozi, having enjoyed this rich treasure full two months. And then Gualpa the Indian willed Guanca for his part to take a vein, which he had discovered near to the rich vein, which at this day is called the vein of Diego Centeno, that was not less rich, but more hard to dig and to draw forth; and so by agreement they divided between them the richest rock in the world. It chanced after, the Indian Guanca finding some difficulty to dig and draw forth his metal, being most hard, and the other Gualpa refusing to impart any of his mine unto him, they fell at debate; so as Guanca of Xaura grieved therewith, and with some other discontents, discovered this secret unto his master called Villaroel a Spaniard, who then remained at Porco. This Villaroel desirous to understand the truth, went to Potozi, & finding the riches his Yanacona or servant had discovered unto him, caused the Indian Guanca to be enrolled, undertaking with him the said vein, which was called Centeno, they call it undertaking, that is as much as to note and mark the mine, and so much ground in circuit for him, which the Law grants unto those that discover any mine, or unto those that dig them: by means whereof, having discovered them to the justice, they remained Lords of the mine, to dig and draw forth the silver, as being their own, paying only their duties unto the King, which is a fifth part. So as the first discovery and inregistring of the mines of Potozi was the 21. of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred forty five in the territory of Porco, by the said Villaroel a Spaniard, and Guan●a an Indian. Presently after they discovered another vein, which they called the vein of Tin, the which is very rich, although it be rough and very painful to work in, the metal being as hard as slint. Since the thirty day of August in the same year of a thousand five hundred forty and five the vein called Mendieta was enrolled, and these are the four principal veins of Potozi. They say of the rich vein, the first that was discoured that the metal lay above the ground the height of a lance, like unto rocks, raising the superficies of the earth, like unto a crest of three hundred foot long, and thirteen foot broad, and that this remained bare & uncovered by the deluge. This vein having resisted the violence and force of the water, as the hardest part. The metal was so rich as it was half silver, and this vein continued in his bounty fifty or three score stades, which is the height of a man, and then it failed. In this manner the mines of Potozi were discovered by the Divine Providence, who (for the felicity of Spain) would have the greatest treasure that ever was in this world, discovered, at such time whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth of famous memory held the Empire, the kingdoms of Spain, and the Signiory of the Indies. Presently after that, the discovery of Potozi was known in Peru; many Spaniards, and the most part of the Bourgeois of the silver City, which is eighteen leagues from Potozi, came thither to take mines: yea there came many Indians from diverse provinces, especially than GuayZadores of Porco, so as within a short space it was the best peopled habitation of all the kingdom.   

Of the treasure which is daily drawn from the rock or mountain of Potozi. CHAP. 7.  
I Have often doubted, if in ancient Histories there were found any so rich mines, as those we have seen in our time in Peru. If there were ever rich mines in the world, and famous for this effect, they have been those of Spain, which they of Cartbage did enjoy, and since, the Romans, the which as I have said, are not only famous and esteemed in profane books, but also, in the holy Scriptures. He that maketh most particular mention of these mines, at the least that I have seen, is Pliny, 
●lin. ●b. 33. c. 6  who writeth thus in his natural History: They find silver almost in all provinces, but that of Spain is the best, which grows and engenders in a barren soil, upon mountains and rocks. It is a certain and infallible thing, that in places where they have once discovered any of these veins, there are others not far off, which is likewise found in all other metals, and for this the greeks, in my opinion, called them metals. It is strange that the pits or holes of these mines of Spain, the which they began to dig in Hannibal's time, are at this day, and hold the names of their discoverers. Amongst these mines, that which Bebello discovered, which holds his name unto this day, was very famous; and they say it yielded so great riches to Hannibal, that ev●rie day they gathered three hundred pounds weight of silver, and unto this day they have always continued labouring in this mine, so as it is now digged 15. hundred paces deep into the mountain. Out of which pits, notwithstanding the depth, the Gaskins that labour in them draw out the water, that they may work with more ease, whilst their candles and lights last, 
G●n●bra●●●● Ch●onograph.  and that in such abundance, as it seems to be a river. Hitherto are the words of Pliny, the which I would set down word by word, the better to content such as know what mines be, seeing that what is tried at this day, was then in use. And truly the riches of this mine of Hannibal upon the Pirrenean hills, was great and famous, which the Romans possessed, having continued the work even unto Pliny's time, which was about three hundred years. The depth of this mine was fifteen hundred paces, which is a mile and a half: and it was so rich in the beginning, that it was worth daily to the master thereof three hundred pounds, at twelve ounces to the pound. But although this were a great treasure, it did not approach near to that which in our time hath been found in Potozi: for as it appeareth by the Registers of the house of contraction of that Province, and as many ancient men worthy of credit do testify, whenas the licentiate polo governed that Province, the which was many years after the discovery of this mountain, they did every saturday enter a hundred and fifty and two hundred thousand pieces, whereof the Kings fifth amounted to thirty and forty thousand pieces; and for every year a million and a half, or little less. So as according to that computation they did draw every day from this mine thirty thousand pieces, 
Every ●eece is worth 13. rials & a fourth part  whereof there came to the King for his fifth, six thousand pieces a day.  
There is yet another thing to be spoken of, to show the riches of Potozi, that the account which hath been made, was only of silver that was marked and customed. And it is well known in Peru, that they have long used silver in these Realms, which they call currant, which was neither marked nor customed. And they hold it for certain which know these mines, that in these days, the greatest part of silver drawn at Potozi, was not customed, and this had course amongst the Indians, and much amongst the Spaniards, as I have seen continued to mytime; so as it may appear, the third part of the riches of Potozi, yea the one half came not to light, neither was it customed. There is yet a more notable consideration, in that which Pliny saith, they had digged a fifteen hundred paces in this mine of Bebell●; and that continually they found water, which is the greatest hindrance they have to draw forth their metal. But in this of Potozi, although they have digged two hundred stades or heights of a man in depth; yet did they never find any water, which is the greatest happiness of this mountain. But the mines of P●r●o, whose metal is good and very rich, are at this day left for the discommodity of water, which they have found in their work; for they are two insupportable labours in searching of the metal; first to dig and break the rocks, and then to draw out the water all together. The first of them, that is, to cut through the rocks, is pain enough; yea very hard and excessive: finally, at this day the King receives for his fifth yearly, from the mines of Potozi, a million of silver, besides the wealth that grows by quickesilver, and other royal prerogatives, which is a great treasure. Some men of judgement having cast up the accounts, say, that what hath been brought into the custom house of Potozi, unto the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred eighty and five, amounteth unto a hundred thousand millions of pieces of essay, whereof every Piece is worth thirteen rials, and a fourth part, not reckoning the silver which hath been carried away without custom, or that hath been entered in other royal custom houses, or the silver that hath been wrought in the country, which is not entered, the which is innumerable, although the first Registers of Entries are not so exactly kept as at this day; for that in the beginning and first discoveries, they made their receipt by Romans, so great was their abundance.  
But by the instructions and remembrances of Don Francisco de Toledo the Viceroy in the year of our Saviour Christ, one thousand five hundred seventy and four they find seventy and six millions to that year: and from that year to eighty five inclusive, it appears by the royal registers, there were thirty five millions more entered. They sent this account to the Viceroy from Potozi, in the year I have mentioned, being then in Peru; and since the wealth that hath come from Peru by ship, hath amounted to much more. In that fleet where I came, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty seven, there were eleven millions transported in the two fleets of Peru & Mexico, whereof two thirds were in that of Peru, and almost the one half for the King. I thought good to set this down particularly, to show the power which his heavenly Majesty hath given to the Kings of Spain, heaping so many Crowns and Kingdoms upon them, who (by the especial favour of heaven) have joined the East with the West Indies, environging the whole world with their Power. This digression shall serve to show the riches of Potozi, we will now show how they labour in the mines, and how they refine their metals.   

How they labour in the mines of Potozi. CHAP. 8.  
BOctius complaining of the first inventor of mines, 
Bo●tius de consolat.  spoke well; 
Heus primus quis fuit ille,  
Auri qui ponder a testi.  
Gemmasque, latere volentes,  
Preciosa pericula fodit?  
Alas, who was the first,  
So curious and accursed,  
Who digged out of the mine,  
Man's mind to undermined,  
Heavy weights of gold over,  
Better concealed before:  
And pearl crept into ground,  
Pale for fear to be found:  
Galing gold, wring rings,  
Precious, but perilous things.   
With reason he calleth them precious dangers, 
●li. lib. 33. c●. 4  for the great labour and peril wherewith they draw out these metals, which men so much esteem. Pliny says, that in Italy there are many mines, but the Ancients would not suffer their people to work in them, only to preserve the people. They brought these metals from Spain, and made the Spaniards labour in the mines as tributaries. The like doth Spain now with the Indies, for there remaining many mines of metal yet in Spain, they will not seek them, nor suffer any to work in them, by reason of the inconveniencies which happen daily, but they bring them from the Indies, where they dig it with much labour and peril. This rock of Potozi, contains as I have said, four principal veins, that is, the Rich vein, that of Centeno, that of Tin, 
〈◊〉.  and that of Mendieta. All these veins are of the East part of the mountain, as looking to the Sun rising, for on the West part there is not any. The foresaid veins run from North to South, which is from Pole to Pole. In the largest place they have six foot, and in the narrowest a span breadth. There are others of diverse fashions that run out of the said veins; like as out of the great arms of trees, there commonly sprout forth less. every vein hath diverse mines which are parts and portions of the same, distinct and divided betwixt diverse Masters, by whose names they are commonly called. The great mine contains fourscore yards, neither may it be more by the law, and the least contains four. All these mines are at this day very deep. In the rich mine they reckon 78. mines, which are 80. yards deep, or a hundred stades or height of a man, and in some places two hundred. In the vein of Centeno, are 24. mines, whereof some are 70. or 80. stades deep, and so of the other veins of this mountain. For a remedy to this great profundity, they have invented mines, which they call Socca bones, which are caves or ventes made at the foot of the mountain, the which go crossing till they encounter with the veins: for we must understand, that although the veins run North to South, as hath been said, yet is it in declining from the top to the foot of the mountain, which may be as they believe by conjecture, above twelve hundred stades. And by this account, although the mines extend in such a profundity, yet there remains six times as much space unto the bottom or root, the which they say, are most rich and abundant, as the body and spring of all veins. Although unto this day we have seen the contrary by experience, for the higher the vein is to the superficies of the earth, the more rich they find it: and the deeper it goes, the poorer it is, and of the base aloy. They then invented the Soccabons, by which they enter to work in the mines very easily, with less charge, pain, and danger. They have eight foot in breadth, and a stade in height, the which they shut with doors. By them they draw forth their metal very easily, paying to the proprietary of the Soccabon, the fifth part of all the metal they draw forth. There are nine already made, and others are begun. They were twenty and nine years in making of one Soccabon, as they call it, of the venom that flows from the rich vein. It was begun in the year 1550. the eleventh year of the discovery, and was ended in the year 1585. the eleventh of August. This Soccabon crossed the rich vein thirty five stades from the root or spring, and from thence where it met to the mouth of the mine, were a hundred thirty five stades. So as they must descend all this depth to labour in the mine. This Soccabon contains from his mouth unto the vein of Crusero as they call it, 250. yards, in which work were spent twenty nine years, whereby we may see what great pains men take to draw silver out of the bowels of the earth. They labour in these mines in continual darkness and obscurity, without knowledge of day or night. And forasmuch as those places are never visited with the Sun; there is not only continual darkness, but also an extreme cold, with so gross an air contrary to the disposition of man, so as, such as newly enter, are sick, as they at sea. The which happened to me in one of these mines, where I felt a pain at the heart, and beating of the stomach. Those that labour therein, use candles to light them, dividing their work in such sort, as they that work in the day, rest by the night, and so they change. The metal is commonly hard, and therefore they break it with hammers, splitting and hewing it by force, as if they were saints. After they carry up this metal upon their shoulders, by ladders of three branches, made of neats leather twisted like pieces of wood, which are crossed with staves of wood; so as by every one of these ladders they mount and descend together. They are ten stades long a piece: and at the end of one, begins another of the same length, every ladder beginning and ending at platforms of wood, where there are seats to rest them, like unto galleries, for that there are many of these ladders to mount by one at the end of another. A man carries ordinarily the weight of two Arrobes of metal upon his shoulders, 
Every Arobe is 25. pound.  tied together in a cloth in manner of a skip, and so mount they three and three. He that goes before carries a candle tied to his thumb: for (as it is said,) they have no light from heaven, and so go they up the ladder holding it with both their hands, to mount so great a height, which commonly is above a hundred & fifty stades: a fearful thing, and which breeds an amazement to think upon it, so great is the desire of silver, that for the gain thereof, men endure any pains. And truly it is not without reason, that Pliny treating of this subject, exclaims and says thus, We enter even into the bowels of the earth, 
Plin. in proem. lib. 33. cap. 6.  and go hunting after riches, even to the place of the damned. And after in the same book he saith: Those that seek for metals, perform works more than Giants, making holes and caves in the depth of the earth, piercing mountains so deep by the light of candles, whereas the day and the night are alike, and in many months they see no day. So as, often the walls of their mines fall, smothering many of them that labour therein. And afterwards he adds, They pierce the hard rock with hammers of iron, weighing 150 pounds, and draw out the metal upon their shoulders, labouring day and night, one delivering his charge to another, and all in darkness, only the last sees the light: with wedges and hammers they break the flints, how hard and strong soever, for the hunger of gold is yet more sharp and strong. This Pliny says, who although he speaks as a historiographer of that age, yet doth he seem to prophecy of this time. Neither is it less which Photion of Agatharchides reports of the great travel they endure, whom they called Chrysios', in drawing out of gold: for as the said Author saith, gold and silver are as painful to dig and draw forth, as they are pleasing to possess.   

How they refine the metal of Silver CHAP. 9  
THe Veins as I have said, where they find silver, runs betwixt two rocks, which they call the Chase, whereof the one is commonly as hard as flint, and the other soft and easy to break. This metal is not always equal, and of the same bounty, for you shall find in one and the same vein, one sort of metal very rich, which they call C●cilla, or Tacana, from which they draw much silver; and another is poor, from whence they draw little. The most rich metal of this mountain, is of the colour of Amber, and the next is that which inclines to black. There is other somewhat red, and other of the colour of ashes: finally of diverse and sundry colours, which seem to such as know them not, to be stones of no value. But the miners do presently know his quality and perfection, by certain signs and small veins they find in them. They carry all this metal they draw out of these mines, upon Indian sheep, which serve them as Asses to carry it to the mills, the richest metal is refined by melting in those small furnaces, which they call Guayra●, for that is most leadie; by reason whereof, it is most subject to melt, & for the better melting thereof, th' Indians cast in a matter, they call Soroche, which is a metal full of lead. The metal being in these furnaces, the filth and earthy dross, through the force of the fire, remains in the bottom, and the silver and lead melt; so as the silver swims upon the lead, until it be purified; then after they refine the silver many times, after this manner of melting. They have usually drawn out of one quintal of metal, thirty, forty, and fifty pieces of silver, and yet I have seen some most excellent, that have been shown me, where they have drawn in the melting two hundred, yea, two hundred and fifty pieces of silver of a quintal of metal; a rare wealth, and almost incredible, if we had not seen the trial thereof by fire, but such metals are very rare. The poorest metal is that which yields two, three, five, or six pieces, or little more. This metal hath commonly little lead, but is dry, and therefore they cannot refine it with fire. And for this reason in Potozi, there was great store of these poor metals, whereof they made no great account, but were rejected like straw, and as the scum of the good metal, until they found means to refine it by quickesilver, whereby the scum they called Oquiache was of great profit, for the quickesilver by a strange and wonderful property, purifies the silver, and is apt for these metals which are dry and poor, wherein they consume less quickesilver then in the richer: for the richer they are, the more need of quickesilver they have. At this day the most usual manner of refining in Potozi, is by quickesilver, as also in the mines of Cacatecas, and others of new Spain. There were in old time upon the sides and tops of Potozi, above six thousand Guayras, which are small furnaces where they melt their metal, the which were placed like lights, (a pleasant sight to behold by night,) casting a light a far off like a flame of fire. But at this day there are not above two thousand, for that (as I have said,) they use little melting, but refine it by quickesilver, the which is the greatest profit. And for that the properties of quickesilver are admirable; and that this manner of refining of silver is remarkable, I will discourse of quickesilver, of the mines and work, and what is requisite for that subject.   

Of the wonderful properties of Quickesilver. CHAP. 10.  
QVickesilver, so called by the Latins, for that it runs and slides suddenly from place to place, amongst all other metals hath great and wonderful virtues. The first is, although it be a true metal, yet is it not hard, neither hath it any certain form nor subsistence like to other metals, but is liquid, not like unto gold and silver molten, but of his own proper nature; and although it be a liquor, yet is it more heavy than any other metal: and therefore all others swim above and sink not to the bottom, being more light. I have seen two pounds of iron put into a barrel of quickesilver, the which did swim about like unto wood or cork upon the water. 
Pli. lib. 33. ca 6  Pliny gives an exception hereunto, saying, that gold alone doth sink and not swim above it. I have not seen the experience; but it may be this grows, by reason that quickesilver by nature doth environ gold, and covers it, which is one of the most important properties it hath; for it joins with gold in a strange manner, it seeks it where it lies, and environs it in such sort, as it doth distinguish and sep●rate it from any other body or metal wherewith it is mixed: for this reason such take gold as will preserve themselves from the dangerrs and discommodities of quickesilver. They have used a remedy to those (in whose ears they had put quickesilver, to cause them to die secretly,) to put little plates of gold into their ears, (for that gold hath the virtue to draw out Mercury,) and after they drew out thief plates all white with the quickesilver, it did stick unto them. Being one day at Madril, I went to see the exquisite works which jacomo de Treco, (a rare work man of Milan,) made for S. Laurence the Royal, it was my hap to be there one day, whenas they gilded certain pieces of a countertable of brass, which is done with quickesilver; and for that the fume of Mercury is mortal, he told me that the workmen preserved themselves from this venom, by swallowing a double ducat of gold rolled up; the which being in the stomach, draws unto it all the quickesilver that enters in fume by the ears, eyes, nostrils, and mouth, and by this means freed themselves from the danger of quickesilver, which the gold gathered in the stomach, and after cast out by the excrements: a thing truly worthy of admiration. After the quickesilver hath purified and purged gold from all other metals and mixtures, he is likewise separated from the gold his friend by the heat of the fire, the which purifies it from all quickesilver. Pliny says, 
Plin. lib. 33. c. 6  that by a certain art and invention they did separate gold from quickesilver. It seems to me the Ancients had no knowledge to refine silver by quickesilver, which at this day is the greatest use, and chief profit of quickesilver; for that he says plainly, that quickesilver joins with no other metal but with gold; and when he makes mention of refining of silver, he speaks only but of the manner of melting; whereby we may infer that the Ancients had no knowledge of this secret. In truth, though there be a league and sympathy betwixt gold and quickesilver, yet whereas the mercury finds no gold, it joins with silver, though not in the like manner as with gold; but in the end, it doth cleanse and purge it from earth, copper, & lead, amongst the which the silver grows, without any need of fire to melt it: yet must they use fire to separate it from the silver, as I will show hereafter. Quicksilver holds no account of other metals, but of gold and silver; but chose it doth corrupt them, force and consume them, and flieth from them as much as may be. The which is likewise admirable, and for this cause they put it in earthen vessels, or in beasts skins. For if it be put in vessels of copper, of iron, or other metal, it presently pierceth and corrupts them. And therefore Pliny calleth it the poison of all things, for that it consumes and spoils all. We find quicksilver in the graves of dead men, which after it hath consumed the bodies, comes forth pure and whole. There hath been likewise found in the bones and marrow of men and beasts, who having received it in fume by the mouth and nostrils, congeals within them and pierceth even unto the bones. Therefore it is a dangerous thing to frequent so perilous and mortal a creature. It hath an other property, which is, to run and make a hundred thousand small drops, whereof not one is lost, be they never so little, but they return every way to their liquor. It is almost incorruptible, having nothing in a manner that may consume it. And therefore Pliny calls it the eternal sweat. It hath yet another property, that although it doth separate gold from copper, and all other metals, yet they that will guild copper, brass, or silver, use quickesilver as the means of this union; for with the help thereof they guild metals. Amongst all the wonders of this strange liquor that seems to me most worthy observation, that although it be the weightiest thing in the world, yet is it converted into the lightest of the world, which is smoke, and suddenly the same smoke which iss o light a thing, turns again into so heavy a substance, as is the proper liquor of quickesilver, whereinto it is dissolved; for this smoke incountering the metal on high, being a solid body, or coming into a cold region, suddenly it thickens and is converted into quickesilver, and if you set him once again to the fire, he doth likewise return into smoke, to be resolved again into quickesilver. A strange transmutation of so heavy a substance into so light a thing; and of so light into so heavy, the which we may hold for a rare thing in Nature. And therefore the Author of Nature is justly to be glorified in these and all other strange properties of this metal, seeing that all things created do properly obey their secret and unknown laws.   

Of the place where they find quickesilver, and how they discovered these rich mines in Guancavilca. CHAP. 11.  
Qvickesilver is found in a kind of stone, which doth likewise yield vermilion, which the Ancients called Minium, and at this day they call the Images of crystal miniades, which are painted with quicksilver. The Ancients made great account of this Minium or vermilion, holding it for a sacred colour, as Pliny reports, saying, that the Romans were accustomed to paint the face of jupiter, and the bodies of those that triumphed in Ethiopia: yea their idols and their Governors likewise had their faces coloured with this Minium. And this vermilion was so esteemed at Rome▪ (which they brought only from Spain, where they had many pits and mines of quickesilver, which continue there to this day) that the Romans suffered it not to be refined in Spain, left they should steal some of it, but they carried it to Rome, sealed up in a mass as they drew it out of the mine. and after refined it. They did yearly bring from Spain, especially from Andalusie, about ten thousand pound weight, which the Romans valued as an infinite treasure. I have reported all this out of that Author, to the end that those which doesee what passeth at this day in Peru, may have the content to know what chanced in former ages, among the mightiest Lords of the world. I speak for the Inguas kings of Peru, and for the natural Indians thereof, which have laboured and digged long in these mines of quickesilver, not knowing what quickesilver was, seeking only for Cinabrium or vermilion, which they call Limpi, the which they esteem much, for that same effect that Pliny reports of the Romans and Ethiopians, that is, to paint the face and bodies of themselves and their idols: the like hath been much practised by the Indians, especially when they went to the wars, and use it at this day in their▪ feasts and dancing, which they call slubbering, supposing that their faces and visages so slubbered, did much terrify, and at this day they hold it for an ornament and beautifying; for this cause there were strange works of mines in the mountains of Guan●avilca, which are in Peru, near to the city of Guamangu●, out of the which they drew this metal, it is of such a manner, that if at this day they enter by the caves or Soccabones, which the Indians made in those days, they lose themselves, finding no passage out: but they regarded not quickesilver, which naturally is in the same substance or metal of vermilion, neither had they knowledge of any such matter.  
The Indians were not alone for so long a time without the knowledge of this treasure, but likewise the Spaniards, who until the year of the incarnation of our Saviour, one thousand five hundred three score and six, and threescore and seven (at such time as the licentiate Castro governed in Peru) discovered not the mines of quickesilver, which happened in this manner. A man of judgement called Henrique Guards, a Portugal borne, having a piece of this coloured metal, as I have said, which the Indians call Limpi, with which they paint their faces, as he beheld it well, found it to be the same which they call vermilion in Castille; and for that he knew well that vermilion was drawn out of the same metal that quickesilver was, he conjectured these mines to be of quickesilver, went to the place whence they drew this metal, to make trial thereof. The which he found true, and in this sort the mines of Palcas in the territory of Guamangua, being discovered, great numbers of men went thither to draw out quickesilver, and so to carry it to Mexico, where they refine silver by the means of quickesilver, wherewith many are enriched. This country of mines which they call Guancavilca, was then peopled with Spaniards and Indians that came thither, and come still to work in these mines of quickesilver, which are in great numbers, and very plentiful: but of all these mines, that which they call d' Amador de Cabrera, or of saints, is goodly and notable. It is a rock of most hard stone, interlaced all with quickesilver, and of that greatness, that it extends above four score Varres or yards in length, and forty in breadth; in which mine they have many pits and ditches, of three score and ten stades deep, so as three hundred men may well work together; such is the capacity thereof. This mine was discovered by an Indian of Amador of Cabrera, called Navincopa of the village of Acoria, the which Amador of Cabrera caused to be registered in his name. He was in surte against the Procurer fiscal, but the usufruite was adjudged to him by sentence as the discoverer. Since he sold his interest to another, for two hundred and fifty thousand ducats; and afterwards thinking he had been deceived in the sale, he commenced an action against the buyer, being worth, as they say, above five hundred thousand ducats; yea, some hold it to be worth a million of gold: a rare thing to see a mine of that wealth.  
Whenas Don Francisco of Toledo governed in Peru, there was one which had been in Mexico, and observed how they refined silver with mercury, called Pero Fernandes de Valesco, who offered to refine silver at Potoz●, with mercury; and having made trial thereof in the year of our redemption, one thousand five hundred seventy and one, performed it with credit; then began they to refine silver at PotoZi with quicksilver, which they transported from Guancavelicqua, which was a goodly help for the mines; for by the means of quickesilver they drew an infinite quantity of metal from these mines, whereof they made no account, the which they called scrape. For as it hath been said, the quickesilver purifies the silver, although it be dry, poor, and of base alloy, which can not be done by melting in the fire. The Catholic King draws from it quickesilver mines, without any charge or hazard, almost four hundred thousand pieces of a mine, the which are fourteen rials a piece, or little less, besides the rights that rise in Potozi, where it is employed, the which is a great riches. They do yearly, one with another, draw from these mines of Guancavilca, eight thousand quintals of quickesilver, yea and more.   

The manner how to draw out Quickesilver, and how they refine Silver. CHAP. 12.  
LEt us now speak how they draw out Quickesilver, and how they refine Silver therewith. They take the stone or metal where they find the quickesilver, the which they put into the fire in pots of earth well luted, being well beaten, so as this metal or stone coming to melt by the heat of the fire, the quickesilver separates itself, and goes forth in exhalation, and sometimes even with the smoke of the fire, until itincounters some body where it stays and congeals, and if it pass up higher, without meeting of any hard substance, it mounts up until it be cold; and then congealed, it falls down again. When the melting is finished, they unstoppe the pots and draw forth the metal, sometimes staying until it be very cold, for if there remained any fume or vapour, which should encounter them that unstopped the pots, they were in danger of death, or to be benumined of their limbs, or at the least, to lose their teeth. And for that they spend an infinite quantity of wood, in the melting of these metals. A Miller called Rodrigo de Tores, found out a profitable invention, which was, to gather certain straw which grows throughout all those mountains of Peru, the which they call Ycho, it is like unto a hard reed wherewith they make their fire. It is a strange thing to see the force which this straw hath to melt and dissolve these metals, the which falls out, as Pliny says, that there is gold which melts more easily with the flame of straw, 
Plin. lib. 33. c. 4  then with hot burning coals. They put the quickesilver thus molten into skins, for that it keeps best in leather, and in this sort they lay it into the King's storehouse, from whence they carry it by sea to Ariqua, and so to Potozi by land upon their sheep. There is yearly spent in PotoZi for the refining of metals, about six or seven thousand quintalles of quickesilver, besides that they draw from the plates, (which is the earth or dross of the first washings of these metals, which are made in cauldrons.) The which plates they burn in their furnaces, to draw out the quickesilver which remains in them: and there are above fifty of these furnaces in the City of PotoZi, and in Tarpaya. The quantity of metals which they refine, (as some men of experience have made the account,) doth amount yearly to above three hundred thousand quintalles; from the earth and dross whereof being moult and refined, they may draw yearly above two thousand quintalles of quicksilver. We must understand there are diverse sorts of metals, for some yield much silver, and waste little quickesilver; others consume much quickesilver, and yield little silver; and there are others which consume much quickesilver, and yields much silver; and others that consume little quickesilver, and also yield little silver; and as men encounter in these metals, so they grow rich or poor in their traffic. Although commonly the rich metal yields much silver, and consumes much quickesilver; and likewise that which is poor, yields little silver, and consumes as little mercury. They first beat and grind the metal very small, with hammers and other instruments, which beat this stone like unto tan mills, and being well beaten, they searce it in a copper searce, making the powder as small and fine, as if it were horse hair: these searces being well fitted, do sift thirty quintalles in a day and a night; then they put the powder of the metal into the vessels upon furnaces, whereas they anoint it and mortify it with brine, putting to every fifty quintalles of powder, five quintals of salt. And this they do for that the salt separates the earth and filth, to the end the quickesilver may the more easily draw the silver unto it. After they put quick▪ silver into a piece of holland and press it out upon the metal, which goes forth like a dew, always turning and stirring the metal, to the end it may be well incorporate. Before the invention of these furnaces of fire, they did often mingle their metal with quickesilver, in great troughs, letting it settle some days, and did then mix it, and stir it again, until they thought all the quickesilver were well incorporate with the silver, the which continued twenty days and more, and at the least nine days. Since they discovered (as the desire to get is diligent,) that to shorten the time fire did much help: to incorporate silver the sooner with quickesilver, they in vented these furnaces, whereon they set vessels to put in their metal, with salt and quickesilver, and underneath they put fire by little and little, in furnaces made for the nonce underneath; so as in five or six days the quickesilver is incorporate with the silver. And when they find that the mercury hath done his part, and assembled all the silver, leaving nothing behind, but is well imbrued as a sponge doth water, dividing it from the earth, lead, and copper, with the which it is engendered. Then after they separate it likewise from the quickesilver, the which they do in this sort; they put the metal in cauldrons, and vessels full of water, where with certain wheels they turn the metal round about, as if they should make mustard, and so the earth and dross goes from the metal with the water that runs away: The silver & quickesilver as most ponderous remaining in the bottom; the metal which remains, is like unto sand: then they take it out and wash it again in great platters of wood, or keelers full of water, still drawing the earth from it, until they leave the silver and quickesilver well cleansed. There slips away also some small portion of silver and quickesilver with the earth and dross, which they call washings, the which they after wash again and draw out the remainder. When the silver and quickesilver are cleansed and begin to shine, and that there remains no earth, they put all the metal into a cloth, which they strain out very forcibly, so as all the quickesilver passeth out, being not incorporate with the silver, and the rest remains as a loaf of silver, like to a mark of almonds pressed to draw oil. And being thus pressed, the remainder contains but the sixth part in silver, and five in mercury. So as if there remains a mark of threescore pounds, ten are of silver, and fifty of mercury. Of these marks they make pings, (as they call them,) like pine apples, or sugar loaves, hollow within, the which they commonly make of a hundred pound weight; then to separate the silver from the quickesilver, they put it into a violent fire, which they cover with an earthen vessel, like to the mould of a sugar loaf, or unto a capuchon or hood, the which they cover with coals, and set fire unto it; whereby the quickesilver exhales in smoke, the which striking against the capuchon of earth, it thickens and distilleth, like unto the smoke of a pot covered; and by a pipe like unto a limbeck, they receive the quickesilver which distilleth, the silver remaining without changing the form, but in weight it is diminished five parts of that it was, and is spongious, the which is worthy the observation. Of two of these loaves they make one bar of silver, in weight 65. or 66. marks: and in this sort they carry it to the touch, custom, and mark. Silver drawn with mercury, is so fine, that it never abates of two thousand three hundred and fourscore of alloy, and it is so excellent, that the workmen are enforced to allay it, putting some mixture to it, as they do likewise in their mints, whereas their money is stamped. Silver endures all these martiredomes, (if we may so call it,) to be refined, the which if we consider well, it is a body framed where they grind, sift, kneade, lay the leaven, & bake the silver: besides all this, they wash it and wash it again, they bake it and bake it again, enduring the pestells, sives, troughs, furnaces, cauldrons, presses: and finally, by the water and fire. I speak this, for that seeing seeing this art in PotoZi, I did consider what the Scripture speaks of the just, 
Mat. 3. Eccles. 2. Psal. 11  Colabit eos et purgabit quasi argentum: And that which they speak in another part, Sic ut argentum purgatum terra, purgatum s●ptuplum. So as to purify silver, to refine and cleanse it from the earth and stone where it engenders, they purge and purify it seven times: for in effect it passeth their hands seven times, yea, oftener, until it remains pure and fine; so is it in the word of God, where the souls must be so purified, that shall enjoy the heavenly perfection.   

Of their Engines to grind the metal, and of their trial of Silver. CHAP. 13.  
TO conclude, this subject of silver and of metals, there remains yet two things to speak of, the one is of their engines and mills, the other of their essay or trial: I have said before, how they grind their metal: for the receving of the quicksilver, which is done with divers instruments and engines, some with horses like unto hand-milles, others like water-mills; of which two sorts there are great numbers. But for that the water they do use commonly, is but of rain, whereof they have not sufficient but three months in the year, December, january, and February: for this reason they have made Lakes and standing Pools, which contain in●circuite about a thousand and six hundred rods, and in depth three stades; there are seven with their sluices: so as when they have need of any water, they raise up a sluice, from whence runs a little stream of water, the which they stop upon holidays. And when the Lakes and Pools do fill, and that the year abounds with rain, their grinding doth then continue six or seven months; so as even for silvers sake men desire a good year of rain in Potozi, as they do in other places for bread. There are some other engines in Tarapaya, which is a valley three or four leagues distant from Potozi, whereas there runs a river as in other parts. The difference of these engines is, that some go with six pestles, some with twelve, and others with fourteen. They grind and beat the metal in mortars, labouring day and night; and from thence they carry it to be sifted, upon the banks of the brook of Potozi. There are forty eight water-mills, of eight, ten, and twelve pestells, and four on the other side, which they call Tanacognugno; in the City of Tarapaya, there are two and twenty engines all upon the water; beside there are thirty go with horses in PotoZi, and many others in divers●partes, so great the desire of man is to get silver, which is tried by deputies appointed by the King.  
To give the alloy to every piece, they carry the bars of silver unto the Assay master, who gives to every one his number, for that they carry many at once, he cuts a small piece of every one, the which he weighs justly, and puts them into a cruset, which is a small vessel made of burnt bones beaten; after he placeth every crusible in his order in the furnace, giving them a violent fire, than the metal melteth, and that which is lead, goes into smoke, and the copper and tin dissolves, the silver remaining most fine, of the colour of fire. It is a strange thing, that being thus refined, although it be liquid and molten, yet it never spill, were the mouth of the crusible turned downwards; but it remaineth fixed, without the loss of a drop. The Assay master knoweth by the colour and other signs, when it is refined, then doth he draw the crucibles from the fire, and weighs every piece curiously, observing what every one wants of his weight; for that which is of high alloy, wastes but little, and that which is base, diminisheth much; & according to the waste, he sees what alloy he bears, according to the which he marks every bar punctually. Their balance and weights are so delicate, and their grains so small, as they cannot take them up with the hand, but with a small pair of pincers: and this trial they make by candle light, that no air might move the balance. For of this little the price of the whole bar dependeth. In truth it is a very delicate thing, and requires a great dexterity, 
Psal. 65. Prover. 17.27.  which the holy Scripture useth in many places, to show how God proves his chosen: and to note the differences of the merits of souls, whereas God gives the title of an Assay-maister to the Prophet jeremy, that he may try and declare the spiritual virtue of men, and of his works, which is the proper work of the Spirit of God, being he that weighs the Souls of men. 
Ier●m. 6. Prover. 1.  We will rest content with what we have spoken touching silver, metals and mines, and will pass to the two other mixtures, the which are plants and beasts.   

Of Emeralds. CHAP. 14.  
IT shall not be from the purpose, to speak something of Emeralds, both for that it is a precious thing, as gold & silver, as also for that they take their beginning from mines and metals, 
Pli. lib. 3●. ca 3  as Pliny reports. The Emerald hath been in old time in great esteem, as the same Author writes, giving it the third place amongst all jewels and precious stones, that is next to the diamond and pearl. At this day they do not so much esteem the Emerald, nor the pearl, for the great abundance is brought of these two sorts from the Indies, only the diamond holds the principality, the which can not be taken from it. Next, the rubies come in price and other stones, which they hold more precious than the Emerald. Men are so desirous of singularities & rare things, that what they see to be common, they do not esteem. They report of a Spaniard, who being in Italy when the Indies were first discovered, showed a● Emerald to a Lapidary, who ask him the value thereof, after he had well viewed it, being of an excellent lustre and form, he prized it at a hundred ducats: he than showed him an other greater than it, which he valued at three hundred ducats. The Spaniard drunk with this discourse, carried him to his lodging, showing him a casket full. The Italian seeing so great a number of Emeralds, said unto him, Sir, these are well worth a crown a piece: the like hath happened both at the Indies and in Spain, where the stones have lost their estimation, for the great abundance they find of them there.  
Pliny reports many excellencies of the Emerald, amongst the which he saith, 
Plin. lib. 37. c. 5  that there is nothing more pleasing, nor more healthful for the sight; wherein he hath reason, but his authority importeth little, seeing there is such store. 
Plin. lib. 9 c. 35  It is reported that Lelia a Roman Dame bestowed upon a scoffion and a garment embroidered with pearl and emerald 400000. ducats, the which at this day might be done with less than forty thousand ducats, yea two such. In divers parts of the Indies, and the Kings of Mexico, did much esteem them; some did use to pierce their nostrils, and hang therein an excellent Emerald: they hung them on the visages of their idols. The greatest store is found in the New Kingdom of Grenado, and Peru, near unto Manta and port Vieil. There is towards that place a soil which they call, the Land of Emeralds, for the knowledge they have of abundance to be there: and yet unto this day they have not conquered that Land. The Emeralds grow in stones like unto crystal; I have seen them in the same stone, fashioned like a vein, and they seem by little and little to thicken and refine. I have seen some that were half white, and half green; others all white, and some green and very perfit. I have seen some of the bigness of a nut, and there have been some greater found: but I have not known that in our time they have found any of the form and bigness of the platt or jewel they have at Genes, the which they esteem (and with reason) to be a jewel of great price, and no relic; yet without comparison, the Emerald which Theophrastus speaks of, which the King of Babylon presented to the King of Egypt, surpasseth that of Genes; it was four cubits long, and three broad, and they say, that in jupiters' Temple, there was a needle or pyramid, made of four Emeralds stones of forty cubits long, and in some places four broad, and in others two: and that in his time there was in Tir in Hercules Temple, a pillar of an Emerald. It may be (as Pliny saith) it was of some green stone, somewhat like to the Emerald, and they called it a false Emerald. As some will say, that in the Cathedral Church of Cordoü● there are certain pillars of Emeralds which remain since it was a Mesquite for the King's Miramamolins Moors, which reigned there. In the fleet, the year one thousand five hundred eighty and seven, in the which I came from the Indies, they brought two chests of Emeralds, every one weighing at the least four Arobes, whereby we may see the abundance they have. The holy Scripture commends these Emeralds as precious jewels, 
Exod. 29.39. Apoc. 21.  they number them amongst the precious stones, which the high Priest carried on his Ephod or breastplate, as those which did beautify the walls of the heavenly jerusalem.   

Of Pearls. CHAP. 15.  
NOw that we entreat of the great riches that comes from the Indies, it were no reason to forget the Pearl, which the Ancients called Marguerites, and at the first were in so great estimation, as none but royal persons were suffered to wear them: but at this day there is such abundance as the Negres themselves do wear chains thereof; they grow in shells or oysters, in eating whereof I have found pearls in the midst of them: These oysters within are of the colour of heaven, very lively. In some places they make spoons, the which they call mother of Pearl. The pearls do differ much inform, in bigness, figure, colour and polishing; so likewise in their price they differ much. Some they call Ave Maria's, being like the small grains of beads; others are Pater nosters, being bigger. Seldom shall you find two of one greatness, form, and colour. For this reason the Romans (as Pliny writeth) called them Unions. 
Plin. lib. 3. c. 3●.  Whenas they do find two that are alike in all points, they raise the price much, especially for carerings. I have seen some pairs valued at thousands of ducats, although they were not like to Cleopatra's two pearls, whereof Pliny reports, either of them being worth a hundred thousand ducats, with the which this foolish Queen won a wager she had made against Marc Anthony, to spend in one supper above an hundred thousand ducats; so at the last course she dissolved one of these pearls in strong vinegar, & drank it up. They say the other pearl was cut in two, and placed in the Pantheon at Rome, at th'●ares of the image of Venus. Esope reports of Clovis the son of a Comedian, who in a banquet presented to every one of his guests (amongst other meats) a rich pearl dissolved in vinegar, to make his feast the more royal and sumptuous.  
These were the follies of those ages, and those at this day are nothing less, for that we see, not only hats and bands, but also buskins, and women's pantofles, (yea of base condition) embroidered all over with pearl. They fish for pearls in divers parts of the Indies, the greatest abundance is in the south Seas, near unto Panama, where the Islands of pearls be, as they call them. But at this day they find greatest store, and the best, in the north Sea, the which is near to the rive of Hatch. I did see them make their fishing, the which is done with great charge & labour of the poor slaves, which dive six, nine, yea twelve fathoms into the sea, to seek for oysters, the which commonly are fastened to the rocks and gravel in the Sea, they pull them up, and bring them above the water to their canoes, where the● open them, drawing forth the treasure they have within them. The water of the Sea in this part is very cold, but yet the labour and toil is greatest in holding of their breath, sometimes a quarter, yea half an hour together, being under the water at their fishing. And to the end these poor slaves may the better continue and hold their breaths, they feed them with dry meats, and that in small quantity, so as covetousness makes them abstain and fast thus against their wills. They employ their pearls to divers works, and they pierce them to make chains, whereof there is great store in every place. In the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred eighty one I did see the note of what came from the Indies for the King, there were eighteen maces of pearl, besides three caskets, and for particulars, there were twelve hundred threescore and four marks, and besides them, seven caskets not pierced, which heretofore we would have esteemed and held for a lie.   

Of the Indian Bread, and of Mays. CHAP. 16.  
IN our discourse of Plants, we will begin with those which are proper and peculiar to the Indies; and after with the rest that are common to the Indies and Europe; and forasmuch as plants were chiefly created for the nourishment of man, and that the chief (whereof he takes his nourishment,) is bread, it shall be good to show what bread the Indians use, and whereon they live for want thereof. They have (as we have here,) a proper name, whereby they note and signify bread, which at Peru, they call Tanta, and in other places by another name. But the quality and substance of the bread the Indians use, differs much from ours: for we find not they had any kind of wheat or barley, nor any other kind of grain which they use in Europe ●o make bread withal: instead whereof they used other kinds of grains and roots, amongst the which Mays holds the first place, and with reason, in Castille they call it Indian wheat, and in Italy they call it Turkey grain. And even as wheat is the most common grain for the use of man, in the regions of the old world, which are Europe, Asia, and Africa: So in the new found world, the most common grain is Mays, the which is found almost in all the kingdoms of the West Indies, as at Peru, new Spain, in the new kingdom of Granado, in Gautimalla, in Chille, and upon the main land. I do not find that in old time, in the islands of Barlovente, as Cuba S. Dominique, jamaique, and S. I●an, that they used Mays: at this day they use much Yuca and Cacavi, whereof we will presently entreat. I do not think that this Mays is any thing inferior to our wheat, in strength nor substance, but it is more hot and gross, and engenders more blood, whereupon they that have not been accustomed thereunto, if they eat too much, they swell and become scabbed. It grows upon canes or reeds; every one bears one or two grapes or branches, to the which the grain is fastened, and although the grain be big, yet find they great store thereof, so as in some clusters I have told seven hundred grains. They must plant it with the hand one by one, and not very thick; it desires a hot and moist ground, and grows in great abundance in many places of the Indies. It is not strange in those countries to gather 300. Fanegues or measures for one sown. There is difference of Mays as there is of wheat, one is great and very nourishing, another small and dry, which they call Moroche; the green leaves and canes of Mays, is a good food for their mules and hor●es, and it serves them for straw when it is dried; the grain is of more nourishment for horses then barley; and therefore in those countries, they use to water their horses before they eat, for if they should drink after, they would swell as when they eat wheat. Mays is the Indians bread, the which they commonly eat boiled in the grain hot, and they call it Mote, as the Chinois and jopponois eat their Rice sodden with the hot water; sometimes they eat it baked. There is some Mays round and big, as that of Lucanas, which the Spaniards eat roasted as a delicate meat, and hath a better taste than Buarbenses, or roasted peason. There is another kind of eating it more pleasant, which is, to grind the Mays, and to make small cakes of the flower, ●he which they put in the fire, and then bring them hot to the table. In some places they call them Arepa●. They make also round bowls of this paste, and so trim them that they continue long, eating it as a dainty dish.  
They have invented at the Indies (for friandise and pleasure) a certain kind of paste, they do make of this flow mixed with sugar, which they call biscuits and mellinders. This Mays serves the Indians, not only for bread, but also for wine: for they do make their drink thereof, wherewith they are sooner drunk than with wine of grapes. They make this wine of Mays in divers sorts and manners, calling it in Peru Acua, and by the most common name of the Indies Chicha. And the strongest is made like unto beer, steeping the grain until it break. After they boil it in such sort, that it grows so strong, as a little overthrows a man. In Peru they call this Sora, it is defended by the Law, for the great inconveniences that grow thereby, making men drunk. But this Law is ill observed, for that they use it still; yea they spend whole days and nights in drinking carouse. 
Pli●i. 14. c. 22.  Pliny reporteth, that this manner of beverage of grain steeped, and after sodden; wherewith they were drunk, was in old time used in Spain, France and other Provinces, as at this day in Flanders they use ale made of malt. There is another manner of making this Acua or Chicha, which is to champ the mays, and make a leaven thereof, and then boil it; yea the Indians hold opinion, that to make good leven, it must be champed by old withered women, which makes a man sick to hear, and yet they do drink it. The cleanliest manner, the most wholesome, and that which least harmeth, is to roast the Mays, which the most civil Indians do use, and some Spaniards, yea for physic: For in effect they find it a very wholesome drink for the reins, so as you shall hardly find any one at the Indies complain of pain in the back, for that they do drink of this Chicha. The Spaniards and Indians eat this Mays boiled and roasted for daintiness, when it is tender in the grape like milk, they put it into the pot, and make sauces that are good to eat. The buds of Mays are very fat, and serve instead of butter and oil: so as this Mays at the Indies serves both for men and beasts, for bread, wine, and oil. For this reason the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo said, that Peru had two things rich, and of great nourishment, which were Mays, and the cattle of the country. In truth he had reason, for these two things did serve them as a thousand.  
I will ask sooner than I can answer it, whence Mays was first carried to the Indies, and why they do call this profitable grain in Italy, Turkey grain? for in truth I do not find that the Ancients make any mention of this grain, though that mil (that Pliny writes to come from the Indies into Italy, ten years before he did write it) hath some resemblance unto Mays, for that it is a grain, as he says, that grows in reed, and covers itself with the leaf, and hath the top like hairs, being very fertile; all which things agree not with mill. To conclude, God hath imparted to every region what is needful. To this continent he hath given wheat, which is the chief nourishment of man; and to the Indians he hath given Mays, which hath the second place to wheat, for the nourishment of men and beasts.   

Of Yucas, Caçavi, Papas, Chunes, and Ris. CHAP. 17.  
IN some parts of the Indies they use a kind of bread they call Cacavi, which is made of a certain root they call Yuca: This Yuca is a great and gross root, which they cut in small morsels, they grate or scrape it, and then put it in a press to strain, making a thin and broad cake thereof, almost ' like unto a Moors target or buckler; then do they dry it, and this is the bread they eat. It hath no taste, but is healthful and of good nourishment: For this reason we said, being at S. Dominike, that it was the proper food for great eaters, for that they might eat much, without any fear of surffetting. They must of necessity water this Cacavi before they eat it: it is sharp, and easily watered with water or broth, wherein it is very good, for that it swells much, and so they make Capirotades, but it is hardly steeped in milk, in honey of canes, or in wine, for that these liquors cannot pierce it, as it doth bread made of wheat. Of this Cacavi there is one kind more delicate than any other, which is that they make of the slower called Xauxau, which they do much esteem in those parts. For my part, I esteem more a morsel of bread, how hard & black soever. It is a strange thing that the juice or water that cometh from this root when they strain it, which makes the Cacavi is a deadly poison, and kills any that drinks thereof: but the substance that remaineth, is a very wholesome bread and nourishment, as we have said. There is another kind of Yuca, which they call sweet, and hath not this poison in the juice: this is eaten in the root boiled or roasted, and is good meat. Cacavi will keep long, and therefore they carry it to sea in steed of biscuit. The place where they use most of this bread, is at the islands of Barlovente, which are S. Dominicke, Cuba, Port Ricco, jamaique, and some others thereabouts; for that the soil of these islands will neither bear wheat, nor Mays, for whenas they sow wheat, it comes up well, and is presently green, but so unequally, as they cannot gather it; for of the seed sown, at one instant, some is spindled, some is in the ear, and some doth but bud, one is great and an other little, one is in the grass and another in the grain; and although they have carried labourers thither, to see if there were any tillage or Art to be used, yet could they find no remedy for the quality of the earth. They carry meal from New Spain or the Canaries, which is so moist, that hardly can they make any profitable bread, or of good taste. The wafer cakes wherewith they say Mass, did bend like to wet paper, by reason of the extreme humidity and heat which are jointly in that country. There is an other extreme contrary to this, which hinders the growing of mais or wheat in some parts of the Indies, as on the height of the Sierre of Peru, and the provinces which they call of Colao, which is the greatest part of this Realm, where the climate is so cold and dry, as it will not suffer any of these seeds to grow: in steed thereof the Indians use an other kind of root, which they call Papas, these roots are like to ground nuts, they are small roots, which cast out many leaves. They gather this Papas, and dry it well in the Sun, then beating it they make that which they call Chuno, which keeps many days, and serves for bread. In this realm there is great traffic of Chuno, the which they carry to the mines of Potozi: they likewise eat of these Papas boiled or roasted, there is one sweet of these kinds, which grows in hot places, whereof they do make certain sauces and minced meats, which they call Locro. To conclude, these roots are the bread of that land; so as when the year is good, they rejoice much, for that oftentimes they frieze in the earth, so great is the cold of that Region: they carry Mays from the valley or sea coast, and the Spaniards which are dainty, carry likewise from the same places wheat meal, whereof they do make good bread, because that the land is dry.  
In other parts of the Indies, as at the Philippines, they use Rice instead of bread, whereof there grows very good, and in great abundance in all that country, and in China, and it is of good nourishment, they seeth it in purcelaines, and after mix it hot with the water amongst other meats. In many places they do make their wine and drink of this Rice, steeping, and then after boiling it, as they do the beer in Flaunders, or the Acua in Peru. Rice is a meat not much less common and general throughout the world, than wheat or mays, and perchance more; for besides that they use it, in China, joppon, and the Philippines, and in the greatest part of the East Indies; it is a grain most common in Africa and Ethiopia. It requires a wet ground, almost overflown like to a meadow. In Europe, Peru, and Mexico, where they have the use of wheat, they eat Rice as a meat, and not for bread; they seeth it with milk or with broth, or in some other sort. The most exquisite Rice cometh from the Philippines and China, as hath been said. And this may suffice to understand what they eat generally at the Indies in stead of bread.   

Of diverse Roots which grow at the Indies. CHAP. 18.  
ALthough in these parts the Land be more abundant and fertile in fruits that grows upon the earth, by reason of the great diversity of fruit trees, and plants we have; yet for roots and other things that grow under the earth, the which they use for meats, in my opinion there is greatest abundance there: for of these kinds of plants, we have readishes, turnips, parsnip, carrots, liekes, garlic, and some other profitable roots. But in those countries they have so many diverse sorts, as I cannot reckon them; those which I now remember beside Papas, which is the principal, there is Ocas, Yanococas, Camotes, Vatas, Xiquimas, Yuca, Cochu●ha, Cavi, Totora, Mani, and an infinite number of other kinds, as the Patattres, which they eat as a delicate and toothsome meat. They have likewise carried fruits to the Indies from these parts, the which prosper better there, than the Indian plants do, brought into Europe; the reason in my opinion is, for that there is greater variety of temperatures then in these parts, by means whereof, the plants in those regions do rise and prosper better, fitting themselves to the temperature they require. And the roots and plants which grow there, and were not transported from hence, are better than they be here; for onions, garlic and parsnips are not in Spain, as they be at Peru: and as for turnips, there is so great abundance, as they have increased in so me places in such sort, that as they have affirmed to me,) they could not destroy the abundance which grew up, for to sow corn there. We have seen reddish roots as big as a man's arm, very tender, and of a good taste, and of these tootes I have spoken, some serve for ordinatie meat, as the Camores, which being roasted, serve as pulse. There are other roots that serve them for dainties, as the Cochuch●; it is a small sweet root, which some preserve for more delight. There are other roots fit to cool, as the Piquima, which is in quality very cold and moist, and in summer it refresheth and quencheth the thirst; but the Papas and Ocas, be the chief for nourishment and substance. The Indians esteem garlic above all the roots of Europe, and hold it for a fruit of great force: wherein they want no reason, for that it comforts and warms the stomach, for that they eat it with an appetite raw as it comes out of the ground.   

Of diverse sorts of green Herbs, and Pulses, and of those they call Concombres, Pines, or Pine Apples, small fruits of Chille, and of Prunes. CHAP. 19  
SE●ing we have begun with the lesser Plants, I might in few words, touch that which concerns Flowers and Potherbs, and that which the Latins call Arbusta, without any mention of trees. There are some kinds of these shrubs at the Indies, which are of very good taste. The first Spaniards named many things at the Indies with such Spanish names, as they did most resemble, as Pines, Concombres, and Prunes, although they be very different fruits to those which are so called in Spain. The Pines, or Pine-aples, are of the same fashion and form outwardly to those of Castle, but within they wholly differ, for that they have neither apples, norscales, but are all one flesh, which may be eaten when the skin is off, it is fruit that hath an excellent smell, and is very pleasant and delightful in taste, it is full of juice, and of a sweet and sharp taste, they ●ate it being cut in morsels, and steeped a while in water and salt. Some say that this breeds choler, and that the use thereof is not very healthful. But I have not seen● any experience thereof, that might breed belief. They grow one by one like a cane or stalk, which riseth amongst many leaves, like to the lily, but somewhat bigger. The apple is on the top of every cane, it grows in hot and moist grounds, and the best are those of the islands of Barlovente. It grows not in Peru, but they carry them from the Andes, the which are neither good nor ripe. One presented one of these Pineapples, to the Emperor Charles the fifth, which must have cost much pain, and care to bring it so far, with the plant from the Indies, yet would he not try the taste. I have seen in new Spain, conserveses of these Pines, which was very good. Those which they call Concombres, are no trees, but shrubs, continuing but one year. They gave it this name, for that some of this fruit, and the most part, is in length, and roundness like to the Concombres of Spain: but for the rest they differ much, for they are not green, but violet, yellow, or white, neither are they thorny or rough, but polished and even, having a very different taste, and far better than that of Spain, for they have a sharp sweet taste, very pleaasant when it is ripe, yet is it not so sharp as the Pine. They are very cool, full of liquor and of easy digestion, and in time of heat, fit to refresh. They take away the rind which is white, and all that remains is meat. They grow in a temperate soil, and require watering. And although for the resemblance they call them Concombres, yet are there many of them round, and others of a different fashion: so as they have not the figure of Concombres. I do not remember to have seen this kind of fruit in new Spain, nor at the islands, but upon the Lanos of Peru. That which they call the little fruit of Chille, is of the same sort, very pleasant to eat, & comes near the taste of cherries, but in all other things it differs much: for that it is no tree, but an herb, which grows little and spreads upon the earth, casting forth this little fruit, the which in colour and grains, resembles almost the mulberry, when it is white and not ripe, yet is it more rough and bigger than the mulberry. They say this little fruit is naturally found in the fields of Chille, where I have seen of them. They set it upon plants and branches, and it grows like any other shrub. Those which they call Prunes, are verily the fruits of trees, and have more resemblance than the rest to our plumbs. There are diverse sorts, whereof they call some Prunes of Nicaragua, the which are very red and small, and have little meat upon the stone, but that little is of an exquisite taste; and of a sharpness, as good, or rather better than cherries. They hold this fruit to be very wholesome, and therefore they give it to sick folks, especially to provoke an appetite. There are others that be great and of a dark colour, they have much meat, but it is gross and of no taste, like to the Chavacanas, which have every one two or three small stones. But to return to potherbs, I find not that the Indians had any gardens of diverse herbs and plants, but did only till the land in some parts for pulses, which they use, as those which they call Fr●solles and Palares, which serve them as our lentils, beans, or tars: neither have I known that these pulses, or any other kinds that be in Europe, were there before the Spaniards entered, who carried plants and pulses from Spain thither, where they now grow and increase wonderfully, and in some places exceed greatly the fertility of these parts. As if we speak of melons which grow in the valley of Yuca, in Peru, whose root becomes a stalk that continues many years carrying melons yearly, and they trim it like unto a tree; a thing which I do not know to be in any part of Spain. But that is more monstrous of the Calibasses or Indian Pompions, and the greatness they have as they grow, especially those which are proper to the Country, which they call Capallos; the which they eat most commonly in Lent, boiled and trimmed with some other sauce. There are a thousand kinds of Calibasses, some are so deformed in their bigness, that of the rind cut in the midst and cleansed, they make as it were baskets to put in all their meat for their dinner. Of the lesser they make vessels to eat and drink in, and do trim them handsomely for many uses. I have spoken this of small plants, we will now speak of greater; but first of their Axi, which is of the lesser.   

Of Axi or Indian Pepper. CHAP. 20.  
THey have not found at the West Indies any kind of Spices, proper or peculiar to them, as pepper, cloves, cinnamon, nutmegs or ginger, although one of our company, who had traveled much, and in divers parts, told us, that in the deserts of the Island of jamaique he had found trees where pepper grew. But they are not yet assured thereof, neither is there any trade of these spices at the Indies,. The ginger was carried from the Indies to Hispaniola, and it hath multiplied so, as at this day they know not what to do with the great abundance they have. In the fleet the year 1587. they brought 22053. quintals of ginger to Sevill: but the natural spice that God hath given to the west Indies, is that we call in Castill, Indian pepper, and in India, Axi, as a general word taken from the first land of the islands, which they conquered. In the language of Cusco, it is called Vchu, and in that of Mexico, Chili. This plant is well known, and therefore I will speak a little, only we must understand, that in old time it was much esteemed amongst the Indians, which they carried into places where it grew not, as a merchandise of consequence. It grows not upon cold grounds, as on the Sierre of Peru, but in hot valleys, where it is often watered. There is of this Axi of divers colours, some is green, some red, some yellow, and some of a burning colour, which they call Caribe, the which is extremely sharp and biting; there is an other sort not so sharp, but is so sweet, as they may eat it alone as any other fruit. There is some of it very small and pleasing in the mouth, almost like to the smell of musk, and is very good. That which is sharp and biting in this Axi, be the veins and the grain only; the rest is not: for that they eat it green and dry, whole and beaten, in the pot, and in sauces, being the chief sauce, and all the spice they have at the Indies. When this Axi is taken moderately, it helps and comforts the stomach for digestion: but if they take too much, it hath bad effects, for of itself it is very hot, fuming, and pierceth greatly, so as the use thereof is prejudicial to the health of young folks, chiefly to the soul, for that it provokes to lust. It is strange, that although the fire and heat of it be well known by experience, and that every man says, it burns in the mouth and the stomach; yet some, yea many hold, that the Indian pepper is not hot, but cold, and well tempered. But I might say to them, the like should be of pepper; though they brought me as many experiences as they would of the one and the other: yet is it a very mockery to say it is not hot, seeing it is in the highest degree. They use salt to temper this Axi, having great source to correct it, and so they moderate one with the other by the contrariety that is in them. They use also Tomates, which are cold and very wholesome. It is a kind of grain great and full of juice, the which gives a good taste to sauce, and they are good to eat. They have generally throughout the Indies of this Indian pepper, at the islands, new Spain, Peru, and all the rest that is discovered. And as mays is the general grain for bread, so Axi is the most common spice for sauces.   

Of the Plane tree. CHAP. 21.  
Coming to the greater plants or trees at the Indies, the first that shall be needful to treat of, is the Plane or Platano, as the vulgar call it. I have been sometimes in doubt, whether the Plane which the Ancients have so much celebrated, and that of the Indies were of one kind. This well observed, and that which they write of the other, without all doubt they will appear to be of sundry kinds. The reason why the Spaniards called it Plane, (for the Indians had no such name) was as in other trees, for that they have found some resemblance of the one with the other, even as they called some fruits, prunes, pines, and cucumbers, being far different from those which are called by those names in Castille. The thing wherein was most resemblance, in my opinion, betwixt the Planes at the Indies, and those which the Ancients did celebrate, is the greatness of the leaves, for that these have them very great and cool, and the Ancients did likewise much esteem them for the greatness and coolness of their leaves. It is also a plant that requireth much water, and in a manner continually, which agrees with the sacred Scripture that saith; Like to the Plane near the waters. But in truth there is no more comparison nor resemblance of the one with the other, then there is (as the Proverb saith) betwixt an egg and a chestnut. For first, the ancient plane carries no fruit, at the least, they made no account the●▪ of, but the chiefest reason why they esteemed it, was, for the shadow, for that there was no more Sun under a Plane than under a roof. And chose, the reason why they should regard it at the Indies, yea make great account thereof, is by reason of this fruit, which is very good; for they have little shade. Moreover, the ancient Plane had the body so big, and the boughs so spread, 
Plin. ●●b. 2. c●. 1  that Pliny reporteth of one Licinius a Roman Captain, who with eighteen of his companions dined at ease in th'hollow of one of these planes: and of the Emperor Caius Caligula, who with eleven of his guests feasted upon the top of an other Plane, where he made them a sumptuous banquet. The Indian Planes have neither so great nor hollow bodies, not so broad boughs. He saith moreover, that the ancient Planes grew in Italy and in Spain, although they had been brought thither from Greece; and first from Asia, but the Indians Planes grow neither in Italy nor in Spain. I say they grow not there, for although we have seen some at Sevill in the King's gardens, yet they prosper not, nor are of any account. Finally, whatsoever they find alike betwixt the one and the other, is very different. For although the leaves of the ancient Planes were very great, yet were they not such, nor so great as those at the Indies, seeing that Pliny compares it to the leaf of a Vine or Fig tree.  

Pli. lib. 11. c. 16  The leaves of the Indian Plane, are of a wonderful bigness, and are, in a manner, sufficient to cover a man from the foot to the head, so as no man can doubt but there is great difference betwixt the one and the other. But put the case that this Indian Plane be different from the ancient, yet deserves it no less commendation, it may be, more, by reason of the profitable qualities it hath. It is a plant that makes a stock within theearth, out of the which springs many and sundry scions and sprigs, divided, and not joined together. These sprigs grow big, every one making a small tree apart, and in growing they cast forth these leaves, which are of a fine green smooth, and great as I have said. When it is grown to the height of a stade and a half, or two, it puts forth one only bough of fruit, whereon sometimes there are great numbers of this fruit, and sometimes less. I have told upon some of these boughs three hundred, whereof every one was a span long more or less, and two or three fingers big; yet is there much difference herein, betwixt some and others, they take away the rind, and all the rest is a firm kernel and tender, good to eat, and nourishing. This fruit inclines more to cold than heat. They are accustomed to gather the boughs or clusters, as I have said, being green, and put them into vessels, where they ripen, being well covered, especially when there is a certain herb mingled with it, which serves for this effect. If they suffer them to ripen on the tree, they have a better taste, and a very good smell, like to Camoisses or sweet apples. They last almost all the year, for that there are always young ones that grow out of this stock; so as when one ends, another begins to yield his fruit, the one is half ripe and the other begins to bud anew, so as one succeeds another, and the fruit continues the whole year. In gathering the cluster, they cut the sprig or stalk, for that it bears but one, and never but once: but as I have said, the stalk remains, and casts forth new sienes or stalks, until it grows old and dies. This Plane continues many years, and requires much moisture, and a very hot ground. They put ashos at the foot of it, for the better entertaining thereof, and they make small groves; and very thick, which are of great profit and revenue unto them; for that it is the fruit▪ they use most at the Indies, and is general in all places, although they say the first beginning comes from Ethiopia. And in truth the Negroes use them much, and in some places they serve them as bread, yea they make wine of them. They eat this fruit raw like other fruits; they likewise roast it, and make many sorts of potages, and conserveses, and in all things it serveth very well. There is a kind of small Planes, white and very delicate, which in Hispaniola they call Dominiques. There are others which are stronger and bigger, and red of colour. There grows none in the kingdom of Peru, but are brought from the Indies, as from Mexico, Cuernavaca, and other valleys. Upon the firm land, and in some islands there are great store of Planes, like unto thick groves. If this plant were fit for the fire, it were the most profitable of all others, but it is nothing fit, for neither the body no● the boughs will burn, and much less will it serve for building, being a sappy wood, and without force. Yet Don Alonze Darzilla (as it is said) used the leaves of this tree dried, to write a part of the Auricana, and in truth it may serve for want of paper, seeing that the leaf is as broad as a sheet of paper, or little less, and four times as long.   

Of Cacao and Coca. CHAP. 22.  
ALthough the Plane be the most profitable, yet that Cacao is most esteemed at Mexico, and the Coca in Peru; in which two trees they have great superstition. The Cacao is a fruit little less than almonds, yet more sat, the which being roasted hath no ill●taste. It is so much esteemed amongst the Indians (yea and among the Spaniards) that it is one of the richest and the greatest traffics of new Spain: for being a dry fruit, and that keeps long without corruption, they carry whole ships loaden from the province of Guatimalla. The last year an English Pirate did burn in the Port of Guatulco in new Spain, above a hundred thousand charges of Cacao. They use it in steed of money, for with five Cacaos they buy one thing, with thirty an other, and with a hundred an other, without any contradiction; and they use to give it to the poor that beg for alms. The chief use of this Cacao, is in a drink which they call Choch●laté, whereof they make great account in that Country, foolishly, and without reason; for it is loathsome to such as are not acquainted with it, having askumme or froth that is very unpleasant to taste, if they be not very well conceited thereof. Yet it is a drink very much esteemed among the Indians, wherewith they feast noble men as they pass through their Country. The Spaniards both men and women, that are accustomed to the Country, are very greedy of this Chocholaté. They say they make divers sorts of it, some hot, some cold, and some temperate, and put therein much of that Chili; yea they make passed thereof, the which they say is good for the stomach, and against the Catarrh. Whatsoever it be, such as have not been nourished there, are not very curious thereof. The tree whereon this fruit grows, is of reasonable bigness, and well fashioned, it is so tender, that to keep it from the burning of the Sun, they plant near unto it, a great tree, which serves only to shadow it, and they call it the mother of Cacao. There are places where they are like to the Vines and Olive trees of Spain. The province where there is greatest abundance for the traffic of Merchandise, is Guatimalla. There grows none in Peru, but Coca, wherein they hold an other great superstition, which seems to be fabulous. In truth the traffic of Coca in Potozi doth yearly mount to above half a million of pieces, for that they use fourscore and ten, or four score and fifteen thousand baskets every year. In the year, one thousand five hundred eighty three, they spent a hundred thousand. A basket of Coca in Cusco is worth two pieces and a half, and three; and in Potozi it is readily worth four pieces, and five Tomines, and five pieces tried. It is a kind of merchandise, by the which all their Markets and Fairs are made with great expedition. This Coca whereof they make such account, is a small green leaf, which groweth upon small trees about a fathom high, and in hot and moist grounds; every four months it casts forth this leaf, which they call Tresmitas or Tremoy; it requires great care in planting, being very tender, and much more to keep it, when it is gathered. They lay it in order in long & narrow baskets, and so lad their sheep of the Country, which go in troops, with one, two, or three thousand baskets of this merchandise. They bring it commonly from the Andes and valleys, where there is an extreme heat, and where it rains continually the most part of the year: wherein the Indians endure much labour and pain to entertain it, & often many die; for that they go from the Sierre and cold places to till and gather them in the Andes. And therefore there hath been great question and diversity of opinions among learned men, whether it were more expedient to pull up these trees, or to let them grow, but in the end they remained. The Indians esteem it much, and in the time of their Kings Inguas it was not lawful for any of the common people to use this Coca without licence from the Governor. Their use is to carry it in their mouths, chawing it, and sucking out the juice, but they swallow it not. They say it gives them great courage, and is very pleasing unto them. Many grave men hold this as a superstition & a mere imagination: for my part, and to speak the truth, I persuade not myself that it is an imagination; but chose, I think it works and gives force and courage to the Indians: for we see the effects, which cannot be attributed to imagination, as to go some days without meat, but only a handful of Coca, and other like effects. The sauce wherewith they do eat this Coca, is proper enough, whereof I have tasted, and it is like the taste of leather. The Indians mingle it with the ashes of bones burnt and beat into powder; or with lime, as others affirm, which seemeth to them pleasing and of a good taste; and they say it doth them much good. They willingly employ their money therein, and use it as money: yet all these things were not inconvenient, were not the hazard of the traffic thereof, wherein so many men are occupied. The Signors Inguas, used Coca as a delicate and royal thing, which they offered most in their sacrifices, burning it in honour of their idols.   

Of Maguey, Tunal, Cochenille, Anir, and Cotton. CHAP. 23.  
MAguey is a tree of wonders, whereof the Notaries or Chapetons (as the Indians call them) are wont to write miracles, in that it yieldeth water, wine, oil, vinegar, honey, syrup, thread, needles, and a thousand other things. It is a tree which the Indians esteem much in new Spain, & have commonly in their dwellings some one of them for the maintenance of life; it grows in the fields, and hath great and large leaves, at the end whereof is a strong & sharp point, which serves to fasten little pins, or to sow as a needle; & they draw out of this leaf as it were a kind of thread which they use. They cut the body which is big, when it is tender, wherein is a great hollowness, by which the substance mounts from the root, and is a liquor which they drink like water, being sweet & fresh. This liquor being sodden, turns like wine, which grows to vinegar, suffering it to sour, and boiling it more, it becomes as honey, & boiling it half, it serves as syrup: which is healthful enough, and of good taste; in my judgement it is better than the syrup of raisins. Thus do they boil this liquor, and use it in divers sorts, whereof they draw a good quantity, for that in some season they draw daily some pots of this liquor. There are also of these trees in Peru, but they are not so profitable as in new Spain. The wood of this tree is hollow and soft, and serves to keep fire, like to the match of a arqebus, and preserves it long; I have seen the Indians use it to that end.  
The tunal is another famous tree in new Spain: if we may call a tree a heap of leaves gathered together one upon another, it is the strangest fashioned tree of all other, for first there grows one leaf out of the ground, than another upon it, and so one upon one, till it cometh to his perfection; but as the leaves grow up, and on the sides, those underneath do become great, and lose in a manner the form of leaves, making a body and branches, which are sharp, pricking and deformed, so as in some places they do call it a Thistle. There are thistles or wild tunals, the which do carry no fruit, or else it is very pricking without any profit. There are likewise planted tunals which yield fruit much esteemed amongst the Indians, the which they call Tunas, and they are much greater than Plumbs, and long. They open the shell which is fat, and within it is meat and small grains, like to those of figs, which be very sweet; they have a good taste, especially the white, which have a pleasing smell, but the red are not usually so good. There is another sort of tunals, which they esteem much more, although it yields no fruit, yet it bears an other commodity and profit, which is of the grain, for that certain small worms breed in the leaves of this tree, when it is well husbanded, and are thereunto fastened, covered with a certain small fine web, which doth compass them in daintily; and this is that Indian Cochenille, so famous, and wherewith they die in grain. They let it dry, and being dried, carry it into Spain, which is a great and rich merchandise. The arobe of this Cochenille or grain is worth many ducats. In the fleet, the year 1587. they did bring five thousand six hundred seventy seven arobes, which amounted to two hundred four score three thousand seven hundred and fifty pieces, & commonly there comes every year as great a wealth.  
These tunals grow in temperate grounds inclining to cold. In Peru there grows none to this day, I have seen some plants in Spain, but they deserve not estimation. I will speak something likewise of the Anir, although it comes not from a tree, but from an herb, for that it serveth for the dying of cloth, and is a merchandise which agrees with the grain; it groweth in great abundance in new Spain, from whence there came in the fleet I mentioned 5263. arobes, or thereabouts, which amounted to so many pieces. Cotten likewise grows upon small shrubs, and great trees like to little apples, which do open and yield forth this web; which being gathered, they spin to make stuffs. It is one of the things at the Indies of greatest profit, and most in use; for it serves them both instead of flax and wool to make their garments. It groweth in a hot soil, and there is great store in the valleys, and sea coast of Peru, in new Spain, the Philippines and China. But the greatest store of any place that I know, is in the province of Tucuman, in that of saint Croix of the Sierre, and at Paraguey, whereas Cotten is their chief revenue. They carry cotton into Spain from the Island of Saint Dominike: and the year that I spoke of, there came 64000. arobes. At the Indies whereas this cotton grows, they make cloth, which both the men and women use commonly, making table napkins thereof, yea and sails for their ships. There is some course, and other that is fine and delicate; they die it into divers colours, as we do by our woollen cloth in Europe.   

Of Mameys, Guayavoes, and Paltos CHAP. 24.  
THese Plants we have spoken of, are the most profitable of the Indies, and the most necessary for the life of man: yet there are many other that are good to eat, among the which the Mameys are esteemed, being in fashion like to great peaches, and bigger, they have one or two stones within them, and their meat is some what hard. There are some sweet, and others somewhat sour, and have the rind hard. They make conserveses of the meat of this fruit, which is like to marmelade. The use of this fruit is reasonable good, but the conserveses they make thereof, are better. They grow in islands. I have not seen any in Peru. It is a great tree, well fashioned, and a reasonable fair leaf. The Guayavoes be other trees which commonly carry an ill fruit, full of sour kernels, and are like to little apples. It is a tree little esteemed upon the firm land and at the islands, for they say it smells like to the Punaises. The taste and savour of this fruit is very gross, and the substance unwholesome. In S. Dominique and other islands, there are whole mountains full of these Guayavoes, and they say, there was no such kind of trees before the Spaniards came there, but that they brought them they know not from whence. This tree hath multiplied infinitely, for that there is no beast that will eat the kernels or the grain, so as being thus scattered on the earth, being hot and moist, it multiplies in this sort. In Peru, the Guayavoes differs from others, for that the fruit is not red, but white, neither hath it any ill smell, but is of a very good taste; and of what sort of Guayavoes soever it be, the fruit is as good as the best of Spain, especially of those which they call Guayavos de Matos, and of other little white Guayvilles. It is a fruit reasonably wholesome, and agrees with the stomach, being of a strong digestion, and cold. The Paltas commonly are hot and delicate. The Palto is a great tree, and carries a fair leaf, which hath a fruit like to great pears: within it hath a great stone, and all the rest is soft meat, so as when they are full ripe, they are as it were butter, and have a delicate taste. In Peru the Paltas are great, and have a very hard scale, which may be taken off whole. This fruit is most usual in Mexico, having a thin skin, which may be peeled like an apple: they hold it for a very wholesome meat, and as I have said, it declines a little from heat. These Mamayes Guayavos, and Paltos, be the Indians peaches, apples, and pears; and yet would I rather choose them of Europe. But some others by use, or it may be by affection, do more esteem those of the Indies. I doubt not but such as have not seen nor tasted of these fruits, will take small pleasure to read this discourse, yea, they will grow weary to hear it, as I have done in writing it, which makes me to abridge it, speaking of some other sorts of fruits, for it were impossible to entreat of them all.   

Of Chicoçapote, Amonas, and Capollis. CHAP. 25.  
SOme desirous to augment things at the Indies, have given out that there is no kind of fruit like unto Cotignac, or marmelade, and another which tastes like a meat made of almonds and cream, which they call Blanckemanger, for that the taste of them deserves these names, the marmalade is that which they call Capotes, or Chicoçapotes, which have a sweet taste, and near unto the colour of marmalade. Some Crollos', (for so they call the Spaniards borne at the Indies,) say that this fruit passeth all the fruits of Spain in excellency: yet am I not of that opinion, at the least they say, it passeth all other fruits in taste; but I will not dwell upon this question, for that it doth not deserve it. Those Chicoçapotes or Capotes, wherein there is little difference, grow in the hottest parts of new Spain, neither have I knowledge of any such fruit in the firm land of Peru. As for the Blanckemanger, it is that Annona or Guanavana, which grows in the firm land, which is fashioned like unto a pear, a little sharp and opened, within it is white, tender and soft like butter, sweet and of a pleasing taste: It is no whit meat, though they call it Blanckemanger, but in truth they have added much unto it, by giving this name: although it be delicate and of a saucy and delicious taste, and according to the judgement of some, it is held for the best fruit of the Indies, yet hath it many black kernels within it, and the best which I have seen is in new Spain, where the Capolies grow, which be like unto cherries, with a stone, but some what bigger: the form and shape is like unto cherries, of a good taste, being sweet and sharp; but I have not seen any Capollyes in any other Country.   

Of many sorts of fruit Trees, of Cocos, Almonds, of the Andes, and Almonds of Chachapoyas. CHAP. 26.  
IT were not possible to reckon all the fruits and trees at the Indies, for that I remember not many, and there are many more whereof I have no knowledge; and in my opinion, it were troublesome to speak of all those I now remember. There are some gross fruits, as those which they call Lucumes, (of which fruit they speak in a proverb, that it is a counterfeit price,) The Guanos', Pacayes, Hubos, and the nuts which they call imprisoned; which fruits seem to many, to be the same kind of nuts we have in Spain; yea, they say, if they were often transplanted from place to place, they would carry nuts altogether like to those of Spain. And the reason why the fruit is so unpleasant, is, for that they are wild. To conclude, we ought well to consider the providence and riches of the Creator, who imparts to so diverse parts of the world, such variety of fruit trees, all for the service of man that inhabits the earth. And it is an admirable thing to see so many different forms, tastes, and effects unknown, whereof we did never hear speak, before the discovery of the Indies. And whereof Pliny himself, Dioscorides and Theophrastes, (yea, the most curious,) had no knowledge, notwithstanding all their search and diligence. There have been some curious men of our age, which have written some Treatises of the Indian plants, of herbs, and rivers, and of their operations for physic, to whom they may fly for their better instruction. I only pretend, (and in few words,) to treat superficially of that which comes to memory touching this subject; yet do I not think it good to pass away under silence the Cocos or Indian palms, by reason of a very notable property it hath. I call them palms, not properly, or that it bears dates, but that they are trees like to other palms. They are high and strong, and the higher they grow, the broader they stretch out their branches. These Cocos yield a fruit which they likewise call Cocos, whereof they commonly make vessels to drink in, and some they say have a virtue against poison, and to cure the pain in the side. The nut and meat being dried, is good to eat, and comes near in taste to green chestnuts. When the Coco is tender upon the tree, the substance within it, is as it were milk, which they drink for daintiness, and to refresh them in time of heat. I have seen of these trees in S. jean de Port Ricco, and other parts of the Indies, and they report a wonderful thing, that every month or Moon, this tree casts forth a new branch of this Cocos; so as it yields fruit twelve times in the year, as it is written in the apocalypse: and in truth this seems like unto it, for that all the branches are of different ages, some beginning, others being ripe, and some half ripe. These Cocos, are commonly of the form and bigness of a small melon. There is of another kind which they call Coquilloes, the which is a better fruit, whereof there be some in Chille. They are some what less than nuts, but more round. There is another kind of Cocos, which have not the kernel so oily, but within they have a great number of small fruits like almonds, like unto the grains of a Poungarnet.  
These almonds are thrice as big as those of Castille, and resemble them in taste, though they be more sharp, and likewise moist and oily. It is a good meat, they use it also in feasting; for lack of almonds to make marchpanes, and such other things. They call them Almonds of the Andes, for that these Cocos grow abundantly upon the Andes of Peru; they are so strong and hard, as to open them, they must beat them with a great stone, when they fall from the tree. If they chance to hit any one on the head, he hath no more need of any surgeon. It is an incredible thing, that within the hollow of these Cocos, which are no bigger than the rest, or little more, there are such a multitude of these almonds. But as touching almonds and other fruits, all trees must yield to the almonds of Chachapo●●s, which I cannot otherwise call. It is the most pleasing, delicate, and wholesome fruit of all that I have seen at the Indies; yea a learned Physician did affirm, that amongst all the fruits at the Indies, or in Spain, none came near these Almonds in excellency. There are both greater and less than those of the Andes, but all are fatter than those of Castille. They are very tender to eat, and they have much juice and substance; and are oily and very pleasant: they grow upon high trees, bearing great leaves. And as it is a pre●ious thing, so nature hath given them a good covering and defence, being in a husk somewhat bigger, and more pricking than a chestnut. Yet when this husk is dry, they easily draw forth the grain. They say, that the Apes who are very greedy of this fruit, and whereof there is abundance in Chachapoyas of Peru (which is the only country (to my knowledge) where these trees do grow) fearing they should prick them, and yet desirous to draw forth the almond, they cast them from the top of the tree against the stones, and having broken the husk, they open them to eat the fruit at their pleasure.   

Of many and divers flowers, and of some trees which yield only a flower, and how the Indians do use them CHAP. 27.  
THe Indians are great lovers of flowers, and in new Spain more than in any other part of the world, & therefore they are accustomed to make many kinds of nosegays, which there they call Suchilles, with such pretty variety and art, as nothing can be more pleasing. They have a custom amongst them, that the chiefest man offer their Suchilloes or nosegays in honour to Noblemen, and to their guests; and they presented us with such abundance as we passed through that Country, as we knew not what to do with them; and at this day they use the principal flowers of Castill, to that end, for that they grow better there than here, as gilly-flowers, roses, jasmins, violets, orange flowers, and other sorts which they have transported ou●●f Spain. The rose tree groweth too fast in some places, so as they bear no roses. It chanced one day that a rose tree was burned, and the scions which sprowted out, presently bare abundance of roses, and thereby they learned to prune them, and to cut off the superfluous branches, so as at this day they yield reasonable store of ros●s. But besides these kinds of flowers, which have been transported from hence. There are many others, whose names I do not know, whereof some are red, blue, yellow, violet and white, with a thousand different colours, which the Indians did use to carry on their heads, as feathers for ornament. True it is, that many of these flowers are only pleasing to the sight, having no good savour, either they are gross, or else they have none at all; and yet there be some of an excellent scent. As those which grow upon a tree termed by them Floripondio or carry flower, which bears no fruit, but only these flowers, which are greater than the Lily, and are like to little bells, all white, which have within them small threads, as we see in the lily: it leaves not all the year to bear these flowers, whose smell is wonderful sweet and agreeable, especially in the cool of the morning. The Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo sent of these trees unto King Philip, as a thing worthy to be planted in royal gardens. In new Spain the Indians esteem much of a flower, which they call Volosuchil, which signifieth flower of the heart, for that it bears the form of a heart, and is not much less. There is likewise an other great tree, which bears this kind of flower, without any fruit; it hath a strong savour, and in my opinion, too violent, the which may seem to some more pleasing. It is a thing well known, that the flower which they call of the Sun, ●●th the figure of the Sun, and turns according to the motion thereof. There are other kinds which they call gilleflowers of the Indies, the which are like to a fine orange tawny vellet, or a violet; those have no scent of any account, but only are fair to the eye. There are other flowers which besides the bea●●ie of the eye, although they have no smell, yet have they a savour like unto cresses, the which if you should eat with outlooking of them, you would judge them to be no other. The flower of Granadille is held for an admirable thing, and they say, it hath in it the marks of the passion, and that therein they note the nails, the pillar, the whips, and crown of thorns, and the wounds, wherein they are not altogether without reason, and yet to find out and observe these things, it requires some piety to cause belief: but it is very exquisite and fair to the eye, although it have no smell. The fruit which they also call Granadille is eaten and drunk; or to speak more properly, sucked, for a refreshing; this fruit is sweet, and too sweet after some opinions. The Indians have used in their feasts and dances, to carry flowers in their hands, and the Kings and Noblemen carry them for their greatness. For this reason we commonly see their ancient pictures with flowers in their hands, as we see here with gloves. I think this sufficient touching flowers. They use BaZilic to this effect, although it be no flower, but an herb only, which they were won● to plant carefully in their gardens, but now they regard it not; so as it grows only about their pools and ponds,   

Of Balm. CHAP. 28.  
THe Sovereign Creator hath not only fashioned Plants to serve as meat, but also for recreation, for physic, and for the cure of man. I have spoken somewhat of those that serve for nourishment, which is the chief, and a little of those that serve for recreation, and now we are to entreat of those which are proper for physic, wherein I will speak something. And although all plants are medicinal when they are well known and applied, yet there are some things especially, which we see directly ordained by the Creator for physic; and for the health of man: as liquors, oils, gums, and rozines, which come from diverse plants and herbs, and which easily show by experience whereto they are proper. Above all, Balm is with reason esteemed for the excellent smell, but much more for the exquisite effect it hath to cure wounds, and diverse other remedies, as experience hath taught in the cure of diseases. The Balm which comes from the West Indies, is not of the same kind of right Balm which they bring from Alexandria or Cairo, and in old time was in judea; which judea (as Pliny writeth) did of all the world possess this greatness, until the Emperor Vespasian brought it to Rome & into Italy. 
Pli. lib. 12 c. 15  The reason why I say the liquor of the one and the other are not of one kind, is for that the trees from whence it comes are very different: for the balm tree of Palestine was small, and fashioned like to a Vine (as Plinic reporteth) who had seen it, and those that at this day that have seen them in the East, say as much. As also the holy Scripture calls the place where the Balm thickens, 
Can●. 1.  Vine of Enguaddy, for the resemblance it hath to vine. At the Indies I have seen the tree from whence they draw the Balm, which is as big as a poungarnet tree, and some thing near the fashion; and if my memory fails me not, it hath nothing common with the vine, although that Strabo writes, that the ancient tree of Balm, 
Strab. lib. 16. Geograp.  was of the bigness of a poungarnet tree. But in their accidents and operations, their liquors are alike, as likewise they be in their admirable smells, and in the cure and healing of wounds, in colour and substance, seeing they report of other Balms that there is some white, vermilion, green, and black, the which is likewise seen in that of the Indies. And as they drew forth the ancient in cutting and making incisions in the bark, to cause the liquor to distill out, so do they with that at the Indies, although it distills in greater abundance. And as in the ancient there is one kind which is pure, the which they call Opobalsamum, which be the very tears that distill, so as there is another sort which is not so exquisite, the which they draw from the bark and leaves strained and boiled on the fire, the which they call Xilobalssamum. The like is also in the Indian Balms; there is one pure that distills from the tree, and others that the Indians draw out by straining and boiling the leaves and wood, yea, they do sophisticate and augment it with other liquors, to make it increase. It is not without reason they call it Balm, for in truth it is so, (although it be not of the same kind of the ancient,) yet it is much esteemed, and should be more, if the great abundance were not the cause as in Emeralds and Pearls. That which imports most, is the use wherein it is employed, for cream and unctions in the Church, and in such veneration: for that the Apostolic sea hath given liberty to give cream of Balm at the Indies, and that they should use it in confirmation and other ceremonies which they use. They bring Balm to Spain from new Spain, from the Province of Guatimalla, from Chiappa, and other places where it abounds most, although the most esteemed be that which comes from the Island of Tollu, which is upon the main land, not far from Carthagene. This Balm is white, and commonly they hold the white to be more perfect than the red, although Pliny gives the first place to the vermilion, 
Pli●. li. 12. c. 25  the second to the white, the third to green, and the last to black; but it seems that Strabo esteemed more the white Balms as ours do. Monardes' discourseth at large of the Indian Balm in the first and second part, especially of that of Carthagene and Tollu, which is all one. I have not found that the Indians in old time did much esteem Balm, nor yet employ it in any important use, although Monardes' saith, that the Indians cured their wounds therewith, and from thence the Spaniards learned it.   

Of Amber, and other Oils, Gums, and Drugs, which they bring from the Indies CHAP. 29.  
NExt to Balm, Amber holds the second place: it is another liquor which is likewise sweet and medicinal; but more thick, and turns into a paste of a hot complexion, and a good perfume, the which they apply to wounds, bruises, and other necessities; wherein I will refer myself to the Physicians, especially to Doctor Monardes', who in his first Part, hath written of this liquor, and many others that are physical, which comes from the Indies. This Amber comes from new Spain, which hath that advantage above other Provinces in gums, liquors, and juice of trees, whereby they have such abundance of matter, for perfume and physic, as is the Animé, whereof there comes great store, copal, or Suchicopal, which is another kind, storax and incense, which have excellent operations, and have a very good smell fit for fumigations. Likewise the Tacamahaca and Caranna, which are also very medicinal. They bring likewise from this Province oil of Aspic, which the Physicians and Painters use much, the one for plasters, the other to varnish their pictures. They bring also for the Physicians, Cassia fistule, the which grows plentifully in S. Dominique. It is a great tree, which carries these canes as his fruit. They brought in the fleet wherein I came from S. Dominique forty eight quintalles of Cassia fistule. Salcepareille is not less known, for a thousand remedies wherein it is used. There came in the same fleet fifty quintalles from the same Island. There is much of this Sa●cepar●ille at Peru, and most excellent in the Province of Gua●aquill, which is under the Line. Many go to be cured into this Province, and it is the opinion of some, that the pure water only which they drink, gives them health, for that it passeth by roots as I have said, from whence it draws this virtue, so as there needs no great covering or garments to make a man sweat in that country. The wood of Guayac, which they call Lignum sanctum, or Indian wood grows abundantly in the same islands, and is as heavy as iron, so as it presently sinks in the water, hereof they brought in the same fleet 350. quintals, and they might have brought twenty, yea, a hundred thousand of this wood, if there were use for it. There came in the same fleet, and from the same Island, 130. quintalles of bresil wood, the which is fiery red, so well known, and much used in dying and other things. There are at the Indies infinite numbers of other aromatical woods, gums, oils, and drugs, so as it is not possible to name them all, neither doth it now much import. I say only, that in the time of the Kings Inguas of C●sco, and the Mexicaine Kings, there were many great personages expert in curing of diseases with simples, and did goodly cures, having the knowledge of the many virtues and properties of herbs, roots, woods, and plants, which grow there, and whereof the Ancients of Europe have had no knowledge. There are a thousand of these simples fit to purge, as the roots of Mechoaçan, the Pignons of Punua, the conserve of Guanucquo, the oil of Figtrees, and many other things, the which being well applied, and in time, they hold to be of no less efficacy than the drugs that come from the East. The which may be seen in reading the discourse which Monardes' hath made in the first and second Part, where he treats amply of Tobacco, or Petum, whereof they have made notable experiences against poison. Tobacco is a small tree or plant, common enough, the which hath in it rare virtues, as amongst others it serves for a counterpoison, like to many and diverse other plants: for the Creator of all things hath imparted his virtues at his pleasure, not willing that any thing should grow idle. But it is another sovereign gift to man, to know them and their proper uses, the which the same Creator gives to whom he pleaseth. Doctor Francis Hernandes hath made a goodly work upon this subject, of Indian plants, liquors, and other physical things, by the King's express commission and commandment, causing all the plants at the Indies to be lively painted, which they say are above a thousand two hundred; and that the work cost above three score thousand ducats: out of which work the Doctor Nardus Antonius an Italian Physician hath made a curious extract, sending him to the foresaid books, that desires more exactly to know the plants at the Indies, especially for physic.   

Of great forests at the Indies, of Cedars, of Ceivas, and other great trees. CHAP. 30.  
ALthough from the beginning the earth did bring forth plants and trees by the commandment of the Lord, yet hath it yielded more in one place than in another: and besides the plants and trees, which by the industry of man have been transplanted and carried from place to place, there are many which Nature itself hath brought forth. I do believe, that of this sort there are more at the new world, which we do call the Indies, either in number or diversity, than in the old, as Europe, Asia, or Africa. The reason is, for that the climate at the Indies is generally hot and moist, as we have declared in the second Book, against the opinion of the Ancients, which causeth the earth naturally for to bring forth an infinite number of wild plants, whereby the greatest part of the Indies is inhabitable, being almost impossible to travel by reason of the woods and thick forests that are there; which they labour daily to cut down. It hath been needful (passing through some parts of the Indies, especially where they newly entered) to make their way, in cutting down trees, and pulling up bushes, so that (as some religious men have written that have tried it) they could not sometimes have passed above a league in a day. One of our brothers (a man worthy of credit) reported unto us, that being strayed in the mountains, not knowing which way he should pass, he fell among such thick bushes, that he was forced to go upon them, without setting foot to the ground, by the space of fifteen whole days: and to see the Sun, or to mark some way in this thick forest full of wood, he was forced to climb to the top of the highest trees to discover. He that shall read the discourse of his travel, how often he was lost, and the ways he passed, with the strange adventures that happened unto him, the which I have written briefly, being so worthy the knowledge, and having myself traveled a little over the mountains at the Indies, were it but the eighteen leagues betwixt Nombre de Dios and Panama, may well judge what great forests there are. So as having no winter in those parts, to nip them with cold, and the humidity of the heavens, and earth being so great, as the mountains bring forth infinite forests, and the plains which they call Savanas, great plenty of grass: there is no want of pasture for feeding, of timber building, nor of wood for fuel. It is impossible to set down the differences and forms of so many wild trees, for that the names of the greatest part are unknown.  
Cedars in old time so much esteemed, are there very common, both for buildings and ships, and they are of divers sorts, some white, and some red, very odoriferant. There are great store of bay trees, very pleasant to behold upon the Andes of Peru, upon the mountains, in the islands of Nicaragua, and in New Spain. There are also infinite numbers of Palms and Ceivas, whereof the Indians make their Canoes, which are boats made of one piece. They bring into Spain from the Havana, excellent timber. In the Island of Cuba, there are infinite numbers of like trees, as Ebon, Caovana, Grenadille, Cedars, and other kinds which I do not know. There are great pine trees in New Spain, though they be not so strong as those in Spain: they bear no pignous or kernels, but empty apples. The oaks as they call them of Guaiaquil, is an excellent wood and sweet, when they cut it; yea there are kanes or most high reeds, of whose boughs or small reeds they do make bottles and pitchers to carry water, and do likewise use them in their buildings. There is likewise the wood of Mansle, or Fir, whereof they make masts for their ships, and they hold them as strong as iron. Molle is a tree of many virtues, which casteth forth small boughs, whereof the Indians make wine. In Mexico they call it the tree of Peru, for that it came from thence: but it grows also in New Spain, and better than those in Peru. There are a thousand other trees, which were a superfluous labour to entreat of, whereof some are of an exceeding greatness, I will speak only of one which is in Tlaco Chavoya, three leagues from Guayaca in New Spain: this tree being measured within, being hollow, was found to have nine fathom, and without, near to the root, sixteen, and somewhat higher, twelve. This tree was struck with lightning from the top to the bottoms, through the heart, the which caused this hollowness; they say that before the thunder fell upon it, it was able to shadow a thousand men, and therefore they did assemble there for their dances and superstitions: yet to this day there doth remain some boughs and verdure, but not much. They know not what kind of tree it is, but they say it is a kind of Cedar. Such as shall find this strange, let them read what Pliny reporteth of the Plane of Lydia, 
Plin. lib. 12. c. 1.  the hollow whereof contained four score foot and one, and seemed rather a cabin or a house, than the hollow of a tree, his boughs like a whole wood, the shadow whereof covered a great part of the field. By that which is written of this tree, we have no great cause to wonder at the Weaver, who had his dwelling and loom in the hollow of a chestnut tree; and of another chestnut tree, if it were not the very same, into the hollow whereof there entered eighteen men on horseback, and passed out without disturbing one another. The Indians did commonly use their idolatries in these trees, so strange and deformed, even as did the ancient Gentiles, as some Writers of our time do report.   

Of Plants and fruits which have been carried out of Spain to the Indies. CHAP. 31.  
THe Indians have received more profit, and have been better recompensed in plants that have been brought from Spain, than in any other merchandise, for that those few which are carried from the Indies into Spain, grow little there, and multiply not, and chose the great number that have been carried from Spain to the Indies, prosper well & multiply greatly: I know not whether I shall attribute it to the bounty of the plants that go from hence, or to the goodness of the soil that is there. Finally, there is at the Indies any good thing that Spain brings forth; in some places it is better, in some worse, as wheat, barley, herbs, and all kinds of pulses, also lettuce, coleworts, radishes, onions, garlic, parsley, turnips, parseneps, Becengenes, or apples of love, siccorie, beets, spinach, pease, beans, vetches; and finally, whatsoever groweth here of any profit, so as all that have voyaged thither, have been curious to carry seeds of all sorts, and all have grown, although diversely, some more, some less. As for those trees that have most abundantly fructified, be orange trees, lemons, citrons, and others of that sort. In some parts there are at this day, as it were whole woods and forests of orange trees: the which seeming strange unto me, I asked who had planted the fields with so many orange trees▪ they made me answer, that it did come by chance, for that oranges being fallen to the ground, and rotten, their seeds did spring, and of those which the water had carried away into divers parts, these woods grew so thick: which seemed to me a very good reason. I have said that this fruit hath generally increased most at the Indies, for that I have not been in any place but I find orange trees, for that all their soil is hot and moist, which this tree most desires. There grows not any upon the Sierre or mountain, but they carry them from the valleys or sea coast. The conserve of oranges which they do make at the islands, is the best I have seen any where; peaches, presses and apricockes have greatly multiplied, especially in New Spain. At Peru there grows few of these kinds of fruits, except peaches, and much less in the islands. There grows apples and pears, yet but scarcely: there are but few plumbs, but abundance of figs, chiefly in Peru. They find quinces in all the country of the Indies, and in New Spain, in such abundance, as they gave us fifty choice ones for half a rial. There is great store of pomegranates, but they are all sweet, for the sharp are not there esteemed. There are very good melons in some parts of Peru. Cherries both wild and tame have not prospered well at the Indies, the which I do not impute to want of temperature, for that there is of all sorts, but to carelessness, or that they have not well observed the temperature. To conclude, I do not find that in those parts there wants any dainty fruit. As for gross fruits, they have no Beillottes nor chestnuts, neither do I find that any have grown there to this day. Almonds grow there, but rarely. They carry from Spain, for such as are dainty mouthed, both almonds, nuts, and filberts; but I have not known they had any meddlers or servises, which imports little. In my judgement, this may suffice to show that there wanteth no delightful fruits. Now let us speak somewhat of plants that profit, and which have been carried from Spain, and so will end that Treatise, being too troublesome.   

Of grapes, vines, olives, mulberries, and kanes of sugar. CHAP. 32.  
I Mean by profitable plants, those, which besides that which they eat in the house, bring silver to their masters; the chief of these is the vigne, whereof cometh wine vinegar, grapes, green and dry, verjuice, and syrup. But the wine is the best. There grows no wine, nor grapes in the Islands, nor firm land, but in new Spain, there are some vines which bear grapes, and yet make no wine. The cause is, for that the grape ripens not well, by reason of the rain that falls in the months of july and August, which hinders their ripening, so as they serve only to eat. They carry wine out of Spain, and from the Canaries, to all parts of the Indies, except Peru and the realm of Chillé, where there are vines that yield excellent wine, which increase daily both in quantity, for that it is a great riches in that country, and in beauty, for that they are become with time and practise more expert vignerous. The vines of Peru are commonly in hot valleys, where there are waters, which they water with the hand, because there falls no rain at all from heaven; and upon the Lanos and Sierre it comes not in time. There are some places where the vines are not watered, neither from heaven nor earth, and yet they increase in great abundance, as in the valley of Yca; and in the ditches that they call VillacuZi, in which places they find ditches, or th'earth sunk down amongst the dead sands, which are throughout the year of a wonderful coolness, and yet it rains not there at any time, neither is there any manner of means to water it artificially; the reason is, because the soil is spongeous, and sucks up the water of the rivers that fall from the mountain, which moisten these sands, or else it is the moistness of the sea, as others suppose, which passing over this sand, is the cause why it is not barren nor unprofitable, as the Philosopher teaches. The vines have so increased there, as for this cause only the tithes of the Churches are multiplied five or six times double within these twenty years. The most fertile valleys for vines be Victor near to Arequipa, Yca in the territory of Lima, and Caraguato in the Country of Chuquiavo; they carry this wine to Potozi, Cusco and diverse parts, which yields a great revenue: for notwithstanding all the abundance they have, a bottle or arobe is there worth five or six ducats, and if it be Spanish wine (as they commonly carry in their fleets) it is worth ten or twelve. They make wine like to that of Spain, in the realm of Chille, being in the same climate; but it corrupteth being carried to Peru: they eat the grape where they cannot drink the wine. And it is strange, that in the city of Cusco you shall find ripe grapes all the year long: the reason is (as they say) for that those valleys bring forth fruits in divers months of the year, either for that they cut their vines in divers seasons; or that this variety proceeds from the quality of the soil; but whatsoever it be, it is most certain, there are some valleys which carry fruit all the year. If any one wonder at this, it may be he will wonder much more at that which I shall say, and perchance not believe it. There are trees in Peru, whereof the one part yields fruit one six months of the year, and the other half part yields fruit the other six months. In Malla which is thirteen leagues from the City of Kings, there is a fig tree, whereof the one half which is towards the South, is green, and yieldeth his fruit one season of the year, that is, when it is summer upon the Sierre, and the other moiety towards the Lanos or sea coast, is green, and yields his fruit in the other contrary season, when it is summer upon the Lanos, which groweth from the divers temperature, and the air which cometh from the one part, and the other. The revenue of wine there is not small, but it goeth not out of the country. But the silk that is made in new Spain is transported into other countries, as to Peru. There were no Mulberry trees in the Indies, but such as were brought from Spain, and they grow well, especially in the province which they call Mistecqua, where there are silkworms, and they put to work the silk they gather, whereof they make very good taffetas: Yet to this day they have made neither damask, satin, nor velvet. The sugar yet is a greater revenue, for they not only spend it at the Indies, but also they carry much into Spain, for the canes grow exceeding well in many parts of the Indies. They have built their engines in the islands, in Mexico, in Peru, and in other parts, which yieldeth them a very great revenue.  
It was told me, that the engine for sugar in Nasca, was worth yearly above thirty thousand pieces of revenue. That of Chicama joining to Truxillo, was likewise of great revenue, and those of new Spain are of no less; and it is a strange thing to see what store they consume at the Indies. They brought from the Island of S. Dominique, in the fleet wherein I came eight hundred ninety eight chests of sugar, which being (as I did see) shipped at Port Ricco (every chest (in my opinion) weighed eight arobes, every arobes weighing five and twenty pounds, which are two hundred weight of sugar) is the chief revenue of these islands, so much are men given to the desire of sweet things. There are likewise olives and olive trees at the Indies, I say in Mexico and in Peru, yet hath there not been to this day any mill for oil, for that they eat all their olives, and dress them well: they find the charge is greater to make oil than the profit, and therefore they carry all the oil they do spend from Spain. And here we will end with plants, and will pass to such beasts as be at the Indies.   

Of Beasts bearing wool, and of Kine. CHAP. 33.  
I ●inde there are three kinds of beasts at the Indies, whereof some have been carried from Spain, others are of the same kind we have in Europe, and yet not carried by the Spaniards; and others are proper to the Indies, whereof there are none in Spain. Of the first kind are sheep, kine, goats, swine, horses, asses, dogs, cats and other such beasts, for there are of all these kinds at the Indies. The smaller cattle have greatly multiplied, and if they could make profit of their wools by sending them into Europe, it were one of the greatest riches the Indies had, for there the flocks of sheep have great pastures, whereas their feeding fails not. In Peru there is such store of pastures and feedings, as no man hath any proper to himself, but every man feeds his troops where he pleaseth. For this reason there is commonly great store of flesh, and very good cheap, and all other things that come from sheep, as milk, and cheese. For a time they lost their wools, until that some began to husband it, and to make cloth and cover, which hath been a great help for the poorer sort of the country, for that the cloth of Castille is very dear there. There are many Clothiers in Peru, but more in new Spain, yet the cloth that comes from Spain, is far better, whether the will be more fine, or the work men more expert. In former times there were men that did possess threescore and ten, yea, a hundred thousand sheep, and at this day they have not many less. If this were in Europe, it were a very great substance, but in that country it is but a mean wealth. In many parts of the Indies, and I think in the greatest part, small cattle do not increase and profit well, by reason that the grass is high, and the soil so vicious, that they cannot feed so well as great cattle. And therefore there is an infinite number of line, whereof there are two kinds. Some are ●ame and go in troops, as in the Land of Charca, and other Provinces of Peru, as also in all new Spain: from these tame kine they draw such profit as they do in Spain, that is, the flesh, butter, calves, and oxen to till the ground. The other kind is wild, which live in the mountains and forests, and therefore they tame them not, neither have they any master to whom they are proper, both for the roughness and thickness of the forest, as also for the great multitude there is, and he that first kills them, is the master, as of any wild beast. These wild kine have so multiplied in S. Dominique, and thereabouts, that they troop together in the fields and woods by thousands, having no master to whom they appertain. They hunt these beasts only for their hides, they go to the field on horseback with their weapons to hough them, coursing the kine: and when they have strucken any and stayed them, they are their own, they flay them and carry the hides home, leaving the flesh, which every one neglects for the abundance there is, so as some have testified in this Island, that in some places the air hath been corrupted with the abundance of these stinking carcases. The hides they bring into Spain, is one of the best revenues of the islands, & of new Spain. In the fleet the year 1●87. there came from S. Dominique, 3●444. hides, and from new Spain, 64350. which they value at 96532. pieces, so as when they discharge one of these fleets, it is admirable to behold the river of Sevill, and in the arsenal (where they unlade,) so many hides, and so much merchandise. There are also great numbers of goats, whose chief profit is their tallow, besides their kidmilke and other commodities, for that both rich and poor use this tallow for lights, for as there is a great quantity, so do they make very good account of it; yea, more than of oil, but all the tallow they use is only of the males. They ice their skins for shoes, yet I hold them not so good, as those which are carried from Castill. Horses have multiplied there, and are very excellent in many places; yea in many parts there are races found as good as the best in Spain, as well for passing of a carrier, and for pomp, as also for travel: and therefore they use horses most commonly, although there be no want of moils, whereof there are many, especially where they make their carriages by land. There is no great numbers of asses, having no great use for them, neither for travel nor service. There are some few ca●mells; I have seen some in Peru, that were brought from the Canaries, and have multiplied there a little. In S. Dominique, dogs have so multiplied in number and bigness, as at this day it is the scourge and affliction of that Island: for they eat the sheep, and go in troops through the fields. Such that kill them are rewarded like to them that kill wolves in Spain. At the first there were no dogs at the Indies but some beasts like unto little dogs, the which the Indians call Alco, and therefore they call all dogs that go from Spain, by the same name, by reason of the resemblance that is betwixt them. The Indians do so love these little dogs, that they will spare their meat to feed them, so as when they travel in the country, they carry them with them upon their shoulders, or in their bosoms, and when they are sick, they keep them with them, without any use, but only for company.   

Of some Beasts of Europe, which the Spaniards found at the Indies, and how they should pass thither. CHAP. 34.  
IT is certain that they have carried from Spain all these beasts whereof I have spoken, of which kinds there were none at the Indies, when they were first discovered about a hundred years since; for besides that it may be well approved by witnesses at this day living. It is also a sufficient argument to see that the Indians in their tongue, have no proper words to signify these beasts, but they use the same Spanish names, although they be corrupted: for being ignorant of the thing, they took the word common to those places from whence they came. I have found this a good rule, to discern what things the Indians had before the Spaniards came there, and what they had not: for they gave names to those they had and knew before, and have given new names to these that are newly come unto them, which commonly are the same Spanish names, although they pronounce them after their manner, as for a horse, wine, and wheat. They found of some sorts of beasts that are in Europe, & were not carried thither by the Spaniards. There are Lions, Tigers, Bears, Boars, Foxes, and other fierce & wild beasts, whereof we have treated in the first book, so as it was not likely they should pass to the Indies by Sea, being impossible to swim the Ocean: and it were a folly to imagine that men had embarked them with them. It follows therefore that this world joins with the new in some part: by which these beasts might pass, 
Genes. 6.  and so by little and little multiplied this world. The lions which I have seen, are not red, neither have they such hair as they usually paint them with. They are grey, and not so furious as they seem in pictures. The Indians assemble in troops to hunt the lion, and make as it were a circle, which they do call Chaco, wherewith they environ them, and after they kill them with stones, staves, and other weapons. These lions use to climb trees, where being mounted, the Indians kill them with lances and crossbows, but more easily with harquebusses. The Tigers are more fierce and cruel, and are more dangerous to meet, because they break forth and assail men in treason: They are spotted, as the Historiographers describe them. I have heard some report that these Tigers were very fierce against the Indians, yet would they not adventure at all upon the Spaniards, or very little; and that they would choose an Indian in the midst of many Spaniards, and carry him away.  
The Bears which in Cusco they call Otoioncos, be of the same kind that ours are, and keep in the ground. There are few swarms of Bees, for that their honniecombes are found in trees, or under the ground, and not in hives as in Castille. The honey comhes which I have seen in the Province of Charcas, which they call Chiguanas, are of a grey colour, having little juice, and are more like unto sweet straw, than to honey combs. They say the Bees are little, like unto flies; and that they swarm under the earth. The honey is sharp and black, yet in some places there is better, and the combs better fashioned, as in the province of Tucuman in Chille, and in Carthagene. I have not seen nor heard speak● of wild boars, but of foxes and other wild beasts that eat their cattle and fowl, there are more than their shepherds would willingly have. Besides these beasts that are furious and hurtful, there are others that are profitable, and have not been transported by the Spaniards, as stags and diere, whereof there is gro●t abundance in all the forests. But the greatest part is a kind of diere without horns, at the least, I have never seen nor heard speak of other, and all are without horns like unto Corcos. It seems not hard to believe, but is almost certain, that all these beasts for their lightness, and being naturally wild, have passed from one world to an other, by some parts where they join, seeing that in the great islands far from the main land I have not heard that there are any, though I have made diligent inquiry.   

Of Fowls which are here, and are at the Indies, and how they could pass thither. CHAP. 35.  
We may more easily believe the same of birds, and that there are of the same kinds that we have, as partridges, turtles, pigeons, stockdoves, quails, and many sorts of falcons, which they send from New Spain, and Peru, to the noblemen of Spain, for they make great account of them. There are also Herons and Eagles of divers kinds; and there is no doubt but these birds & such like, have sooner passed thither than lions, tigers, and stags. There are likewise at the Indies great numbers of parrots, especially upon the Andes of Peru, and in the islands of Port Ricco and saint Dominique, where they flee by flocks, as pigeons do here. To conclude, birds with their wings may go where they will; and truly many kinds might well pass the gulf, seeing it is certain, as Pliny affirmeth, 
Pli. li. 10. c. 23.  that there are many that pass the sea, and go into strange regions, although I have not read that any fowl hath passed by flight so great a gulf, as is the Indian Ocean, yet hold I it not altogether impossible, seeing the common opinion of mariners, that you shall find them two hundred leagues and more from the land, And as Aristotle doth teach, that birds endure the water easily, having little respiration, as we see in sea fowl, which dive and remain long under the water. Even so we may say, that the fowl which be at this present upon the main land, and in the islands at the Indies, might pass the sea, resting themselves in some small islands, or upon some land which they discovered by a natural instinct (as Pliny reporteth of some) or peradventure falling into the water, when they were weary of flying, 
Pli. lib. 10. c. 2●  and after began their flight a new when they had a little rested. As for the fowls which we see in the islands, where there are no beasts, I believe certainly that they passed by one of the foresaid means. But for other birds which we find upon the main land, especially those whose flight is short, it is more credible that they came thither as the beasts did, which are of the same kinds that we have in Europe. For at the Indies there are great birds, very heavy, as Ostriches, whereof there are many in Peru; which do use sometimes to terrify the Indian sheep as they do go with their burdens.  
But leaving these birds that govern themselves without the care of man, but only for hawking, let us now speak of tame fowl; I wondered at hens, seeing there were some at the Indies before the Spaniards came there, the which is well approved, for they have a proper name of the country, and they call a hen Gualpa, and the egg P●nto, and they use the same proverb we do, to call a coward, a hen. Those that were at the discovery of the islands of Solomon, do report that they have seen hens there like unto ours: we may conceive that the hen being so tame a fowl, and so profitable, men might carry them with them when they passed from one place to another, as we see at this day the Indians in their travel carry their hen with them, or chicken upon the burden they have on their shoulders: and likewise they carry them easily in their cages of reeds or wood. Finally, there be at the Indies many kinds of beasts and birds, such as we have in Europe, as I have specified, and other sorts which I leave to others to discourse of.   

How it spould be possible, that at the Indies there should be any sorts of beasts, whereof the like are nowhere else. CHAP. 36.  
IV were a matter more difficult, to show, and prove, what beginning many & sundry sorts of beasts had, which are found at the Indies, of whose kinds we have none in this continent. For if the Creator hath made them there, we may not then allege nor fly to Noah's Ark, neither was it then necessary to save all sorts of birds and beasts, if others were to be created anew. Moreover, we could not affirm, that the creation of the world was made and finished in six days, if there were yet other new kinds to make, and specially perfect beasts, and no less excellent than those that are known unto us: If we say then that all these kinds of creatures were preserved in the Ark by Noah, it follows, that those beasts, of whose kinds we find not any but at the Indies, have passed thither from this continent, as we have said of other beasts that are known unto us. This supposed, I demand how it is possible that none of their kind should remain here? and how they are found there, being as it were travelers and strangers? Truly it is a question that hath long held me in suspens. I say for example, if the sheep of Peru, and those which they call Pacos and Guanacoes, are not found in any other regions of the world, who hath carried them thither? or how came they there? seeing there is no show nor remainder of them in all this world? If they have not passed from some other region, how were they form and brought forth there? It may be GOD hath made a new creation of beasts. That which I speak of these Pacos and Guanacoes may be said of a thousand different kinds of birds and beasts of the forest, which have never been known, neither in shape nor name; and whereof there is no mention made, neither among the Latins, nor greeks, nor any other nations of the world. We must then say, that though all beasts came out of the Ark, yet by a natural instinct, and the providence of heaven, divers kinds dispersed themselves into divers regions, where they found themselves so well, as they would not part; or if they departed, they did not preserve themselves, but in process of time, perished wholly, as we do see it chance in many things. For if we shall look precisely into it, we shall find that it is not proper and peculiar alone to the Indies, but general to many other Nations and Provinces of Asia, Europe, and Africa, where they say there are certain kinds of creatures, that are not found in other regions, at the least if they be any where else, they are known to be carried from thence. Seeing then these creatures came out of the Ark, as for example, the elephant which we find only in the East Indies, and from thence have been imparted to other regions, we may say as much of these creatures of Peru, and of others of the Indies, which are not found in any other part of the world.  
We may likewise consider well upon this subject, whether these beasts differ in kind, and essentially from all others, or if this difference be accidental, which might grow by divers accidents, as we see in the lineages of men, some are white, others black, some giants, others dwarves: and in apes, some have no tail, others have: and in sheep, some are bare, others have fleeces; some great and strong with a long neck, as those of Peru; others weak and little, having a short neck, as those of Castille. But to speak directly, whoso would by this Discourse, showing only these accidental differences, preserve the propagation of beasts at the Indies, and reduce them to those of Europe, he shall undertake a charge he will hardly discharge with his honour. For if we shall judge the kinds of beasts by their properties, those of the Indies are so divers, as it is to call an egg a chestnut, to seek to reduce them to the known kinds of Europe.   

Of Fowls that are proper to the Indies. CHAP. 37.  
THere are many kinds of notable fowls at the Indies, either of the same sort that ours be, or of different. They bring certain birds from China, that have no feet, and all their bodies are almost feathers. They sit not upon the ground, but hang upon boughs, by strings or feathers which they have, and so rest themselves, like flies or airy things. In Peru there are birds which they ●●ll Tómineios, so small, that often times I have doubted seeing them fly, whether they were bees or butterflies; but in truth they are birds. chose, those which they call Condores, be of an exceeding greatness, and of such a force, that not only they will open a sheep and eat it, but also a whole calf. Those which they call Auras, and others PoullaZes, (which in my opinion are of the kind of ravens,) are of a strange lightness, and have a very quick sight, being very fit to cleanse Cities, for that they leave no carrion nor dead thing. They pass the night on trees or upon rocks, and in the morning they come to the cities and towns, sitting on the tops of the highest buildings, where they attend their prey. Their young have white feathers, as they report of ravens, and so change into black.  
The Guacamayac be birds bigger than Parrots, & resemble them something; they are esteemed for the variety of their feathers, which be very fair & pleasing. In new Spain there are abundance of birds with excellent feathers, so as there be not any found in Europe that comes near them, as we may see by the images of feathers they bring from thence, the which are (with great reason,) much valued and esteemed, giving cause of admiration, that with the feathers of birds, they should make so excellent a work, and so perfectly equal, as they seem properly to be the true colours of a painter, and have so lively and pleasing a regard, as the Painter cannot exceed it with his pencil and colours. Some Indians which are good and expert workmen in this Art, will represent perfectly in feathers, whatsoever they see drawn with the pencil, so as the Painters of Spain, have in this point, no advantage over them. Don Philip the Prince of Spain, his schoolmaster, did give unto him three figures or portraitures made of feathers, as it were to put in a Breviary. His Highness did show them to King Philip his father, the which his Majesty beholding attentively, said, that he had never seen in so small a work, a thing of so great excellency and perfection. One day as they presented to Pope Sixtus quintus, another square bigger than it, wherein was the figure of St. Francis, and that they had told him it was made of feathers by the Indians, he desired to make trial thereof, touching the table with his fingers, to see if it were of feathers, for that it seemed strange, to see them so properly fitted, that the eye could not judge nor discern whether they were natural colours of feathers, or artificial, done with the pencil. It is a goodly thing to see the lustre which a green, an orange tawny like gold, and other fine colours do cast, and beholding them another way they seem dead colours. They make the best and goodliest figures of feathers in the Province of Mechovacan, and in the village of Pascaro. The manner is with small delicate pinsors they pull the feathers from the dead fowls, and with a fine paste they cunningly join them together. They take the small & delicate feathers of those birds, which in Peru they call T●miney●s, or others like unto them, which have the most perfect colours in their feathers. The Indians (besides these images,) did use feathers in many other most excellent works, especially for the ornament of Kings and Noblemen, their Temples and Idols. There are also other great birds, which have excellent and fine feathers, whereof they make plumes of sundry colours, especially when they go to war, enriching them with gold and silver very artificially, which was a matter of great price. They have the same birds still, but they are not so curious, neither do they make so many gentle devises as they were wont. There are other birds at the Indies, contrary to these of so rich feathers, the which (besides that they are ill favoured,) serve to no other use but for dung, and yet perchance they are of no less profit. I have considered this, wondering at the providence of the Creator, who hath so appointed, that all creatures should serve man. In some islands or Phares, which are joining to the coast ●of Peru, we see the tops of the mountains all white, and to sight, you would take it for snow, or for some white land, but they are heaps of dung of sea fowl which go continually thither: and there is so great abundance, as it riseth many else, yea, many lances in height, which seems but a fable. They go with boats to these islands, only for the dung, for there is no other profit in them. And this dung is so commodious and profitable, as it makes the earth yield great abundance of fruit. They call this dung Guano, whereof the valley hath taken the name, which they call Limagua●a, in the valleys of Peru, where they use this dung, and it is the most fertile of all that country. The quinces, poungranets, and other fruits there, exceed all other in bounty and greatness; and they say, the reason is, for that the water wherewith they water it, passeth by a land compassed with this dung, which causeth the beauty of this fruit. So as these birds have not only the flesh to serve for meat, their singing for recreation, their feathers for ornament and beauty, but also their dung serves to fatten the ground. The which hath been so appointed by the sovereign Creator, for the service of man, that he might remember to acknowledge and be loyal to him from whom all good proceeds.   

Of Beasts for the Chases. CHAP. 38.  
BEsides the Beasts of Chase, whereof we have spoken, which be common to the Indies and Europe, there are others which I do not remember to have seen here, unless perhaps they have been brought from thence. There are beasts called Sainos, made like small hogs, which have this singular to themselves, to have their navel upon the ridge of their backs: these go by troops through the woods, they are cruel and nothing fearful, but chose they assail, and have their talents sharp as razors, wherewith they make dangerous wounds and incisions, if such as hunt them put not themselves in safety. Such as hunt them, (for the more safer killing of them,) they climb up into trees, whither the Sainos or hogs come presently in troops, biting the tree when they cannot hurt the man, and then with their lances they kill what they will. They are very good to eat, but they must of necessity cut off the round piece where the navel grows upon the back; for otherwise, within a day they corrupt. There is another kind of little beast like to sucking pigs, and they call them Guadatinaias. I am in doubt whether there were any swine at the Indies, ●efore the Spaniards came thither, like to these in ●paine, for that in the discovery of the islands of Solomon, it is said, they found hens and swine of Spain. But howsoever it be, it is most certain, that this cattle hath greatly multiplied at the Indies. They eat the flesh fresh, and hold it to be as wholesome and as good, as if it were of mutton; as in Carthagene in some parts, they are become wild and cruel, the which they hunt like wild boars, as we see in S. Dominique, and other islands where the beasts live in the forests. In some places they feed them with the grain of Mays, and they grow wonderfully fat, to have the grease, which they use for want of oil; in some places they make gamons, as in Toll●ca of new Spain, and in Paria at Peru. Returning then to such beasts as are peculiar there, even as the Sainos are like unto swine, though somewhat less; even so the Dantes resemble small kine, but more unto mules, having no horns. The hides of these beasts are much esteemed for jerkins and other cover, they are so hard as they resist any blow whatsoever. And as the Dantes be defended by the hardness of their hides, so those which they call Armadillos are by the multitude of their scales, which open and shut as they please like to a cuirass. There be little beasts which go thorough the woods, called Armadillos', by reason of the defence they have hiding themselves within their scales, and opening when they list: I have eaten of them, and do not hold it for a meat of any great worth, but the flesh of the Yguanas is a better meat, but more horrible to the eye: for they are like to the very Lizardes' of Spain, although they be of a doubtful kind, for that they go to the water, & coming to land they climb the trees upon the banks; and as they cast themselves from the trees into the water, the boats watch underneath to receive them. The Chinchilles is an other kind of small beasts, like squirrels, they have a wonderful smooth and soft skin, which they wear as a healthful thing to comfort the stomach, and those parts that have need of a moderate heat; they make cover and rugs of the hair of these Chinchilles, which are found on the Sierre of Peru, where there is likewise a small beast very common which they call Cuyes, and which the Indians hold for a very good meat, and they are accustomed often to offer these Cuyes in their sacrifices. They are like small coneys, and have their borows i● the ground, and in some places they have undermined all the land: some are grey, some white, and some speckled. There are other small animals which they call Viscachas, and are like to hares, although they be bigger, they hunt them and eat the flesh. Of common hares there are great store in some parts. There are also coneyes in the realm of Quitto, but the good are come from Spain. There is another strange beast, the which for his great heaviness, and slowness in moving, they call Perico-ligero, or the little light dog, he hath three nails to every hand, and moves both hand and feet, as it were by compass and very heavily: it is in face like to a monkey, and hath a shrill cry; it climbeth trees, and eats Ants.   

Of Micos or Indian Monkeys. CHAP. 39  
THroughout all the mountains, either of these islands of the firm land, or of the Andes, there are infinite numbers of Micos or Monkeys, which are a kind of apes, but very different, in that they have a tail, yea a very long one. And amongst them there are some kinds which are thrice, yea four times bigger than the ordinary; some are all black, some bay, some grey, and some spotted. Their agility and manner of doing is admirable, for that they seem to have reason & discourse to go upon trees, wherein they seem to imitate birds. Going from Nombre de Dios to Panama, I did see in Capira, one of these monkeys leap from one tree to an other, which was on the other side of a river, making me much to wonder. They leap where they list, winding their tails about a branch to shake it: and when they will leap further than they can at once, they use a pretty devise, tying themselves by the tails one of another, and by this means make as it were a chain of many: then do they launch themselves forth, and the first holpen by the force of the rest, taketh hold where he list, and so hangs to a bough, and helps all the rest, till they be gotten up. It were long to report the fooleries, tricks, traverses, and pleasant sports they make when they are taught, which seem not to come from bruit beasts, but from a manlike understanding. I saw one in Carthagen● in the governors house, so taught, as the things he did seemed incredible: they sent him to the Tavern for wine, putting the pot in one hand, and the money in the other; and they could not possibly get the money out of his hand, before he had his pot full of wine. If any children met him in the street, and threw any stones at him, he would set his pot down on the one side, and cast stones against the children till he had assured his way, than would he return to carry home his pot. And which is more, although he were a good bibber of wine (as I have oftentimes seen him drink, when his master hath given it him) yet would he never touch it until leave was given him. They told me moreover, that if he saw any women painted, he would fall upon them, pull off their attire, and would seek to bite them.  
This may be an addition which I have not seen, but I do not think there is any beast in the world approacheth so near the conversation of a man, as this monkey doth. They report so many things, which for fear I should be thought to give credit to fables, or they should be so esteemed, I think best to omit, blessing the Author of all creatures, in that he would createa kind of beast, only for the recreation and delight of man. Some report that they carried these Micos or Monkeys to Solomon from the West Indies, but for my part, I hold it was from the East Indies.   

Of Vicugnes, and Tarugnes of Peru. CHAP. 40.  
AMongst the most remarkable things at the Indies of Peru, be the Vicugnes, and sheep of the country, as they call them, which are tractable beasts and of great profit; the Vicugnes are wild, and the sheep are tame. Some think that the Vicugnes are those which Aristotle, 
Arist. libr. 3. the partib. animal. c. 2. lib. 10. c. 72  Pliny, and other Authors call Capreas, which are wild goats, and in truth they have some resemblance, for the lightness they have in the woods and mountains, but yet they are no goats, for the Vicugnes have no horns, as those have, whereof Aristotle makes mention; neither are they the goats of the East Indies, from whom they draw the Bezoar stone; for if they be of that kind, it were a divers one, as in the race of dogs, the masty is diverse from the greyhound. The Vicugnes of Peru are not those beasts which carry the Bezoar stone, in the Province of new Spain, which there they call BeZaars, for that they are a kind of Stags and Venison; yet do I not know in any part of the world there be any of these beasts▪ but in Peru, and in Chille, which are countries joining one to another. These Vicugnes are greater than goats, and less than calves. Their hair is of the colour of dried roses, somewhat clearer; they have no horns like Stags and Goats. They feed upon the highest tops of the mountains, which they call Pugnas. The snow nor frost doth not offend them, but chose they seem to delight in it. They go in troops, and run most lightly; when they meet with any travelers or beasts, they fly away, seeming very fearful, and in flying they drive their young ones before them. They do not find that they multiply much: and therefore the Kings Inguas did defend the hunting of Vicugnes; if it were not for their feasts, or by their commandment. Some complain, that since the Spaniards entered there, they have given too much liberty to hunt the Vicugnes, and by this means they are much diminished. The manner the Indians use in their hunting, they assemble many men together, to the number of 1000 or 2000 yea, more, and environging a great circuit of wood, they hunt their game until they have compassed it in on all parts, and by this means they commonly take three or four hundred, and so choosing what they list, they let go the rest, especially the females for breed. They are accustomed to shear these beasts, and of their fleece to make cover and rugs of great value, for that this wool is like to white silk, which lasts long: and as the colour is natural and not died, so is it perpetual. The stuffs that are made of this wool, are very fresh & good in summer, and they hold them profitable for the inflammation of the reins, & other parts tempering the excessive heat. This wool hath the like virtue when it is made in quiltes, and therefore some use it to that end, for the trial they have made thereof. They say moreover, that this wool or cover made thereof, is physical for other indispositions, as for the gout: yet do I not know that they have made any certain trial thereof. The flesh of these Vicugnes is not good, although the Indians eat it, and dry it. For the effects of Physic, I will say what I have seen upon the Sierre of Peru, coming one night into a Tambo or Inn, being much afflicted with pain in mine eyes, thinking they would fall out, (the which doth commonly happen in those parts, for that they pass thorough places covered with snow, which is the cause of this accident. Being troubled with this pain, and out of patience, there came an Indian woman which said to me, Father, lay this to thine eyes, and thou shalt be cured, it was a piece of the flesh of Vicugnes newly killed & all bloody. I used this medicine, & presently the pain ceased, and soon after went quite away. Besides these Chacoes which is the most common manner of hunting at the Indies, they have used another more private to take them, which is, that coming near, they do cast certain lines with plummets of lead, which entangle their legs, so as they cannot run, and by this means they take the Vicugne. The chief reason why this beast is esteemed, is, by reason of the Bezoar's stone they find in them, whereof we will entreat hereafter. There is another kind of beasts, which they call Tarugues, which likewise are wild, and more nimble than the Vicugnes. They are greater of body, and more hot. They have soft ears and hanging: they go not in troops as the Vicugnes. I have not seen them but alone, and most commonly in high places. They also draw Bezoar's stones from these Tarugues, which are greater, and have more operation and virtue.   

Of Pacos, Guanacoes, and Indian Mutlons. CHAP. 41.  
THere is nothing at Peru of greater riches and profit than the cattle of the country, which our men call Indian sheep, and the Indians in their general language call them Lama. For all things well considered, it is a beast of the greatest profit and least charge of any that I know: from them they draw meat and clothing, as from the sheep of Spain. Moreover they have the benefit to carry all things they have need of, using them to bear their burdens: and they have no need either of shoes or saddles, nor yet of oats, but he serveth his master for nought, feeding on the grass he finds in the fields; so as God hath furnished them of sheep and mares, and all in one beast. And as it is a poor nation, so would he in this point free them from charge, for that there is much pasture upon the Sierre: and this kind of cattle hath no need of any other charge. There are two kinds of these sheep or Lamas, the one they call Pacos, or sheep bearing wool, and the others are bare, and have little wool, so are they better for burden; they are bigger than great sheep, and less than calves, they have a very long neck, like to a camel, whereof they have good need: for being high of stature, they have need of a long neck, else should they be deformed. They are of divers colours, some all white, others all black, some grey and some spotted, which they call Moromoro. The Indians had great superstitions in choosing the beasts for sacrifices, of what colour they should be, according to the diversity of seasons and sacrifices. Their flesh is good, although it be hard, but that of their Lambs is the better, and the most delicate that can be eaten: yet they eat not many, for that the chief fruit and profit they yield, is their wool, to make clothes, and their service to carry burdens. The Indians make stuffs of this wool wherewith they cloth themselves, the one is gross and common, which they call Hanaca, and the other fine and delicate which they call Cumbi, they make carpets and cover, and other exquisite works, which last long, and have a very fair lustre, like half silk: and that which is most rare, is their manner of weaving their works, being both sides alike, so as you shall not find any end in a whole piece. The Ingua king of Peru had many chief workmen, to make this work of Cumb●▪ and the which, for the most part, were resident in the Province of Capachica, joining to the great lake of Titicaca. They die this wool into divers fine colours, with sundry kinds of herbs, whereof they make many sorts of works both course and fine. All the Indians, both men and women, work in the Sierre, and have their looseness in their houses, having no need to buy any stuffs for their necessary uses. Of the f●esh of these sheep they make Cuschargui, or dried flesh, the which will last very long, whereof they make great account. They are accustomed to drive troops of these sheep with burdens, and to go in bands, three hundred, five hundred, yea a thousand in a company, with wine, mays, coca, chuno, quickesilver, and all other ●indes of merchandise, and of silver, which is the best of all. They carry bars of silver from PotoZi to Ariq●●, which is three score and ten leagues. I have often w●ondered to see these troops of sheep laden with a thousand or two thousand bars of silver, and much more, which is above three hundred thousand ducats, without any other guard o rescort than some Indians, which serve only to guide these sheep, and to lad and unlade them, or at the most, some few Spaniards: and they sleep all night in the midst of the fields, without other guard: and yet in so long a way and so weak a guard, they never find want or loss of any thing in so great a treasure of silver, so safe is the way in Peru. The burden which one of these sheep doth commonly carry, is of four or six arrobes: 
Six arobes 〈…〉 hundred and fifty pounds' weight.  when their voyage is long they go not above two, three, or four leagues at the most on a day. Those that guide those troops, have their ordinary lodgings, where they are assured to have water and pasture, and there they unlade and set up their tents, making fire, and dressing their meats, which is not painful, although it be a ●leugmatike and slow manner of travel. When there is but one days journey, one of these sheep will bear eight arobes in weight, or more, and bears this burden eight or ten leagues in a day, as the poor soldiers were wont to do, when they marched through Peru. This kind of cattle delights most in a cold air, and for this cause they live upon the Sierre, and die in the Lanos, by reason of the heat. Sometimes these sheep are all covered with ice and frost, and yet they continue sound and well. The bare sheep are pleasant to behold, for they will stay upon the way, raising up their necks, and will look upon any one very wistly, and so they remain a long time, without moving or any show of fear, which giveth occasion of laughter, seeing them thus to stand. And yet sometimes they do grow amazed suddenly, and run away with their burdens, even to the highest rocks, so as not being able to come unto them, they are constrained to kill them with an arqebus, lest they should lose their bars of silver, which they sometimes carry. The Pacos will grow reasty under their burdens, lying down, and will endure to be cut in a thousand pieces before they will rise when this humour takes them: whereof the proverb grows in Peru, to say that one is reastie, to signify, he is obstinate; for that when any of these beasts is moody, it is with excess: the remedy they have is, to stay and sit down by the Paco, making much on him, until the fit be past, and that he rise: and sometimes they are forced to stay two or three hours. They have a disease like to scabs, which they call Carache, whereof they commonly die. The Ancients had a remedy, to bury them quick that had the Carache, lest they should infect the rest, being a very contagious disease, and goes from one to another. An Indian that hath one or two of these sheep, is not reputed poor, for one of them is worth six or seven pieces of assay, and more, according to the time and places.   

Of the BeZaars stone. CHAP. 42.  
THe Bezaars stone is found in all these beasts before mentioned, which are proper to Peru, whereof some Authors of our time have written whole books, which they may read that desire to have a more particular knowledge. For the present subject it shall be sufficient to say, that this stone which they call Bezaar, is found in the stomach and belly of this beast, sometimes one alone, sometimes two, three, and four. They are very different in form, greatness and colour, for that some are small like filberts, & less; others like walnuts; some like pigeon's eggs, and others as big as a hen's egg: and I have seen some as big as an orange; in form some are round, others in fashion like to lentils, and many other forms. For their colour, some are black, some white, some grey, dark green, and others, as if they had been guilded. It is no certain rule to judge the best and most fine by the colour or form. All these stones are made and fashioned of diverse films and skins one upon another. In the province of Xaura and other provinces of Peru, they find these stones in diverse kinds of beasts, both wild and tame, as in the Guanacoes, Pacos, Vicugnes, and Tarugues, some add an other kind, which they say are wild goats, which the Indians call Cypris. These other kinds of beasts are very well known in Peru, whereof we have already discoursed. The Guanacoes or country sheep, or Pacos, have commonly the lesser stones, and black, neither are they so much approved for the use of Physic. They draw the greatest Bezaar stones from the Vicugnes, and they are grey, or white, or of a dark green, which are held for the better. They esteem those of the Tarugues for the most excellent, whereof there are some reasonable big: they are commonly white, inclining to grey; and they have the films commonly bigger and thicker than the rest.  
They find the Bezaar stone equally both in male and female. All beasts that engender it, chaw the cuid, and commonly feed upon the snow and rocks. The Indians report & teach by tradition from their fathers and Ancients, that in the province of Xaura, and in other provinces of Peru, there are many herbs and venomous beasts, which poison the water and the pastures where they eat and drink, and where they breath: amidst which venomous herbs there is one very well known of the Vicugne, by a natural instinct, and of other beasts that engender the Bezaar stone, which eat this herb, and by means thereof they preserve themselves from the poisoned waters and pastures: and they say, that of this herb the stone is compounded in the stomach, whence it draws all the virtue against poison and other wonderful effects. This is the opinion & tradition of the Indians, discovered by men of great experience in the kingdom of Peru, which agrees with reason, and with that which Pliny reports of the mountain goats, 
Pli. lib. 10. c. 72  which are nourished and fed upon poison without suffering any harm. The Indians being demanded, why the sheep, kine, goats, and calves, such as are in Castille, have not the Bezaar stone, seeing that they feed on the same rocks: their answer is, That they believe not, that those beasts of Castille eat of that herb, or that they have found the Bezaar stone in stags and fallow diere. This seems to agree with our knowledge, for that in new Spain they find the Bezaar stone, although there be no Vicugnes, Pacos, Tarugues, nor Guanacoes, but only stags, in some of which they find these stones.  
The principal virtue of the BeZaar stone is against poison and venomous diseases, although there be herein diverse opinions, some hold it for a mockery, others for a miracle. Howsoever it be, it is most certain that it is of a great operation, when it is applied in time, & convenient in a manner, as herbs, and to persons capable and disposed: for there is no medicine that doth always cure infallibly. In Spain and Italy, we have seen admirable effects of this stone, against the T●verdette, which is a kind of plague, but not so much●s in Peru. They do apply it beaten and put into some liquor, which may make it fit for the cure of melancholy, the falling sickness, pestilent fevers, & many other diseases. Some take it in wine, others in vinegar, with water Dezahac, of League de beufe, borage and other sorts, as the Physicians and apothecaries can tell. The Bezaar stone hath no proper savour, as Rasis the Arabian doth testify. We have seen notable trials, and there is no doubt but the Author of this universal world, hath given great virtues to this stone. The Bezaar stones which comes from the East Indies, have the first place of account, they are of an olive colour, the second are those of Peru, and the third those of New Spain. Since that these stones were in request, they say, the Indians have made artificial ones; and many when they see these stones greater than the ordinary, they take them to be false and counterfeit: trial and experience is the best mistress to know them. One thing is worthy admiration, that they grow and are fashioned upon very strange things, as upon the tag of a point, upon a pin, or a piece of wood, which they find in the centre of this stone, and yet do they not hold it false, for that the beast might swallow it, and the stone thicken upon it, and grows one upon another, and so it increaseth. I did see in Peru, two stones fashioned upon Pignons of Castille, which made us to wonder much, for that in all Peru, we had not seen any pines or Pignons of Castille, if they were not brought from Spain, which seems to me very extraordinary. This little may suffice touching the Bezaars stone. They bring other physical stones from the Indies, as the stone of Hyiada, or of Rate, the blood stone, the stones of milk, and of the sea. Those which they call Cornerina●, for the heart, whereof there is no need to speak, having nothing common with the subject of beasts, whereof we have entreated: which gives us to understand how the great Master and Author of all, hath imparted his benefits and wonderful secrets, to all parts of the world; for the which he is to be glorified for ever.  
(* ⁎ *)    

A Prologue to the Books following.  
HAving entreated of the Natural History of the Indies, I will hereafter discourse of the Moral History, that is to say, of the deeds and customs of the Indies. For after the heaven, the temperature, the situation, & the qualities of the new world; after the elements & mixtures; I mean metals, plants, & beasts, whereof we have spoken in the former Books, as occasion did serve: both Order & Reason doth invite us to continue and undertake the discourse of those men which inhabit the new world. And therefore I pretend in the following books, to speak what I think worthy of this subject. And for that the intention of this History, is not only to give knowledge of what hath passed at the Indies, but also to continue this knowledge, to the fruit we may gather by it, which is to help this people for their soul's health, and to glorify the Creator and Redeemer, who hath drawn them from the obscure darkness of their infidelity, and imparted unto them the admirable light of his Gospel. And therefore I will first speak in these books following, what concerns their religion, or superstition, their customs, their idolatries, and their sacrifices; and after, what concerns their policy and government, their laws, customs, and their deeds. And for that the memory is preserved amongst the Mexicaine Nation, of their beginnings, successions, wars, and other things worthy the relation: beside, that which shall be handled in the sixth book, I will make a peculiar Discourse in the seventh, showing the disposition and forewarnings this Nation had of the new Kingdom of Christ our Lord, which should be extended in these Countries, and should conquer them to himself, as he hath do●e in all the rest of the world. The which in truth is a thing worthy of great consideration, to see how the divine providence hath appointe●, that the light of his word should find a passage in the furthest bounds of the world. It is not my project at this time to write what the Spaniards have done in those parts, for there are books enough written upon this subject, nor yet how the lords servants have laboured and profited, for that requires a new labour. I will only content myself to plant this History and relation at the doors of the Gospel, seeing it is already entered, and to make known the Natural and Moral things of the Indies; to the end that Christianity may be planted and augmented, as it is expounded at large in the books we have written, De procuranda Indiorum salute. And if any one wonder at some fashions & customs of the Indies, & will scorn them as fools, or abhor them as devilish and inhuman people, let him remember that the same things, yea, worse, have been seen amongst the greeks and Romans, who have commanded the whole world, as we may easily understand, not only of our Authors, as Eusebius, of Caesarea, Clement Alexandrine, and others, but also of their own; as Pliny, Denis Halicarnassis, and Plutarch: for the Prince of darkness being the head of all Infidelity, it is no new thing to find among Infidels, cruelties, filthiness, and follies fit for such a Master. And although the ancient Gentiles have far surpassed these of the new world in valour and natural knowledge, yet may we observe many things in them worthy the remembrance. But to conclude, they show to be barbarous people, who being deprived of the supernatural light, want likewise philosophy and natural knowledge.   

THE fifth BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

That the Pride and Malice of the Devil, hath been the cause of Idolatry. CHAP. 1.  
THE Pride and Presumption of the Devil is so great & obstinate, that always he seeks and strives to be honoured as God: and doth arrogate to himself all he can; whatsoever doth appertain to the most high God, he ceaseth not to abuse the blind Nations of the world, upon whom the clear light of the holy Gospel hath not yet shone. 
job. 41.  We read in job of this proud tyrant, who sets his eyes aloft, and amongst all the sons of pride, he is the King. The holy Scripture instructes us plainly of his vile intentions, and his overweening treason, whereby he hath pretended to make his Throne, equal unto Gods, saying in Esay, Thou didst say within thyself, I will mount up to heaven, 
Esa. 14.  and set my chair upon all the stars of heaven, and I will sit upon the top of the Firmament, and in the sides of the North, I will ascend above the height of the clouds, and will be like to the most High. 
Ezech. 2●.  And in Ezechiel, Thy heart was lifted up, and thou hast said, I am God, and have set in the chair of God in the midst of the sea. Thus doth Satan continually persist in this wicked desire, to make himself God. And although the just and severe chastisement of the most high hath spoiled him of all his pomp and beauty, which made him grow proud, being entreated as his felony and indiscretion had deserved, as it is written by the same Prophets; yet hath he left nothing of his wickedness and perverse practices, the which he hath made manifest by all means possible, like a mad dog that bites the sword wherewith he is strucken. For as it is written, the pride of such as hate God, doth always increase. H●nce comes the continual and strange care which this enemy of God hath always had, to make him to be worshipped of men, inventing so many kinds of Idolatries, whereby he hath so long held the greatest part of the world in subjection; so as there scarce remains any one corner for God & his people of Israel. 
Mat. 12.  And since the power of the Gospel hath vanquished and disarmed him, and that by the force of the Cross, he hath broken and ruined the most important and puissant places of his kingdom with the like tyranny; he hath begun to assail the barbarous people and Nations farthest off, striving to maintain amongst them his false and lying divinity, the which the Son of God had taken from him in his Church, tying him with chains as in a cage or prison, like a furious beast to his great confusion, & rejoicing of the servants of God, as he doth signify in job.  
But in the end, although idolatry had been rooted out of the best and most notable parts of the world, yet he hath retired himself into the most remote parts, and hath ruled in that other part of the world, which although it be much inferior in nobility, yet is it not oflesse compass. There are two causes and chief motives, for the which the devil hath so much laboured to plantidolatry and all infidelity, so as you shall hardly find any Nation where there is not some marks thereof. The one is this great presumption and pride, which is such, that whoso would consider, how he durst affront the very Son of God, and true God in saying impudently, that he should fall down and worship him: the which he did, 
Mat. 4.  although he knew not certainly that this was the very God, yet had he some opinion that it was the Son of God. A most cruel and horrible pride, to dare thus impudently affront his God; truly he shall not find it very strange, that he makes himself to be worshipped as God, by ignorant Nations, seeing he would seek to be worshipped by God himself, calling himself God, being an abominable and detestable creature. The other cause and motive of idolatry, is the mortal hatred he hath conceived for ever against mankind. For as our Saviour saith, he hath been a murderer from the beginning, and holds it as a condition and inseparable quality of his wickedness. And for that he knows the greatast misery of man, is to worship the creature for God: for this reason he never leaves to invent all sorts of Idolatries, to destroy man, and make him enemy to God. There are two mischiefs which the devil causeth in idolatry; the one, that he denies his God, according to the text, Thou hast left thy God who created thee: 
Deut. 32.  The other is, that he doth subject himself to a thing base than himself; for that all creatures are inferior to the reasonable, and the devil, although he be superior to man in nature, yet in estate he is much inferior, seeing that man in this life is capable of Divinity and Eternity. By this means God is dishonoured, and man lost in all parts by idolatry, wherewith the devil in his pride is well content.   

Of many kinds of idolatry the Indians have used. CHAP. 2.  

Sap. 14.  IDolatry saith the holy-Ghost by the Wise man, is the cause. beginning, and end of all miseries, for this cause the enemy of mankind hath multiplied so many sorts and diversities of idolatry, as it were an infinite matter to specify them all. Yet we may reduce idolatry to two heads, the one grounded upon natural things, the other upon things imagined and made by man's invention. The first is divided into two; for either the thing they worship is general, as the Sun, Moon, Fire, Earth and Elements, or else it is particular, as some certain river, fountain, tree, or forest, when these things are not generally worshipped in their kinds, but only in particular. In this first kind of idolatry they have exceeded in Peru, and they properly call it Guaca. The second kind of idolatry which depends of man's invention & fictions, may likewise be divided into two sorts, one which regards only the pure art and invention of man, as to adore the Images or statues of gold, wood, or stone of Mercury or Pallas, which neither are, nor ever were any thing else but the bare pictures: and the other that concerns that which really hath been, and is in truth the same thing, but not such as idolatry feigns; as the dead, or some things proper unto them, which men worship through vanity and flattery, so as we reduce all to four kinds of idolatry, which the infidels use; of all which it behoveth us to speak something.   

That the Indians have some knowledge of God. CHAP. 3.  
FIrst, although the darkness of infidelity holdeth these Nations in blindness, yet in many things the light of truth and reason works somewhat in them. And they commonly acknowledge a supreme Lord and Author of all things, which they of Peru called Vnachocha, and gave him names of great excellence, as Pachacamac, or Pachayachachic, which is, the Creator of heaven and earth: and Vsapu, which is admirable, and other like names. Him they did worship, as the chiefest of all, whom they did honour in beholding the heaven. The like we see amongst them of Mexico, and China, and all other infidels▪ Which acordeth well with that which is said of Saint Paul, in the Acts of the Apostles, where he did see the Inscription of an Altar; Ignoto Deo: To the unknown God. Whereupon the Apostle took occasion to preach unto them, saying, He whom you worship without knowing, 
Acts. 17.  him do I preach unto you. In like sort, those which at this day do preach the Gospel to the Indians, find no great difficulty to persuade them that there is a high God and Lord over all, and that this is the Christians God, and the true God. And yet it hath caused great admiration in me, that although they had this knowledge, yet had they no proper name for God. If we shall seek into the Indian tongue for a word to answer to this name of God, as in Latin, Deus, in Greek, Theos, in Hebrew, El, in Arabike, Alla; but we shall not find any in the Cuscan or Mexicaine tongues. So as such as preach or write to the Indians, use our Spanish name Dios, fitting it to the accent or pronunciation of the Indian tongues, the which differ much, whereby appears the small knowledge they had of God, seeing they cannot so much as name him, if it be not by our very name: yet in truth they had some little knowledge, and therefore in Peru they made him a rich temple, which they called Pachacamac, which was the principal Sanctuary of the realm. And as it hath been said, this word of Pachacamac, is as much to say, as the Creator, yet in this temple they used their idolatries, worshipping the Devil and figures. They likewise made sacrifices and offerings to Viracocha, which held the chief place amongst the worships which the Kings Inguas made. Hereof they called the Spaniards Virocochas, for that they hold opinion they are the sons of heaven, and divine; even as others did attribute a deity to Paul and Barnabas, calling the one jupiter, and the other Mercury, so would they offer sacrifices unto them, as unto gods: and as the Barbarians of Melite (which is Malté) seeing that the viper did not hurt the Apostle, 
Acts. 1●.  they called him God.  
As it is therefore a truth, conformable to reason, that there is a sovereign Lord and King of heaven, 
Pla. in Tim. Arist. c. ult. 2. metaph. Tresmegist. Diman. & Ascl●p.  whom the Gentiles (with all their infidelities and idolatries) have not denied, as we see in the Philosophy of Times in Plato, in the Metaphysics of Aristotle, and in the Aesculape of Tresmigister, as also in the Poesies of Homer & Virgil. Therefore the Preachers of the Gospel have no great difficulty to plant & persuade this truth of a supreme God, be the Nations of whom they preach never so barbarous and brutish. But it is hard to root out of their minds, that there is no other God, nor any other deity than one: and that all other things of themselves have no power, being, nor working proper to themselves, but what the great and only God and Lord doth give and impart unto them. To conclude, it is necessary to persuade them by all means, in reproving their errors, as well in that wherein they generally fail, in worshipping more than one God, as in particular, (which is much more) to hold for Gods, and to demand favour and help of those things which are not Gods, nor have any power, but what the true God their Lord and Creator hath given them.   

Of the first kind of Idolatry, upon natural and universal things. CHAP. 4.  
NExt to Viracocha, or their supreme God, that which most commonly they have and do adore amongst the Infidels, is the Sun; and after, those things which are most remarkable in the celestial or elementary nature, as the moon, stars, sea, and land. The Guacas, or Oratories, which the Inguas Lords of Peru, had in greatest reverence, next to Viracocha and the sun, was the thunder which they called by three diverse names, Chuquilla, Catuilla, and Intiillapa, supposing it to be a man in heaven, with a sling and a mace, and that it is in his power to cause rain, hail, thunder, and all the rest that appertains to the region of the air, where the clouds engender. It was a Guaca, (for so they called their Oratories,) general to all the Indians of Pe●●, offering unto him many sacrifices: and in Cusco, which is the Court and Metropolitan City, they did sacrifice children unto him, as to the Sun. They did worship these three, Viracocha, the Sun, and Thunder after another manner than all the rest, as polo writes who had made trial thereof, they did put as it were a gauntlet or glove upon their hands, when they did lift them up to worship them. They did worship the earth▪ which they called Pachamama, as the Ancients did the goddess Tellus: and the sea likewise which they call Mamacocha, as the Ancients worshipped Thetis, or Neptune. Moreover, they did worship the rainbow, which were the arms and blazons of the Ingua, with two snakes stretched out on either side. Amongst the stars they all did commonly worship that which they called Colca, and we here Cabrille. They did attribute diverse offices to diverse stars, and those which had need of their favour did worship them, as the shepherd did sacrifice to a star which they called Vrcuhillay, which they hold to be a sheep of diverse colours, having the care to preserve their cattle; and they imagine it is that which the Astronomers call Tyra. These shepherds worship two other stars, which walk near unto them, they call them Cat●chillay, and Vrcuchillay; and they feign them to be an Ewe and a Lamb. Others worshipped a star which they called Machacu●y, to which they attribute the charge and power over serpents, and snakes, to keep them from hurting of them. They ascribe power to another star, which they called Chuguinchinchay, (which is as much as Tiger,) over Tigers, Bears, and Lions, and they have generally believed, that of all the beasts of the earth, there is one alone in heaven like unto them, the which hath care of their procreation and increase. And so they did observe and worship diverse stars, as those which they called Chacana, Topatarca, Mamanan, Mirco, Miquiquicay, and many other. So as it seemed they approached somewhat near the propositions of Plato's Idees. The Mexicaines' almost in the same manner after the supreme God, worshipped the Sun: And therefore they called Hernando CorteZ,) as he hath written in a letter sent unto the Emperor Charles the fifth.) Son of the Sun, for his care and courage to compass the earth. But they made their greatest adoration to an Idol called Vitzilipuztli, the which in all this region they called the most puissant, and Lord of all things for this cause the Mexicaines' built him a Temple, the greatest, the fairest, the highest, and the most sumptuous of all other. The situation & beauty thereof, may well be conjectured by the ruins which yet remain in the midst of the City of Mexico. But here the Mexicaines' Idolatry hath been more pernicious and hurtful then that of the Inguas, as we shall see plainer hereafter, for that the greatest part of their adoration and idolatry, was employed to Idols, and not to natural things, although they did attribute natural effects to these Idols, as rain, multiplication of cattle, war, and generation, even as the greeks and Latins have forged Idols of Phoebus, Mercury, jupiter, Minerva, and of Mars. To conclude, whoso shall nearly look into it, shall find this manner which the Devil hath used to deceive the Indians, to be the same wherewith he hath deceived the greeks and Romans, and other ancient Gentiles, giving them to understand that these notable creatures, the Sun, Moon, Stars, and Elements, had power and authority to do good or harm to men. And although God hath created all these things for the use of man, yet hath he so much forgot himself, as to rise up against him. Moreover, he hath embased himself to creatures that are inferior unto himself, worshipping and calling upon their works, forsaking his Creator. As the Wise man saith well in these words, All men are vain and abused that have not the knowledge of God, 
Sap 13.  seeing they could not know him, that is, by the things that seemed good unto them: and although they have beheld his works, yet have they not attained to know the author and maker thereof, but they have believed that the fire, wind, swift air, the course of the stars, great rivers, with Sun and Moon, were Gods and governors of the world: and being in love with the beauty of these things, they thought they should esteem them as Gods. It is reason they should consider how much more fair the Creator is, seeing that he is the Author of beauties and makes all things. Moreover, if they admire the power and effects of these things, thereby they may understand how much more mighty he is that gave them their being, for by the beauty and greatness of the creatures, they may judge what the Maker is. Hitherto are the words of the Book of Wisdom, from whence we may draw a good and strong argument, to overthrow the Idolatry of Infidels, who seek rather to serve the creature than the Creator, 
Rom. 1.  as the Apostle doth justly reprehend them. But for as much as this is not of our present subject, and that it hath been sufficiently treated of in the Sermons written against the errors of the Indians, it shall be sufficient now to show that they did worship the great God, and their vain and lying gods all of one fashion: for their manner to pray to Viracocha, to the Sun, the Stars, and the rest of their Idols, was to open their hands, and to make a certain sound with their mouths, (like people that kissed,) and to ask that which every one desired in offering his sacrifices, yet was there great difference betwixt the words they used in speaking to the great Ticiviracocha, to whom they did attribute the chief power and commandment over all things, and those they used to others, the which every one did worship privately in his house, as Gods or particular Lords, saying, that they were their intercessors to this great Ticciviracocha. This manner of worship, opening the hands, and as it were kissing, hath something like to that which job had in horror, as fit for Idolaters, saying, If I have kissed my hands with my mouth, 
job. 31.  beholding the Sun when it shines, or the Moon when it is light, the which is a great iniquity, and to deny the most great God.   

Of the Idolatry the Indians used to particular things. CHAP. 5.  
THe Devil hath not been contented to make these blind Indians to worship the Sun, Moon, Stars, Earth and Sea, and many other general things in nature, but he hath passed on further, giving them for God, and making them subject to base and abject things, and for the most part, filthy and infamous. No man needs to wonder at this barbarous blindness, if he remember what the Apostle speaketh of Wise men and Philosophers, That having known God, 
R●m. 1.  they did not glorify him, nor give him thanks as to their God, but they were lost in their own imaginations and conceits, and their hearts were hardened in their follies, and they have changed the glory and deity of the eternal God, into shows and figures of vain and corruptible things, as men, birds, beasts and serpents: we know well that the Egyptians did worship the Dog of Osiris, the Cow of Isis, and the Sheep of Ammon: the Romans did worship the goddess Februa, of Fevers, and the Tarpeien Goose: and Athenes the wise did worship the Cock and the Raven, and such other like vanities and mockeries, whoreof the ancient Histories of the Gentiles are full. Men fell into this great misery, for that they would not subject themselves to the Law of the true God and Creator, as Saint Athanasius doth learnedly handle, writing against Idolatry. But it is wonderful strange to see the excess which hath been at the Indies, especially in Peru: for they worshipped rivers, fountains, the mouths of rivers, entries of mountains, rocks or great stones, hills and the tops of mountains, which they call Apachitas, and they hold them for matters of great devotion. To conclude, they did worship all things in nature, which seemed to them remarkable and different from the rest, as acknowledging some particular deity.  
They showed me in Caxamalca of Nasca a little hill or great mount of sand, which was the chief Idol or Guaca of the Ancients. I demanded of them what divinity they found in it? They answered, that they did worship it for the wonder, being a very high mount of sand, in the midst of very thick mountains of stone. We had need in the city of Kings, of great store of great wood; for the melting of a Bell, and therefore they cut down a great deformed tree, which for the greatness and antiquity thereof had been a long time the Oratory and Guaca of the Indians. And they believed there was a certain Divinity in any thing that was extraordinary and strange in his kind, attributing the like unto small stones and metals; yea unto roots and fruits of the earth, as the roots they call Papas. There is a strange kind which they call Lallahuas, which they kissed and worshipped. They did likewise worship Bears, Lions, Tigers and Snakes, to th'end they should not hurt them: and such as their gods be, such are the things they offer unto them in their worship. They have used as they go by the way, to cast, in the cross ways, on the hills, and tops of mountains, which they call Apachittas, old shoes, feathers, and Coca chewed, being an herb they use much. And when they have nothing left, they cast a stone as an offering, that they might pass freely, and have greater force, the which they say increaseth by this means, as it is reported in a provincial Counsel of Peru. And therefore they find in the high ways great heaps of stones offered, and such other things. 
Condil. Limen●●. 2. p. 2. cap. 99  The like folly ●id the Ancients use, of whom it is spoken in the Proverbs, Like unto him that offereth stones unto Mercury, 
Prou. 27.  such a one is he that honoureth fools, meaning that a man shall reap no more fruit nor profit of the second than the first, for that their God Mercury, made of stone, doth not acknowledge any offering, neither doth a fool any honour that is done him. They used another offering no less pleasant and ridiculous, pulling the hair from the eyebrows to offer it to the Sun, hills, Apachittas, to the winds, or to any other thing they fear. Such is the miseries that many Indians have lived in, and do to this day, whom the devil doth abuse like very Babes, with any foolish illusion whatsoever: So doth Saint chrysostom in one of his Homilies compare them, but the servants of God which labour to draw them to salvation, ought not to contemn these follies and childishness, being sufficient to plunge these poor abused creatures into eternall●perdition; but they ought with good and clear reasons, to draw them from so great ignorance. For in truth it is a matter worthy of consideration, to see how they subject themselves to such as instruct them in the true way of life. There is nothing among all the creatures more beautiful than the sun, which all the Gentiles did commonly worship. A discreet captain and good christian told me, that he had with a good reason persuaded the Indians, that the Sun was no god. He required the Ca●ique or chief Lord, to give him an Indian that were light, to carry him a Letter; which done, he said to the Cacique, Tell me, who is Lord and chief, either this Indian that carries the letter, or thou that dost send him? The Cacique answered, without doubt I am, for he doth but what I command him. Even so replied the Captain, is it of the Sun we see, and the Creator of all things: For that the Sun is but a servant to the most high Lord, which (by his commandment) runs swiftly, giving light to all nations. Thus thou seest it is against reason to yield that honour to the Sun, which is due to the Creator and Lord of all. The captains reason pleased them all; and the Cacique with his Indians said it was truth, and they were much pleased to understand it.  
They report of one of the Kings Inguas, a man of a subtle spirit, who (seeing that all his predecessors had worshipped the Sun,) said, that he did not take the Sun to be God, neither could it be, for that God was a great Lord, who with great quiet and leisure performeth his works, and that the Sun doth never cease his course, saying, that the thing which laboured so much could not seem to be God. Wherein he spoke truth. Even so, when they show the Indians their blind errors, by lively and plain reasons, they are presently persuaded and yield admirably to the truth.   

Of another kind of idolatry upon the dead. CHAP. 6.  
THere is an other kind of idolatry, very different from the rest, which the Gentiles have used for the deads' sake whom they loved and esteemed: and it seemeth that the Wise man would give us to understand, that the beginning of idolatry proceeded thence, saying thus; The seeking of Idols was the beginning of fornication, and the bringing up of them is the destruction of life; 
Wisd. 14.  for they were not from the beginning, neither shall they continue for ever, but the vanity and idleness of men hath found out this invention, therefore shall they shortly come to an end: for when a father mourned heavily for the death of his miserable son, he made for his consolation, an Image of the dead man, and began to worship him as a god, who a little before had ended his days like a mortal man, commanding his servants to make ceremonies & sacrifices in remembrance of him. Thus in process of time this ungracious custom waxing strong, was held for a law, and Images were worshipped by the commandment of Kings and Tyrants. Then they began to do the like to them that were absent, and such as they could not honour in presence, being far off, they did worship in this sort, causing the Images of Kings to be brought whom they would worship, supplying (by this invention) their absence whom they desired to flatter. The curiositic of excellent workmen increased this Idolatry, for these Images were made so excellent by their Art, that the ignorant were provoked to worship them, so as by the perfection of their Art, pretending to content them that gave them to make, they drew Pictures and Images far more excellent: and the common people, led with the show and grace of the work, did hold and esteem him for a God, whom before they had honoured as a man: And this was the miserable error of men, who sometimes yielding to their affection and sense, sometimes to the flattery of their Kings, did attribute unto stones the incommunicable name of God, worshipping them for Gods.  
All this is in the book of Wisdom, worthy to be noted; and such as are curious in the search of Antiquities, shall find that the beginning of idolatry were these Images of the dead. I say idolatry, which is properly the worship of Idols and Images: for that it is not certain that this other idolatry to worship the creatures, as the Sun, and the hosts of heaven, or the number of Planets and Stars, whereof mention is made in the Prophets, hath been after the idolatry of Images, 
jer. 10.  although without doubt they have made idols in honour of the Sun, 
S●ph. ●.  the Moon, and the Earth. Returning to our Indians they came to the height of Idolatry by the same means the Scripture maketh mention of: first they had a care to keep the bodies of their Kings and Noblemen whole, from any ill scent or corruption above two hundred years. In this sort were their Kings Inguas in Cusco, every one in his Chapel and Oratory, so as the Marquis of Canette being Viceroy, to root out Idolatry, caused three or four of their gods to be drawn out and carried to the city of Kings, which bred a great admiration, to see these bodies (dead so many years before) remain so fair and also whole. Every one of these Kings Inguas left all his treasure and revenues, to entertain the place of worship where his body was laid, and there were many Ministers with all his family dedicated to his service: for no King successor did usurp the treasures and plate of his predecessor, but he did gather all new for himself, and his palace. They were not content with this Idolatry to dead bodies, but also thev made their figures and representations: and every King in his life time caused a figure to be made wherein he was represented, which they called Guaoigui, which signifieth brother, for that they should do to this Image, during his life and death, as much honour and reverence as to himself. They carried this Image to the wars, and in procession for rain or fair weather, making sundry feasts and sacrifices unto them. There have been many of these Idols in Cusco, and in that territory, but now they say that this superstition of worshipping of stones hath altogether ceased, or for the most part, after they had been discovered by the diligence of the Licentiate polo, and the first was that of the Inguas Rocha, chief of the faction or race of Hanam Cusco. And we find that among other Nations they had in great estimation and reverence the bodies of their predecessors, and did likewise worship their Images.   

Of Superstitions they used to the Dead. CHAP. 7.  
THe Indians of Peru believed commonly that the Souls lived after this life, and that the good were in glory, and the bad in pain; so as there is little difficulty to persuade them to these articles. But they are not yet come to the knowledge of that point, that the bodies should rise with the souls▪ And therefore they did use a wonderful care, as it is said, to preserve the bodies which they honoured after death: to this end their successors gave them garments, and made sacrifices unto them, especially the Kings Inguas, being accompanied at their funerals, with a great number of servants and women for his service in the other life: and therefore on the day of his decease, they did put to death the woman he had loved best, his servants and officers that they might serve him in the other life.  
Whenas Guanacapa died, (who was father to Atagualpa, at what time the Spaniards entered,) they put to death above a thousand persons of all ages and conditions, for his service to accompany him in the other life, after many songs and drunkenness they slew them; and these that were appointed to death, held themselves happy. They did sacrifice many things unto them, especially young children, and with the blood they made a stroke on the dead man's face, from one ear to the other. This superstition and inhumanity, to kill both men and women, to accompany and serve the dead in the other life, hath been followed by others, and is at this day used amongst some other barbarous Nations. And as polo writes, it hath been in a manner general throughout all the Indies. The Reverend Beda reports, that before the Englishmen were converted to the Gospel, they had the same custom, to kill men to accompany and serve the dead. It is written of a Portugal, who being captive among the Barbarians, had been hurt with a dart, so as he lost one eye, and as they would have sacrificed him to accompany a Nobleman that was dead, he said unto them, that those that were in the other life, would make small account of the dead, if they gave him a blind man for a companion; & that it were better to give him an attendant that had both his eyes. This reason being found good by the Barbarians, they let him go. Besides this superstition of sacrificing men to the dead, being used but to great Personages, there is another far more general & common in all the Indies, which is, to set meat and drink upon the grave of the dead, imagining they did feed thereon: the which hath likewise been an error amongst the Ancients, as saint Augustine writes, and therefore they gave them meat and drink. At this day many Indian Infidels, do secretly draw their dead out of the churchyard, and bury them on hills, or upon passages of mountains, or else in their own houses. They have also used to put gold and silver in their mouth, hands, and bosom, and to apparel them with new garments durable, and well lined under the hearse.  
They believe that the souls of the dead wandered up and down and endure cold, thirst, hunger and travel, and for this cause they make their anniverssaries, carrying them clothes, meat and drink. So as the Prelates, neither Synods, above all things, give charge to their Priests to let the Indians understand, that the offerings that are set upon the sepulchre, is not to feed the dead, but for the poor and ministers, and that God alone doth feed the souls in the other life; seeing they neither eat nor drink any corporal thing, being very needful they should understand it, lest they should convert this religious use into a superstition of the gentiles, as many do.   

Of the manner of burying the dead among the Mexicaine and sundry other Nations. CHAP. 8.  
HAving reported what many nations of Peru have done with their dead, it shall not be from the purpose, to make particular mention of the Mexicaines' in this point, whose mortuaries were much solemnized, and full of notable follies. It was the office of the priests and religious of Mexico (who lived there with a strange observance, as shall be said hereafter) to inter the dead, and do their obsequies. The places where they buried them, was in their gardens, and in the courts of their own houses: others carried them to the places of sacrifices which were done in the mountains: others burnt them, and after buried the ashes in they● Temples; and they buried them all, with whatsoever they had, of apparel, stones, and jewels. They did put the ashes of such as were burnt into pots, & with them, the jewels, stones, and earrings of the dead, how rich and precious soever. They did sing the funeral offices, like to answers, and did often lift up the dead bodies, doing many ceremonies. At these mortuaries they did eat and drink; and if it were a person of quality, they gave apparel to all such as came to the interrement. When any one died, they laid him open in a chamber, until that all his kinsfolks and friends were come, who brought presents unto the dead, and saluted him as if he were living. And if he were a King or Lord of some town, they offered him slaves to be put to death with him, to the end they might serve him in the other world. They likewise put to death his priest, or chaplain (for every Noble man had a priest which administered these ceremonies within his house,) and then they killed him, that he might execute his office with the dead. They likewise killed his cook, his butler, his dwarves, and deformed men, by whom he was most served: neither did they spare the very brothers, of the dead, who had most served them: for it was a greatness amongst the Noble men, to be served by their brethren and the rest. Finally, they put to death all of his train, for the entertaining of his house in the other world: and lest poverty should oppress them, they buried with them much wealth, as gold, silver, stones, curtains of exquisite work, bracelets of gold, and other rich pieces. And if they burned the dead, they used the like with all his servants, and ornaments they gave him for the other world. Then took they all the ashes they buried with very great solemnity. The obsequies continued ten days with songs of plaints, and lamentations, and the priests carried away the dead with so many ceremonies, and in so great number, as they could scarce account them. To the Captains and Noblemen they gave trophies and marks of honour, according to their enterprises and valour employed in the wars and governements; for this effect they had arms and particular blasons. They carried these marks or blazons to the place where he desired to be buried or burnt, marching before the body, and accompanying it, as it were in procession, where the priests and officers of the Temple went with divers furnitures and ornaments, some casting incense, others singing, and some sounding of mournful flutes and drums, which did much increase the sorrow of his kinsfolks and subjects. The priest who did the office was decked with the marks of the idol which the noble man had represented; for all noble men did represent idols, and carried the name of some one: and for this occasion they were esteemed and honoured. The order of knighthood did commonly carry these foresaid marks. He that should be burnt, being brought to the place appointed, they environed him with wood of pine trees, and all his baggage, than set they fire unto it, increasing it still with goomie wood, until that all were converted into ashes, than came there forth a Priest attired like a Devil, having mouths upon every joint of him, and many eyes of glass, holding a great staff, with the which he did mingle all the ashes very boldly, and with so terrible a gesture, as he terrified all the assistants. Sometimes this minister had other different habits, according to the quality of the dead. I have made this digression of obsequies and funerals, upon the idolatry and superstition they had to the dead. It is reason to return now to our chief subject, and to finish this matter.   

The fourth and last kind of Idolatry the Indians used, especially the Mexicaines' to Images and Idols. CHAP. 9  
ALthough in truth God is greatly offended with these above named Idolatries, where they worship the creatures; yet the holy-Ghost doth much more reprove and condemn another kind of idolatry, and that is of those that worship Images and figures made by the hand of men, which have nothing else in them but to be of wood, stone, or metal, and of such form as God hath given them. And therefore the Wiseman speaketh thus of such people, They are miserable, whose hopes may be counted among the dead, that have called the works of men's hands gods, as gold, silver, and the invention of the likeness of beasts, or a fruitless stone, which hath nothing more in it than antiquity. 
Esa. 44. I●re. 10. Baruch 6. Psal. 113.  And he doth divinely follow this proposition against this error and folly of the Gentiles; as also the Prophets Esay, jeremy, Baruc, & King David do treat thereof amply. It is convenient and necessary that the Ministers of Christ which do reprove the errors of idolatry, should have a good sight, and consider well these reasons which the holy-Ghost doth so lively set down, being all reduced into a short sentence, by the Prophet Osee, 
Osee. ●.  He that hath made them was a workman, and therefore can they be no gods, therefore the Calf of Samaria shallbe like the Spider's web. Returning to our purpose, there hath been great curiosity at the Indies in making of idols and pictures of divers forms and matters, which they worshipped for gods, and in Peru they called them Guacas, being commonly of fowl and deformed beasts, at the least, such as I have seen, were so. I believe verily that the Devil, in whose honour they made these idols, was pleased to cause himself to be worshipped in these deformities, and in ●rneth it was found so, that the Devil spoke and answered many of these Guacas or idols, and his priests and ministers came to these Oracles of the father of lies, and such as he is, such were his counsels and prophecies. In the provinces of New Spain, Mexico, Tescuco, Tlascalla, Cholula, and in the neighbour countries to this realm, this kind of idolatry hath been more pactised than in any other realm of the world. And it is a prodigious thing to hear the superstitions rehearsed that they have used in that point, of the which it shall not be unpleasant to speak something. The chiefest idol of M●xic● was, as I have said, Vitziliputzli. It was an image of wood like to a man, set upon a stool of the colour of ● zure, in a brankard or litter, at ●very corner was a pie●● of wood in form of a Serpent's head. The stool signified that he was set in heaven: this idol had all the forehead azure, and had a band of azure under the nose from one ear to another: upon his head he had a rich plume of feathers, like to the beak of a small bird, the which was covered on the top with gold burnished very brown: he had in his left hand a white target, with the figures of five pineapples, made of white feathers, set in a cross: and from above issued forth a crest of gold, and at his sides he had four darts, which (the Mexicaines' say) had been sent from heaven to do those acts and prowesses which shall be spoken of: In his right hand he had an azured staff, cut in fashion of a waving snake. All these ornaments with the rest he had, carried his sense as the Mexicaines' do show; the name of Vitziliputzli signifies the left hand of a shining feather.  
I will speak hereafter of the proud Temple, the sacrifices, feasts and ceremonies of this great idol, being very notable things. But at this present we will only show, that this idol thus richly apparelled and decked, was set upon an high Altar, in a small piece or box, well covered with linen clothes, jewels, feathers and ornaments of gold, with many rundles of feathers, the fairest and most exquisite that could be found: he had always a curtain before him for the greater veneration. joining to the chamber or chapel of this idol, there was a piece of less work, and not so well beautified, where there was another idol they called T lalos. These two idols were always together, for that they held them as companions, and of equal power. There was another idol in Mexico much esteemed, which was the god of repentance, and of jubilies and pardons for their sins. They called this idol TeZcallipuca, he was made of a black shining stone like to jayel, being attired with some Gentile devises after their manner; it had ear-rings of gold and silver, and through the neither lip a small canon of crystal, in length half a foot: in the which they sometimes put a green feather, and sometimes an azured, which made it resemble sometimes an Emerald, and sometimes a Turquois: it had the hair broided and bound up with a hairlace of gold burnished, at the end whereof did hang an ●are of gold, with two firebrands of smoke painted therein, which did signify the prayers of the afflicted and sinners that he heard, when they recommended themselves unto him. Betwixt the two ears hanged a number of small herons. He had a jewel hanging at his neck, so great that it covered all his stomach: upon his arms bracelets of gold; at his navilla rich green stone: and in his left hand a fan of precious feathers, of green, azure and yellow, which came forth of a looking glass of gold, shining and well burnished, and that signified, that within this looking glass he saw whatsoever was done in the world. They called this glass or chaston of gold Irlacheaya, which signifies his glass for to look in. In his right hand he held four darts, which signified the chastisement he gave unto the wicked for their sins. And therefore they feared this idol most, lest he should discover their faults and offences. At his feast they had pardon of their sins, which was made every four years, as shallbe declared hereafter. They held this idol Tescatlipuca for the god of drought, of famine, barrenness and pestilence: And therefore they painted him in another form, being set in great malesty upon a stool compassed in with a red curtin, painted & wrought with the heads and bones of dead men. In the least hand it had a target with five pines, like unto pine apples of cotton: and in the right a little dart with a threatening countenance, and the arm stretched out▪ as if he would cast it; and from the target came four darts. It had the countenance of an angry man, and in choler, the body all painted black, and the head full of Quails feathers. They used great superstition to this idol, for the fear they had of it. In Cholula which is a commonwealth of Mexico, they worshipped a famous idol which was the god of merchandise, being to this day greatly given to traffic. They called it Qnetzaalcoalt.  
This idol was in a great place in a temple very high: it had about it, gold, silver, jewels, very rich feathers, and habits of diverse colours. It had the form of a man, but the visage of a little bird, with a red bill, and above a comb full of warts, having ranks of teeth, and the tongue hanging out. It carried upon the head, a pointed mitre of painted paper, a scythe in the hand, and many toys of gold on the legs; with a thousand other foolish inventions, whereof all had their significations, and they worshipped it, for that he enriched whom he pleased, as Memnon and Plutus. In truth this name which the Choluanos' gave to their God, was very fi●te, although they understood it not: they called it Quetzaalcoalt, signifying colour of a rich feather, for such is the devil of covetousness. These barbarous people contented not themselves to have gods only, but they had goddesses also, as the Fables of Poets have brought in, and the blind gentility of the greeks and Romans worshipped them. The chief goddess they worshipped was called ToZi, which is to say, our grandmother, who as the Histories of Mexico report, was daughter to the king of Culhuacan, who was the first they s●eaed by the commandment of Vitzliputzli, whom they sacrificed in this so●t, being his sister, and then they began to slay men in their sacrifices, and to cloth the living with the skins of the sacrificed, having learned that their gods were pleased therewith, as also to pull the hearts out of them they sacrificed, which they learned of their god, who pulled out the hearts of such as he punished in Tulla, as shall be said in his place. One of these goddesses they worshipped had a son, who was a great hunter, whom they of Tl●scalla afterwards took for a god, and those were enemies to the Mexicaines', by whose aid the Spaniards won Mexico. The province of Tlascalla is very fit for hunting, and the people are much given thereunto. They therefore made a great feast unto this idol, whom they painted of such a form, as it is not now needful to lose any time in the description thereof. The feast they made was pleasant, and in this sort: They sounded a Trumpet at the break of day, at the sound whereof they all assembled with thei● bows, arrows, nets, and other instruments for hunting: then they went in procession with their idol, being followed by a great number of people to a high mountain, upon the top whereof they had made a bower of leaves, and in the midst thereof an Altar richly decked, whereupon they placed the idol. They marched with a great bruit of Trumpets, Cornets, Flutes and Drums, and being come unto the place, they environed this mountain on all sides, putting fire to it on all parts: by means whereof many beasts flew forth, as stags, coneyes, hares, foxes, and wolves, which went to the top flying from the fire. These hunters followed after with great cries and noise of divers instruments, hunting them to the top before the idol, whither fled such a number of beasts, in so great a press, that they leapt one upon another, upon the people, and upon the Altar, wherein they took great delight. Then took they a great number of these beasts, and sacrificed them before the idol, as stags and other great beasts, pulling out their hearts, as they use in the sacrifice of men, and with the like ceremony: which done, they took all their prey upon their shoulders, and retired with their idol in the same manner as they came, and entered the city laden with all these things, very joyful, with great store of music, trumpets, and drums, until they came to the Temple, where they placed their idol with great reverence and solemnity. They presently went to prepare their venison, wherewith they made a banquet to all the people; and after dinner they made their plays, representations, and dances before the idol. They had a great number of other idols, of gods and goddesses; but the chief were of the Mexicaine Nation, and the neighbour people as is said.   

Of a strange manner of Idolatry practised amongst the Mexicaines'. CHAP. 10.  
AS we have said that the kings Inguas of Peru caused Images to be made to their likeness, which they called their Guacoes or brothers, causing them for to be honoured like themselves: even so the Mexicains have done of their gods, which was in this sort. They took a captive, such as they thought good, and afore they did sacrifice him unto their idols; they gave him the name of the idol, to whom he should be sacrificed, and appareled him with the same ornaments like their idol, saying, that he did represent the same idol. And during the time that this representation lasted, which was for a year in some feasts, in others six months, and in others less: they reverenced and worshipped him in the same manner, as the proper idol; and in the mean time he did eat, drink, and was merry. When he went through the streets, the people came forth to worship him, and every one brought him an alms, with children and sick folks, that he might cure them, and bless them, suffering him to do all things at his pleasure, only he was accompanied with ten or twelve men lest he should fly. And he (to the end he might be reverenced as he passed) sometimes sounded upon a small flute, that the people might prepare to worship him. The feast being come, and he grown fat, they killed him, opened him, and eat him, making a solemn sacrifice of him.  
In truth it was a pitiful thing to consider in what sort Satan held this people in his subjection, and doth many to this day, which commit the like cruelties and abominations, with the loss of the miserable souls and bodies of such as they offer to him, and he laughs and mocks at the folly of these poor miserable creatures, who deserve well, for their offences, to be forsaken of the most high God, to the power of their adversary, whom they have chosen for their god & support. But seeing we have spoken sufficient of the Indians idolatry: it follows that we treat of their Religion, or rather Superstition, which they use in their sacrifices, temples, ceremonies, and the rest.   

How the Devil hath laboured to make himself equal unto God, and to imitate him in his Sacrifices, Religion, and Sacraments. CHAP. 11.  
BEfore we come to this point, we ought to consider one thing, which is worthy of special regard, the which is, how the Devil by his pride hath opposed himself to God; and that which God by his wisdom hath decreed for his honour and service, and for the good and health of man, the Devil st●ives to imitate and to pervert, to be honoured, and to cause man to be dammed: for as we see the great God hath Sacrifices, Priests, Sacraments, Religious Prophets, and Ministers, dedicated to his divine service and holy ceremonies, so the Devil hath his sacrifices, priests, his kinds of sacraments, his ministers appointed, his secluded and feigned holiness, with a thousand sorts of false prophets. All which will be pleasant to understand, being declared in particular, and of no s●●ll shuite for him that shall remember, how the Devil is the father of lies, 
●●hn. 5.  as the truth saith in the Gospel; and therefore he seeks to usurp to himself the glory of God, 
Ex●●. 7.  and to counterfeit the light by his darkness. The Sooth-saiers of Egypt taught by their master Sa●●●●, laboured to do wonders, like unto those of ●●s●s and Aron, to be equal unto them. We read in the Book of Iud●es of that Micas, Priest of the vain Idol, which used the same ornaments which were used in the Tabernacle of the true God, as the Ephod, the Seraphin, and other things. There is scarce any thing instituted by jesus Christ our Saviour in his Law of his Gospel, the which the Devil hath not counterfeited in some sort, and carried to his Gentiles, as may be seen in reading that which we hold for certain, by the report of men worthy of credit, of the customs and ceremonies of the Indians, whereof we will treat in this Book.   

Of the Temples that were found at the Indies. CHAP. 12.  
BEginning then with their Temples, even as the great God would have a house dedicated, where his holy name might be honoured, and that it should be particularly vowed to his service; even so the Devil, by his wicked practices, persuaded Infidel to build him proud Temples, and particular Oratories and Sanctuaries. In every Province of Peru, there was one principal Guaca, or house of adoration; and besides it, there was one general throughout all the Kingdom of the Inguas; amongst the which there hath been two famous and notable, the one which they called Pachamana, is four leagues from Lima, whereat this day they see the ruins of a most ancient and great building, out of the which Francis Pizarre and his people drew infinite treasure, of vessel and pots of gold and silver, which they brought when they took the Ingua A●tagu●l●●. There are certain memories and discourses which say, that in this Temple the Devil did speak visibl●, and gruman ●ivers by his Oracle, and that sometimes they did seea spotted snake: and it was a thing very coming ●n and approved at the Indies, that the Devil spoke and answered in these false Sanctuaries deceiving this miserable people. But where the Gospel is entered, and the Cross of Christ planted, the father of lies is become mute, as Plutark writes of his time, Cur cessaverit Pithias fondere oracula: 

Plu. lib. de tract.  
just. in apol. pro cl●ris●.   and justine Martyr treats amply of the silence which Christ imposed to devils, which spoke by Idols, as it had been before much prophesied of in the holy Scripture. The manner which the Infidel Ministers & Enchanters had to consult with their gods, was as the Devil had taught them. It was commonlyin the night, they entered backward to their idol, & so went bending their bodies & head, after an ugly manner, and so they consulted with him. The answer he made, was commonly like unto a fearful hissing, or to a gnashing which did terrify them; and all that he did advertise or command them, was but the way to their perdition and ruin. There are few of these Oracles found now, through the mercy of God, and great power of jesus Christ. There hath been in Peru another Temple and Oratory, most esteemed, which was in the City of Cusco, where at this day is the monastery of S. Dominicke. We may see it hath been a goodly and a stately work, by the pavement and stones of the building, which remain to this day. This Temple was like to the Pantheon of the Romans, for that it was the house and dwelling of all the gods; for the King's Inguas did there behold the gods of all the Nations and provinces they had conquered, every Idol having his private place, whither they of that Province came to worship it with an excessive charge of things which they brought for his service. And thereby they supposed to keep safely in obedience, those Provinces which they had conquered, holding their gods, as it were in hostage. In this same house was the Pinchao, which was an Idol of the Sun, of most fine gold, wrought with great riches of stones, the which was placed to the East, with so great Art, as the Sun at his rising did cast his beams thereon: and as it was of most fine metal, his beams did reflect with such a brightness, that it seemed another Sun. The Inguas did worship this for their God, and the Pachayacha, which signifies the Creator of heaven. They say, that at the spoil of this so rich a Temple, a soldier had for his part this goodly plate of gold of the Sun. And as play was then in request, he lost it all in one night at play, whence came the proverb they have in Peru for great gamesters, saying, that they play the Sun before it riseth.   

Of the Proud Temples at Mexico. CHAP. 13.  
THe Superstitions of the Mexicaines', have without comparison been greater than the rest, as well in their ceremonies, as in the greatness of their Temples, the which in old time the Spaniards called by this word Cuckoe, which word might be taken from the Islanders of S. Dominique, or of Cuba, as many other words that are in use, the which are neither from Spain, nor from any other language now usual among the Indians, as is Mays, Chico, Vaquiano, Chapeton, and other like. There was in Mexico, this Cuckoe, the famous Temple of Vitziliputzli, it had a very great circuit, and within a fair Court. It was built of great stones, in fashion of snakes tied one to another, and the circuit was called Coatepantli, which is, a circuit of snakes: upon the top of every chamber and oratory where the Idols were, was a fine pillar wruogh twit h●small stones, black as icate, set in goodly order, the ground raised up with white & red, which below gave a great light, upon the top of the pillar were battlements very artificially made, wrought like snails, supported by two Indians of stone, sitting, holding candlesticks in their hands, the which were like Croisants garnished & enriched at the ends, with yellow and green feathers and long fringes of the same. Within the circuit of this court, there were many chambers of religious men, and others that were appointed for the service of the Priests and Popes, for so they call the sovereign Priests which serve the Idol. This Court is so great and spacious, as eight or ten thousand persons did dance easily in round, holding hands, the which was an usual custom in that Realm, although it seem to many incredible.  
There were four gates or en●●ies, at the East, West, North, and South; at every one of these gates began a f●ire causey of two or three leagues long. There was in the midst of the Lake where the City of Mexico is built, four large cawseys in cross, which did much beautify it; upon every portal or entry, was a God or Idol, having the visage turned to the causey, ●ight against the Temple gate of VitZiliputZli. There were thirty steps of thirty fathom long, and they divided from the circuit of the court by a street that went betwixt them; upon the top of these steps there was a walk of thirty foot broad, all plastered with chalk, in the midst of which walk was a palisado artificially made of very high trees, planted in order a fathom one from another▪ These trees were very big, and all pierced with small holes from the foot to the top, and there were rods did run from one tree to another, to the which were chained or tied many dead men's heads. Upon every rod were twenty skulls, and these ranks of skulls continue from the foot to the top of the tree. This Pallissado was full of dead men's skulls from one end to the other, the which was a wonderful mournful sight and full of horror. These were the heads of such as had been sacrificed; for after they were dead, and had eaten the flesh, the head was delivered to the Ministers of the Temple, which tied them in this sort until they fell off by morsels; and then had they a care to set others in their places. Upon the top of the Temple were two stones or chapels, and in them were the two Idols which I have spoken of, VitziliputZli, and his companion Tlalot. These chapels were carved and graven very artificially, and so high, that to ascend up to it, there was a stair of stone of sixscore steps. Before these Chambers or chapels, there was a Court of forty foot square, in the midst whereof, was a high stone of five hand breadth, pointed in fashion of a Pyramid, it was placed there for the sacrificing of men; for being laid on their backs, it made their bodies to bend, and so they did open them and pull out their hearts, as I shall show hereafter. There were in the City of Mexico, eight or nine other Temples, the which were joined one to another within one great circuit, and had their private stairss, their courts, their chambers, and their dortoires. The entries of some were to the East, some to the West, others to the South, and some to the North. All these Temples were curiously wrought, and compassed in with diverse sorts of battlements and pictures, with many figures of stones, being accompanied and fortified with great and large spurs or platforms. They were dedicated to diverse gods: but next to the Temple of VitziliputZli, was that of Tescalipuca, which was the god of penance and of punishments, very high and well built.  
There were four steps to ascend, on the top was a flat or table of six score foot broad, and joining unto it was a hall hanged with tapestry and curtains of divers colours and works. The door thereof being low and large, was always covered with a vail, and none but the priests might enter in. All this Temple was beautified with divers images and pictures most curiously; for that these two Temple were as the cathedral churches; and the rest in respect of them as parishes and her▪ mitages': they were so spacious, and had so many chambers, that there were in them places for the ministery, colleges, schools, and houses for priests, whereof we will entreat hereafter. This may suffice to conceive the devils pride, and the misery of this wretched nation, who with so great expense of their goods, their labour, and their lives, did thus serve their capital enemy, who pretended nothing more than the destruction of their souls, and consumption of their bodies. But yet they were well pleased, having an opinion in their so great an error, that they were great and mighty gods, to whom they did these services.   

Of the Priests and their offices. CHAP 14.  
WE find among all the nations of the world▪ men specially dedicated to the service of the true God, or to the false, which serve in sacrifices, and declare unto the people what their gods command them. There was in Mexico a strange curiosity upon this point. And the devil counterfeiting the use of the Church of God, hath placed in the order of his Priests, some greater or superiors, and some less, the one as Acolites, the other as Levites, & that which hath made me most to wonder, was, that the devil would usurp to himself the service of God; yea and use the same name: for the Mexicaines' in their ancient tongue called their high Priests Papas, as they should say sovereign Bishops, as it appears now by their Histories. The Priests of VitZliputzli succeeded by lineages of certain quarters of the City, deputed for that purpose, and those of other idols came by election, or being offered to the temple in their infancy. The daily exercise of the Priests was to cast incense on the idols, which was done four times in the space of a natural day. The first at break of day, the second at noon, the third at Sun setting, and the fourth at midnight. At midnight all the chief officers of the Temple did rise, and in stead of bells, they sounded a long time upon trumpets, cornets and flutes very heavily; which being ended, he that did the office that week, stepped forth, attired in a white robe after the Dalmatic manner, with a censor in his hand full of coals, which he took from the hearth burning continually before the Altar; in the other hand he had a purse full of incense, which he cast into the censor, and as he entered the place where the idol was, he incensed it with great reverence, than took he a cloth, with the which he wiped the Altar and the curtains. This done, they went all into a Chapel, and there did a certain kind of rigorous and austere penance, beating themselves, and drawing of blood, as I shall show in the treatise of Penance, which the Devil hath taught to his creatures; and hereof they never failed at these Ma●tins at midnight. None other but the Priests might intermeddle with their sacrifices, and every one did employ himself according to his dignity and degree. They did likewise preach to the people at some feasts, as I will show when we treat thereof. They had revenues, and great offerings were made unto them. I will speak hereafter of their unction in Consecrating their Priests. In Peru the Priests were entertained of the revenues and inheritance of their God, which they called Chacaras, which were many, and also very rich.   

Of the monastery of Virgins which the devil hath invented for his service. CHAP. 15.  
AS the religious life (whereof many servants of God have made profession in the holy Church, imitating jesus Christ and his holy Apostles) is very pleasing in the sight of his divine majesty, by the which his holy Name is so honoured, and his Church beautified: So the father of lies hath laboured to imitate and counterfeit him herein; yea, as it were hath striven with God in the observance and austere life of his ministers. There were in Peru many monasteries of Virgins (for there are no other admitted) at the least one in every Province. In these monasteries there were two sorts of women, one ancient, which they called Mamacom●●, for the instruction of the young; and the other was of young maidens, placed there for a certain time, and after they were drawn forth, either for their gods or for the Ingua. They called this house or monastery Acl●guagi, which is to say, the house of the chosen. Every monastery had his Vicar or Governor called Appopanaca, who had liberty and power to choose whom he pleased, of what quality soever, being under eight years of age, if they seemed to be of a good stature and constitution.  
These Virgins thus shut up into these monasteries, were instructed by the Momacomas, in divers things needful for the life of man, and in the customs and ceremonies of their gods; and afterwards they took them from thence, being above fourteen, sending them to the Court with suregards, whereof some were appointed to serve the Guacas and Sanctuaries, keeping their virginities for ever: some others were for the ordinary sacrifices that were made of maidens, and other extraordinary sacrifices, they made for the health, death, or wars of the Ingua; and the rest served for wives and concubines to the Ingua, and unto other his kinsfolks and captains, unto whom he gave them, which was a great and honourable recompense: This distribution was used every year. These monasteries possessed rents and revenues for the maintenance of these Virgins, which were in great numbers. It was not lawful for any father to refuse his daughters when the Appopanaca required them for the service of these monasteries. Yea many fathers did willingly offer their daughters, supposing it was a great merit to be sacrificed for the Ingua. If any of these Momacomas or Acllas were found to have trespassed against their honour, it was an inevitable chastisement to bury them alive, or to put them to death by some other kind of cruel torment.  
The devil hath even in Mexico had some kind of religious women, although their possession was but ●●● one year, and it was in this sort: Within this gre●● circuit whereof we have spoken, which was in the principal temple, there were two houses like cloisters, the one opposite to the other, one of men, the other of women: In that of women, they were virgins only, of twelve or thirteen years of age, which they called the Maids of Penance. They whereas many as the men, and lived chastened and regularly, as virgins dedicated to the service of their god. Their charge was, to sweep and make clean the temple, and every morning to prepare meat for the idol and his ministers, of the alms the religious gathered. The food they prepared for the idol were small loaves in the form of hands and feet, as of marchpane: and with this bread they prepared certain sauces which they cast daily before the idol, and his priests did eat it, as those of Baal, that Daniel speaketh of. 
Dan. 14.  These virgins had their hair cut, and then they let them grow for a certain time▪ they rose at midnight to the idols matins, which they daily celebrated, performing the same exercises the religious did. They had their Abesses who employed them to make cloth of divers fashions for the ornament of their idols and temples. Their ordinary habit was all white, without any work or colour. They did their penance at midnight, sacrificing and wounding themselves, and piercing the top of their ears, they laid the blood which issued forth upon their cheeks: and after, (to wash off the blood) they bathed themselves in a pool which was within their monastery. They lived very honestly and discreetly; and if any were found ●o have offended, although but lightly, presently they were put to death without remission, saying, she had polluted the house of their god. They held it for an augure and advertisement, that some one of the religious, man, or woman, had committed a fault, when they saw a Rat or a Mouse pass, or a Bat in the chapel of their idol, or that they had gnawed any of the veils▪ for that they say, a Cat or a Bat would not adventure to commit such an indignity, if some offence had not gone before, and then they began to make search of the fact, and having discovered the offendor or offenders, of what quality soever, they presently put them to death.  
None were received into this monastery, but the daughters of one of the six quarters, named for that purpose: and this profession continued, as I have said, the space of one whole year: during the which time, their fathers, and they themselves had made a vow to serve the idol in this manner, and from thence they went to be married. These virgins of Mexico, especially they of Peru had some resemblance to the Vestal Virgins of Rome, as the Histories show, to the end we may understand how the devil hath desired to be served by them that observe Virginity, not that chastity is pleasing unto him, for he is an unclean spirit, but for the desire he hath to take from the great God, as much as in him lieth, this glory to be served with cleanness and integrity.   

Of the Monasteries of religious men that the devil hath invented for superstition. CHAP. 16.  
IT is well known, by Letters written by the fathers of our company from jappon the number and multitude of religious men that are in those Provinces, whom they call Boncos, and also their superstition, customs and lies. Some fathers that have been in those countries, report of these Boncos and religious men of China, saying, that there are many Orders, and of divers sorts, some came unto them clad in white, bearing hoods, and others all in black, without hair or hood, and these are commonly little esteemed, for the Mandarins or ministers of justice whip them, as they do the rest of the people. They make profession, not to eat any flesh, fish, nor any thing that hath life, but only Rice and herbs; but in secret they do eat any thing, and are worse than the common people. They say the religious men which are at the Court, which is at Paquin, are very much esteemed. The Mandarins go commonly to recreate themselves at the Narells or monasteries of these Monks, and return in a manner always drunk. These monasteries commonly are without the towns, and have temples within their close: yet in China they are not greatly curious of idols, or of temples, for the Mandarins little esteem idols, and do hold it for a vain thing, and worthy to be laughed at: yea they believe there is no other life, nor Paradise, but to be in the office of the Mandarins, nor any other hell, than the prisons they have for offenders. As for the common sort, they say, it is necessary to entertain them with idolatry, as the Philosopher himself reacheth his Governors: 
Arist. 12. 〈◊〉.  and in the Scripture it was an excuse which Aaron gave, for the idol of the Calf, that he caused to be made; yet the Chinois used to tarry in the poop of their ships, 
Exodus 32.  in little chapels, a virgin embossed set in a chair with two Chinois before her kneeling in manner of Angels, having a light burning there both day and night. And when they are to set sail, they do many sacrifices and ceremonies, with a great noise of drums and bells, casting papers burnt at the poop.  
Coming to our religious men, I do not know that in Peru there is any proper houses for men, but for the Priests and Sorcerers, whereof there is an infinite number. But it seemeth, that in Mexico the devil hath set a due observation: for within the circuit of the great temple there were two monasteries, as before hath been said, one of Virgins, whereof I have spoken, the other of young men secluded, of eighteen or twenty years of age, which they called religious. They wear shaved crowns, as the Friars in these parts, their hair a little longer which fell to the midst of their care, except the hinder part of the head, which they let grow the breadth of four fingers down to their shoulders, and which they tied up in tresses. These young men that served in the temple of Vitzliputzli lived poorly and chastely, and did the office of Levites, ministering to the priests and chief of the temple, their incense, lights, & garments; they swept and made clean the holy places, bringing wood for a continual fire to the hearth of their god, which was like a lamp that still burnt before the Altar of their idol. Besides these young men, there were other little boys, as novices, that served for manual uses, as to deck the temple with boughs, roses, and reeds, give the Priest's water to wash with, give them their razors to sacrifice, and go with such as begged alms to carry it. All these had their superiors, who had the government over them, they lived so honestly, as when they came in public, where there were any women, they carried their heads very low, with their eyes to the ground, not daring to behold them: they had linen garments, and it was lawful for them to go into the City four or six together, to ask alms in all quarters: and when they gave them none, it was lawful to go into the corn fields and gather the cares of corn or clusters of Mays, which they most needed, the Master not daring to speak, nor hinder them. They had this liberty, because they lived poorly, and had no other revenues, but alms. There might not be above fifty live in penance, rising at midnight to sound the cornets and trumpets to awake the people. Every one watched the idol in his turn, left the fire before the Altar should die: they gave the censor, with the which the Priest at midnight incensed the idol, and also in the morning, at noon, and at night. They were very subject and obedient to their superiors, and passed not any one point that was commanded them. And at midnight after the priesthad ended his censing, they retired themselves into a secret place, apart, sacrificing, & drawing blood, from the calves of their legs with sharp bodkins: with this blood they rubbed their temples, & under their cares: and this sacrifice finished, they presently washed themselves in a little pool appointed to that end. These young men did not anoint their heads and bodies with any Petum, as the Priests did: their garments were of a course white linen cloth they do make there. These exercises and strictness of penance continued a whole year, during which time they lived with great austerity and solitariness. In truth it is very strange to see that this false opinion of religion hath so great force among these young men and maidens of Mexico, that they will serve the Devil with so great rigour and austerity, which many of us do not in the service of the most high God, the which is a great shame and confusion; for those amongst us that glory to have done a small penance, although this exercise of the Mexicaines', was not continual, but for a year only, which made it the more tolerable.   

Of Penance and the Strictness the Indians have used at the devils persuasion. CHAP. 17.  
SEeing we are come to this point, it shall be good both to discover the cursed pride of Satan, and to confound it, and somewhat to quicken our coldness and sl●th in the service of the great GOD: to speak some thing of the rigour and strange penance this miserable people used at the devils persuasion, like to the false Prophets of Baal, 
3 R●g. 28.  who did beat and wound themselves with lancets, drawing forth blood; or like those that sacrificed their sons and daughters unto loathsome Belphegor, passing them through the fire, 
Psal. 105. 4. Reg. ●●.  as holy Writ testifieth: for Satan hath always desired to be served, to the great hurt and spoil of man. It hath been said that the priests and religious of Mexico, rose at midnight, and having cast incense before the idol, they retired themselves into a large place, where there were many lights; and sitting down, every one took a point of Manguay, which is like unto an awl or sharp bodkin, with the which, or with some other kinds of launcets or razors, they pierced the calves of their legs near to the bone, drawing forth much blood, with the which they anointed their temples, & dipped these bodkins or lancets in the rest of the blood, then set they them upon the battlements of the Court, sticked in gloabes or bowls of straw, that all might see and know the penance they did for the people: they do wash off the blood in a lake appointed for that purpose, which they call Ezapangue, which is to say, water of blood.  
There were in the Temple a great number of bodkins or lancets, for that they might not use one twice. Moreover, these Priests and Religious men, used great fastings, of five or ten days together, before any of their great feasts, and they were unto them as our four ember weeks: they were so strict in continence, that some of them (not to fall into any sensuality,) slit their members in the midst, and did a thousand things to make themselves unable, lest they should offend their gods. They drunk no wine, and slept little, for that the greatest part of their exercises were by night, committing great cruelties and martiring themselves for the Devil, and all to be reputed great fasters and penitents.  
They did use to discipline themselves with cords full of knots, and not they only, but the people also used this punishment and whipping, in the procession and feast they made to the idol TeZcalipuca, the which (as I have said before,) is the god of penance; for than they all carried in their hands new cords of the thread of Manguey a fathom long, with a knot at the end, and therewith they whipped themselves, giving great lashes over their shoulders. The Priests did fast five days together before this feast, eating but once a day, and they lived apart from their wives, not going out of the Temple during those five days, they did whip themselves rigorously in the manner aforesaid. The Jesuits which have written from the Indies, treat amply of the penances and exceeding rigour the Boncos use, all which was but counterfeit, and more in show, then in truth. In Peru to solemnize the feast of the Yta, which was great, all the people fasted two days; during the which, they did not accompany with their wives, neither did they eat any meat with salt or garlic, nor drink Chica. They did much use this kind of fasting for some sins, and did penance, whipping themselves with sharp stinging nettles, and often they struck themselves over the shoulders with certain stones. This blind Nation, by the persuasion of the Devil, did transport themselves into craggy mountains, where sometimes they sacrificed themselves, casting themselves down from some high rock. All which are but snares and deceits of him that desires nothing more than the loss and ruin of man.   

Of the Sacrifices the Indians made to the Devil, and whereof. CHAP. 18.  
IT hath been in the abundance and diversity of Offerings and Sacrifices taught unto the Infidels for their idolatry, that the enemy of God and man, hath most showed his subtlety and wickedness. And as it is a fit thing and proper to religion, to consume the substance of the creatures, for the service and honour of the Creator, the which is by sacrifice: even so the father of lies hath invented the means to cause the creatures of God to be offered unto him, as to the Author and Lord thereof. The first kind of sacrifices which men used, was very simple: for Cain offered the fruits of the earth, and Abel the best of his cattle, the which likewise Noah and Abraham did afterwards, and the other patriarchs, 
Gen. 15.  until that this ample ceremony of Levi was given by Moses, wherein there are so many sorts and differences of sacrifices of diverse things, for diverse affairs, and with diverse ceremonies. In like sort, among some Nations, he hath been content to teach them to sacrifice of what they had: but among others he hath passed far▪ giving them a multitude of customs and ceremonies upon sacrifices, and so many observances, as they are wonderful. And thereby it appears plainly, that he means to contend and equal himself to the ancient law, and in many things usurp the same ceremonies▪ We may draw all the sacrifices the Infidels use into three kinds, one of insensible things, another of beasts, and the third of men. They did use in Peru to sacrifice Coca, which is an herb they esteem much, of Mays, which is their wheat, of coloured feathers, and of Chaquira, which otherwise they call Mollo, of shells or oysters, and sometime gold and silver, being in figures of little beasts. Also of the fine stuff of Cumbi, of carved and sweet wood, and most commonly tallow burnt. They made these offerings or sacrifices for a prosperous wind, and fair weather, or for their health, and to be delivered from some dangers and mishaps. Of the second kind, their ordinary sacrifice was of Cuyes, which are small beasts like rabbits, the which the Indians eat commonly. And in matters of importance, or when they were rich men, they did offer Pacos, or Indian sheep, bare, or with wool, observing curiously the numbers, colours, and times. The manner of killing their sacrifices, great or small, which the Indians did use according to their ancient ceremonies, is the same the Moors use at this day, the which they call Alquible, hanging the beast by the right fore leg, turning his eyes towards the Sun, speaking certain words, according to the quality of the sacrifice they flew: for if it were of colour, their words were directed to Chuquilla, and to the Thunder, that they might want no water: if it were white & smooth, they did offer it to the Sun with certain words: if it had a fleece, they did likewise offer it him with some others, that he might shine upon them and favour their generation: If it were a Guanaco, which is grey, they directed their sacrifice to Viracocha. In Cusco they did every year kill and sacrifice with this ceremony, a shorn sheep to the Sun, and did burn it, clad in a red waistcoat, and when they did burn it, they cast certain small baskets of Coca into the fire, which they call Vilcaronca; for which sacrifice, they have both men and beasts appointed which serve to no other use. They did likewise sacrifice small birds, although it were not so usual in Peru as in Mexico, where the sacrificing of quails was very ordinary. Those of Peru did sacrifice the birds of Puna, (for so they call the desert when they should go to the wars, for to weaken the forces of their adversaries Guacas. They called these sacrifices Cuzcovicca, or Contevicca, or Huallavicca, or Sophavicca, and they did it in this manner: they took many kinds of small birds of the desert, and gathered a great deal of a thorny wood, which they call Ya●lli, the which being kindled, they gathered together these small birds. This assembly they called Qui●o, than did they cast them into the fire, about the which the officers of the sacrifice went with certain round stones carved, whereon were painted many snakes, lions, toads, and tigers, uttering this word, Vsachum which signifies, let the victory be given unto us, with other words, whereby they said the forces of their enemies Guacas were confounded. And they drew forth certain black sheep, which had been kept close some days without meat, the which they called Vrca, and in killing them they spoke these words; As the hearts of these beasts be weakened, so let our enemies be weakened. And if they found in these sheep that a certain piece of flesh behind the heart were not consumed by fasting and close keeping, they then held it for an ill augure. They brought certain black dogs, which they call Appuros, and slew them, casting them into a plain, with certain ceremonies, causing some kind of men to eat this flesh, the which sacrifices they did, lest the Ingua should be hurt by poison: and for this cause they fasted from morning until the stars were up, and then they did glut and defile themselves like to the Moors. This sacrifice was most fit for them to withstand their enemy's gods: and although at this day a great part of these customs have ceased, the wars being ended, yet remains there some relics, by reason of the private or general quarrels of the Indians, or the Caciques, or in their Cities. They did likewise offer and sacrifice shells of the sea, which they call Mollo, and they offered them to the fountains and springs, saying, that these shells were daughters of the sea, the mother of all waters. They gave unto these shells sundry names, according to the colour, and also they use them to diverse ends. They used them in a manner in all kind of sacrifices, and yet to this day they put beaten shells in their Chica, for a superstition. Finally they thought it convenient to offer sacrifices of every thing they did sow or raise up. There were Indians appointed to do these sacrifices to the fountain, springs, and rivers, which passed through the towns, or by their Chacras, which are their farms, which they did after seed ●ime, that they might not cease running, but always water their grounds. The sorcerers did conjure, to know what time the sacrifices should be made, which being ended, they did gather of the contribution of the people, what should be sacrificed and delivered them to such as had the charge of these sacrifices. They made them in the beginning of winter, at such time as the fountains, springs, and rivers, did increase by the moistures of the weather, which they did attribute to their sacrifices. They did not sacrifice to the fountains and springs of the deserts. To this day continues the respect they had to fountains, springs, pools, brooks, or rivers, which pass by their Cities or Chacras, even unto the fountains and rivers of the deserts. They have a special regard and reverence to the meeting of two rivers, and there they wash themselves for their health, anointing themselves first with the flower of Mays, or some other things, adding thereunto diverse ceremonies, the which they do likewise in their baths.   

Of the Sacrifices they made of men. CHAP. 19  
THe most pitiful disaster of this poor people, is their slavery unto the Devil, sacrificing men unto him, which are the Images of God. In many nations they had used to kill (to accompany the dead, as hath been declared) such persons as had been agreeable unto him, and whom they imagined might best serve him in the other world. Besides this, they used in Peru, to sacrifice young children of four or six years old unto ten: and the greatest part of these sacrifices were for the affairs that did import the Ingua, as in sickness for his health: and when he went to the wars for victory, or when they gave the wreath to their new Ingua, which is the mark of a King, as here the Sceptre and the Crown be. In this solemnity they sacrificed the number of two hundred children, from four to ten years of age, which was a cruel and inhuman spectacle. The manner of the sacrifice was to drown them and bury them with certain representations and ceremonies: sometimes they cut off their heads, anointing themselves with the blood from one ear to an other.  
They did likewise sacrifice Virgins, some of them that were brought to the Ingua from the monasteries, as hath been said. In this case there was a very great and general abuse: If any Indian qualified, or of the common sort, were sick, and that the Divine told him confidently that he should die, they did then sacrifice his own son to the Sun, or to Virachoca, desiring them to be satisfied with him, and that they would not deprive the father of life. This cruelty is like to that the holy Scripture speaks of, which king Moab used in sacrificing his first borne son upon the wall, in the sight of all Israel, to whom this act seemed so mournful, as they would not press him any further, but returned to their houses. The holy Scripture also shows that the like kind of sacrifice had been in use amongst the barbarous nations of the Cananeans and jebuseans and others, whereof the book of Wisdom speaks, They call it peace to live in so great miseries and vexations as to sacrifice their own children, or to do other hidden sacrifices, as to watch whole nights, doing the acts of fools, and so they keep no cleanness in their life, nor in their marriages, but one through envy takes away the life of an other, an other takes away his wife and his contentment, and all is in confusion, blood, murder, theft, deceit, corruption, infidelity, seditions, perjuries, mutinies, forgetfulness of God, pollution of souls, change of sexes and birth, inconstancy of marriages, and the disorder of adultery and filthiness: for idolatry is the sink of all miseries. The Wise man speaketh this of those people of whom David complains, 
Psal. 105.  that the people of Israel had learned those customs, even to sacrifice their sons and daughters to the devil, the which was never pleasing nor agreeable unto God. For as he is the Author of life, and hath made all these things for the commodity and good of man, so is he not pleased that men should take the lives one from another; although the Lord did approve and accept the willingness of the faithful patriarch Abraham, yet did he not consent to the deed, which was, to cut off the head of his son: wherein we see the malice and tyranny of the devil, who would be herein as God, taking pleasure to be worshipped with the effusion of man's blood, procuring by this means, the ruin of soul and body together, for the deadly hatred he beareth to man, as his cruel enemy.   

Of the horrible sacrifices of men which the Mexicaines' used. CHAP. 20.  
ALthough they of Peru have surpassed the Mexicaines' in the slaughter and sacrifice of their children, (for I have not read nor understood that the Mexicaines' used any such sacrifices) yet they of Mexico have exceeded them, yea all the nations of the world, in the great number of men which they had sacrificed, and in the horrible manner thereof. And to the end we may see the great misery wherein the Devil holds this blind Nation, I will relate particularly the custom and inhuman manner which they have observed: First the men they did sacrifice were taken in the wars, neither did they use these solemn sacrifices but of Captives: so as it seems therein they have followed the custom of the Ancients. For as some Authors say, they called the sacrifice Victima, for this reason, because it was of a conquered thing: they also called it Hostia quasi ab host, for that it was an offering made of their enemies, although they have applied this word to all kinds of sacrifices. In truth the Mexicaines' did not sacrifice any to their idols, but Captives, and the ordinary wars they made, was only to have Captives for their sacrifices: and therefore when they did fight, they laboured to take their enemies alive, and not to kill them, to enjoy their sacrifices. And this was the reason which Moteçuma gave to the Marquis du Val, when he asked of him, why being so mighty, and having conquered so many kingdoms, he had not subdued the Province of Tlascalla, which was so near▪ Moteçuma answered him, that for two reasons he had not conquered that Province, although it had been easy, if he would have undertaken it: the one was for the exercise of the youth of Mexico, left they should fall into idleness and delight: the other and the chief cause why he had reserved this Province, was, to have Captives for the sacrifices of their gods. The manner they used in these sacrifices, was, they assembled within the Palissadoe of dead men's skulls, (as hath been said,) such as should be sacrificed, using a certain ceremony at the foot of the palisado, placing a great guard about them. Presently there slept forth a Priest, attired with a short surplise full of tenrils beneath, who came from the top of the temple with an idol made of paste of wheat & mays mingled with honey, which had the eyes made of the grains of green glass, and the teeth of the grains of mays, he descended the steps of the temple with all the speed he could, and mounted on a great stone planted upon a high terrace in the midst of the court. This stone was called Quauxicalli, which is to say, the stone of Eagle, whereon he mounted by a little ladder, which was in the fore part of the terrase, and descended by an other stair on the other side, still embracing his idol. Then did he mount to the place where those were that should be sacrificed, showing this idol to every one in particular, saying unto them; this is your god. And having ended his show, he descended by the other side of the stairs, and all such as should die, went in procession unto the place where they should be sacrificed, where they sound the Ministers ready for that office. The ordinary manner of sacrificing was, to open the stomach of him that was sacrificed, and having pulled out his heart half alive, they tumbled the man down the stairs of the Temple, which were all embrewed and defiled with blood: And to make it the more plain, six sacrificers being appointed to this dignity, came into the place of sacrifice, four to hold the hands and feet of him that should be sacrificed, the fifth to hold his head, and the sixth to open his stomach, and to pull out the heart of the sacrificed. They called them Chachalmua, which in our tongue is as much, as the ministers of holy things. It was a high dignity, and much esteemed amongst them, wherein they did inherit and succeed as in a 〈◊〉 simple. The minister who had the office to kill, which was the sixth amongst them, was esteemed and honoured as the sovereign Priest and Bishop, whose name was different, according to the difference of times and solemnities. Their habits were likewise diverse when they came forth to the sacrifice, according to the diversity of times. The name of their chief dignity was Papa and Topilzin, their habit and rob was a red curtin after the Dalmatic fashion, with tenrils below, a crown of rich feathers, green, white, and yellow upon his head, and at his ears like pendants of gold, wherein were set green stones, and under the lip upon the midst of the beard he had a piece like unto a small canon of an azured stone. These sacrifices came with their faces and hands coloured with a shining black. The other five had their hair much curled, and tied up with laces of leather, bound about the midst of the head: upon their forehead they carried small roundelets of paper painted with divers colours, and they were attired in a Dalmatic rob of white, wrought with black. With this attire they represented the very figure of the Devil, so as it did strike fear and terro● into all the people, to see them come forth with so horrible a representation. The sovereign priest carried a great knife in his hand, of a large and sharp flint: another priest carried a collar of wood wrought in form of a snake: All six put themselves in order, joining to this Pyramidal stone, whereof I have spoken, being directly against the door of the Chapel of their idol. This stone was so pointed, as the man which was to be sacrificed, being laid there on, upon his back, did bend in such sort, as letting the knife but fall upon his stomach it opened very easily in the midst. When the sacrificers were thus in order, they drew forth such as had been taken in war, which were to be sacrificed at that feast, and being accompanied with a guard of men all naked, they caused them to mount up these large stairs in rank, to the place where the Ministers were prepared: and as every one of them came in their order, the six sacrificers took the prisoner, one by one foot, another by the other, and one by one hand, another by the other, casting him on his back upon this pointed stone, where the fifth of these Ministers put the collar of wood about his neck, and the high priest opened his stomach with the knife, with a strange dexterity and nimbleness, pulling out his heart with his hands, the which he showed smoking unto the Sun, to whom he did offer this heat and fume of the heart, and presently he turned towards the idol, and did cast the heart at his face, than did they cast away the body of the sacrificed, tumbling it down the stairs of the Temple, the stone being set so near the stairs, as there were not two foot space betwixt the stone and the first step, so as with one spurn with their foot, they cast the body from the top to the bottom. In this sort one after one they did sacrifice all those that were appointed. Being thus slain, and their bodies cast down, their masters, or such as had taken them, went to take them up, and carried them away: then having divided them amongst them, they did eat them, celebrating their feast and solemnity. There were ever forty or fifty at the least thus sacrificed, for that they had men very expert in taking them. The neighbour Nations did the like, imitating the Mexicaines' in the customs and ceremonies of the service of their gods.   

Of another kind of sacrifices of men which the Mexicaines' used. CHAP. 21.  
THere was an other kind of sacrifice which they made in diverse feasts, which they called Racaxipe VelitZli, which is as much as the bleaing of men. They call it so, for that in some feasts they took one or more slaves, as they pleased; and after they had flayed him, they with that skin appareled a man appointed to that end. This man went dancing and leaping thorough all the houses and market places of the city, every one being forced to offer something unto him: and if any one failed, he would strike him over the face, with a corner of the skin, defile him with the congealed blood. This invention continued until the skin did stink: during which time, such as went gathered together much alms, which they employed in necessary things for the service of their gods. In many of these feasts they made a challenge, betwixt him that did sacrifice, and him that should be sacrificed thus: they tied the slave by one foot to a wheel of stone, giving him a sword and target in his hands to defend himself: then presently stepped forth he that sacrificed him, armed with an●ther sword and target: if he that should be sacrificed defends himself valiantly against the other, and resisted him, he then remained freed from the sacrifice, winning the name of a famous Captain, and so was reputed: but if he were vanquished, they then sacrificed him on the stone whereunto he was tied. It was an other kind of sacrifice, whenas they appointed any slave to be the representation of the idol, saying that it was his picture: they every year gave one slave to the Priests, that they might never want the lively image of their idol. At his first entry into the office, after he had been well washed, they attired him with all the ornaments of the idol, giving him the same name. He was that whole year reverenced and honoured as the idol itself, and had always with him twelve men for his guard, lest he should fly, with which guard they suffered him to go freely and where he would: and if by chance he fled, the chief of the guard was put in his place to represent the idol, and after to be sacrificed.  
This Indian had the most honourable lodging in all the temple, where he did eat and drink, and whither all the chief Ministers came to serve and honour him, carrying him meat after the manner of great personages. When he went through the streets of the city, he was well accompanied with noble men, he carried a little flute in his hand, which sometimes he sounded, to give them knowledge when he passed: Then presently the women came forth with their little children in their arms, which they presented unto him, saluting him as god. All the rest of the people did the like: at night they put him in a strong prison or cage, left he should fly; and when the feast came, they sacrificed him, as hath been said. By these and many other means hath the Devil abused and entertained these poor wretches, and such was the multitude of those that had been sacrificed by this infernal cruelty, as it seems a matter incredible, for they affirm there were some days five thousand or more, and that there were above twenty thousand sacrificed in divers places. The devil to entertain this murder of men, used a pleasant and strange invention, which was, when it pleased the priests of Satan they went to their Kings, telling them how their gods died for hunger, and that they should remember them. Presently they prepared themselves, & advertised one another, that their gods required meat, and therefore they should command their people to be ready to go to the wars; and thus the people assembled, and the companies appointed went to field, where they mustered their forces; and all their quarrel and fight was to take one an other for sacrifice, striving on either side to take what captives they could, so as in these battles they laboured more to take, then to kill, for that all their intention was to take men alive, to give them to their idols to eat, for after that manner brought they their sacrifice unto their gods. And we must understand, that never king was crowned until he had subdued some province, from the which he brought a great number of captives for the sacrifices of their gods, so as it was an infinite thing to see what blood was spilled in the honour of the Devil.   

How the Indians grew weary, and could not endure the cruelty of Satan. CHAP. 22.  
MAny of these Barbarians were now wearied and tired with such an excessive cruelty, in shedding so much blood, and with so tedious a tribute, to be always troubled to get captives, for the feeding of their gods, seeming unto them a matter supportable, yet left they not to follow and execute their rigorous laws, for the great awe the ministers of these idols kept them in, and the cunning wherewith they abused this poor people. But inwardly they desired to be freed from so heavy a yoke. And it was a great providence of God; that the first which gave them knowledge of the Law of Christ, found them in this disposition: for without doubt it seemed to them a good law, and a good God, to be served in this sort. Hereupon a grave religious man in New Spain told me, that when he was in that Country he had demanded of an ancient Indian, a man of quality, for what reason the Indians had so soon received the Law of Ie●us Christ, and left their own, without making any other proof, trial, or dispute thereon, for it seemed they had changed their religion, without any sufficient reason to move them. The Indian answered him, Believe not Father, that we have embraced the Law of Christ so rashly as they say, for I will tell you, that we were already weary and discontented with such things as the idols commanded us, and were determined to leave it, and to take an other Law. But whenas we found that the religion that you preached had no cruelties in it, and that it was fit for us, & both just and good, we understood and believed that it was the true Law, and so we received it willingly. Which answer of this Indian agrees well with that we read in the first Discourse, that Fernand Cortes sent to the Emperor Charles the fifth, wherein he reports, that after he had conquered the city of Mexico, being in Cuyoacan, there came Ambassadors to him from the province and commonwealth of Mechoacan, requiring him to send them his law, and that he would teach them to understand it, because they intended to leave their own, which seemed not good unto them, which Cortes granted, and at this day they are the best Indians, and the truest Christians that are in New Spain. The Spaniards that saw these cruel sacrifices, resolved with all their power to abolish so detestable and cursed a butchering of men, and the rather, for that in one night before their eyes they saw threescore or threescore and ten Spaniards sacrificed, which had been taken in a battle given at the conquest of Mexico: and another time they found written with a coal in a chamber in TeZcusco these words; Hecre such a miserable man was prisoner with his companions whom they of Tezcusco did sacrifice.  
There happened a very strange thing upon this subject, and yet true, being reported by men worthy of credit, which was, that the Spaniards beholding these sacrifices, having opened and drawn out the heart of the ●ustie young man, and cast him from the top of the stairs, (as their custom was,) when he came at the bottom, he said to the Spaniards in his language, Knights, they have slain me, the which did greatly move our men to horror and pity. It is no incredible thing, that having his heart pulled out, he might speak, seeing that Galen reports that it hath often chanced in the sacrifice of beasts, after the heart hath been drawn out, 
G●te●. lib. 2. de Hip. & Platon. 〈◊〉. cap. 4.  and cast upon the altar, the beasts have breathed, yea, they did bray and cry out aloud, and sometimes did run. Leaving this question how this might be in nature, I will follow my purpose, which is, to show how much these barbarous people did now abhor this insuportable slavery they had to that infernal murderer, and how great the mercy of the Lord hath been unto them, imparting his most sweet and agreeable law.   

How the Devil hath laboured to imitate and counterfeit the Sacraments of the holy Church. CHAP 25.  
THat which is most admirable in the hatred and presumption of Satan, is, that he hath not only counterfeited in idolatry and sacrifices, but also in certain ceremonies, our sacraments, which jesus Christ our Lord hath instituted, and the holy Church doth use, having especially pretended to imitate, in some sort, the Sacrament of the Communion, which is the most high and divine of all others,) for the great error of Infidels which proceeded in this manner. In the first month, which in Peru they called Rayme, and answereth to our December, they made a most solemn feast, called Capacrayme, wherein they made many sacrifices and ceremonies, which continued many days: during the which, no stranger was suffered to be at the Court which was in Cusco. These days being past, they then gave liberty to strangers to enter, that they might be partakers of the feasts and sacrifices, ministering to them in this manner. The Mamacomas of the Sun, which were a kind of Nuns of the Sun, made little loaves of the ●lower of Mays, died and mingled with the blood of white sheep, which they did sacrifice that day; then presently they commanded that all strangers should enter, who set themselves in order, and the Priests which were of a certain lineage, descending from Liuquiyupangui, gave to every one a morsel of these small loaves, saying unto them, that they gave these pieces, to the end they should be united and confederate with the Ingua, and that they advised them not to speak nor think any ill against the Ingua, but always to bear him good affection, for that this piece should be a witness of their intentions and will, and if they did not as they ought, he would discover them and be against them. They carried these small loaves, in great platters of gold and silver appointed for that use, & all did receive & eat these pieces, thanking the Sun infinitely for so great a favour which he had done them, speaking words and making signs of great contentment and devotion: protesting that during their lives, they would neither do nor think any thing against the Sun nor the Ingua: and with this condition they received this food of the Sun, the which should remain in their bodies for a witness of their fidelity which they observed to the Sun and to the jugua their King. This manner of devilish communicating they likewise used in the tenth month called Coyarayme, which was September, in the solemn feast which they called Cytua, doing the like ceremonies. And besides this communion (if it be lawful to use this word in so devilish a matter,) which they imparted to all strangers that came, they did likewise send of these loaves to all their Guacas, sanctuaries, or idols, of the whole Realm, and at one instant they found people of all sides, which came expressly to receive them, to whom they said (in delivering them,) that the Sun had sent them that, in sign that he would have them all to worship and honour him, and likewise did send them in honour of the Caciques. Some perhaps will hold this for a fable and a fiction: yet is it most true, that since the Ingua Yupangi, (the which is he that hath made most laws, customs, and ceremonies, as Numa did in Rome:) this manner of communion hath continued, until that the Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ thrust out all these superstitions, giving them the right food of life, which unites their souls to God: whoso would satisfy himself more amply, let him read the relation which the Licentiate polo did write, Don jeronimo de Loaysa Archbishop of the City of Kings, where he shall find this and many other things which he hath discovered and found out by his great diligence.   

In what manner the Devil hath laboured in Mexico to counterfeit the feast of the holy Sacrament and Communion used in the holy Church. CHAP. 24.  
IT is a thing more worthy admiration, to hear speak of the Feast and solemnity of the Communion which the Devil himself the Prince of Pride, ordained in Mexico, the which (although it be somewhat long,) yet shall it not be from the purpose to relate, as it is written by men of credit. The Mexicaines' in the month of May, made their principal feast to their god Vitz●liputZli, and two days before this feast, the Virgins whereof I have spoken, (the which were shut up and secluded in the same Temple, and were as it were religious women,) did mingle a quantity of the seed of beets with roasted Mays, and then they did mould it with honey, making an idol of that paste, in bigness like to that of wood, putting instead of eyes, grains of green glass, of blue, or white; and for teeth, grains of M●●s, set forth with all the orn●ment and furniture that I have said. This being finished, all the Noblemen came and brought it an exquisite an● rich garment, like unto that of the idol, wherewith they did attire it. Being thus clad and decked, they did set it in an azured chair, and in a litter to carry it on their shoulders. The morning of this feast being come, an hour before day, all the maidens came forth attired in white, with new ornaments, the which that day were called the Sisters of their god VitzliputZli, they came crowned with garlands of Mays roasted and parched, being like unto azahar or the flower of orange, and about their necks they had great chains of the same, which went bauldricke-wise under their left arm. Their cheeks were died with vermilion, their arms from the elbow to the wrist, were covered with red parrots feathers. And thus attired, they took the idol one their shoulders, carrying it into the Court, where all the young men were, attired in garments of an artificial re●, crowned after the same manner, like unto the women. Whenas the maidens came forth with the idol, the young men drew near with much reverence, taking the litter wherein the idol was, upon their shoulders, carrying it to the foot of the stairs of the Temple, where all the people did humble themselves, laying earth upon their heads, which was an ordinary ceremony which they did observe at the chief feast of their gods. This ceremony being ended, all the people went in procession with all the diligence and speed they could, going to a mountain which was a league from the city of Mexico, called Chapulteper, & there they made sacrifices. Presently they went from thence with like diligence, to go to a place near unto it, which they called, Atlacuyavaya, where they made their second station: and from thence they went to another Burgh or Village a league beyond Cuyoacan, from whence they parted, returning to the City of Mexico, not making any other station. They went in this sort above four leagues in three or four hours, calling this procession, Ypayna Vitzliputzli. Being come to the foot of the stairs, they set down the brancard or litter with the idol, tying great cords to the arms of the brancarde, then with great observance and reverence, they did draw up the litter with the idol in it to the top of the Temple, some drawing above, and others helping below, in the mean time there was a great noise of flutes, trumpets, cornets, and drums. They did mount it in this manner, for that the stairs of the Temple were very steep and narrow, so as they could not carry up the litter upon their shoulders, while they mounted up the idol, all the people stood in the Court with much reverence and fear. Being mounted to the top, and that they had placed it in a little lodge of roses, which they held ready, presently came the young men, which strawed many flowers of sundry kinds, wherewith they filled the temple both within and without. This done, all the Vi●gins came out of their convent, bringing pieces of paste compounded of beets, and roasted Mays, which was of the same paste whereof their idol was made and compounded, and they were of the fashion of great bones. They delivered them to the young men, who carried them up and laid them up and laid them at the idols feet, wherewith they filled the whole place, that it could receive no more. They called these morsels of paste, the flesh and bones of VitziliputZli. Having laid abroad these bones, presently came all the Ancients of the Temple, Priests, Levites, and all the rest of the Ministers, according to their dignities and antiquities, (for herein there was a strict order amongst them, one after another, with ●heir veils of divers colours and works, every one according to his dignity and office, having garlands upon their heads, and chains of ●lowers about their necks: after them came their gods and goddesses whom they worshipped of divers figures, attired in the same livery, then putting themselves in order about those morsels & pieces of paste, they used certain ceremonies with singing and dancing. By means whereof they were blessed and consecrated for the flesh and bones of this idol.  
This ceremony and blessing (whereby they were taken for the flesh and bones of the idol) being ended, they honoured those pieces in the same sort as their god. Then came forth the sacrificers, who began the sacrifice of men, in the manner as hath been spoken, and that day they did sacrifice a greater number than at any other time, for that it was the most solemn feast they observed. The sacrifices being ended, all the young men and maids came out of the temple attired as before, and being placed in order and rank one directly against another, they danced by drums the which sounded in praise of the feast, and of the idol which they did celebrate. To which song all the most ancient and greatest noble men did answer, dancing about them, making a great circle as their use is, the young men and maids remaining always in the midst. All the city came to this goodly spectacle, and there was a commandment very strictly observed throughout all the land, that the day of the feast of the idol Vitziliputzli, they should ●a●e no other meat, but this paste with honey, whereof the idol was made. And this should be eaten at the point of day, & they should drink no water nor any other thing till after no one: they held it for an ill sign, yea for sacrilege, to do the contrary: but after the ceremonies ended, it was lawful for them to eat any thing. During the time of this ceremony, they hid the water from their little children, admonishing all such as had the use of reason, not to drink any water; which if they did, the anger of God would come upon them, and they should die, which they did observe very carefully and strictly. The ceremonies, dancing, and sacrifice ended, they went to unclothe themselves, and the priests and superiors of the temple took the idol of paste, which they spoiled of all the ornaments it had, and made many pieces, as well of the idol itself as of the tronchons which were consecrated, and then they gave them to the communion, beginning with the greater, and continuing unto the rest, both men, women, and little children, who received it with such tears, fear, and reverence, as it was an admirable thing, saying that they did eat the flesh and bones of God, wherewith they were grieved. Such as had any sick folks demanded thereof for them, and carried it with great reverence and veneration.  
All such as did communicate, were bound to give the tenth of this seed, whereof the idol was made. The solemnity of the idol being ended, an old man of great authority stepped up into a high place, and with aloud voice preached their law and ceremonies. Who would not wonder to see the devil so curious to seek to be worshipped and reverenced in the same manner that jesus Christ our God hath appointed and also taught, and as the holy Church hath accustomed? Hereby it is plainly verified what was propounded in the beginning, that Satan strives (all he can) to usurp and challenge unto himself the honour and service that is due to God alone, although he doth still intermix with it his cruelties and filthiness, being the spirit of murder and uncleanness, and the father of lies.   

Of Consessors and Confession which the Indians used. CHAP. 25.  
THe father of lies would likewise counterfeit the sacrament of Confession, and in his idolatries seek to be honoured with ceremonies very like to the manner of Christians. In Peru they held opinion, that all diseases and adversities came for the sins which they had committed: for remedy whereof they used sacrifices: moreover they confessed themselves verbally, almost in all provinces, and had Confessors appointed by their superiors to that end, there were some sins reserved for the superiors. They received penance, yea some. times very sharply, especially when the offendor was a poor man, and had nothing to give his Confessor. This office of Confessor was likewise exercised by women. The manner of these confessors forcerers whom they call Ychuiri or Ychuri, hath been most general in the provinces of Collasuio. They hold opinion, that it is a heinous sin to conceal any thing in confession. The Ychuyri or confessors discovered by lots, or by the view of some beast hides, if any thing were concealed, and punished them with many blows, with a stone upon the shoulders, until they had revealed all, then after they gave him penance, and did sacrifice. They do likewise use this confession, when their children, wives, husbands, or their Caciques be sick, or in any great exploit. And when their Ingra was sick, all the provinces confessed themselves, chiefly those of the province of Collao. The Confessors were bound to hold their confessions secret, but in certain cases limited. The sins that they chiefly confessed, was first to kill one another out of war, then to steal, to take another man's wife, to give poison or sorcery to do any harm: and they held it to be a grievous sin, to be forgetful in the reverence of their Guacas, or Oratories, not to observe the feasts, or to speak ill of the Ingua, and to disobey him. They accused not themselves of any secret acts and sins. But according to the report of some Priests, after the christians came into that Country, they accused themselves of their thoughts. The Ingua confessed himself to no man, but only to the Sun, that he might tell them to Virachoca, and that he might forgive them. After the Ingua had been confessed, he made a certain bath to cleanse himself in a running river, saying these words: I have told my sins to the Sun, receive them, O thou River, and carry them to the sea, where they may never appear more. Others that confessed, used likewise these baths, with certain ceremonies very like to those the Moors use at this day, which they call Guadoy, and the Indians call them Opacuna. When it chanced that any man's children died, he was held for a great sinner, saying that it was for his sins that the son died before the father. And therefore those to whom this had chanced, after they were confessed, they were bathed in this bath called Opacuna, as is said before. Then some deformed Indian, crookebackt, and counterfeit by nature, came to whip them with certain nettles. If the Sorcerers or Enchanters by their lots and divinations affirmed that any sick body should die, the sick man makes no difficulty to kill his own son, though he had no other, hoping by that means to escape death, saying that in his place he offered his son in sacrifice. And this cruelty hath been practised in some places, even since the Christians came into that country. In truth it is strange, that this custom of confessing their secret sins, hath continued so long amongst them, and to do so strict penances, as, to fast, to give apparel, gold and silver, to remain in the mountains, and to receive many stripes upon the shoulders. Our men say, that in the province of Chiquito, even at this day they meet with this plague of Confessors or Ychuris, whereas many sick persons repair unto them: but now, by the grace of God, this people begins to see clearly the effect and great benefit of our confession, whereunto they come with great devotion. And partly this former custom hath been suffered by the providence of the Lord, that confession might not seem tedious unto them.  
By this means the Lord is wholly glorified, and the Devil (who is a deceiver) deceived. And for that it concerneth this matter, I will report the manner of a strange confession the Devil hath invented at Iapp●●, as appears by a letter that came from thence, which faith thus: There are in Ocaca very great and high and stiep rocks, which have pricks or points on them, above two hundred fathom high. Amongst these rocks there is one of these pikes or points so terribly high, that when the Xamabusis (which be pilgrims) do but look up unto it, they tremble, and their hair stars, so fearful and horrible is the place. Upon the top of this point there is a great rod of iron of three fathom long, placed there by a strange devise, at the end of this rod is a balance tied, whereof the scales are so big, as a man may sit in one of them: and the Goquis (which be devils in human shape) command these pilgrims to enter therein one after another, not leaving one of them: then with an engine or instrument which moveth, by means of a wheel, they make this rod of iron whereon the balance is hanged, to hang in the air, one of these XamabuZisbeing set in one of the scales of the balance. And as that wherein the man is set hath no counterpoise on the other side, it presently hangeth down, and the other riseth until it meets with and toucheth the rod: then the Goqnis telleth them from the rock, that they must confess themselves of all the sins they have committed, to their remembrance, and that with a loud voice, to th'end that all the rest may hear him. Then presently he beginneth to confess, whilst some of the standers by do laugh at the sins they do hear; and others sigh, and at every sin they confess, the other scale of the balance falls a little, until that having told all his sins, it remains equal with the other, wherein the sorrowful penitent sits: then the Goquis turns the wheel, and draws the rod and balance unto him, and the Pilgrim comes forth, then enters another, until all have passed. A japponois reported this after he was christened, saying that he had been in this pilgrimage, and entered the balance seven times, where he had confessed himself publicly. He said moreover, that if any one did conceal any sin, the empty scale yielded not: and if he grew obstinate after instance made to confess himself, refusing to open all his sins, the Goquis cast him down from the top, where in an instant he is broken into a thousand pieces. Yet this christian, who was called john told us, that commonly the fear and terror of this place is so great to all such as enter therein, and the danger they see with thei●●●● to fall out of the balance, and to be broken in pieces, that seldom there is any one but discovers all his sins. This place is called by another name Sangenoto●●ro, that is to say, the place of Confession: we see plainly by this discourse, how the Devil hath pretended to ufurp unto himself the service of God, making confession of sins (which the Lord hath appointed for the remedy of man) a devilish superstition, to their great loss and perdition. He hath done no less to the Heathe● of jappon, than to those of the provinces of Colla● in Peru.   

Of the abominable unction which the Mexicaine priester and other Nations used, and of their witchcrafts. CHAP. 26.  
GOd appointed in the ancient Law the manner how they should consecrate Aaron's person, and the other Priests, and in the Law of the Gospel, we have likewise the holy cream and unction which they use when they consecreate the Priests of Christ. There was likewise in the ancient Law a sweet composition, which God defend should be employed in any other thing then in the divine service. The Devil hath sought to counterfeit all these things after his manner, as he hath accustomed, having to this end invented things so fowl and filthy, whereby they discover we● who is the Author. The priests of the idols in Mexico were anointed in this sort, they anointed the body from the foot to the head, and all the hair likewise, which hung like tresses, or a horse mane, for that they applied this unction wet and moist. Their hair grew so, as in time it hung down to their hams, so heavily, that it was troublesome for them to bear it, for they did never cut it, until they died, or that they were dispensed with for their great age, or being employed in governments or some honourable charge in the commonwealth. They carried their hair in tresses, of six fingers breadth, which they died black with the fume of sapine, or fir trees, or rosine; for in all Antiquity it hath been an offering they made unto their idols, and for this cause it was much esteemed and reverenced. They were always died with this tincture from the foot to the head, so as they were like unto shining Negroes, and that was their ordinary unction: yet whenas they went to sacrifice and give incense in the mountains, or on the tops thereof, or in any dark and obscure caves, where their idols were, they used an other kind of vn●tion very different, doing certain ceremonies to take away fear, and to give them courage. This unction was made with divers little venomous beasts, as spiders, scorpions, palmers, salamander's and vipers, the which the boys in the Colleges took and gathered together, wherein they were so expert, as they were always furnished when the Priests called for them. The chief care of these boys was, to hunt after these beasts; if they went any other way, and by chance met with any of these beasts, they stayed to take them, with as great pain, as if their lives depended thereon. By the reason whereof the Indians commonly feared not these venomous beasts, making no more account than if they were not so, having been all bred in this exercise. To make an ointment of these beasts, they took them all together, and burned them upon the h●rt● of the Temple, which was before the Altar, until they were consumed to ashes: then did they put them in mortars with much Tobacco or Petum (being an herb that Nation useth much, to benumb the flesh, that they may not feel ●heir travel) with the which they mingle the ashes, making them lose their force; they did likewise mingle with these ashes, scorpions, spiders and palmers alive, mingling all together, then did they put to it a certain seed being ground, which they call Ololuchqui, whereof the Indians make a drink to see visions, for that the virtue of this herb is to deprive man of sense. They did likewise grind with these ashes black and hairy worms, whose hair only is venomous, all which they mingled together with black, or the fume of rosine, putting it in small po●, which they set before their god, saying it was his mea●e. And therefore they called it a divine meat. By mea●● of this ointment they became witches, and did see and speak with the Devil. The priests being slubbered with this ointment, lost all fear, putting on a spirit of cruelty. By reason whereof they did very boldly kill men in their sacrifices, going all alone in the night to the mountains, and into obscure caves, contemning all wild beasts, and holding it for certain and approved, that both lions, tigers, serpents, and other furious beasts which breed in the mountains, and forests, fled from them, by the virtue of this Petum of their god.  
And in truth though this Petum had no power to make them fly, yet was the Divelles picture sufficient whereinto they were transformed. This Petum did also serve to cure the sick, and for children; and therefore 〈◊〉 called it the Divine Physic and so they came fro● all parts to the superiors and priests, as to their saviours, that they might apply this divine physic, wherewith they anointed those parts that were grieved. They said that they felt hereby a notable case, which might be, for that Tobacco and Ololuchqui have this property of themselves, to benumb the flesh, being applied in manner of an emplaster, which must be by a stronger reason being mingled with poisons, and for that it did appease and benumb the pain, they held it for an effect of health, and a divine virtue. And therefore rann● they to these priests as to holy men, who kept the blind and ignorant in this error, persuading them what they pleased, and making them run after their inventions and devilish ceremonies, their authority being such, as their words were sufficient to induce belief as an article of their faith. And thus made they a thousand superstitions among the vulgar people, in their manner of offering incense, in cutting their hair, tying small flowers about their necks, and strings with small bones of snakes, commanding them to bathe at a certain time; and that they should watch all night at the hearth, lest the fire should die, that they should eat no other bread but that which had been offered to their gods, that they should upon any occasion repair unto their witches, who with certain grains told fortunes, and divined, looking into keelers and pails full of water. The sorcerers and ministers of the devil used much to besmere themselves. There were an infinite number of these witches, divines, enchanters, and other false prophets. There remains yet at this day of this infection, although they be secret, not daring publicly to exercise their sacrileges, devilish ceremonies & superstitions, but their abuses and wickedness are discovered more at large and particularly in the confessions made by the Prelates of Peru.  
There is a kind of sorcerers amongst the Indians allowed by the Kings Inguas, which are as it were sooth-saiers, they take upon them what form and figure they please, flying far through the air in a short time, beholding all that was done. They talk with the Devil, who answereth them in certain stones or other things which they reverence much. They serve as conjurers, to tell what hath passed in the farthest parts, before any news can come. As it hath chanced since the Spaniards arrived there, that in the distance of two or three hundred leagues, they have known the mutinies, battles, rebellions, and deaths, both of tyrants, and of those of the King's party, and of private men, the which have been known the same day they chanced, or the day after, a thing impossible by the course of nature. To work this divination, they shut themselves into a house, & became drunk until they lost their senses, a day after they answered to that which was demanded. Some affirm they use certain unctions The Indians say, that the old women do commonly use this office of witchcraft, & specially those of one Province, which they call Coaillo, and of another town called Manchey, and of the Province of Guarochiri. They likewise show what is become of things stolen and lost. There are of these kinds of Sorcerers in all parts, to whom commonly do come the Anacona●●, and Cyva, which serve the Spaniards, and when they have lost any thing of their masters, or wh●n they desire to know the success of things past or to come, as when they go to the Spaniards cities for their private affairs, or for the public, they demand if their voyage shall be prosperous, if they shall be sick, if they shall die, or return safe, if they shall obtain that which they pretend: and the witches or conjurers answer, yea, or no, having first spoken with the Devil, in an obscure place: so as these Anaconas do well hear the sound of the voice, but they see not to whom these conjurers speak, neither do they understand what they say. They make a thousand ceremonies and sacrifices to this effect, with the which they mock the Devil and grow exceeding drunk, for the doing whereof, they particularly use an herb called Villea, the juice whereof they mingle with their Chica, or take it in some other sort, whereby we may see how miserable they are, that have for their masters, the ministers of him whose office is to deceive. It is manifest that nothing doth so much let the Indians from receiving the faith of the holy Gospel, and to persever therein, as the conference with these witches, whereof there have been, and are still, great numbers, although by the grace of the Lord, and diligence of the Prelates and Priests, they decrease, and are not so hurtful. Some of them have been converted and preached publicly, discovering and blaming themselves, their errors and deceits, and manifesting their devises and lies, whereof we have seen great effects: as also we understand by letters from jappon, that the like hath arrived in those parts: all to the glory and honour of our Lord God.   

Of other Ceremonies and Customs of the Indians, which are like unto ours. CHAP. 27.  
THe Indians had an infinite number of other ceremonies and customs, which resembled to the ancient law of Moses, and some to those which the Moors use, and some approached near to the law of the Gospel, as their baths or Opacuna, as they call them: they did wash themselves in water, to cleanse them from their sins. The Mexicaines' had also amongst them a kind of baptism, the which they did with ceremony, cutting the ears and members of young children new borne, counterfeiting in some sort the circumcision of the jews. This ceremony was done principally to the sons of Kings and Noblemen: presently upon their birth the priests did wash them, and did put a little sword in the right hand, and in the left a target. And to the children of the vulgar sort, they put the marks of their offices, and to their daughter's instruments to spin, knit, and labour. This ceremony continued four days, being made before some idol. They contracted marriage after their manner, whereof the Licentiate polo hath written a whole Treatise, and I will speak somewhat thereon hereafter. In other things their customs and ceremonies have some show of reason. The Mexicaines' were married by the hands of their priests in this sort. The Bridegroom and the Bride stood together before the priest, who took them by the hands ask them if they would marry, then having understood their wills, he took a corner of the vail wherewith the woman had her head covered, and a corner of the man's gown the which he tied together on a knot, and so led them thus tied to the bridegrooms house, where there was a hearth kindled, and then he caused the wife to go seven times about the hearth, and so the married couple sat down together, and thus was the marriage contracted. The Mexicaines' were very jealous of the integrity of their wives: so as if they found they were not as they ought to be, (the which they knew either by signs or dishonest words,) they presently gave notice thereof to their fathers and kinsfolks of their wives, to their great shame and dishonour, for that they had not kept good guard over them. But they did much honour and respect such as lived chastely, making them great banquttes, and giving great presents both to her and to her kinsfolks. For this occasion they made great offerings to their gods, and a solemn banquet in the house of the wife, and another in the husbands. When they went to house they made an inventory of all the man and wife brought together, of provisions for the house, of land, of jewels and ornaments, which inventories every father kept, for if it chanced they made any devorce, (as it was common amongst them when they agree not,) they divided their goods according to the portion that every one brought, every one having liberty in such a case, to marry whom they pleased: and they gave the daughters to the wife, and the sons to the husband. It was defended upon pain of death, not to marry again together, the which they observed very strictly. And although it seem that many of their ceremonies agree with ours, yet differ they much for the great abomination they mingle therewithal. It is common and general to have usually one of these three things, either cruelty, filthiness, or sloth: for all their ceremonies were cruel and hurtful, as to kill men and to spill blood, are filthy and beastly, as to eat and drink to the name of their Idols, and also to piss in the honour of them, carrying them upon their shoulders, to anoint and besmear themselves filthily, and to do a thousand sorts of villainies, which were at the least, vain, ridiculous, and idle, and more like the actions of children, then of men. The cause thereof is the very condition of this wicked spirit, whose intention is always to do ill, provoking men still to murders and filthiness, or at the least to vanities and fruitless actions, the which every man may well know, if he duly consider the behaviour and actions of the Devil, towards those he sets to deceive. For in all his illusions we find a mixture of these three, or at least of one of them. The Indians themselves (since they came to the knowledge of our faith,) laugh and mock at these fooleries and toys, in the which their gods held them busied, whom they served more for fear, lest they should hurt them, in not obeying them in all things, then for any love they bore them. Although some, yea, very many lived, abused and deceived, with the vain hope of temporal goods, for of the eternal they had no knowledge. And whereas the temporal power was greatest, there superstition hath most increased; as we see in the Realms of Mexico and Cusco, where it is incredible to see the number of idols they had: for within the city of Mexico there were above three hundred Mango Ingua Yupangu●, amongst the Kings of Cusco, was he that most augmented the service of their idols, inventing a thousand kinds of sacrifices, feasts, and ceremonies. The like did King Iscoalt in Mexico, who was the fourth king. There was also a great number of superstitions and sacrifices in other Nations of the Indians, as in the Province of Guatimala, at the islands in the new Kingdom, in the Province of Chille, and others that were like commonwealths and Commonalties. But it was nothing 〈◊〉 respect of Mexico and Cusco, where Satan was in ●ome, or in his jerusalem, until he was cast out against his will, and the holy Cross planted in his place, and the Kingdom of Christ our God occupied, the which the tyrant did usurp.   

Of some Feast celebrated by them of Cusco, and how the Devil would imitate the mystery of the holy Trinity. CHAP. 28.  
TO conclude that which concerns Religion, there rests something to speak of the feasts and solemnities which the Indians did celebrate, the which (for that they are diverse and many) cannot be all specified. The Ingnas Lords of Peru, had two kinds of feasts, some were ordinary, which fell out in certain months, of the year: and others extraordinary, which were for certain causes of importance, as when they did crown a new King, when they began some war of importance, when they had any great need of water or drought, or other like things. For the ordinary feasts, we must understand, that every month of the year they made feasts, and diverse sacrifices, and although all of them had this alike, that they offered a hundred sheep, yet in colour, and in form, they are very diverse. In the first month which they call Rayme, which is the month of December, they made their first feast, which was the principal of all others, and for that cause they called it Capacrayme, which is to say, a rich and principal feast. In this feast they offered a great number of sheep and lambs in sacrifice, and they burnt them with sweet wood, than they caused gold and silver to be brought upon certain sheep, setting upon them three Images of the Sun, and three of the thunder, the father, the son, and the brother. In these feasts they dedicated the Inguas children, putting the Guaras' or ensigns upon them, and they pierced their ears: then some old man did whip them with slings, and anointed their faces with blood, all in sign that they should be true Knights to the Ingua. No stranger might remain in Cusco during this month, and this feast, but at the end thereof they entered, and they gave unto them pieces of the paste of mays with the blood of the sacrifice, which they did eat in sign of confederation with the Ingua, as hath been said before. It is strange that the Devil after his manner hath brought a trinity into idolatry, for the three images of the Sun called Apomti, Churunti, and Intiquaoqui which signifieth father and lord Sun, the son Sun, and the brother Sun. In the like manner they named the three Images of Chuquilla, which is the God that rules in the region of the air, where it thunders, rains and snows. I remember, that being in Cuquisaca, an honourable priest showed me an information, which I had long in my hands, where it was proved that there was a certain Guaca or Oratory, whereas the Indians did worship an idol called Tangatanga, which they said was one in three, and three in one. And as this Priest stood amazed the reat, I said that the Devil by his infernal and obstinate pride (whereby he always pretends to make himself God,) did steal all that he could from the truth, to employ it in his lyings and deceits. Coming then to the feast of the second month, which they called Camey, besides the sacrifices which they made, they did cast the ashes into the river, following five or six leagues after, praying it to carry them into the sea, for that the Virochoca should there receive this present. In the third, fourth and fifth month, they offered a hundred black sheep, speckled, and grey, with many other things, which I omit for being too tedious. The ●ixt month is called Hat●●cuZ qui Aymorey, which answereth to May, in the which they sacrificed a hundred sheep more, of all colours: in this moon and month, which is when they bring May from the fields into the house, they made a feast, which is yet very usual among the Indians, and they do call it Aymorey.  
This feast is made coming from the Chacra or farm unto the house, saying certain songs, and praying that the Mays may long continue, the which they call Mamacora. They take a certain portion of the most fruitful of the Mays that grows in their farms, the which they put in a certain grenier which they do call Pirua, with certain ceremonies, watching three nights: they put this Mays in the richest garments they have, and being thus wrapped and dressed, they worship this Pirua, and hold it in great veneration, saying it is the mother of the mays of their inheritances, and that by this means the mays augments & is preserved. In this month they make a particular sacrifice, and the witches demand of this Pirua, if it hath strength sufficient to continue until the next year: and if it answers no, than they carry this Mays to the farm to burn, whence they brought it, according to every man's power; then make they another Pirua, with the same ceremonies, saying, that they renew it, to the end the seed of Mays may not perish, and if it answers that it hath force sufficient to last longer, they leave it until the next year. This foolish vanity continueth to this day, and it is very common amongst the Indians to have these Piruas, & to make the feast of Aymorey. The seventh month answereth to june, and is called A●caycuZ qui Intiraymi, in it they made the feast that is called Intiraymi, in the which they sacrificed a hundred sheep called Guanacoes, and said it was the feast of the Sun. In this month they made many Images of Quinua wood carved, all attired with rich garments, and they made their dance which they do call Cayo. At this feast they cast flowers in the high ways, and thither the Indians came painted, and their noblemen had small plates of gold upon their beards, and all did sing; we must understand that this feast falleth almost at the same time, whenas the Christians observe the solemnity of the holy Sacrament, which doth resemble it in some sort, as in dancing, singing and representations. And for this cause there hath been, and is yet among the Indians, which celebrated a feast somewhat like to ours of the holy Sacrament) many superstitions in celebrating this ancient feast of Inti●aymi. The eight month is called Chahua Huarqui, in the which they did burn a hundred sheep more, all grey, of the colour of Viscacha, according to the former order, which month doth answer to our july. The ninth month was called Yapaguis, in the which they burned an hundred sheep more, of a chestnut colour; and they do likewise kill and burn a thousand Cuyes, to the end the frost, the air, the water, nor the sun should not hurt their farms: and this month doth answer unto August. The tenth month was called Coyarami, in the which they burned a hundred white sheep that had fleeces. In this month which answereth to September, they made the feast called Situa in this manner: They assembled together the first day of the moon before the rising thereof: and in seeing it they cried aloud, carrying torches in their hands, and saying, Let all harm go away, striking one an other with their torches. They that did this, were called Panconcos: which being done, they went to the common bath, to the rivers and fountains, and every one to his own bath, setting themselves to drink four days together. In this month the Mamacomas of the sun made a great number of small loaves with the blood of the sacrifices, and gave a piece to every stranger; yea they sent to every Guaca throughout the realm, and to many Curacas, in sign of confederation and loyalty to the Sun and the Ingua, as hath been said.  
The baths drunkenness and some relics of this feast Situa, remain even unto this day, in some places, with the ceremonies a little different, but yet very secretly, for that these chief and principal feasts have ceased. The eleventh month Homaraymi Punchaiquis, wherein they sacrificed a hundred sheep more. And if they wanted water, to procure rain, they set a black sheep tied in the midst of a plain, pouring much Chica about it, and giving it nothing to eat, until it reigned, which is practised at this day in many places, in the time of our October. The twelfth and last month was called Aymara, wherein they did likewise sacrifice a hundred sheep, and made the feast called Raymicantara Rayquis. In this month which answered to our November, they prepared what was necessary for the children that should be made novices, the month following, the children with the old men made a certain show, with rounds and turnings: and this feast was called Ituraymi, which commonly they make when it rains too much, or too little, or when there is a plague.  
Among the extraordinary feasts which were verymany, the most famous was that which they called 〈◊〉. This feast Ytu hath no prefixed time nor season, but in time of necessity. To prepare themselves thereunto, all the people fasted two days, during the which they did neither company with their wives, nor eat any meat with salt or garlic, nor drink any Chica. All did assemble together in one place, where no stranger was admitted, nor any beast: they had garments and ornaments, which served only for this feast. They marched very quietly in procession, their heads covered with their veils, sounding of drums, without speaking one to another. This continued a day and a night; then the day following they danced and made good cheer for two days and two nights together, saying, that their prayer was accepted. And although that this feast is not used at this day, with all this ancient ceremony, yet commonly they make another which is very like, which they call Ayma, with garments that serve only to that end, and they make this kind of procession with their Drums, having fasted before, then after they make good cheer, which they usually do in their urgent necessities. And although the Indians forbear to sacrifice beasts, or other things publicly, which cannot be hidden from the Spaniards, yet do they still use many ceremonies that have their beginnings from these feasts and ancient superstitions: for at this day they do covertly make this feast of Ytu, at the dances of the feast of the Sacrament, in making the dances of Lyamallama, and of Guacon, and of others, according to their ancient ceremonies, whereuntowe aught to take good regard. They have made more large Discourses of that which concerneth this matte● for the necessary observation of the abuses and superstitions the Indians had in the time of their gentility, to the end the Priests and Curates may the better take heed. Let this suffice now to have treated of the exercise wherewith the devil held those superstitious nations occupied, to the end, that against his will we may see the difference there is betwixt light and darkness, betwixt the truth of Christ and the lies of the Gentiles, although the enemy of God and man hath laboured with all his devises to counterfeit those things which are of God.   

Of the feast of jubilee which the Mexicaines' celebrated. CHAP. 29.  
THe Mexicaines' have been no less curious in their feasts and solemnities, which were of small charge, but of great effusion of man's blood. We have before spoken of the principal feast of VitZiliputZli, after the which the feast of Tezcalipuca was most solemnized. This feast fell in May, and in their Calendar they called it Tozcolt: it fell every four years with the feast of Penance, where there was given full indulgence and remission of sins. In this day they did sacrifice a captive which resembled the idol Tezcalipuca, it was the nineteenth day of May: upon the even of this feast, the Noblemen came to the Temple, bringing a new garment like unto that of the idol, the which the Priest put upon him, having first taken off his other garments, which they kept with as much, or more reverence than we do our ornaments. There were in the coffers of the idol many ornaments, jewels, earrings, and other riches, as bracelets and precious feathers which served to no otheruse, but to be there, and was worshipped as their god itself. Besides the garment wherewith they worshipped the idol that day, they put upon him certain ensigns of feathers, with fans, shadows and other things, being thus attired and furnished, they drew the curtain or vail from before the door, to the end he might be seen of all men: then came forth one of the chief of the temple, attired like to the idol, carrying flowers in his hand, and a flute of earth, having a very sharp sound, and turning towards the east, he founded it, and then looking to the west, north and south he did the like. And after he had thus sounded towards the four parts of the world (showing that both they that were present and absent did hear him) he put his finger into the air, and then gathered up earth, which he put in his mouth, and did eat it in sign of adoration. The like did all they that were present, and weeping, they fell flat to the ground, invocating the darkness of the night, and the winds, entreating them not to leave them, nor to forget them, or else to take away their lives, and free them from the labours they endured therein. thieves, adulterers, and murderers, and all others offenders had great fear and heaviness, whilst this flute sounded; so as some could not dissemble nor hide their offences. By this means they all demanded no other thing of their god, but to have their offences concealed, pouring forth many tears, with great repentance and sorrow, offering great store of incense to appease their gods. The courageous and valiant men, and all the old soldiers, that followed the Art of War, hearing this flute, demanded with great devotion of God the Creator, of the Lord for whom we live, of the sun, and of other their gods, that they would give them victory against their enemies, and strength to take many captives, therewith to honour their sacrifices. This ceremony was done ten days before the feast: During which ten days the Priest did sound this flute, to the end that all might do this worship in eating of earth, and demand of their idol what they pleased: they every day made their prayers, with their eyes lift up to heaven, and with sighs and groan, as men that were grieved for their sins and offences. Although this contrition was only for fear of the corporal punishment that was given them, and not for any fear of the eternal, for they certainly believed there was no such severe punishment in the other life.  
And therefore they offered themselves voluntarily to death, holding opinion that it is to all men an assured rest. The first day of the feast of this idol TeZcalipuca being come, all they of the City assembled together in a court, to celebrate likewise the feast of the Calendar, whereof we have already spoken, which was called Toxcoalth, which signifies a dry thing: which feast was not made to any other end, but to demand rain, in the same manner that we solemnize the Rogations: and this feast was always in May, which is the time that they have most need of rain in those countries. They began to celebrate it the ninth of May, ending the nineteenth. The last day of the feast the Priests drew forth a litter well furnished with curtains and pendants of divers fashions. This litter had so many arms to hold by as there were ministers to carry it. All which came forth besmeered with black and long hair, half in tresses with white strings, and attired in the livery of the idol. Upon this litter they set the parsonage of the idol, appointed for this feast, which they called the resemblance of their God TeZcalip●●●, and taking it upon their shoulders, they brought it openly to the foot of the stairs: then came forth the young men and maidens of the Temple, carrying a great cord wreathed of chains of roasted mays, with the which they environed the Litter, putting a chain of the same about the idols neck, and a garland upon his head. They called the cord Toxcalt, signifying the drought and barrenness of the time. The young men came wrapped in red curtines, with garlands and chains of roasted mays. The maids were clothed in new garments, wearing chains about their necks of roasted mays; and upon their heads miters made of rods covered with this mays, they had their feet covered with feathers, and their arms and cheeks painted. They brought much of this roasted mays, and the chief men put it upon their heads, and about their necks, taking flowers in their hands. The idol being placed in his litter, they strewed round about a great quantity of the boughs of Manguey, the leaves whereof are large and pricking.  
This litter being set upon the religious mens-shoulders, they carried it in procession within the circuit of the Court, two Priests marching before with censors, giving often incense to the idol; and every time they gave incense, they lifted up their arms as high as they could to the idol, and to the Sun, saying, that they lifted up their prayers to heaven, even as the smoke ascended on high. Then all the people in the Court turned▪ round to the place whither the idol went, every one carrying in his hand new cords of the thread of manguey, a fathom long, with a knot at the end, and with them they whipped themselves upon the shoulders; even as they do here upon holy Thursday. All the walls of the Court and battlements were full of boughs and flowers, so fresh and pleasant, as it did give a great contentment. This procession being ended, they brought the idol to his usual place of abode, then came a great multitude of people with flowers, dressed in divers sorts, wherewith they filled the temple and all the court, so as it seemed the ornament of an Oratory. All this was put in order by the priests, the young men administering these things unto them from without. The chapel or chamber where the idol remained was all this day open without any vail.  
This done, every one came and offered curtines, and pendants of Sandally, precious stones, jewels, incense, sweet wood, grapes, or ears of Mays, quails: and finally, all they were accustomed to offer in such solemnities. Whenas they offered quails, (which was the poor man's offering,) they used this ceremony, they delivered them to the priests, who taking them, pulled off their heads, and cast them at the foot of the Altar, where they lost their blood, and so they did of all other things which were offered. Every one did offer meat and fruit according to their power, the which was laid at the foot of the altar, and the Ministers gathered them up, and carried them to their chambers. This solemn offering done, the people went to dinner, every one to his village or house, leaving the feast suspended until after dinner. In the mean time, the young men and maidens of the temple, with their ornaments, were busied to serve the idol, with all that was appointed for him to eat: which meat was prepared by other women, who had made a vow that day to serve the idol. And therefore such as had made this vow, came by the point of day, offering themselves to the Deputies of the Temple, that they might command them what they would have done, the which they did carefully perform. They did prepare such variety of meats, as it was admirable. This meat being ready, and the hour of dinner come, all these virgins went out of the Temple in procession, every one carrying a little basket of bread in her hand, and in the other, a dish of these meats; before them marched an old man, like to a steward, with a pleasant habit, he was clothed in a white surplice down to the calves of his legs, upon a doublet without sleeves of red leather, like to a jacket, he carried wings instead of sleeves, from the which hung broad ribbons, at the which did hang a small Calibasse or pumpion, which was covered with flowers, by little holes that were made in it, and within it were many superstitious things. This old man thus attired, marched very humbly and heavily before the preparation, with his head declining: and coming near the foot of the stairs, he made a great obeisance and reverence. Then going on the one side, the virgins drew near with the meat, presenting it in order one after another, with great reverence. This service presented, the old man returned as before, leading the virgins into their convent. This done, the young men and ministers of the Temple, came forth and gathered up this meat, the which they carried to the chambers of the chief Priests of the Temple; who had fasted five days, eating only once a day, and they had also abstained from their wives, not once going out of the Temple in these five days. During the which, they did whip themselves rigorously with cords, they did eat of this divine meat, (for so they called it,) what they could, neither was it lawful for any other to eat thereof. All the people having dined, they assembled again in the court to see the end of the feast, whither they brought a captive, which by the space of a whole year, had represented the idol, being attired, decked, and honoured, as the idol itself, and doing all reverence unto him, they delivered him into the hands of the sacrificers, who at that instant presented themselves, taking him by the feet and hands. The Pope did open his stomach, and pull out his heart, than did he lift up his hand as high as he could, showing it to the Sun, and to the Idol, as hath been said. Having thus sacrificed him that represented the idol, they went into a holy place appointed for this purpose, whither came the young men and virgins of the Temple, with their ornaments, the which being put in order, they danced and sung with drums and other instruments, on the which the chief Priests did play and sound. Then came all the Noblemen with ensigns and ornaments like to the young men, who danced round about them. They did not usually kill any other men that day, but him that was sacrificed, yet every fourth year they had others with him, which was in the year of jubilee and full pardons. After Sun set, every one being satisfied with sounding, eating, and drinking, the virgins went all to their convent, they took great dishes of earth full of bread mixed with honey, covered with small panniers, wrought and fashioned with dead men's headsand bones, and they carried the collation to the idol, mounting up to the court, which was before the door of the Oratory: and having set them down, they retired in the same order as they came, the steward going still before. Presently came forth all the young men in order, with canes or reeds in their hands, who began to run as fast as they could to the top of the stairs of the Temple, who should come first to the dishes of the collation. The Elders or chief Priests observed him that came first, second, third, and fourth, without regarding the rest. This collation was likewise all carried away by the young men, as great Relics. This done, the four that arrived first were placed in the midst of the Ancients of the Temple, bringing them to their chambers with much honour, praising them, and giving them ornaments; and from thence forth they were respected and reverenced as men of mark. The taking of this collation being ended, and the feast celebrated with much joy and noise, they dismissed all the young men and maids which had served the idol; by means whereof they went one after another, as they came forth. All the small children of the colleges and schools, were at the gate of the court, with bottoms of rushes and herbs in their hands, which they cast at them, mocking and laughing, as of them that came from the service of the idol: they had liberty then to dispose of themselves at their pleasure, and thus the feast ended.   

Of the Feast of Merchants, which those of Cholutecas did celebrate. CHAP. 30.  
ALthough I have spoken sufficiently of the service the Mexicaines' did unto their gods, yet will I speak something of the feast they called Quetzacoaalt, which was the god of riches, the which was solemnized in this manner. Forty days before the Merchants bought a slave well proportioned, without any fault or blemish, either of sickness or of hurt, whom they did attire with the ornaments of the idol, that he might represent it forty days. Before his clothing they did cleanse him, washing him twice in a lake, which they called the lake of the gods; and being purified, they attired him like the idol. During these forty days, he was much respected for his sake whom he represented. By night they did imprison him, (as hath been said,) left he should fly, and in the morning they took him out of prison, setting him upon an eminent place, where they served him, giving him exquisite meats to eat. After he had eaten, they put a chain of flowers about his neck, and many nosegays in his hands. He had a well appointed guard, with much people toaccompany him. When he went through the City, he went dancing and singing through all the streets, that he might be known for the resemblance of their god, and when he began to sing, the women and little children came forth of their houses to salute him, and to offer unto him as to their god. Two old men of the Ancients of the Temple, came unto him nine days before the feast, and humbling themselves before him, they said with a low and submiss voice, Sir, you must understand that nine days hence the exercise of dancing and singing doth end, and thou must then die; and then he must answer, in a good hour. They call this ceremony, Neyolo MaxiltleZtli, which is to say, the advertisement: and when they did thus advertise him, they took very careful heed whether he were sad, or if he danced as joyfully as he was accustomed, the which if he did not as cheerfully as they desired, they made a foolish superstition in this manner. They presently took the sacrificing razors, the which they washed and cleansed from the blood of men, which remained of the former sacrifices. Of this washing they made a drink mingled with another liquor made of Cacao, giving it him to drink; they said that this would make him forget what had been said unto him, and would make him in a manner insensible; returning to his former dancing and mirth. They said moreover, that he would offer himself cheerfully to death, being enchanted with this drink. The cause why they sought to take from him this heaviness, was, for that they held it for an ill augure, and afore telling of some great harm. The day of the feast being come, after they had done him much honour, sung, and given him incense, the sacrificers took him about midnight and did sacrifice him, as hath been said, offering his heart unto the Moon, the which they did afterwards cast against the idol, letting the body fall to the bottom of the stairs of the Temple, where such as had offered him took him up, which were the Merchants, whose feast it was. Then having carried him into the chiefest man's house amongst them, the body was dressed with diverse sauces, to celebrate (at the break of day,) the banquet and dinner of the feast, having first bid the idol good morrow, with a small dance, which they made whilst the day did break, and that they prepared the sacrifice. Then did all the Merchants assemble at this banquet, especially those which made it a traffic to buy and sell slaves, who were bound every year to offer one, for the resemblance of their god. This idol was one of the most honoured in all the land: and therefore the Temple where he was, was of great authority: There were threescore stairs to ascend up unto it, and on the top was a court of an indifferent largeness, very finely dressed and plastered, in the midst whereof, was a great round thing like unto an Oven, having the entry low and narrow: so as they must stoop very low that should enter into it. This Temple had chambers and chapels as the rest, where there were convents of Priests, young men, maids, and children, as hath been said: and there was one Priest alone resident continually, the which they changed weekly: For although there were in every one of these temples, three or four Curates or Ancients, yet did every one serve his week without parting. His charge that week, (after he had instructed the children,) was to strike up a drum every day at the Sun setting, to the same end that we are accustomed to ring to evensong. This drum was such as they might hear the house sound thereof throughout all the parts of the City, than every man shut up his merchandise, and retired unto his house, and there was so great a silence, as there seemed to be no living creature in the Town. In the morning whenas the day began to break, they began to sound the drum, which was a sign of the day beginning, so as travelers and strangers attended this signal to begin their journeys, for till that time it was not lawful to go out of the city.  
There was in this temple a court of a reasonable greatness, in the which they made great dances, & pastimes, with games or comedies the day of the idols feast; for which purpose there was in the midst of this court a theatre of thirty foot square very finely decked and trimmed, the which they decked with flowers that day, with all the art and invention that mought be, being environed round with Arches of diverse flowers and feathers, and in some places there were tied many small birds, coneyes, and other tame beasts. After dinner all the people assembled in this place, and the players presented themselves, and played comedies, some counterfeit the deaf, and the rheumatic, others the lame, some the blind, and without hands, which came to seek for cure of the idol: the deaf answered confusedly, the rheumatic did cough, the lame halted, telling their miseries and griefs, wherewith they made the people to laugh; others came forth in the form of little beasts, some were attired like snails, others like toads, and some like lizardes': then meeting together, they told their offices, and every one retiring to his place, they founded on small flutes, which was pleasant to hear. They likewise counterfeited butterflies and small birds of divers colours, and the children of the Temple represented these forms, than they went into a little forest planted there for the nonce, where the Priests of the Temple drew them forth with instruments of music. In the mean time they used many pleasant speeches, some in propounding, others in defending, wherewith the assistants were pleasantly entertained. This done, they made a mask or mummery with all these personages, and so the feast ended: the which were usually done in their principal feasts.   

What profit may be drawn out of this discourse of the Indians superstitions. CHAP 31.  
THis may suffice to understand the care and pain the Indians took to serve and honour their Idols▪ or rather the devil: for it were an infinite matter, and of small profit, to report every thing that hath passed, for that it may seem to some needless to have spoken ●hus much: and that it is a loss of time, as in reading the fables that are feigned by the romans of Knighthood. But if such as hold this opinion will look well into it, they shall find great difference betwixt the one and the other: and that it may be profitable for many considerations, to have the knowledge of the customs and ceremonies the Indians used: first this knowledge is not only profitable, but also necessary in those countries where these superstitions have been practised, to the end that Christians, and the masters of the Law of Christ, may know the errors and superstitions of the Ancients, and observe if the Indians use them not at this day, either secretly or openly. For this cause many learned and worthy men have written large Discourses, of what they have found: yea the Provincial counsels have commanded them to write and print them, as they have done in Lima, where hath been made a more ample Discourse than this. And therefore it importeth for the good of the Indians, that the Spaniards being in those parts of the Indies, should have the knowledge of all these things. This Discourse may likewise serve the Spaniards there, and all others wheresoever, to give infinite thanks to God our Lord, who hath imparted so great a benefit unto us, giving them his holy Law, which is most just, pure, and altogether profitable. The which we may well know, comparing it with the laws of Satan, where so many wretched people have lived so miserably. It may likewise serve to discover the pride, envy, deceits, and ambushes of the Devil, which he practiseth against those he holds captives, seeing on the one side he seeks to imitate God, and make comparison with him and his holy Law, and on the other side: he doth mingle with his actions so many vanities, filthiness and cruelties, as he that hath no other practice but to sophisticate and corrupt all that is good. Finally, he that shall see the darkness and blindness wherein so many Provinces and Kingdoms have lived so long time, yea and wherein many Nations, and a great part of the world live yet, deceived with the like trumperies, he can not (if he have a Christians heart) but give thanks to the high God, for such as he hath called out of so great darkness, to the admirable light of his Gospel: beseeching the unspeakable charity of the Creator to preserve and increase them in his knowledge and obedience, and likewise be grieved for those that follow still the way of perdition. And that in the end he beseech the Father of Pity, to open unto them the treasures and riches of jesus Christ, who with the Father and Holy-ghost reigns in all Ages; Amen.    

THE sixth BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

That they err in their opinion, which hold the Indians to want judgement. CHAP. 1.  
HAving treated before of the religion the Indians used, I pretend to discourse in this Book of their customs, policy, and government, for two considerations: the one is to confu●e that false opinion many do commonly hold of them, that they are a gross and brutish people, or that they have so little understanding, as they scarce deserve the name of any: So as many excesses and outrages are committed upon them, using them like bruit beasts, and reputing them unworthy of any respect; which is so common and so dangerous an error (as they know well who with any zèale and consideration have traveled amongst them, and that have seen and observed their secrets and counsels;) And moreover, for the small regard many m●●e of these Indians, who presume to know much, and yet are commonly the most ignorant and presumptuous. I find no better means to confound this pernicious opinion, then in relating their order and manner, whenas they lived under their own laws, in which (although they had many barbarous things, and without ground, yet had they many others worthy of great admiration, whereby we may understand, that they were by nature, capable to receive any good instructions: and beside, they did in some things, pass many of our commonweals. It is no matter of marvel if there were so great and gross faults amongst them, seeing there hath been likewise amongst the most famous Law givers and Philosophers (yea without exception, Lycurgus and Plato) and amongst the wisest commonwealths, as the Romans and Athenians, where we may find things so full of ignorance, and so worthy of laughter, as in truth if the commonweals of the Mexicaines', or of the Inguas, had been known in those times of the Romans and the greeks, their laws and governements had been much esteemed by them: But we at this day little regarding this, enter by the sword, without hearing or understanding; persuading ourselves that the Indians affairs deserve no other respect, but as of venison that is taken in the forest, and brought for our use and delight.  
The most grave and diligent, which have searched and attained to the knowledge of their secrets, customs and ancient government, hold another opinion, and admire the order and discourse that hath been betwixt them. Of which number is Polo Ondeguardo, whom I usually follow in the discourse of matters of Peru, and for these of Mexico john de Toüar, who had a Prebend in the Church of Mexico, and is now of our company of Jesuits, who by the commandment of the viceroy Don Martin Enriques, have made a diligent and a large collection of the Histories of that nation, and many other grave and notable personages, who both by word and writing have sufficiently informed me of all those things I shall here set down. The other end, and the good which may follow by the knowledge of the laws customs and government of the Indians, is, that we may help and govern them with the same laws and customs, for that they ought to be ruled according to their own laws and privileges, so far forth as they do not contradict the Law of Christ, and his holy Church, which ought to be maintained and kept as their fundamental laws. For the ignorance of laws and customs hath bred many errors of great importance, for that the Governors and judges, know not well how to give sentence, nor rule their subjects. And beside, the wrong which is done unto them, against reason, it is prejudicial and hurtful unto ourselves; for thereby they take occasion to abhor us, as men both in good and in evil always contrary unto them.   

Of the supputation of times, and the Calendar the Mexicaines' used. CHAP. 2.  
ANd to begin then by the division and supputation of times which the Indians made, wherein truly we may well perceive the great signs of their vivacity and good understanding. I will first show in what sort the Mexica●nes counted and divided their year, their months, their calendar, their computations, their worlds and ages. They divided the year into eighteen months, to which they gave twenty days, wherein the three hundred and three score days are accomplished, not comprehending in any of these months the five days that remain, & make the year perfect. But they did reckon them apart, and called them the days of nothing: during the which, the people did not any thing, neither went they to their Temples, but occupied themselves only in visiting one another, and so spent the time: the sacrificers of the Temple did likewise cease their sacrifices. These five days being past, they began the computation of the year, whereof the first month and the beginning was in March, when the leaves began to grow green, although they took three days of the month of February; for the first day of their year was, as it were, the six and twenty day of February, as appeareth by their calendar, within the which ours is likewise comprehended and contained with a very ingenious Art, which was made by the ancient Indians that knew the first Spaniards. I have seen this Calendar, and have it yet in my custody, which well deserveth the sight, to understand the discourse and industry the Mexicaine Indians had. Every one of these eighteen months had his proper name, and his proper picture, the which was commonly taken of the principal feast that was made in that month, or from the diversity of times, which the year caused in that month. They had in this Calendar certain days marked and distinguished for their feasts. And they accounted their weeks by thirteen days, ma●king the days with a Zero or cipher, which they multiplied unto thirteen, and then began to count, one, two, etc. They did likewise mark the years of these wheels, with four signs or figures, attributing to every year a peculiar sign, whereof one was of a house, an other of a coney, the third of a reed, and the fourth of a flint. They painted them in this sort, noting by those figures the year that did run, saying of so many houses, of so many flints of such a wheel, happened such a thing. For we must understand that their wheel, which was an age, contained four weeks of years, every week containing thirteen years, which in all made fifty two years. In the midst of this wheel they painted a Sun, from the which went four beams or lines in cross to the circumference of the wheel; and they made their course, even as the circumference was divided into four equal parts, every one with his line, having a distinct colour from the rest, and the four colours were, green, blue, red, and yellow: every portion of these four had thirteen separations which had all their signs or particular figures, of a house, a coney, a reed, or a flint, noting by every sign a year, and upon the head of this sign they painted what had happened that year.  
And therefore I did see in the Calendar mentioned the year when the Spaniards entered Mexico, marked by the picture of a man clad in red, after our manner, for such was the habit of the first Spaniard, whom Fernand Cortes sent, at the end of the two & fifty years, which finished the wheel. They used a pleasant ceremony, which was, the last night they did break all their vessels and stuff, and put out their fire, and all the lights, saying, that the world should end at the finishing of one of these wheels, and it might be at that time: for (said they) seeing the world must then end, what need is there to provide meat to eat, and therefore they had no further need of vessel nor fire. Upon this conceit they passed the night in great fear, saying it might happen there would be no more day, and they watched very carefully for the day; but when they saw the day begin to break, they presently beat many drums, and sounded cornets, flutes, and other instruments of joy and gladness, saying, that God did yet prolong the time with another age, which were fifty two years. And then began an other wheel. The first day and beginning of this age they took new fire, and bought new vessels to dress their meat, and all went to the high Priest for this new fire, having first made a solemn sacrifice, and given thanks for the coming of the day, and prolongation of an other age. This was their manner of accounting their years, months, weeks, and ages.   

How the Kings Inguas accounted the years and months. CHAP. 3.  
ALthough this supputation of times practised amongst the Mexicaines', be ingenious enough and certain, for men that had no learning; yet in my opinion they wanted discourse and consideration, having not grounded their computation according unto the course of the moon, nor distributed their months accordingly, wherein those of Peru have far surpassed them: for they divided their year into as many days, perfectly accomplished as we do here, and into twelve months or moons, in the which they employed and consumed the eleven days that remained of the moon as Polo writes. To make the computation of their year sure and certain, they used this industry; upon the mountains which are about the city of Cusco (where the King's Inguas held their court, being the greatest sanctuary of those realms, and as we should say an other Rome) there were twelve pillars set in order, and in such distance the one from the other, as every month one of these pillars did note the rising and setting of the sun. They called them Suceanga, by means whereof they taught and showed, the feasts, and the seasons fit to sow and reap, and to do other things. They did certain sacrifices to these pillars of the sun. Every month had his proper name, and peculiar feasts. They began the year by january as we do. But since, a king Ingua called Pachacuto, which signifies a reformer of the Temple, began their year by December, by reason (as I conjecture) that then the Sun returneth from the last point of Capricorn, which is the tropic nearest unto them. I know not whether the one or the other have observed any Bisexte, although some hold the contrary. The weeks which the Mexicaines' did reckon, were not properly weeks, being not of seven days: the Inguas likewise made no mention thereof which is no wonder, seeing the account of the week is not grounded upon the course of the sun, as that of the year, nor of the moon, as that of the month; but among the Hebrews i● is grounded upon the creation of the world, as Moses reporteth; and amongst the greeks and Latins upon the number of the seven planets, of whose names the days of the week have taken their denomination; yet was it much for those Indians, being men without books and learning, to have a year, seasons, and feasts, so well appointed as I have said.   

That no nation of the Indies hath been found to have had the use of letters. CHAP 4.  
Letter's were invented to signify properly the words we do pronounce, even as words (according to the Philosopher) are the signs and demonstrations of man's thoughts and conceptions. And both the one and the other (I say the letters and words) were ordained to make things known. The voice for such as are present, and letters for the absent, and such as are to come. Signs and marks which are not properly to signify words, but things, cannot be called, neither in truth are they letters, although they be written, for we can not say that the Picture of the sun be a writing of the sun, but only a picture; the like may be said of other signs and characters, which have no resemblance to the thing, but serve only for memory: for he that invented them, did not ordain them to signify words, but only to note the thing: neither do they call those characters, letters, or writings, as indeed they are not, but rather ciphers, or remembrances, as those be which the Spherists or Astronomers do use, to signify diverse signs or planets of Mars, Venus, jupiter, etc.  
Such characters are ciphers, and no letters: for what name soever Mars may have in Italian, French, or Spanish, this character doth always signify it, the which is not found in letters: for although they siguify the thing, yet is it by means of words. So as they which know not the tongue, understand them not: as for example, the greeks nor the Hebrews, cannot conceive what this word Sol doth signify, although they see it written; for that they understand not the Latin word: so as writing and letters are only practised by them, which signify words therewith. For if they signify things mediately, they are no more letters nor writings, but ciphers and pictures: whereby we may observe two notable things. The one, that the memory of histories and antiquities may be preserved by one of these three means, either by letters and writings, as hath been used amongst the Latins, greeks, Hebrews, and many other Nations; or by painting, as hath been used almost throughout all the world, for it is said in the second Nicene Counsel, Painting is a book for fools which cannot read: or by ciphers and characters, as the cipher signifies the number of a hundred, a thousand and others, without noting the word of a hundred, or a thousand. The other thing we may observe thereby, is that which is propounded in this chapter, which is, that no Nation of the Indies discovered in our time, hath had the use of letters and writings, but of the other two sorts, images, and figures. The which I observe, not only of the Indies of Peru, and new Spain, but also of jappon, and China. And although this may seem false to some, seeing it is testified by the discourses that have been written, that there are so great Libraries and Universities in China, and jappon, and that mention is made of their Chapas, letters, and expeditions, yet that which I say, is true, as you may understand by the discourse following.   

Of the fashion of Letters, and Books; the Chinois used. CHAP. 5.  
THere are many which think, and it is the most common opinion, that the writings which the Chinois used, are letters, as those we use in Europe, and that by them we may write words and discourses, and that they only differ from our letters and writings, in the diversity of characters, as the greeks differ from the Latins, and the Hebrews from the Chaldees. But it is not so, for they have no Alphabet, neither write they any letters, but all their writing is nothing else but painting and ciphering: and their letters signify no parts of distinctions, as ours do, but are figures and representations of things, as of the Sun, of fire, of a man, of the sea, and of other things. The which appears plainly, for that their writings and Chapas, are understood of them all, although the languages the Chinois speak, are many and very different, in like sort as our numbers of ciphers are equally understooode in the Spanish, French, and Arabian tongues: for this figure 8. wheresoever it be, signifies eight, although the French call this number of one sort, and the Spaniards of another. So as things being of themselves innumerable, the letters likewise or figures which the Chinois use to signify them by, are in a manner infinite: so as he that shall read or write at China, (as the Mandarins do,) must know and keep in memory at the least fourscore and five thousand characters or letters, and those which are perfect herein, know above sixscore thousand. Astrange and prodigious thing; yea, incredible, if it were not testified by men worthy of credit, as the fathers of our company, who are there continually, learning their language and writing, wherein they have studied day and night above ten years, with a continual labour; for the charity of Christ, and the desire of salvation of souls, prevailed in them above all this labour and difficulty. For this reason learned men are so much esteemed in China, for the difficulty there is to conceive them: & those only have the offices of Mandarins, Governors, judges, and Captains. For this cause the fathers take great pains to instruct their children to read and write. There are many of these schools where the children are taught, where the masters teach them by day, and the fathers at home by night: so as they hurt their eyes much, and they whip them often with reeds, although not so severely as they do offenders. They call it the Mandarin tongue, which requires a man's age to be conceived. And you must understand, that although the tongue which the Mandarins speak, be peculiar and different from the Vulgar, which are many, and that they study it, as they do Latin & Greek here, and that the learned only throughout all China, do understand it: so it is notwithstanding that all that is written in it, is understood in all tongues: and although all the Provinces do not understand one another by speaking, yet by writing they do: for there is but one sort of figures and characters for them all, which signify one thing, but not the same word and prolation: seeing (as I have said,) they are only to denote the things, and not the word, as we may easily understand by the examples of numbers in ciphering. And they of jappon & the Chinois, do read and understand well the writings one of another, although they be diverse Nations, and different in tongue and language. If they speak what they read or write, they should not be understood. Such are the letters and books the Chinois use, being so famous in the world. To make their impressions, they grave a board or plank with the figures they will print, then do they stamp as many leaves of paper as they list, of the same sort as they have made their pictures, the which are graven in copper or wood. But a man of judgement may ask, how they could signify their conceptions by figures, which approached near or resemble the thing they would represent? As to say, the Sun heats, or, that he hath beheld the Sun, or, the day is of the Sun. Finally, how it were possible to denote by the same figures, the case, the conjunction, and the articles, which are in many tongues and writings? I answer thereunto, that they distinguish and signify this variety by certain points, striketh, and dispositions of the figure. But it is difficult to understand how they can write proper names in their tongue, especially of strangers, being things they have never seen, and notable to invent figures proper unto them. I have made trial thereof being in Mexico with the Chinois, willing them to write this proposition in their language, joseph Acosta is come from Peru: and such like: whereupon the Chinois was long pensive, but in the end he did write it, the which other Chinois did after read, although they did vary a little in the pronountiation of the proper name. For they use this devise to write a proper name: they seek out something in their tongue, that hath resemblance to that name, and set down the figure of this thing. And as it is difficult among so many proper names, to find things to resemble them in the prolation, so is it very difficult and troublesome, to write such names. Upon this purpose, father Allonso SancheZ told us, that when he was in China, being led into diverse Tribunal seats, from Manderin to Manderin, they were long in putting his name in writing in their Chapas, yet in the end they did write it after their manner, and so ridiculously, that they scarce came near to the name: and this is the fashion of letters and writings which the Chinois used. That of the japponois approached very near, although they affirm that the Noblemen of jappon that came into Europe, did write all things very easily in their language, were they of our proper names: yea, I have had some of their writings showed me, whereby it seems they should have some kind of letters, although the greatest part of their writings, be by the characters and figures, as hath been said of the Chinois.   

Of the Schools and Universities of China. CHAP. 6.  
THe fathers of our company say, that they have not seen in China, any great schools or universities of Philosophy, and other natural sciences; believing there is not any, but that all their study is in the Mandarin tongue, which is very ample and hard, as I have said: and what they study, be things written in their own tongue, which be histories of sects, and opinions, of civil laws, of moral proverbs, of fables, and many other such compositions that depend thereon. Of divine sciences they have no knowledge, neither of natural things, but some small remainders of strayed propositions, without art or method, according to every man's wit and study. As for the Mathematics, they have experience of the celestial motions, and of the stars. And for Physic, they have knowledge of herbs, by means whereof, they cure many diseases, & use it much. They write with pencils, & have many books written with the hand, and others printed, but in a bad order. They are great players of come dies, the which they perform with great preparation of theatres, apparel, bells, drums, and voices. Some father's report to have seen comedies which lasted ten or twelve days and nights, without any want of comedians, nor company to behold them. They do make many different scenes, and whilst some act, the others feed and sleep. In these comedies they do commonly treat of moral things, and of good examples, intermingled with pleasant devises. This is the sum of that which our men report of the letters and exercises of them of China; wherein we must confess to be much wit and industry. But all this is of small substance, for in effect all the knowledge of the Chinois, tends only to read and write, & no farther: for they attain to no high knowledge. And their writing, and reading, is not properly reading, and writing; seeing their letters are no letters that can represent words, but figures of innumerable things, the which cannot be learned, but in a long time and with infinite labour. But in the end with all their knowledge, an Indian of Peru or Mexico, that hath learned to read and write, knows more than the wisest Mandarin that is amongst them: for that the Indian with four and twenty letters which he hath learned, will write all the words in the world: and a Mandarin with his hundred thousand letters, will be troubled to write some proper name, as of Martin, or Alonso, & with greater reason he shallbe less able to write the names of things he knows not. So as the writing in China, is no other thing but a manner of painting or ciphring.   

Of the fashion of letters and writings which the Mexicaines' used. CHAP. 7.  
WE find amongst the Nations of New Spain a great knowledge and memory of antiquity; and therefore searching by what means the Indians had preserved their Histories, and so many particularities, I learned, that although they were not so subtle and curious as the Chinois, and those of jappon, yet had they some kind of letters and books amongst them, whereby they preserved (after their manner) the deeds of their predecessors. In the province of Yu-lata●, where the Bishopric is, which they call de Honduras, there were books of the leaves of trees, folded and squared, after their manner, in the which the wise Indians contained the distribution of their times, the knowledge of the planets, of beasts and other natural things, with their antiquities, a thing full of great curiosity and diligence. It seemed to some Pedant that all this was an enchantment & magic art, who did obstinately maintain, that they ought to be burnt, so as they were committed to the fire. Which since, not only the Indians found to be ill done, but also the curious Spaniards, who desired to know the secrets of the country. The like hath happened in other things: for our men thinking that all was but superstition, have lost many memorials of an ancient and holy things, which might have profited much. This proceedeth of a foolish and ignorant zeal, who not knowing, nor seeking to know what concerned the Indians, say preiudicately, that they are all but witchcrafts, and that all the Indians are but drunkards, incapable to know or learn any thing. For such as would be curiously informed of them, have found many things worthy of consideration. One of our company of Jesuits, a man very witty and well experienced, did assemble in the province of Mexico, the Ancients of Tescuco, of Talla, and of Mexico, conferring at large with them, who showed unto him their books, histories and calendars, things very worthy the sight, because they had their figures and hieroglyphics, whereby they represented things in this manner: Such as had form or figure, were represented by their proper images, and such as had not any, were represented by characters that signified them, and by this means they figured and writ what they would. And to observe the time when any thing did happen, they had those painted wheels, for every one of them contained an age, which was two and fifty years, as hath been said; and of the side of those wheels, they did paint with figures and characters right against the year, the memorable things that happened therein. As they noted the year whenas the Spaniards entered their Country, they painted a man with a hat and a red jerkin, upon the sign of the reed, which did rule then, and so of other accidents. But for that their writings and characters were not sufficient as our letters and writings be, they could not so plainly express the words, but only the substance of their conceptions. And forasmuch as they were accustomed to rehearse Discourses and Dialogues by heart, compounded by their Orators and ancient Rhethoritians, and many Chapas made by their Poets (which were impossible to learn by their Hieroglyphics and Characters) the Mexicaines' were very curious to have their children learn those dialogues and compositions by heart. For the which cause they had Schools, and as it were, Colleges or Seminaries, where the Ancients taught children these Orations, and many other things, which they preserved amongst them by tradition from one to another, as perfectly, as if they had been written; especially the most famous Nations had a care to have their children (which had any inclination to be rhetoricians, and to practise the office of Orators) to learn these Orations by heart: So as when the Spaniards came into their Country, and had taught them read and write our letters, many of the Indians than wrote these Orations, as some grave men do witness that had read them. Which I say, for that some which shall haply read these long and eloquent discourses in the Mexicaine History, will easily believe they have been invented by the Spaniards, and not really taken and reported from the Indians. But having known the certain truth, they will give credit (as reason is) to their Histories. They did also write these Discourses after their manner, by Characters and Images: and I have seen for my better satisfaction, the Pater noster, Ave Maria, and Simboll, or general confession of our faith, written in this manner by the Indians.  
And in truth whosoever shall see them, will wonder thereat. For, to signify these words, I a sinner do confess myself, they painted an Indian upon his knees, at a religious man's feet, as one that confesseth himself: and for this, To God most mighty, they painted three faces with their Crowns, like to the Trinity, and To the glorious Virgin Marie, they painted the face of our Lady, and half the body of a little child: and for S. Peter and S. Paul, heads with crowns, and a key with a sword: and whereas images failed, they did set characters, as Wherein I have sinned, etc. whereby we may conceive the quickness of spirit of these Indians, seeing this manner of writing of our prayers and matters of faith hath not been taught them by the Spaniards, neither could they have done it, if they had not had an excellent conception of that was taught them. And I have seen in Peru, a confession of sins brought by an Indian, written in the same fort with pictures and characters, painting every one of the ten commandements, after a certain manner, where there were certain marks like ciphers, which were the sins he had committed against the Commandments. I nothing doubt but if any of the most sufficient Spaniards were employed to make memorials of the like things by their images and marks, they would not attain unto it in a whole year, no not in ten.   

Of Registers and the manner of reckoning which the Indians of Peru used. CHAP. 8.  
BEfore the Spaniards came to the Indies, they of Peru had no kind of writing, either letters, characters, ciphers, or figures, like to those of China and Mexico: yet preserved they the memory of their Antiquities, and maintain an order in all their affairs, of peace, war, and policy, for that they were careful observers of traditions from one to another, and the young ones learned, and carefully kept, as a holy thing, what their superiors had told them, and taught it with the like care to their posterity. Besides this diligence, they supplied the want of letters and writings, partly by painting, as those of Mexico, (although they of Peru were very gross and blockish) and partly, and most commonly by Quippos. These Quippos are memorials or registers, made of bows, in the which there are divers knots and colours, which do signify divers things, and it is strange to see what they have expressed and represented by this means: for their Quippos serve them instead of Books of histories, of laws, ceremonies, and accounts of their affairs. There were officers appointed to keep these Quippos, the which at this day they call Quipocamayos▪ the which were bound to give an account of every thing, as Notaries and Registers do here. Therefore they fully believed them in all things, for according to the variety of business, as wars, policy, tributes, ceremonies and lands, there were sundry Quippos or branches, in every one of the which there were so many knots little and great, and strings tied unto them, some red, some green, some blue, some white; and finally, such diversity, that even as we derive an infinite number of words from the four and twenty letters, applying them in divers sorts, so do they draw innumerable words from their knots, and diversity of colours. Which thing they do in such a manner, that if at this day in Peru, any Commissary come at the end of two or three years, to take information upon the life of any officer, the Indians come with their small reckonings verified, saying, that in such a village they have given him so many eggs which he hath not paid for, in such a house a hen, in an other, two burdens of grass for his horse, and that he hath paid but so much money, and remaineth debtor so much. The proof being presently made with these numbers of knots and handfuls of cords, it remains for a certain testimony and register. I did see a handful of these strings, wherein an Indian woman carried written a general confession of all her life, and thereby confessed herself, as well as I could have done it in written paper. I asked her what those strings meant that differed from the rest: she answered me, they were certain circumstances which the sin required to be fully confessed. Beside these Quippos of thread, they have an other, as it were a kind of writing with small stones, by means whereof, they learn punctually the words they desire to know by heart. It is a pleasant thing to see the old and the impotent (with a wheel made of small stones) learn the Pater noster, with another the Ave Maria, with another the Creed; and to remember what stone signifies, Which was conceived by the holy-ghost, and which, Suffered under Pontius Pilate.  
It is a pleasant thing to see them correct themselves when they do err; for all their correction consisteth only in beholding of their small stones. One of these wheels were sufficient to make me forget all that I do know by heart. There are a great number of these wheels in the Churchyards for this purpose. But it seems a kind of witchcraft, to see an other kind of Quippos, which they make of grains of Mays, for to cast up a hard account, wherein a good Arithmetitian would be troubled with his pen to make a division: to see how much every one must contribute: they do draw so many grains from one side, and add so many to another, with a thousand other inventions. These Indians will take their grains, and place five of one side, three of another, and eight of another, and will change one grain of one side, and three of another: So as they finish a certain account, without erring in any point: and they sooner submit themselves to reason by these Quippos, what every one ought to pay, than we can do with the pen. Hereby we may judge if they have any understanding, or be brutish: for my part, I think they pass us in those things, whereunto they do apply themselves.   

Of the order the Indians hold in their writings. CHAP. 9  
IT shallbe good to add hereunto what we have observed, touching the Indians writings: for their manner was not to write with a continued line, but from the top to the bottom, or in circlewise. The Latins and Greeks do write from the left hand unto the right, which is the vulgar and common manner we do use. The Hebrews chose began at the right to the left, and therefore their books began where ours did end. The Chinois write neither like the Greeks nor like the Hebrews, but from the top to the bottom, for as they be no letters but whole words, and that every figure and character signifieth a thing, they have no need to assemble the parts one with an other, and therefore they may well write from the top to the bottom. Those of Mexico, for the same cause did not write in line, from one side to another, but contrary to the Chinois, beginning below, they mounted upward. They used this manner of writing, in the account of their days, and other things which they observed: Yet when they did write in their wheels or signs, they began from the midst where the Sun was figured, and so mounted by their years unto the round and circumference of the wheel. To conclude, we find four different kinds of writings, some writ from the right to the left, others from the left to the right, some from the top to the bottom, and others from the foot to the top, wherein we may discover the diversity of man's judgement.   

How the Indians dispatched their Messengers. CHAP. 10.  
TO finish the manner they had of writing, some may with reason doubt how the Kings of Mexico and Peru had intelligence from all those realms that were so great, or by what means they could dispatch their affairs in Court, seeing they had no use of any letters, nor to write packets: wherein we may be satisfied of this doubt, when we understand, that by words, pictures, and these memorials, they were often advertised of that which passed. For this cause there were men of great agility, which served as curriers, to go and come, whom they did nourish in this exercise of running from their youth, labouring to have them well breathed, that they might run to the top of a high hill without weariness. And therefore in Mexico they gave the prize to three or four that first mounted up the stairs of the Temple, as hath been said in the former Book. And in Cusco, when they made their solemn feast of Capacrayme, the novices did run who could fastest up the rock of Ynacauri. And the exercise of running is general; much used among the Indians. Whenas there chanced any matter of importance, they sent unto the Lords of Mexico, the thing painted, whereof they would advertise them, as they did when the first Spanish ships appeared to their ●ight, & when they took Topanchan. In Peru they were very curious of footmen, and the Ingua had them in all parts of the realm, as ordinary Posts called Chasquis, whereof shall be spoken in his place.   

Of the manner of government, and of the Kings which the Indians had. CHAP. 11.  
IT is apparent, that the thing wherein these barbarous people show their barbarism, was in their government and manner of command: for the more that men approach to reason, the more mild is their government and less insolent; the Kings and Lords are more tractable, agreeing better with their subjects, acknowledging them equal in nature, though inferior in duty and care of the commonwealth. But amongst the Barbarians all is contrary, for that their government is tyrannous, using their subjects like beasts, and seeking to be reverenced like gods: For this occasion many nations of the Indies have not endured any Kings, or absolute & sovereign Lords, but live in commonalties, creating and appointing Captains and Princes, for certain occasions only, to whom they obey during the time of their charge, then after they return to their former estates. The greatest part of this new world (where there are no settled kingdoms, nor established commonweals, neither princes nor succeeding kings) they govern themselves in this manner, although there be some Lords and principal men raised above the common sort. In this sort the whole Country of Chille is governed, where the Auracanes, those of Teucapell and others, have so many years resisted the Spaniards. And in like sort all the new kingdom of Grenad●, that of Guatimalla, the Islands, all Florida, bresil, L●s●● and other countries of great circuit: but that in some places, they are yet more barbarous, scarcely acknowledging any head, but all command and govern in common, having no other thing, but will, violence, industry and disorder, so as he that most may, most commands. At the East Indies there are great kingdoms, well ordered and governed, as that of Sian, Bisnaga, and others, which may bring to field when they please, a hundred or two hundred thousand men.  
As likewise the Kingdom of China, the which in greatness and power, surpasseth all the rest, whose kings, (as they report,) have continued above two thousand years, by means of their good order and government. But at the West Indies, they have only found two Kingdoms or settled Empires, that of the Mexicaines' in new Spain, and of the Inguas in Peru. It is not easy to be said, which of the two was the mightiest Kingdom, for that Motecuma, exceeded them of Peru, in buildings, and in the greatness of his court: but the Inguas, did likewise exceed the Mexicaines', in treasure, riches, and greatness of Provinces. In regard of antiquity, the Monarchy of the Inguas, hath the advantage, although it be not much, and in my opinion, they have been equal in feats of arms and victories. It is most certain, that these two Kingdoms have much exceeded all the Indian Provinces, discovered in this new world, as well in good order and government, as in power and wealth, and much more in superstition and service of their idols, having many things like one to an other. But in one thing they differed much, for among the Mexicaines', the succession of the kingdom, was by election, as the Empire of the Romans, and that of Peru, was hereditary, and they succeeded in blood, as the Kingdoms of France, and Spain. I will therefore hereafter treat of these two governments, (as the chief subject and best known amongst the Indians,) being fit for this discourse, leaving many and tedious things which are not of importance.   

Of the Government of the Kings and Inguas of Peru. CHAP. 12.  
THe Ingua which ruled in Peru, being dead, his lawful son succeeded him, and so they held him that was borne of his chief wife, whom they called Coya. The which they have always observed since the time of an Ingua, called Yupangui, who married his sister: for these Kings held it an honour to marry their sisters. And although they had other wives, and concubines, yet the succession of the Kingdom appertained to the son of the Coya. It is true, that when the King had a legitimate brother, he succeeded before the son, and after him his nephew, and son to the first. The Curacas, and Noblemen, held the same order of succession in their goods and offices. And after their manner they made excessive ceremonies, and obsequies for the dead. They observed one custom very great & full of state, that a King which entered newly into his Kingdom, should not inherit any thing of the movables, implements, and treasure of his predecessor, but he must furnish his house new, and gather together gold, silver, and other things necessary, not touching any thing of the deceased, the which was wholly dedicated for his Oratory or Guaca, and for the entertainment of the family he left, the which with his offspring, was always busied at the sacrifices, ceremonies, and service of the deceased King: for being dead, they presently held him for a god, making sacrifices unto him, images, and such like. By this means, there was infinite treasure in Peru: for every one of the Inguas, had laboured to have his Oratory and treasure surpass that of his predecessors. The mark or ensign, whereby they took possession of the realm, was a red roll of wool, more fine than silk, the which hung in the midst of his forehead: and none but the Ingua alone might wear it, for that it was as a Crown and royal Diadem: yet they might lawfully wear a roll hanging on the one side, near unto the ear, as some Noblemen did, but only the Ingua might carry it in the midst of his forehead. At such time as they took this roll or wreath, they made solemn feasts, and many sacrifices, with a great quantity of vessel of gold, and silver, a great number of small forms or images of sheep, made of gold and silver, great abundance of the stuffs of Cumby, well wrought, both fine and courser, many shells of the sea of all sorts, many feathers, and a thousand sheep, which must be of diverse colours. Then the chief Priest took a young child in his hands, of the age of six or eight years, pronouncing these words with the other ministers speaking to the image of Viracocha, Lord we offer this unto thee, that thou mayest maintain us in quiet, and help us in our wars, maintain our Lord the Ingua in his greatness and estate, that he may always increase, giving him much knowledge to govern us. There were present at this ceremony and oath, men of all parts of the Realm, and of all Guacas and Sanctuaries. And without doubt, the affection and reverence this people bare to their Kings Inguas, was very great, for it is never found that any one of his subjects committed treason against him, for that they proceeded in their governments, not only with an absolute power, but also with good order and justice, suffering no man to be oppressed: The Ingua placed governors in diverse Provinces, amongst the which, some were superiors, and did acknowledge none but himself, others were of less command, and others more particular, with so goodly an order, and such gravity, as no man durst be drunk, nor take an ear of Mays from his neighbour. These Inguas held it for a maxim, that it was necessary to keep the Indians always in action: and therefore we see it to this day, long cawseys and works of great labour, the which they say were made to exercise the Indians, lest they should remain idle. When he conquered any new Province, he was accustomed presently to send the greatest part, and the chief of that Country into other Provinces, or else to his Court, and they call them at this day in Peru, Mitimas, and in their places he sent others of the Nation of Cusco, especially the Orciones, which were as Knights of an ancient house. They punished faults rigorously. And therefore such as have any understanding hereof, hold opinion, that there can be no better government for the Indians, no more assured, then that of the Inguas.   

Of the distribution the Inguas made of their Vessel. CHAP. 13.  
TO relate more particularly what I have spoken before, you must understand, that the distribution which the Inguas made of their vessels, was so exact and distinct, as he might govern them all with great facility, although his realm were a thousand leagues long: for having conquered a Province, he presently reduced the Indians into Towns and Commonalties, the which he divided into bands, he appointed one to have the charge over every ten Indians, over every hundred another, over every thousand another, & over ten thousand another, whom they called Humo, the which was one of the greatest charges. Yet above all in every Province, there was a Governor of the house of the Inguas, whom all the rest obeyed, giving unto him every year in particular account of what had passed, that is, of such as were borne, of those that were dead and of their troops and grain. The Governors went every year out of Cusco, where they remained, and returned to the great feast of Rayme, at the which, they brought the tribute of the whole Realm to the Court; neither might they enter but with this condition. All the Kingdom was divided into four parts, which they called Tahuantinsuyo, that is, Chinchasuyo, Collasuyo, Andesuyo, & Condesuyo, according to the four ways which went from Cusco, where the Court was resident, and where the general assemblies of the realm were made. These ways and Provinces being answerable unto them, were towards the four quarters of the wo●ld, Collasuyo to the South, Chinchasuyo to the North, Condesuyo to the West, and And●suyo to the East. In every town and village, there were two sorts of people, which were of Hanansaya, and Vrinsaya, which is as much to say, as those above, and those below. When they commanded any work to be done, or to furnish any thing to the Ingua, the officers knew presently how much every Province, Town, and Family, aught to furnish: so as the division was not made by equal portions, but by cottization, according to the qualities and wealth of the Country. So as for example, if they were to gather a hundred thousand Fan●gues of Mays, they knew presently how much every Province was to contribute, were it a tenth, a seventh, or a fifth part. The like was of Towns and Villages, Ailloes, or Lineages. The Quipocamayos, which were the officers and intendants, kept the account of all with their strings and knots, without failing, setting down what every one had paid, even to a hen, or a burden of wood, and in a moment they did see by diverse regis●ers what every one ought to pay.   

Of the Edifices and manner of building of the Inguas CHAP. 14.  
THE Edifices and Buildings which the Inguas made in temples, fortresses, ways, country houses, and such like, were many in number, and of an excessive labour, as doth appear at this day by their ruins and remainders, both in Cusco, Tyaguanaco, Tambo, and other places, where there are stones of an unmeasurable greatness: so as men cannot conceive how they were cut, brought, and set in their places. There came great numbers of people from all Provinces, to work in these buildings and fortresses, which the Ingua caused to be made in Cusco, or other parts of the Realm. As these works were strange, and to amaze the beholders, wherein they used no mortar nor cement, neither any iron, or steel, to cut, and set the stones in work. They had no engines or other instruments to carry them, and yet were they so artificially wrought, that in many places they could not see the joints: and many of these stones are so big, that it were an incredible thing, if one should not see them. At Tiaguanaco, I did measure a stone of thirty eight foot long, of eighteen broad, and six thick. And in the wall of the fortress of Cusco, which is of Moallon, there are stones of a geater bigness. And that which is most strange, these stones being not cut nor squared to join, but chose, very unequal one with another in form and greatness, yet did they join them together without cement, after an incredible manner. All this was done by the force of men, who endured their labour with an invincible patience. For to join one stone with an other, they were forced to handle and try many of them often, being uneven. The Ingua appointed every year what numbers of people should labour in these stones and buildings, and the Indians made a division amongst them, as of other things, so as no man was oppressed. Although these buildings were great, yet were they commonly ill appointed and unfit, almost like to the Mosquites or buildings of the Barbarians.  
They could make no arches in their edifices, no● mortar or cement to build them withal: when they saw arches of wood built upon the river of Xaura, the bridge being finished, and the wood broken down, they all began to run away, supposing that the bridge which was of stone should presently fall; but when they found it to stand firm, and that the Spaniards went on it, the Cacique said to his companions; It is reason we should serve these men, who in truth seem to be the children of the Sun. The bridges they made were of reeds plaited, which they tied to the banks with great stakes, for that they could not make any bridges ofstone or wood. The bridge which is at this day upon the current of the great lake Chiquitto in Collao is admirable, for the course of that water is so deep, as they can not settle any foundation, and so broad, that it is impossible to make an arch to pass it: so as it was altogether impossible to make a bridge either of wood or stone. But the wit and industry of the Indians invented a means to make a firm and assured bridge, being only of straw, which seemeth fabulous, yet is it very true: For as we have said before, they did bind together certain bundles of reeds, and weeds, which do grow in the lake that they call Torora, and being a light matter that sinks not in the water, they cast it upon a great quantity of reeds, then having tied those bundles of weeds to either side of the river, both men and beasts go over it with ease: passing over this bridge I have wondered, that of so common and easy a thing, they had made a bridge, better, and more assured than the bridge of boats from Sevill to Triane. I have measured the length of this bridge, and as I remember, it was above three hundred foot; and they say that the depth of this current is very great: and it seems above, that the water hath no motion, yet they say, that at the bottom it hath a violent and very furious course. And this shall suffice for buildings.   

Of the Inguas revenues, and the order of Tributes they imposed upon the Indians. CHAP. 15.  
THe Inguas riches was incomparable, for although no king did inherit the riches and treasure of his predecessor, yet had he at command, all the riches of his realms, aswell silver and gold, as the stuff of Cumbi, and cattle, wherein they abounded, and their greatest riches of all, was their innumerable number of vassals, which were all employed as it pleased the King. They brought out of every province what he had chosen for tribute. The Chicas sent him sweet and rich woods; the Lucanas sent Brancars to carry his Litter; The Chumbilbicas, dancers; and so the other provinces sent him what they had of abundance, besides their general tribute, whereunto every one contributed. The Indians that were noted to that end, laboured in the mines of gold and silver, which did abound in Peru, whom the Ingua entertained with all they needed for their expenses: and whatsoever they drew of gold and silver, was for him. By this means there were so great treasures in this kingdom, as it is the opinion of many, that what fell in the hands of the Spaniards, (although it were very much) as we know) was it not the tenth part of that which they hid and buried in the ground, the which they could never discover, notwithstanding all the search covetousness had taught them. But the greatest wealth of these barbarous people, was, that their vassals were all slaves, whose labour they used at their pleasure: and that which is admirable, they employed them in such sort, as it was no servitude unto them, but rather a pleasing life. But to understand the order of tributes which the Indians paid unto their Lords, you must know, that when the Ingua conquered any cities, he divided all the land into three parts, the first was, for religion and ceremonies, so as the Pachayachaqui, which is the Creator, and the Sun, the Chuquilla, which is the Thunder, the Pachamana, and the dead, and other Guacas and sanctuaries, had every one their proper lands, the fruits whereof were spoiled and consumed in sacrifices, and in the nourishing of ministers and priests; for there were Indians appointed for every Guaca, and sanctuary, and the greatest part of this revenue was spent in Cusco, where was the universal and general sanctuary, and the rest in that city, where it was gathered: for that after the imitation of Cusco, there were in every City, Guacas, and Oratories of the same order, and with the same functions, which were served after the same manner and ceremonies to that of Cusco, which is an admirable thing, and they have found it by proof in above a hundred towns, some of them distant above two hundred leagues from Cusco. That which they sowed or reaped upon their land, was put into houses, as greniers, or storehouses, built for that effect, and this was a great part of the Tribute which the Indians paid. I can not say how much this part amounted unto, for that it was greater in some parts than in other, and in some places it was in a manner all: and this part was the first they put to profit. The second part of these lands and inheritances was for the jugua, wherewith he and his household were entertained, with his kinsfolks, noblemen, garrisons and soldiers. And therefore it was the greatest portion of these tributes, as it appeareth by the quantity of gold, silver, and other tributes, which were in houses appointed for that purpose, being longer and larger than those where they keep the revenues of the Guacas. They brought this tribute very carefully to Cusco, or unto such places where it was needful for the soldiers, and when there was store, that kept it ten or twelve years, until a time of necessity. The Indians tilled and put to profit the Inguas lands, next to those of the Guacas; during which time they lived and were nourished at the charges of the Ingua, of the Sun, or of the Guacas, according to the land they laboured. But the old men, women, and sick folks were reserved and exempt from this tribute, and although whatsoever they gathered upon those lands were for the Ingua, the Sun, or the Guac●s, yet the property appertained unto the Indians and their successors. The third part of these lands were given by the Ingua for the commonalty, and they have not yet discovered, whether this portion were greater, or less, than that of the Ingua or Guacas. It is most certain they had a care and regard, it might be sufficient for the nourishment of the people. No particular man possessed any thing proper to himself of this third portion, neither did the Indians ever possess any, if it were not by special grace from the Ingua: & yet might it not be engaged nor divided amongst his heirs. They every year divided these lands of the commonalty, in giving to every one, that which was needful for the nourishment of their persons and families. And as the family increased or diminished, so did they increase or decrease his portion, for there were measures appointed for every person. The Indians paid no tribute of that which was apportioned unto them: For all their tribute was to till and keep in good order the lands of the Ingua, and the Guacas, and to lay the fruits thereof in their storehouses. When the year was barren, they gave of these fruits thus reserved to the needy, for that there is always superaboundance. The Ingua did likewise make destribution of the cattle as of the lands, which was to number and divide them; then to appoint the pastures and limits, for the cattle belonging to the Guacas, and to the Ingua, and to every Town: and therefore one portion of their revenues was for religion, another for the Ingua, & the third for the Indians themselves. The like order was observed among the hunters, being forbidden to take or kill any females. The troops of the Inguas and Guacas, were in great numbers and very fruitful; for this cause they called them Capaëllama, but those of the common and public, were few in number and of small value, and therefore they called them Bacchallama. The Ingua took great care for the preservation of cattle, for that it hath been, and is yet, all the wealth of the Country, and as it is said, they did neither sacrifice any females, nor kill them, neither did they take them when they hunted. If the mangy or the scurvy which they call Carache take any beast, they were presently commanded to bury it quick, lest it should infect others. They did shear their cattle in their season, and distributed to every one to spin and wove stuffs for the service of his family. They had searchers to examine if they did employ themselves in these works, and to punish the negligent. They made stuffs of the wool of the Inguas cattle, for him and for his family, one sort very fine, which they called Cumbi, and another grosser, which they likewise called Abasca. There was no certain number of these stuffs and garments appointed, but what was delivered to every one. The wool that remained was put into the storehouses, whereof the Spaniards found them full, and with all other things necessary for the life of man. There are few men of judgement but do admire at so excellent and well settled a government, seeing the Indians (being neither religious, nor christians) maintained after their manner, this perfection, nor to hold any thing proper, and to provide for all their necessities, entertaining with such abundance matters of religion, and that which concerned their King and Lord.   

Of arts and offices which the Indians did exercise. CHAP. 16.  
THe Indians of Peru had one perfection, which was, to teach their young children all arts and occupations necessary for the life of man; for that there were no particular tradesmen, as amongst us, tailors, shoemakers, weavers, and the rest, but every one learned what was needful for their persons and houses, and provided for themselves. All could wove and make their garments, and therefore the Ingua furnishing them with wool, gave them clothes. Every man could till the ground, and put it to profit, without hiring of any labourers. All built their own houses, and the women understood most, they were not bred up in delights, but served their husbands carefully. Other arts and trades which were not ordinary and common for the life of man, had their proper companies and workmen, as goldsmiths, painters, potters, watermen, and players of instruments. There were also weavers and workmen for exquisite works, which the noblemen used: but the common people, as hath been said, had in their houses all things necessary, having no need to buy. This continues to this day, so as they have no need one of another for things necessary: touching his person and family, as shoes and garments, and for their house, to sow and reap, and to make iron works, and necessary instruments; the Indians herein do imitate the institutions of the less ancient, whereof is entreated in the life of the Fathers. In truth it is a people not greatly covetous, nor curious, so as they are contented to pass their time quietly, and without doubt, if they made choice of this manner of life, by election, and not by custom or nature, we may say that it was a life of great perfection, being apt to receive the doctrine of the holy Gospel, so contrary an enemy to pride, covetousness and delights. But the preachers give not always good example, according to the doctrine they preach to the Indians. It is worthy observation, although the Indians be simple in their manner and habits, yet do we see great diversity amongst the provinces, especially in the attire of their head, for in some places they carried a long piece of cloth which went often about, in some places a large piece of cloth, which went but once about, in some parts as it were little mortars or hats, in some others as it were high and round bonnets, & some like the bottom of sacks, with a thousand other differences. They had a strait and inviolable law, that no man might change the fashion of the garments of his province, although he went to live in another. This the Ingua held to be of great importance for the order and good government of his realm, and they do observe it to this day, though not with so great a care as they were accustomed.   

Of the Posts and Chasquis the Indians did use. CHAP. 17.  
THere were many Posts and couriers which the Ingua maintained throughout his realm, whom they called Chasquis, and they carried commandments to the Governors, and returned their advices and advertisements to the Court. These Chasquis were placed at every course, which was a league and a half one fro an other in two small houses, where were four Indians of every country, and they were changed monthly. Having received the packet or message, they ran with all their force until they had delivered it to the other Chasquis, such as were to run, being ready and watchful. They ran fifty leagues in a day and night, although the greatest part of that country be very rough. They served also to carry such things as the Ingua desired to have with speed. Therefore they had always sea-fish in Cusco, of two days old or little more, although it were above a hundred leagues off. Since the Spaniards entered, they have used of these Chasquis, in time of seditions whereof there was great need. Don Martin the viceroy appointed ordinary posts at every four leagues, to carry and recarry dispatches, which were very necessary in this realm, though they run not so swiftly as the ancients did, neither are there so many, yet they are well paid, and serve as the ordinaries of Spain, to whom they give letters which they carry four or five leagues.   

Of the justice, laws, and punishments which the Inguas have established, and of their marriages. CHAP. 18.  
EVen as such as had done any good service in war, or in the government of the commonweal were honoured and recompensed with public charges, with lands given them in proper, with arms and titles of honour, and in marrying wives of the Inguas lineage: Even so they gave severe punishments to such as were disobedient and offenders. They punished murder, these and adultery, with death, and such as committed incest with ascendants or descendants in direct line, were likewise punished with death. But they held it no adultery to have many wives or concubines, neither were the women subject to the punishment of death, being found with any other, but only she that was the true and lawful wife, with whom they contracted marriage; for they had but one whom they did wed and receive with a particular solemnity and ceremony, which was in this manner: the bridegroom went to the bride's house, and led her from thence with him, having first put an Ottoya upon her foot. They call the shoe which they use in those parts Ottoya, being open like to the Franciscan Friars. If the bride were a maid, her Ottoya was of wool, but if she were not, it was of reeds. All his other wives and concubines did honour and serve this as the lawful wife, who alone after the decease of her husband carried a mourning weed of black, for the space of a year; neither did she marry until that time were passed; and commonly she was younger than her husband. The Ingua himself with his own hand gave this woman to his Governors and captains: and the Governors or Caciques, assembled all the youngmen and maids, in one place of the City, where they gave to every one his wife with the aforesaid ceremony, in putting on the Ottoya, and in this manner they contracted their marriages. If this woman were found with any other than her husband, she was punished with death, and the adulterer likewise: and although the husband pardoned them, yet were they punished, although dispensed withal from death. They inflicted the like punishment on him that did committedst with his mother, grandmother, daughter, or grandchild▪ for it was not prohibited for them to ma●●● together, or to have of their other kinsfolks for concubines; only the first degree was defended, neither did they allow the brother to have the company of his sister, wherein they of Peru were very much deceived, believing that their Inguas and noble men might lawfully contract marriage with their sisters, yea by father and mother: for in truth it hath been always held unlawful among the Indians, & defended to contract in the first degree; which continued until the time of Topa Ingua Yupangui father to Guaynacapa, and grandfather to Atahualpa, at such time as the Spaniards entered Peru, for that Topa Ingua Yupangui, was the first that broke this custom, marrying with Mamaoello, his sister by the father's side, decreeing that the Inguas might marry with their sisters by the father's side, & no other.  
This he did, and by that marriage he had Guaynacapa, and a daughter called Coya Cussillimay: finding himself at the point of death, he commanded his children by father and mother to marry together, and gave permission to the noble men of his country, to marry with their sisters by the father's side. And for that this marriage was unlawful, and against the law of nature, God would bring to an end this kingdom of the I●guas, during the reign of Guascar Ingua, and Atalmalpa Ingua, which was the fruit that sprang from this marriage. Whoso will more exactly understand the manner of marriages among the Indians of Peru, let him read the Treatise Polo hath written, at the request of Don jeronimo Loaisa Archbishop of Kings: which P●●● made a very curious search, as he hath done of di●ers other things at the Indies. The which imports much to be known to avoid the error and inconveniences whereinto many fall (which know not which is the lawful wife or the concubine among the Indians) causing the Indian that is baptised to marry with his concubine, leaving the lawful wife: thereby also we may see the small reason some have had, that pretended to say, that we ought to ratify the marriage of those that were baptised, although they were brother and sister. The contrary hath been determined by the provincial Synod of Lyma, with much reason, seeing among the Indians themselves this kind of marriage is unlawful.   

Of the Original of the Inguas Lords of Peru, with their Conquests and Victories. CHAP. 19  
BY the commandment of Don Philip the Catholic King, they have made the most diligent and exact search that could be, of the beginning, customs, and privileges of the Inguas, the which was not so perfectly done as was desired: for that the Indians had no written records: yet they have recovered that which I shall write, by means of their Quippos and registers. First there was not in Peru in old time, any King or Lord to whom all obeyed, but they were commonalties, as at this day there be in the realm of Chille, and in a manner, in all the Provinces which the Spaniards have conquered in those western Indies, except the realm of Mexico. You must therefore understand, that they have found three manner of governments at the Indies. The first and best, was a Monarchy, as that of the Inguas, and of Moteçuma, although for the most part they were tyrannous. The second was of Commonalties, where they were governed by the advice and authority of many, which are as it were Counsellors. These in time of war, made choice of a Captain, to whom a whole Nation or Province did obey, and in time of peace, every Town or Commonalty did rule and govern themselves, having some chief men whom the vulgar did respect, and sometimes, (though not often,) some of them assemble together about matters of importance, to consult what they should think necessary. The third kind of government, is altogether barbarous, composed of Indians without law, without King, and without any certain place of abode, but go in troops like savage beasts. As far as I can conceive, the first inhabitants of the Indies, were of this kind, as at this day a great part of the Bresillians, Chiraguanas, Chunchos, Ysoycingas Pilcocones, and the greatest part of the Floridians', & all the Chichimaquas in new Spain. Of this kind the other sort of government by Commonalties was framed, by the industry and wisdom of some amongst them, in which there is some more order, holding a more stayed place, as at this day those of Auracano, and of Te●●pell in Chille, and in the new kingdom of Grenado, the Moscas, and the Ottomittes in new Spain: and in all these there is less fierceness and incivility, and much more quiet than in the rest. Of this kind, by the valour and knowledge of some excellent men, grew the other government more mighty and potent, which did institute a Kingdom and Monarchy. It appears by their registers, that their government hath continued above three hundred years, but not fully four, although their Signiory for a long time, was not above five or 〈◊〉 leagues compass about the City of Cusco: their original and beginning was in the valley of Cusco, where by little & little they conquered the lands which we call Peru, passing beyond Quitto, unto the river of Pasto towards the North, stretching even unto Chille, towards the South, which is almost a thousand leagues in length. It extended in breadth unto the South sea towards the West, and unto the great champains which are on the other side of the Andes, where at this day is to be scene the Castle which is called the Pucara of the Ingua, the which is a fortress built for the defence of the frontier towards the East. The Inguas advanced no farther on that side, for the abundance of water, marshes, lakes, and rivers, which run in those parts. These Inguas passed all the other Nations of Amarica, in policy and government, and much more in valour and arms, although the Canaries which were their mortal enemies, and favoured the Spaniards, would never confess it, nor yield them this advantage: so as even at this day, if they fall into any discourse or comparisons, and that they be a little chased and incensed, they kill one another by thousands upon this quarrel, which are the most valiant, as it hath happened in Cusco. The practice and means which the Inguas had to make themselves Lords of all this Country, was in feigning that since the general deluge, (whereof all the Indians have knowledge,) the world had been preserved, restored, and peopled by these Inguas, and that seven of them came forth of the cave of Pacaricambo, by reason whereof, all other men ought them tribute and vassalage, as their progenitors. Besides they said and affirmed, that they alone held the true religion, and knew how God should be served and honoured: and for this cause they should instruct all men. It is a strange thing, the ground they give to their customs and ceremonies. There were in Cusco above four hundred Oratories, as in a holy land, and all places were filled with their mysteries: As they continued in the conquests of Provinces, so they brought in the like ceremonies and customs. In all this realm the chief idols they did worship, were Viracocha, Pach●yac●achic, which signifies the Creator of the world, and after him, the Sun. And therefore they said, that the Sun received his virtue and being from the Creator, as the other idols do, and that they were intercessors to him.   

Of the first Ingua, and his Successors. CHAP. 20.  
THe first man which the Indians report to be the beginning and first of the Inguas, was Mangocapa, whom they imagine, after the deluge, to have issued forth of the cave of Tambo, which is from Cusco about five or six leagues. They say that he gave beginning to two principal races or families of the Inguas, the one was called Hanancusco, and the other Vrincusco: of the first came the Lords which subdued and governed this Province, and the first whom they make the head and steam of this family, was called Ingaroca, who founded a family or Aillo, as they call them, named Viçaquiquirao. This although he were no great Lord, was served notwithstanding in vessel of gold and silver. And dying, he appointed that all his treasure should be employed for the service of his body, and for the feeding of his family. His successor did the like: and this grew to a general custom, as I have said, that no Ingua might inherit the goods and house of his predecessor, but did build a new palace. In the time of this Inguar●ca, the Indians had images of gold; and to him succeeded Yaguarguaque, a very old man: they say, he was called by this name, which signifies tears of blood, for that being once vanquished and taken by his enemies, for grief and sorrow he wept blood. He was buried in a village called Paullo, which is upon the way to Omasugo: he founded a family called Aocuillidanaca. To him succeeded his son Viracocha Ingua, who was very rich, and made much vessel of gold and silver: he founded the lineage or family of C●copanaca. GonZales PiZarre sought out his body, for the report of the great treasure was buried with him, who after he had cruelly tormented many Indians, in the end he found it in Xaquixaquana, whereas they said PiZarrewas afterwards vanquished, taken, and executed by the Precedent Guasca. Gonsales Pizarre, caused the body of Viracocha Ingua to be burnt; the Indians did afterwards take the ashes, the which they preserved in a small vessel, making great sacrifices thereunto, until polo did reform it, and other idolatries which they committed upon the bodies of their other Inguas, the which he suppressed with an admirable diligence and dexterity, drawing these bodies out of their hands, being whole, and much embalm, whereby he extinguished a great number of idolatries which they committed. The Indians took it ill, that the Ingua did entitle himself Viracocha, which is the name of their God: and he to excuse himself, gave them to understand, that the same Viracocha appeared to him in his dream, commanding him to take this name. To him succeeded Pachacuti Ingua Yupangui, who was a very valiant conqueror, a great Politician, and an inventor of a great part of the traditions and superstitions of their idolatry, as I will presently show.   

Of Pachacuti Ingua, Yupangui, and what happened in his time unto Guaynacapa. CHAP. 21.  
PAchacuti Ingua Yupangui, reigned seventy years, and conquered many Countries. The beginning of his conquests, was by means of his eldest brother, who having held the government in his father's time, and made war by his consent, was overthrown in a battle against the Changuas, a Nation which inhabits the valley of Andaguayllas', thirty or forty leagues from Cusco, upon the way to Lima. This elder brother thus defeated, retired himself with few men. The which Ingua Yupangui, his younger brother seeing, devised and gave forth, that being one day alone and melancholy, Viracocha the Creator spoke to him, complaining, that though he were universal Lord and Creator of all things, and that he had made the heaven, the Sun, the world, and men, and that all was under his command, yet did they not yield him the obedience they ought, but chose did equally honour and worship the Sun, Thunder, Earth, and other things, which had no virtue but what he imparted unto them: giving him to understand, that in heaven where he was, they called him Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth universal Creator; and to the end the Indians might believe it to be true, he doubted not although he were alone, to false men under this title, which should give him victory against the Changuas, although they were then victorious, and in great numbers; and make himself Lord of those realms, for that he would send him men to his aid invisibly, whereby he prevailed in such sort, that under this colour and conceit, he began to assemble a great number of people, whereof he made a mighty army, with the which he obtained the victory, making himself Lord of the whole Realm, taking the government from his father and brother. Then afterwards he conquered and overthrew the Changuas, and from that time commanded that Viracocha should be held for universal Lord, and that the images of the Sun and Thunder, should do him reverence and honour: And from that time they began to set the image of Viracocha above that of the Sun and Thunder, and the rest of the Guacas. And although this Ingua Yupangui had given farms, lands, and cattle to the Sun, Thunder, and other Guacas, yet did he not dedicate any thing to Viracocha, saying, that he had no need, being universal Lord and Creator of all things. He informed his soldiers after this absolute victory of the Changuas, that it was not they alone that had conquered them, but certain bearded men, whom Viracocha had sent him, and that no man might see them but himself, which were since converted into stones; it was therefore necessary to seek them out, whom he would know well. By this means he gathered together a multitude of stones in the mountains, whereof he made choice, placing them for Guacas, or Idols they worshipped and sacrificed unto; they called them P●ruraucas, and carried them to the war with great devotion, believing for certain, that they had gotten the victory by their help. The imagination and fiction of this Ingua was of such force, that by the means thereof he obtained goodly victories: He founded the family called Yuacapanaca, and made a great image of gold, which he called Indijllapa, which he placed in a brancard of gold, very rich, and of great price, of the which gold the Indians took great store to carry to Xaxamalca, for the liberty and ransom of Atahulpa, when the Marquis Francis PiZarre held him prisoner. The Licentiate Polo found in his house in Cusco, his servants and Mamacomas, which did service to his memory, and found that the body had been transported from Patallacta to Totocache, where the Spaniards have since founded the parish of Saint Blaise. This body was so whole and preserved with a certain rosin, that it seemed alive, he had his eyes made of a fine cloth of gold, so artificially set, as they seemed very natural eyes, he had a blow with a stone on the head, which he had received in the wars, he was all grey and hairy, having lost no more hair than if he had died but the same day, although it were seventy and eight years since his decease. The foresaid Polo sent this body with some others of the Inguas, to the city of Lima, by the viceroys command which was the Marquis of Canette, and the which was very necessary to root out the idolatry of Cusco. Many Spaniards have seen this body with others in the hospital of Saint Andrew, which the Marquis built, but they were much decayed. Don Philip Caritopa, who was grandchild or great grandchild to this Ingua, affirmed that the treasure he left to his family was great, which should be in the power of the Yanaconas, Amaro, Toto, and others. To this Ingua succeeded Topaingua Yupangui, to whom his son of the same name succeeded, who founded the family called Cupac Aillo.   

Of the greatest and most famous Ingua called Guaynacapa. CHAP. 22.  
TO this latter Ingua succeeded Guaynacapa, which is to say, a young man, rich and valiant, and so was he in truth more than any of his predecessors, or successors. He was very wise, planting good orders throughout his whole realm, he was a bold and resolute man, valiant, and very happy in war. He therefore obtained great victories, and extended his dominions much farther than all his predecessors had done before him; he died in the realm of Quitto, the which he had conquered, four hundred leagues distant from his court. The Indians opened him after his decease, leaving his heart and entrails in Quitto, the body was carried to Cusco, the which was placed in the renowned temple of the Sun. We see yet to this day many cawseys, buildings, fortresses, and notable works of this king: he founded the family of Teme Bamba. This Guaynacapa was worshipped of his subjects for a god, being yet alive, as the old men affirm, which was not done to any of his predecèssours. When he died, they slew a thousand persons of his household, to serve him in the other life, all which died willingly for his service, insomuch that many of them offered themselves to death, besides such as were appointed: his riches and treasure was admirable. And forasmuch as the Spaniards entered soon after his death, the Indians laboured much to conceal all, although a great part thereof was carried to Xaxamalca, for the ransom of Atahulpa his son. Some worthy of credit affirm that he had above three hundred sons and grandchildren in Cusco. His mother called Mamaoella was much esteemed amongst them. Polo sent her body with that of Guaynacapa very well embalm to Lima, rooting out infinite idolatries. To Guaynacapa succeeded in Cusco a son of his called Titocussigualpa, who since was called Guaspar Ingua, his body was burned by the captains of Atahulpa, who was likewise son to Guaynacapa, and rebelled in Quitto against his brother, marching against him with a mighty army. It happened that Quisquits and Chilicuchi captains to Atahulpa, took Guaspar Ingua in the city of Cusco, being received for Lord and king (for that he was the lawful successor) which caused great sorrow throughout all his kingdom, especially in his Court. And as always in their necessities they had recourse to sacrifices, finding themselves unable to set their Lord at liberty, as well for the great power the captains had that took him, as also, for the great army that came with Atahulpa, they resolved (some say by the commandment of this Ingua) to make a great and solemn sacrifice to Viracocha Pachayachachic, which signifieth universal Creator, desiring him, that since they could not deliver their Lord, he would send men from heaven to deliver him from prison. And as they were in this great hope, upon their sacrifice, news came to them, that a certain people come by sea, was landed, and had taken Atahulpa prisoner. Hereupon they called the Spaniards Viracochas, believing they were men sent from God, as well for the small number they were to take Atahulpa in Xaxamalca, as also, for that it chanced after their sacrifice done to Viracocha, and thereby they began to call the Spaniards Viracochas, as they do at this day. And in truth, if we had given them good example, and such as we ought, these Indians had well applied it, in saying they were men sent from God. It is a thing very well worthy of consideration, how the greatness and providence of God, disposed of the entry of our men at Peru, which had been impossible, were not the dissension of the two brethren and their partisans, and the great opinion they had of christians, as of men sent from heaven, bound (by the taking of the Indians country) to labour to win souls unto Almighty God.   

Of the last Successors Inguas. CHAP. 23.  
THe rest of this subject is handled at large by the Spanish Writers in the histories of the Indies, and for that it is not my purpose, I will speak only of the succession of the Inguas. Atahulpa being dead in Xaxamalca, and Guascar in Cusco, and Francis Pizarre with his people having seized on the realm, Mangocapa son to Guaynacapa besieged them in Cusco very straightly: but in the end he abandoned the whole Country, and retired himself to Vilca Bamba, where he kept himself in the mountains, by reason of the rough and difficult access, and there the successors Inguas remained, until Amaro, who was taken and executed in the market place of Cusco, to the Indians incredible grief and sorrow, seeing justice done upon him publicly whom they held for their Lord. After which time, they imprisoned others of the lineage of these Inguas. I have known Don Charles grandchild to Guaynacapa, and son to Polo, who was baptised, and always favoured the Spaniards against Mangocapa his brother, when the Marquis of Canette governed in this Country, Sarritopaingua, went from Vilcabamba, and came upon assurance to the city of Kings, where there was given to him the valley of Yucay, and other things, to whom succeeded a daughter of his. Behold the succession which is known at this day of that great and rich family of the Inguas, whose reign continued above three hundred years, wherein they reckon eleven successors, until it was wholly extinguished. In the other lineage of Vrincusco, which (as we have said before) had his beginning likewise from the first Mangocapa, they reckon eight successors in this sort: To Mangocapa succeeded Cinchoraca, to him Capac Yupangui, to him Lluqui Yupangui, to him Maytacapaest Tarcogumam, unto whom succeeded his son, whom they name not, to this son succeeded Don jean Tambo, Maytapanaça. This sufficeth for the original and succession of the Inguas, that governed the land of Peru, with that that I have spoken of their laws Government, and manner of life.   

Of the manner of the Mexicaines' commonweal. CHAP. 24.  
ALthough you may see by the history which shallbe written of the kingdom, succession, & beginning of the Mexicaines', their manner of commonweal and government, yet will I speak briefly what I shall think fit in general to be most observed: Whereof I will discourse more amply in the history. The first point whereby we may judge the Mexicaine government to be very politic, is the order they had and kept inviolable in the election of their king: for since their first, called Acamapach, unto their last, which was Moteçuma, the second of that name, there came none to the crown by right of succession, but by a lawful nomination and election. This election in the beginning was by the voice of the commons, although the chief men managed it. Since in the time of Iscoalt the fourth king, by the advice and order of a wise and valiant man, called Tlacael, there were four certain electors appointed, which (with two lords or kings subject to the Mexicaine, the one of Tescuco, and the other of Tucuba) had power to make this election. They did commonly choose yoongmen for their kings, because they went always to the wars, and this was in a manner the chief cause why they desired them so. They had a special regard that they should be fit for the wars, and take delight and glory therein. After the election they made two kinds of feasts, the one in taking possession of the royal estate, for the which they went to the Temple, making great ceremonies and sacrifices upon the hearth, called Divine, where there was a continual fire before the Altar of the idol, and after some Rhethoritians practised therein, made many Orations and Speeches. The other feast, and the most solemn, was at his coronation, for the which he must first overcome in battle, and bring a certain number of captives, which they must sacrifice to their gods; he entered in triumph with great pomp, making him a solemn reception, aswell they of the Temple, who went all in procession, sounding on sundry sorts of instruments, giving incense, and singing like Secular men, as also the Courtiers, who came forth with their devises to receive the victorious king. The Crown or royal ensign was before like to a Mitre, and behind it was cut, so as it was not round, for the fore part was higher, and did rise like a point. The king of Tescuco had the privilege to crown the king of Mexico. The Mexicaines' have been very dutiful and loyal unto their kings: and, it hath not been known that they have practised any treason against them; only their Histories report, that they sought to poison their king called Ticocic, being a coward, and of small account: but it is not found that there hath been any dissensions or partialities amongst them for ambition, though it be an ordinary thing in Commonalties: but chose they report, as you shall see hereafter, that a man, the best of the Mexicaines', refused this realm, seeming unto him to be very expedient for the Commonweal to have an other king. In the beginning when the Mexicaines' were but poor and weak, the kings were very moderate in their expenses and in their Court, but as they increased in power, they increased likewise in pomp and state, until they came to the greatness of Moteçuma, who if he had had no other thing but his house of beasts and birds, it had been a proud thing, the like whereof hath not been seen: for there was in this house all sorts of fish, birds of Xacamamas, and beasts, as in an other Noah's Ark, for sea fish, there were pools of salt-water, and for river fish, lakes of freshwater, birds that do prey were fed, and likewise wild beasts in great abundance: there were very many Indians employed for the keeping of these beasts: and when he found an impossibility to nourish any sort of fish, fowl, or wild beast, he caused the image or likeness to be made, richly cut in precious stones, silver, or gold, in marble, or in stone: and for all sorts of entertainments, he had his several houses and palaces, some of pleasure, others of sorrow and mourning, and others to treat of the affairs of the realm. There was in this palace many chambers, according to the quality of noble men that served him, with a strange order and distinction.   

Of the titles and dignities the Indians used. CHAP. 25.  
THe Mexicaines' have been very curious, to divide the degrees and dignities amongst the Noble men and Lords, that they might distinguish them to whom they were to give the greatest honour. The dignity of these four Electors was the greatest, and most honourable, next to the king, and they were chosen presently after the king's election. They were commonly brothers, or very near kinsmen to the king, and were called Tlacohecalcalt, which signifies prince of darts, the which they cast, being a kind of arms they use much. The next dignity to this, were those they do call Tlacatecati, which is to say, circumcisers or cutters of men. The third dignity were of those which they called EZuahuacalt, which signifies a sheader of blood. All the which Titles and Dignities were exercised by men of war. There was another a fourth entitled, Tlilancalqui, which is as much to say, as Lord of the black house, or of darkness, by reason of certain ink wherewith the Priests anointed themselves, and did serve in their idolatries. All these four dignities were of the great Counsel, without whose advice the king might not do any thing of importance: and the king being dead, they were to choose another in his place out of one of those four dignities. Besides these, there were other Counsels and Audiences, and some say there were as many as in Spain, and that there were diverse seats and jurisdictions, with their Counsellors and judges of the Court, and o●hers that were under them, as Corrigidors, chief judges, captains of justice, lieutenants, and others, which were yet inferior to these, with a very goodly order. All which depended on the four first Princes that assisted the king. These four only had authority and power to condemn to death, and the rest sent them instructions of the sentences they had given. By means whereof they gave the king to understand what had passed in his Realm.  
There was a good order and settled policy for the revenues of the Crown, for there were officers divided throughout all the provinces, as Receivers and Treasurers, which received the Tributes and royal revenues. And they carried the Tribute to the Court, at the least every month; which Tribute was of all things that do grow or engender on the land, or in the water, aswell of jewels and apparel, as of mear. They were very careful for the well ordering of that which concerned their religion, superstition, and idolatries: and for this occasion there were a great number of Ministers, to whom charge was given to teach the people the custom and ceremonies of their Law. Heereuppon one day a christian Priest made his complaint that the Indians were no good Christians, and did not profit in the law of God; an old Indian answered him very well to the purpose in these terms: Let the Priest (said he) employ as much care and diligence to make the Indians christians, as the ministers of Idols did to teach them their ceremonies; for with half that care they will make us the best christians in the world, for that the law of jesus Christ is much better; but the Indians learn it not, for want of men to instruct them. Wherein he spoke the very truth, to our great shame and confusion.   

How the Mexicaines' made War, and of their Orders of Knighthood CHAP. 26.  
THe Mexicaines' gave the first place of honour to the profession of arms, and therefore the Noblemen are their chief soldiers, and others that were not noble, by their valour and reputation gotten in wars, came to dignities and honours, so as they were held for noblemen. They gave goodly recompenses to such as had done valiantly, who enjoyed priviledge● that none else might have, the which did much encourage them. Their arms were of razors of sharp cutting flints, which they set on either side of a staff, which was so furious a weapon, as they affirmed that with one blow, they would cut off the neck of a horse. They had strange and heavy clubs, lances, fashioned like pikes, and other manner of darts to cast, wherein they were very expert; but the greatest part of their combat was performed with stones. For defensive arms they had little rondaches or targets, and some kind of morions or headpieces environed with feathers. They were clad in the skins of Tigers, Lions, and other savage beasts. They came presently to hands with the enemy, and were greatly practised to run and wrestle, for their chief manner of combat, was not so much to kill, as to take captives, the which they used in their sacrifices, as hath been said. Moteçuma set Knighthood in his highest splendour, ordaining certain military orders, as Commanders, with certain marks and ensigns. The most honourable amongst the Knights, were those that carried the Crown of their hair, tied with a little red ribbon, having a rich plume of feathers, from the which, did hang branches of feathers upon their shoulders, & rolls of the same. They carried so many of these rolls, as they had done worthy deeds in war. The King himself was of this order, as may be seen in Chapultepec, where Moteçuma and his sons were attired with those kinds of feathers, cut in the rock, the which is worthy the sight. There was another order of Knighthood, which they called the Lions and the Tigers, the which were commonly the most valiant and most noted in war, they went always with their marks and armouries. There were other Knights, as the grey Knights, the which were not so much respected as the rest: they had their hair cut round about the ear. They went to the war with marks like to the other Knights, yet they were not armed, but to the girdle, and the most honourable were armed all over. All Knights might carry gold and silver, and wear rich cotton, use painted and gilt vessel, and carry shoes after their manner: but the common people might use none but earthen vessel, neither might they carry shoes, nor attire themselves but in Nequen, the which is a gross stuff. Every order of these Knights had his lodging in the palace noted with their marks; the first was called the Prince's lodging, the second of Eagles, the third of Lions and Tigers, and the fourth of the grey Knights. The other common officers, were lodged underneath in meaner lodgings: if any one lodged out of his place, he suffered death.   

Of the great order and diligence the Mexicaines' used to instruct their youth. CHAP. 27.  
THere is nothing that gives me more cause to admire, nor that I find more worthy of commendations and memory, than the order and care the Mexicaines' had to nourish their youth: for they knew well, that all the good hope of a commonweal, consisted in the nurture and institution of youth, whereof Plato treats amply in his books De Legibus: and for this reason they laboured and took pains to sequester their children from delights and liberties, (which are the two plagues of this age,) employing them in honest and profitable exercises. For this cause there was in their Temples, a private house for children, as schools, or colleges, which was separate from that of the young men and maids of the Temple, whereof we have discoursed at largee. There were in these schools a great number of children, whom their fathers did willingly bring thither, and which had teachers and masters to instruct them in all commendable exercises, to be of good behaviour, to respect their superiors, to serve and obey them, giving them to this end, certain precepts and instructions. And to the end they might be pleasing to Noblemen, they taught them to sing and dance, and did practise them in the exercise of war; some to shoot an arrow, to cast a dart or a staff burnt at the end, and to handle well a target and a sword. They suffered them not to sleep much, to the end they might accustom themselves to labour in their youth, and were not men given to delights. Besides the ordinary number of these children, there were in the same colleges, other children of Lords and Noblemen, the which were instructed more privately. They brought them their meat and ordinary from their houses, and were recommended to ancients and old men to have care over them, who continually did advise them to be virtuous and to live chastely; to be sober in their diet, to fast, and to march gravely, and with measure. They were accustomed to exercise them to travel, and in laborious exercises: and when they see them instructed in all these things, they did carefully look into their inclination: if they found any one addicted to the war, being of sufficient years, they sought all occasions to make trial of them, sending them to the war, under colour to carry victuals and munition to the soldiers, to the end they might there see what passed, and the labour they suffered. And that they might abandon all fear, they were laden with heavy burdens, that showing their courage therein, they might more easily be admitted into the company of soldiers. By this means it happened, that many went laden to the Army, and returned Captains with marks of honour. Some of them were so desirous to be noted, as they were either taken, or slain: and they held it less honourable to remain a prisoner. And therefore they sought rather to be cut in pieces, then to fall captives into their enemy's hands. See how noblemen's children that were inclined to the wars were employed. The others that had their inclination to matters of the Temple; and to speak after our manner, to be Ecclesiastical men, having attained to sufficient years, they were drawn out of the college, and placed in the temple, in the lodging appointed for religious men, and then they gave them the orders of Ecclesiastical men. There had they prelate's and master's, to teach them that which concerned their profession, where they should remain being destined thereunto. These Mexicaines' took great care to bring up their children: if at this day they would follow this order, in building of houses and colleges for the instruction of youth, without doubt Christianity should flourish much amongst the Indians. Some godly persons have begun, and the King with his Counsel have favoured it: but for that it is a matter of no profit, they advance little, and proceed coldly. God open our eyes, that we may see it to our shame, seeing that we Christians do not that which the children of darkness did to their perdition, wherein we forget our duties.   

Of the Indians feasts and dances. CHAP. 28.  
FOrasmuch as it is a thing which partly depends of the good government of the Commonweal, to have some plays and recreations when time serves; it shall not be from the purpose, to relate what the Indians did herein, especially the Mexicaines'. We have not discovered any Nation at the Indies, that live in commonalties, which have not their recreations, in plays, dances, and exercises of pleasure. At Peru I have seen plays in manner of combats, where the men of both sides were sometimes so chafed, that often their Paella (which was the name of this exercise,) fell out to be dangerous. I have also seen diverse sorts of dances, wherein they did counterfeit and represent certain trades and offices, as shepherds, labourers, fishers, and hunters, and commonly they made all those dances, with a very grave sound and pace: there were other dances and masks, which they called Guacones, whose actions were pure representations of the devil. There were also men that dance on the shoulders one of another, as they do in Portugal, the which they call Paellas, The greatest part of these dances, were superstitions, and kinds of idolatries: for that they honoured their idols and Guacas in that manner. For this reason the Prelates have laboured to take from them these dances, all they could: but yet they suffer them, for that part of them are but sports of recreation, for always they dance after their manner. In these dances, they use sundry sorts of instruments, whereof, some are like flutes, or little Canons, others like drums, and others like cornets: but commonly they sing all with the voice, and first one or two sing the song, than all the rest answer them. Some of these songs were very wittily composed, containing histories, and others were full of superstitions, and some were mere follies. Our men that have conversed among them, have laboured to reduce matters of our holy faith to their tunes, the which hath profited well: for that they employ whole days to rehearse and sing them, for the great pleasure and content they take in their tunes. They have likewise put our compositions of music into their language, as Octaves, Songs, and Rondells, the which they have very aptly turned, and in truth it is a goodly and very necessary means to instruct the people. In Peru, they commonly called dances, Tagui, in other Provinces, Areittos, and in Mexico, Mittottes. There hath not been in any other place, any such curiosity of plays and dances, as in new Spain, where at this day we see Indians so excellent dancers, as it is admirable. Some dance upon a cord, some upon a long and strait stake, in a thousand sundry sorts, others with the soles of their feet and their hams, do handle, cast up and receive again a very heavy block, which seems incredible but in seeing it. They do make many other shows of their great agility, in leaping, vaulting, and tumbling, sometimes bearing a great and heavy burden, sometimes enduring blows able to break a bar of iron. But the most usual exercise of recreation among the Mexicaines' is the solemn Mittotte, and that is a kind of dance they held so brave and so honourable, that the king himself danced, but not ordinarily, as the king Don Pedro of Arragon with the Barber of Valencia. This dance or Mittotte was commonly made in the Courts of the Temple, and in those of the king's houses, which were more spacious. They did place in the midst of the Court two instruments, one like to a drum, and the other like a barrel made of one piece, and hollow within, which they set upon the form of a man, a beast, or upon a pillar.  
These two instruments were so well accorded together, that they made a good harmony: and with these instruments they made many kinds of Airs, & Songs. They did all sing and dance to the sound and measure of these instruments, with so goodly an order and accord, both of their feet and voices, as it was a pleasant thing to behold. In these dances they made two circles or wheels, the one was in the midst near to the instruments, wherein the Ancients and Noblemen did sing and dance with a soft and slow motion; and the other was of the rest of the people round about them, but a good distance from the first, wherein they danced two and two more lightly, making divers kinds of paces, with certain leaps to the measure. All which together made a very great circle. They attired themselves for these dances with their most precious apparel and jewels, every one according to his ability, holding it for a very honourable thing: for this cause they learned these dances from their infancy. And although the greatest part of them were done in honour of their Idols, yet was it not so instituted, as hath been said, but only as a recreation and pastime for the people. Therefore it is not convenient to take them quite from the Indians, but they must take good heed they mingle not their superstitions amongst them. I have seen this Mittotte, in the court of the Church of Topetzotlan, a village seven leagues from Mexico: and in my opinion, it was a good thing to busy the Indians upon festival days, seeing they have need of some recreation: and because it is public, and without the prejudice of any other, there is less inconvenience, than in others which may be done privately by themselves, if they took away these. We must therefore conclude, following the counsel of pope Gregory, that it was very convenient to leave unto the Indians, that which they have had usually of custom, so as they be not mingled nor corrupt with their ancient errors, & that their feasts and pastimes may be to the honour of God and of the Saints, whose feasts they celebrate. This may suffice in general of the manners and politic customs of the Mexicaines'. And as for their beginning, increase, and Empire, for that it is an ample matter, and will be pleasant to understand from the beginning, we will entreat thereof in the Book following.    

THE SEVENTH BOOK of the Natural and Moral History of the Indies.  

That it is profitable to understand the acts and geasts of the Indians, especially of the Mexicaines'. CHAP. 1.  
EVery History well written is profitable to the reader: For as the Wise man saith, That which hath been, is, 
Eccles. ●.  and that which shall be, is that which hath been: human things have much resemblance in themselves, and some grow wi●e by that which happeneth to others. There is no Nation, how barbarous soever, that have not something in them, good, and worthy of commendation; nor Commonweal so well ordered, that hath not something blameworthy, and to be ●●n●roll●d. If therefore there were no other fruit in the Historic and Narration of the deeds and gests of the Indians, but this common utility, to be a Relation or Histori● of things, the which in the effect of truth have happened, it deserveth to be received as a profitable thing, neither ought it to be rejected, for that it concerns the Indians. As we see that those Authors that treat of natural things, write not only of generous beasts, notable and rare plants, and of precious stones, but also of wild beasts, common herbs, and base and vulgar stones, for that there is always in them some properties worthy observation. If therefore there were nothing else in this Discourse, but that it is a History, and no fables nor fictions, it were no unwoorthy subject to be written, or read. There is yet an other more particular reason, which is, that we ought herein to esteem that which is worthy of memory, both for that it is a Nation little esteemed, and also a subject different from that of our Europe, as these Nations be, wherein we should take most pleasure and content, to understand the ground of their beginning, their manner of life, with their happy and unhappy adventures. And this subject is not only pleasant and agreeable, but also profitable, especially to such as have the charge to rule and govern them; for the knowledge of their acts invites us to give credit, and doth partly teach how they ought to be entreated: yea it takes away much of that common and foolish contempt wherein they of Europe hold them, supposing that those Nations have no feeling of reason. For in truth we can not clear this error better, than by the true report of the acts and deeds of this people. I will therefore as briefly as I can, entreat of the beginning, proceedings and notable deeds of the Mexicaines', whereby we may know the time and the disposition that the high God would choose, to send unto these Nations the light of the Gospel of jesus Christ his only son our Lord, whom I beseech to second our small labour, that it may be to the glory of his Divine greatness, and some profit to these people, to whom he hath imparted the law of his holy gospel.   

Of the ancient Inhabitants of New Spain, and how the Navatlacas came thither. CHAP. 2.  
THe ancient and first Inhabitants of those provinces, which we call New Spain, were men very barbarous and savage, which lived only by hunting, for this reason they were called Chichimecas. They did neither sow nor till the ground, neither lived they together; for all their exercise was to hunt, wherein they were very expert. They lived in the roughest parts of the mountains beastlike, without any policy, and they went all naked. They hunted wild beasts, hares, coneyes, weezles, moles, wild cats, and birds; yea unclean beasts, as snakes, lizards, locusts and worms, whereon they fed, with some herbs and roots. They slept in the mountains, in caves and in bushes, and the wives likewise went a hunting with their husbands, leaving their young children in a little panier of reeds, tied to the boughs of a tree, which desired not to suck ●ntill they were returned from hunting. They had no superiors, nor did acknowledge or worship any gods, neither had any manner of ceremonies or religion.  
There is yet to this day in New Spain of this kind of people, which live by their bows and arrows, the which are very hurtful, for that they gather together in troops to do mischief, and to rob: neither can the Spaniards by force or cunning reduce them to any policy or obedience: for having no towns nor places of residence, to sight with them, were properly to hunt after savage beasts, which scatter and hide themselves in the most rough and covered places of the mountains. Such is their manner of living eve● to this day, in many Provinces of the Indies. In the Books De procuranda Indiorum salute, they discourse chiefly of this sort of Indians, where it is said that they are to be constrained and subjecteth by some honest force, and that it is necessary first to teach them, that they are men, and then to be Christians. Some will say, that those in New Spain, which they call Ottomies, were of this sort, being commonly poor Indians, inhabiting a rough and barren land, and yet they are in good numbers, and live together with some order, and such as do know them, find them no less apt and capable of matters of christian religion, than others which are held to be more rich and better governed. Coming therefore to our subject, the Chichimecas and Ottomies which were the first inhabitants of New Spain, for that they did neither till nor sow the land, they left the best▪ and most fertile of the country unpeopled, which, Nations that came from far did possess, whom they called Navatalcas, for that it was a more civil and politic Nation; this word signifies a people that speaks well, in respect of other barbarous nations without reason. These s●cond peoplers Navatalcas, came from other ●arre countries, which lie toward the north, where now they have discovered a kingdom they call New Mexico.  
There are two provinces in this country, the one called AZtlan, which is to say a place of Herons: the other Tuculhuacan, which signifies a land of such, whose grandfathers were divine. The Inhabitants of these provinces have their houses, their lands tilled, gods, customs, and ceremonies, with like order and government to the Navatalcas, and are divided into seven Tribes or Nations: and for that they have a custom in this province, that every one of these lineages hath his place and private territory. The Navatalcas paint their beginning and first territory in figure of a cave, and say that they came forth of seven caves to come and people the land of Mexico, whereof they make mention in their History, where they paint seven caves and men coming forth of them. By the supputation of their books, it is above eight hundred years since these Navatalcas came forth of their country, reducing which to our account, was about the year of our Lord 720. when they left their country to come to Mexico, they stayed four score years upon the way; and the cause of this their long stay in their voyage, was, that their gods (which without doubt were devils, and spoke visibly unto them) had persuaded them to seek new lands that had certain signs. And therefore they came discovering the whole land, to search for these tokens which their Idols had given them; and in places where they found any good dwellings, they peopled it, and laboured the land, and as they discovered better countries, they left those which they had first peopled; leaving still some, especially the aged, sick folks, and the weary; yea they did plant and build there, whereof we see the remainders at this day. In the way where they passed, they spent fourscore years in this manner of leisurely travel, the which they might have done in a month. By this means they entered the land of Mexico, in the year nine hundred and two, after our computation.   

How the six Lineages of Navatlacas peopled the land of Mexico. CHAP. 3.  
THese seven Lineages I have spoken of, came not forth all together: the first were the Suchimilcos', which signify a Nation of the seeds of flowers. Those peopled the banks of the great lake of Mexico towards the South, and did build a city of their name, and many villages. Long time after came they of the second lineage called Chalcas, which signifies people of mouths, who also built a city of their name, dividing their limits and territories with the Suchimilcos'. The third were the Tepanecans, which signifies people of the bridge: they did inhabit upon the bank of the lake towards the West, and they increased so, as they called the chief and Metropolitan of their Province, AzcapuZalco, which is to say, an Aunt's nest, and they continued long time mighty. After them came those that peopled Tescuco, which be those of Culhua, which is to say, a crooked people: for that in their Country there was a mountain much bending. And in this sort this lake was environed with these four Nations, these inhabiting on the East, and the Tepanecas on the North. These of Tescuco, were held for great Courtiers, for their tongue and pronountiation is very sweet and pleasant. Then arrived the Tlalluicans, which signifies men of the Sierre or mountain. Those were the most rude and gross of all the rest, who finding all the plains about the lake possessed even unto the Sierre, they passed to the other side of the mountain, where they found a very fertile, spacious & warm country, where they built many great villages, calling the Metropolitan of their province Quahunachua, which is as much to say, as a place that sounds the voice of an Eagle, which our common people call by corruption, Quernavaca, and at this day they call this province, the Marquisate. Those of the sixth generation, which are the Tlascaltecans, which is to say, men of bread, passed the mountain towards the east, crossing all the Sierre, or mountain of Menade, where that famous Vulcan is betwixt Mexico and the city of Angels, where they did find a good country, making many buildings. They built many towns and cities, whereof the Metropolitan was called by their name Tlascala. This is the nation which favoured the Spaniards at their entry, by whos● help they did win this country, and therefore to this day they pay no tribute, but enjoy a general exemption. When all these Nations peopled these countries, the Chinchimecans being the ancient inhabitants, made no resistance, but fled, and as people amazed, they hid themselves in the most obscure of the rocks. But those that inhabited on th'other side of the mountain where the Tlascaltecans had planted themselves, did not suffer them in quiet, as the rest of the Chichimecans had done, but they put themselves in def●nce to preserve their country, and being giants as the Histories report, they sought to expel the last comers, but they were vanquished by the policy of the Tlascaltecans, who counterfeiting a peace with them, they invited them to a great banquet, and when they were busiest in their drunkenness, there were some laid in ambush, who secretly stole away their weapons, which were great clubs, targets, swords of wood, and other suc● arms. Then did they suddenly set upon them, and the Chichimecas seeking to defend themselves, they did want their arms, so as they fled to the mountains and forests adjoining, where they pulled down trees, as if they had been stalks of lettices. But in the end, the Tluscaltecans being armed, and marching in order, they defeated all the giants, not leaving one alive. We must not hold this of the giants to be strange, or a fable; for at this day we find dead men's bones of an incredible bigness.  
When I was in Mexico, in the year of our Lord, one thousand five hundred eighty six, they found one of those giants buried in one of our farms, which we call jesus du Mont, of whom they brought a tooth to be seen, which (without augmenting) was as big as the fist of a man, and according to this, all the rest was proportionable, which I saw and admired at his deformed greatness. The Tlascaltecans by this victory remained peaceable, and so did the rest of the lineages. These six lineages did always entertain amity together, marrying their children one with another, and dividing their limits quietly: then they studied with an emulation to increase and beautify their commonweal. The barbarous Chichimecans, seeing what passed, began to use some government, and to apparel themselves, being ashamed of what had passed: for till then they had no shame. And having abandoned fear by their communication with these other people, they began to learn many things of them, building small cottages, having some policy and government. They did also choose Lords, whom they did acknowledge for their superiors, by means whereof they did in a manner quite abandon this brutish life, yet did they always continue in the Mountains divided from the rest.  
Notwithstanding I hold it for certain, that this fear hath grown from other Nations and Provinces of the Indies, who at the first were savage men, who living only by hunting, piercing the rocky and rough countries, discovering a new world, the inhabitants whereof were almost like savage beasts, without cover or houses, without tilled lands, without cattle, without King, Law, God, or Reason. Since, others seeking better and new lands, inhabited this fertile Country, planting politic order, and a kind of commonweal, although it were very barbarous. After the same men, or other Nations, that had more understanding than the rest, laboured to subdue and oppress the less mighty, establishing Realms and great Empires. So it happened in Mexico, at Peru, and in some parts where they find Cities and Commonweals planted among these Barbarians. That which confirms me in my opinion, (whereof I have amply discoursed in the first book,) that the first inhabitants of the West Indies came by land, and so by consequence, that the first continent of the Indies, joins with that of Asia, Europe, and Afsrike, and the new world with the old, although they have not yet discovered any country that toucheth and joins with the other world; or if there be any sea betwixt the two, it is so narrow, that wild beasts may easily swim over, and men in small boats. But leaving this Philosophy, let us return to our history.   

Of the Mexicaines' departure, of their journey and peopling the Province of Mechovacan. CHA●. 4.  
THree hundred and two years after the former two lineages had left their Country, to inhabit new Spain, the Country being now well peopled, and reduced to some form of government. Those of the seventh cave or line arrived, which is the Mexicaine Nation, the which like unto the rest, left the Province of AZtlan, and Teuculhuacan, a politic, courtlike, and warlike Nation. They did worship the idol VitZliputZli, whereof ample mention hath been made, and the devil that was in this idol spoke, and governed this Nation easily. This idol commanded them to leave their Country, promising to make them Princes and Lords over all the Provinces which the other six Nations did possess, that he would give them a land abounding with gold, silver, precious stones, feathers, and rich mantels: whereupon they went forth, carrying their idol with them in a coffer of reeds, supported by four of their principal priests, with whom he did talk and reveal unto them in secret, the success of their way and voyage, advising them of what should happen. He likewise gave them laws, and taught them the customs, ceremonies, and sacrifices they should observe. They did not advance nor move without commandment from this idol. He gave them notice when to march, and when to stay in any place, wherein they wholly obeyed him. The first thing they did wheresoever they came, was to build a house or tabernacle for their false god, which they set always in the midst of their Camp, and there placed the Ark upon an altar, in the same manner as they have used in the holy Christian Church. This done, they sowed their land for bread and pulses, which they used: and they were so addicted to the obedience of their god, that if he commanded them to gather, they gathered, but if he commanded them to raise their camp, all was left there for the nourishment of the aged, sick, and weary, which they lest purposely from place to place, that they might people it, pretending by this means, that all the land should remain inhabited by their Nation. This going forth and peregrination of the Mexicaines', will happily seem like to that of Egypt, and to the way which the children of Israel made, seeing that they, as well as those, were warned to go forth, and to seek the land of promise, and both the one, and the other, carried their god for their guide, consulted with the ark, and made him a tabernacle, and he advised them, giving them laws and ceremonies, and both the one, and the other, spoke many years in their voyage to their promised land, where we observe the resemblance of many other things, as thehistories of the Mexicaines' do report, and the holy scripture testify of the Israelites. And without doubt it is a true thing, that the Devil the prince of pride, hath laboured by the superstitions of this Nation, to counterfeit & imitate that which the most high God did with this Nation: for as is said before, Satan hath a strange desire to compare and make himself equal with God: so as this mortal enemy hath pretended falsely to usurp what communication and familiarity he hath pleased with men. Was there ever devil found so familiarly conversant with men, as this devil VitzliputZli? We may well judge what he was, for that there was never seen nor heard speak of customs more superstitious, nor sacrifices more cruel and inhuman, than those which he taught them. To conclude, they were invented by the enemy of mankind. The chief and Captain whom they followed, was called Mexi, whence came the name of Mexico, & of the Mexicaine Nation. This people marching thus at leisure, as the other six Nations had done, peopling and tilling the land in diverse parts, whereof there is yet some shows & ruins: & after they had endured many travels and dangers, in the end they came to the Province of Mechovacan, which is as much to say, as a land of fish, for there is great abundance in goodly great lakes, where contenting themselves with the situation and temperature of the ground, they resolved to stay there. Yet having consulted with their idol upon this point, and finding him unwilling, they demanded licence to leave some of their men to people so good a land, the which he granted, teaching them the means how to do it, which was, that when the men and women should be entered into a goodly lake called Pascuaro, to bathe themselves, those which remained on land, should steal away all their clothes, and then secretly raise their camp, and depart without any bruit, the which was effected, and the rest which dreamt not of this deceit, (for the pleasure they took in bathing,) coming forth and finding themselves spoiled of their garments, and thus mocked and left by their companions, they remained discontented and vexed therewith: so as to make show of the hatred they had conceived against them, they say that they changed their manner of life and their language. At the least it is most certain, that the Me●hovacans have been always enemies to the Mexicaines', and therefore they came to congratulate the Marquis De Valle, after his victory obtained when he had conquered Mexico.   

Of that which happened in Malinalco, Tula, and in Chapultepec. CHAP. 5.  
FRom Mechovacan to Mexico, are above fifty leagues, and upon the way is Malinalco, where it happened, that complaining to their idol of a woman that was a notable witch, which came in their company carrying the name of their sister to their god, for that with her wicked arts she did them much harm, pretending by certain means to be worshipped of them as their goddess: the idol spoke in a dream to one of those old men that carried the ark, commanding him to comfort the people, making them new and great promises, and that they should leave this his sister with her family, being cruel and bad, raising their camp at midnight in great silence, leaving no show what way they passed. So they did, and the witch remaining alone with her family, in this sort peopled a town which they call Malinalco, the inhabitants whereof, are held for great sorcerers, being issued from such a mother. The Mexicaines' for that they were greatly diminished by these divisions, and by the number of sick & wearied persons, which they had left behind, meant to repair themselves, and to stay in a place called Tula, which signifies a place of reeds. There their idol commanded them to stop a great river, that it might cover a great plain, and by the means he taught them, they did environ a little hill called Coatepec, making a great lake, the which they did plant ●ound about with willows, elms, sapines and other trees. There began to breed much fish, and many birds came thither: so as it became a very pleasant place. The situation of this place, seeming pleasant unto them, and being wearied with travel, many talked of peopling there, and to pass no farther: wherewith the devil was much displeased, threatening the priests with death, commanding them to return the river to her course, saying that he would that night chastise those which had been disobedient as they had deserved. And as to do ill is proper to the Devil, and that the divine justice doth often suffer such to be delivered into the hands of such a tormentor, that choose him for their god; It chanced that about midnight they heard a great noise in one part of the camp, and in the morning going thither, they found those dead that had talked of staying there. The manner of their death, was, that their stomachs were opened, and their hearts pulled out. And by that means, this good god taught these poor miserable creatures, the kinds of sacrifices that pleased him, which was, in opening the stomach, to pull out the heart, as they have since practised in their horrible sacrifices. Seeing this punishment, and that the plain was dried, the lake being emptied, they asked counsel of their god what to do, who commanded them to pass on, the which they did by little and little, until they came to Chapultepec, a league from Mexico, famous for the pleasantness thereof. They did fortify themselves in these mountains, fearing the Nations which inhabited that Country, the which were opposite unto them, especially for that one named Copill, son to this sorceress, left in Malinalco, had blamed and spoken ill of the Mexicaines': for this Copill by the commandment of his mother, awhile after followed the Mexicaines' course, labouring to incense the Tapanecas, and other neighbours against them, even unto the Chalcas: so as they came with a strong army to destroy the Mexicaines'. Copill in the mean space stood upon a little hill in the midst of a lake called Acopilco, attending the destruction of his enemies, and they by the advice of their idol, went against him, took him suddenly, and slew him, carrying his heart to their god, who commanded them to cast it into the lake, feigning that thereof did grow a plant called Tunal, where since Mexico was built. They came to fight with the Chalcas, and other Nations, having chosen for their Captain, a valiant man called Vitzilonilti, who in an encounter, was taken and slain by the enemies. But for all this, they were not discouraged, but fought valiantly; and in despite of their enemies they broke the squadrons, and carrying their aged, their women, and young children in the midst of their battle, they passed on to Atlacuyavaya, a town of the Culhuans, whom they found solemnizing of a feast, in which place they fortified. The Chalcas nor the other Nations did not follow them, but grieved to be defeated by so small a number of men; they being in so great multitudes retired to their towns.   

Of the Wars the Mexicaines' had against them of Culhuacan. CHAP. 6.  
THe Mexicaines', by the advice of their idol, sent their messengers to the Lord o● Culhuacan, to demand a place to dwell in, who after he had imparted it to his people, granted them the place of Ticaapan, which signifies white waters, to the end they should all perish there, being full of vipers, snakes, and other venomous beasts which bred in a hill near adjoining. But being persuaded and taught by their devil, they accepted willingly what was offered, and by their devilish art, tamed these beasts, so as they did them no harm; yea, they used them as meat, eating them with delight and appetite. The which the Lord of Culhuacan seeing, & that they had tilled and sowed the land, he resolved to receive them into the City, and to contract amity with them. But the god whom the Mexicaines' did worship, (as he is accustomed to do no good, but ill,) said unto his priest's, that this was not the place where he would have them stay, and that they must go forth making wars. Therefore they must seek forth a woman, and name her the goddess of Discord. Whereupon they resolved to send to the King of Culhuacan, to demand his daughter to be Queen of the Mexicaines', and mother to their god, who received this embassage willingly, sending his daughter presently gorgeously attired and well accompanied. The same night she arrived, by order of the murderer whom they worshipped, they killed her cruelly, and having fl●a●d her artificially as they could do, they did cloth a young man with her skin, and thereupon her apparel, placing him near their idol, dedicating him for● goddess and the mother of their god, and ever after did worship it, making an idol which they called To●cy, which is to say, our grandmother. Not content with this cruelty, they did maliciously invite the King of Culhuacan, the father of the young maid, to come and worship his daughter, who was now consecrated ● goddess, who coming with great presents, and well accompanied with his people, he was led into a very dark chapel where their idol was, that he might offer sacrifice to his daughter that was in that place. But it chanced that the incense that was upon the hearth, according to their custom, kindled in such sort, as he might discern his daughter's hair, and having by this means discovered the cruelty and deceit, he went forth crying aloud, and with all his men he fell upon the Mexicaines', forcing them to retire to the lake, so as they were almost drowned. The Mexicaines' defended themselves, casting certain little darts, which they used in the wars, wherewith they much galled their enemies. But in the end they got land, and leaving that place, they coasted along the lake, very weary and wet; the women and little children crying and making great exclamations against them and their god that had brought them into this distress. They were enforced to pass a river that could not be waded through, and therefore they advised to make small boats of their targets and of reeds, wherein they passed. Then afterwards, having left Culhuacan, they arrived at Iztacalco, and finally to the place where the hermitage of Saint Anthony now is, at the entry of Mexico, and to that quarter which they now call S. Paul. During which time their idol did comfort them in their travels and encouraged them, promising great matters.   

Of the Foundation of Mexico. CHAP. 7.  
THe time being now come, that the father of lies should accomplish his promise made to his people, who could no longer suffer so many turnings, travels, and dangers, it happened that some old priests or sorcerers, being entered into a place full of water-lilies, they met with a very fair and clear current of water, which seemed to be silver, and looking about, they found the trees, meadows, fish, and all that they beheld to be very white: wondering hereat, they remembered a prophecy of their god, whereby he had given them that for a token of their place of rest, and to make them Lords of other Nations. Then weeping for joy, they returned to the people with these good news. The night following, VitzliputZli appeared in a dream to an ancient priest, saying, that they should seek out a Tunal in the lake, which grew out of a stone, (which as he told them, was the same place where by his commandment they had cast the heart of Copil, son to the sorceress their enemy,) and upon this Tunal they should see a goodly Eagle, which fed on certain small birds. When they should see this, they should believe it was the place where their City should be built, the which should surmountal others, & be famous throughout the world. Morning being come, the old man assembled the whole people, from the greatest to the least, making a long speech unto them, how much they were bound unto their god, and of the Revelation, which (although unworthy,) he had received that night, concluding that all must seek out that happy place which was promised them; which bred such devotion and joy in them all, that presently they undertook the enterprise, and dividing themselves into bands, they began to search, following the sign●s of the revelation of the desired place. Amidst the thickest of these water-lilies in the lake, they met with the same course of water they had seen the day before, but much differing, being not white, but red, like blood, the which divided itself into two streams, whereof the one was of a very obscure azure, the which bred admiration in them, noting some great mystery as they said. After much search here and there, the Tunal appeared growing on a stone, whereon was a royal Eagle, with the wings displayed towards the Sun, receiving his heat. About this Eagle were many rich feathers, white, red, yellow, blue, and green, of the same sort as they make their images, which Eage held in his talons a goodly bird. Those which saw it and knew it to be the place foretold by the Oracle, fell on their knees, doing great worship to the Eagle, which bowed the head looking on every side●●hen was their great cries, demonstrations, and thanks unto the Creator, and to their great god Vitzliputzli, who was there father, and had always told them truth. For this reason they called the city which they founded there, Tenoxtiltan, which signifies Tunal on a stone, and to this day they carry in their arms, an Eagle upon a Tunal, with a bird in his tallant, and standing with the other upon the Tunal. The day following, by common consent they made an hermitage adjoining to the Tunal of the Eagle, that the Ark of their god might rest there, till they might have means to build him a sumptuous Temple: and so they made this hermitage of flags & turfs covered with straw; then having consulted with their god, they resolved to buy of their neighbours, stone, timber, lime, in exchange of fish, frogs, and young kids, and for ducks, water-hennes, courlieus, and diverse other kinds of sea fowls. All which things they did fish and hunt for in this Lake, whereof there is great abundance. They went with these things to the markets of the Towns and Cities of the Tapanecans, and of them of Tescuco their neighbours, and with policy they gathered together by little and little, what was necessary for the building of their City: so as they built a better Chapel for their idol of lime and stone, and laboured to fill up a great part of the lake with rubbish. This done, the idol spoke one night to one of his priests in these terms, Say unto the Mexicaines', that the Noblemen divide themselves every one with their kinsfolks and friends, and that they divide themselves into four principal quarters, about the house which you have built for my rest, and let every quarter build in his quarter at his pleasure. The which was put in execution: and those be the four principal quarters of Mexico, which are called at this day S. jean, S. Mary the round, S. Paul, and S. Sebastian. After this, the Mexicaines' being thus divided into these four quarters, their god commanded them to divide amongst them the gods he should name to them, and that they should give notice to every quarter, principal of the other four partical quarters, where their gods should be worshipped. So as under every one of these four principal quarter's, there were many less comprehended, according to the number of the idols which their god commanded them to worship, which they called Calpultetco, which is as much to say, as god of the quarters. In this manner the City of Mexico Tenoxtiltan was founded, and grew great.   

Of the sedition of those of Tlatelulco, and of the first Kings the Mexicaines' did choose. CHAP. 8.  
THis division being made as aforesaid, some old men and Ancients held opinion, that in the division, they had not respected them as they deserved: for this cause, they and their kinsfolk, did mutiny, and went to seek another residence: and as they went through the lake, they found a small piece of ground or terrace, which they call Tloteloli, where they inhabited, calling it Tlatellulco, which signifies place of a terrace. This was the third division of the Mexicaines', since they left their Country. That of Mechovacan being the first, and that of Malinalco the second. Those which separated themselves and went to Tlatellulco, were famous men, but of bad disposition: and therefore they practised against the Mexicaines' their neighbours, all the ill neighbourhood they could. They had always quarrels against them, and to this day continues their hatred and old leagues. They of Tenoxtiltan, seeing them of Tlatellulco thus opposite unto them, and that they multiplied, feared that in time they might surmount them: hereupon they assembled in counsel, where they thought it good to choose a King, whom they should obey, and strike terror into their enemies, that by this means they should be more united and stronger among themselves, and their enemies not presume too much against them. Being thus resolved to choose a King, they took another advice very profitable and assured, to choose none among themselves, for the avoiding of diffentions, and to gain (by their new King) some other neighbour nations, by whom they were environed, being destitute of all succours. All well considered, both to pacify the King of Culhuacan, whom they had greatly offended, having slain and flayed the daughter of his predecessor, and done him so great a scorn, as also to have a King of the Mexicaine blood, of which generation there were many in Culhuacan, which continued there since the time they lived in peace amongst them; they resolved to choose for their King, a young man called Acamapixtli, son to a great Mexicaine Prince, and of a Lady, daughter to the King of Culhuacan. Presently they sent Ambassadors with a great present to demand this man, who delivered their embassage in these terms, Great Lord, we your vassals and servants, placed and shut up in the weeds and reeds of the Lake, alone and abandoned of all the Nations of the world, led only and guided by our god to the place where we are, which falls in the jurisdiction of your limits of Ascapusalco, and of Tescuco. Although you have suffered us to live and remain there, yet will we not, neither is it reason to live without a head and lord to command, correct, and govern us, instructing us in the course of our life, and defending us from our enemies: Therefore we come to you, knowing that in your Court and house, there are children of our generation, linked and allied with yours, issued from our entrails, and yours, of our blood and yours, among ●he which we have knowledge of a grandchild of yours and ours, called Acamapixtli. We beseech you therefore, to give him us for Lord, we will esteem him as he deserves, seeing he is of the lineage of the Lords of Mexico, and the Kings of Culhuacan.  
The king having consulted upon this point, and finding it nothing inconvenient to be allied to the Mexicaines', who were valiant men, made them answer, that they should take his grandchild in good time, adding thereunto, that if he had been a woman, he would not have given her, noting the foul fact before spoken of, ending his discourse with these words, Let my grandchild go to serve your God, and be his lieutenant, to rule and govern his creatures, by whom we live, who is the Lord of night, day, and winds: Let him go and be Lord of the water and land, and possess the Mexicaine Nation, take him in good time, and use him as my son and grandchild. The Mexicaines' gave him thanks, all jointly desiring him to marry him with his own hand, so as he gave him to wife, one of the noblest Ladies amongst them. They conducted the new King and Queen with all honour possible, and made him a solemn reception, going all in general forth to see the king, whom they led into palaces which were then but mean; and having seated them in royal thrones, presently one of the Ancients and an Orator much esteemed amongst them, did rise up, speaking in this manner, My son, our Lord and King, thou art welcome to this poor house and city, amongst these weeds and mud, where thy poor fathers, grandfathers, and kinsfolks, endure what it pleaseth the Lord of things created. Remember Lord thou comm●st hither to be the defence and support of the Mexicaine Nation, and to be the resemblance of our God Vitzliputzli, whereupon the charge and government is given thee. Thou knowest we are not in our country, seeing the land we possess at this day is another's, neither know we what shall become of us to morrow, or another day: Consider therefore that thou comest not to rest or recreate thyself, but rather to endure a new charge under so heavy a burden: wherein thou must continually labour, being slave to this multitude, which is fallen to thy lot, and to all this neighbour people, whom thou must strive to gratify, and give them contentment, seeing thou knowest we live upon their lands, and within their limits. And ending, he repeated these words; Thou art welcome, thou and the Queen our Mistress, to this your realm. This was the speech of the old man, which with other orations (which the Mexicaine histories do celebrate) the children did use to learn by heart, and so they were kept by tradition, some of them deserve well to be reported in their proper terms. The king answering, thanked them, and offered them his care and diligence in their defence & aid in all he could. After they gave him the oath, and after their mane● set the royal crown upon his head, the which is like to the Crown of the dukes of Venice: the name of Acamapixtli their first king signifies a handful of reeds, and therefore they carry in their armouries a hand holding many arrows of reeds.   

Of the strange tribute the Mexicaines' paid to them of Azcapuzalco. CHAP. 9  
THe Mexicaines' happened so well in the election of their new king, that in short time they grew to have some form of a commonweal, and to be famous among strangers; whereupon their neighbours moved with fear, practised to subdue them, especially the Tapane●ans, who had Azcapuzalco for their metropolitan city, to whom the Mexicaines' paid tribute, as strangers dwelling in their land. For the king of AzcapuZalco fearing their power which increased, sought to oppress the Mexicanes, and having consulted with his subjects, he sent to tell king Acamapixtli, that the ordinary tribute they paid was too little, and that from thenceforth they should bring fir trees, sapines, and willows for the building of the city, and moreover they should make him a garden in the water planted with divers kinds of herbs and pulses, which they should bring unto him yearly by water, dressed in this manner, without failing; which if they did not, he declared them his enemies, and would root them out. The Mexicaines' were much troubled at this commandment, holding it impossible: and that this demand was to no other end, but to seek occasion to ruin them. But their god Vitzliputzli comforted them, appearing that night to an old man, commanding him to say to the king his son in his name, that he should make no difficulty to accept of this tribute, he would help them and make the means easy, which after happened: for the time of tribute being come, the Mexicanes carried the trees that were required, and moreover, a garden made and floating in the water, and in it much Mays, (which is their corn) already grained and in the ear: there was also Indian pepper, beets, Tomates, which is a great sappy and savoury grain, french pease, f●gges, gourds, and many other things, all ripe, and in their season. Such as have not seen the gardens in the lake of Mexico, in the midst of the water, will not believe it, but will say it is an enchantment of the Devil whom they worship: But in truth it is a matter to be done, and there hath been often seen of these gardens floating in the water; for they cast earth upon reeds and grass, in such sort as it never wastes in the water; they sow and plant this ground, so as the grain grows and ripens very well, and then they remove it from place to place. But it is true, that to make this great garden easily, and to have the fruits grow well, is a thing that makes men judge there was the work of VitziliputZli, whom otherwise they call Patillas', specially having never made nor seen the like. The king of Azcapuzalco wondered much when he saw that accomplished which he held impossible saying unto his subjects, that this people had a great god that made all easy unto them, and he said unto the Mexicaines', that seeing their God gave them all things perfect, he would the year following, at the time of tribute, they should bring in their garden a wild duck, and a heron, sitting on their eggs, in such sort, that they should hatch their young ones as they should arrive, without failing of a minute, upon pain of his indignation. The Mexicans were much troubled and heavy with this proud and strict command: but their god, as he was accustomed, comforted them in the night, by one of his priests, saying that he would take all that charge upon him, willing them not to fear, but believe that the day would come, whenas the Azcapuzalcos' should pay with their lives this desire of new tributes. The time being come, as the Mexicans carried all that was demanded of their gardens, among the reeds and weeds of the gardin, they found a duck and a heron hatching their eggs, and at the same instant when they arrived at AzcapuZalco their young ones were disclosed. Whereat the king of AzcapuZalco wondering beyond measure, he said again to his people, that these were more than human things, and that the Mexicans began as if they would make themselves lords over all those provinces. Yet did he not diminish the order of this tribute, and the Mexicans finding not themselves mighty enough, endured this subjection and slavery the space of fifty years. In this time the king Acamapixtli died, having beautified the City of Mexico with many goodly buildings, streets, conduits of water, and great abundance of munition. He reigned in peace and rest forty years, having been always zealous for the good and increase of the commonweal.  
As he drew near his end, he did one memorable thing, that having lawful children to whom he might leave the succession of the realm, yet would he not do it, but chose he spoke freely to the commonweal, that as they had made a free election of him, so they should choose him that should seem fittest for their good government, advising them therein to have a care to the good of the commonweal, and seeming grieved that he left them not freed from tribute & subjection, he died, having recommended his wife and children unto them, he left all his people sorrowful for his death.   

Of the second King, and what happened in his reign. CHAP. 10.  
THe obsequies of the dead king performed, the Ancients, the chief of the realm, and some part of the people assembled together, to choose a King, where the Ancients propounded the necessity wherein they were, and that it was needful to choose for chief of their city, a man that had pity of age, of widows, and orphans, and to be a father of the commonweal: for in very deed they should be the feathers of his wings, the kickshaws of his eyes, and the beard of his face, that it was necessary he were valiant, being needful shortly to use their forces, as their god had prophesied. Their resolution in the end was to choose a son of the predecessor, using the like good office in accepting his son for successor, as he had done to the commonweal, relying thereon. This young man was called Vitzilovitli, which signifieth a rich feather, they set the royal crown upon his head, and anointed him, as they have been accustomed to do to all their Kings, with an ointment they call Divine, being the same unction wherewith they did anoint their Idol. Presently an Orator made an eloquent speech, exhorting him to arm himself with courage, and free them from the travels, slavery and misery they suffered, being oppressed by the Azcapuzalcos': which done, all did him homage. This king was not married, and his Counsel held opinion, that it was good to marry him with the daughter of the king of Azcapuzalco, to have him a friend by this alliance, and to obtain some diminution of their heavy burden of tributes imposed upon them, and yet they feared lest he should disdain to give them his daughter, by reason they were his vassals: yet the king of AzcapuZalco yielded thereunto, having humbly required him, who with courteous words gave them his daughter, called Ayanchigual, whom they led with great pomp and joy to Mexico, and performed the ceremony and solemnity of marriage, which was to tie a corner of the man's cloak to a part of the woman's vail in sign of the band of marriage. This Queen brought forth a son, of whose name they demanded advise of the king of AzcapuZalco, and casting lots as they had accustomed (being greatly given to soothsay, especially upon the names of their children) he would have his grandchild called Chimalpopoca, which signifies a target casting smoke. The Queen his daughter seeing the contentment the King of AzcapuZalco had of his grandchild, took occasion to entreat him to relieve the Mexicaines' of the heavy burden of their tributes, seeing he had now a grandchild Mexicaine, the which the King willingly yielded unto, by the advice of his Counsel, granting (for the tribute which they paid,) to bring yearly a couple of ducks and some fish, in sign of subjection, and that they dwelled in his land. The Mexicaines' by this means, remained much eased and content, but it lasted little. For the Queen their Protectrix died soon after: and the year following likewise Vitzilovitli the king of Mexico died, leaving his son Chimalpopoca ten years old, he reigned thirteen years, and died thirty years old, or little more. He was held for a good king, and careful in the service of his gods, whose Images he held kings to be; and that the honour done to their god, was done to the king who was his image. For this cause the kings have been so affectionate to the service of their gods. This king was careful to win the love of his neighbours, and to traffic with them, whereby he augmented his city, exercising his men in warlike actions in the Lake, disposing them to that which he pretended, as you shall see presently.   

Of Chimalpopoca the third king, and his cruel death, and the occasion of war which the Mexicaines' made. CHAP. 11.  
THe Mexicaines' for successor to their deceased king did choose his son Chimalpopoca, by common consent, although he were a child of ten years old, being of opinion that it was always necessary to keep the favour of the king of AzcapuZalco, making his grandchild king. They then set him in his throne, giving him the ensigns of war, with a bow and arrows in one hand, and a sword with rasours (which they commonly use) in the right, signifying thereby (as they do say) that they pretended by arms to set themselves at liberty. The Mexicaines' had great want of water, that of the Lake being very thick and muddy, and therefore ill to drink, so as they caused their infant king to desire of his grandfather the king of Azcapuzalco, the water of the mountain of Chapultepec, which is from Mexico a league, as is said before, which they easily obtained, and by their industry made an aqueduct of faggots, weeds and flags, by the which they brought water to their city. But because the City was built within the Lake, and the aqueduct did cross it, it did break forth in many places, so as they could not enjoy the water, as they desired, and had great scarcity: whereupon, whether they did expressly seek it, to quarrel with the Tapanecans, or that they were moved upon small occasion, in the end they sent a resolute embassage to the king of AzcapuZalco, saying, they could not use the water which he had graciously granted them, and therefore they required him to provide them wood, lime, and stone, and to send his workmen, that by their means they might make a pipe of stone and lime that should not break. This message nothing pleased the king, and much less his subjects, seeming to be too presumptuous a message, and purposely insolent, for vassals to their Lord. The chief of the Counsel disdaining thereat, said it was too bold, that not content with permission to live in an others land, and to have water given them, but they would have them go to serve them: what a matter was that? And whereon presumed this fugitive nation, shut up in the mud? They would let them know, how fit they were to work, and to abate their pride, in taking from them their land and their lives.  
In these terms and choler they left the king, whom they did somewhat suspect, by reason of his grandchild, and consulted again anew, what they were to do, where they resolved to make a general proclamation, that no Tapanecan should have any commerce or traffic with any Mexicaine, that they should not go to their City, nor receive any into theirs, upon pain of death. Whereby we may understand that the king did not absolutely command over his people, and that he governed more like a Consul, or a Duke, than a King. although since with their power, the command of Kings increased, growing absolute Tyrants, as you shall see in the last Kings. For it hath been an ordinary thing among the Barbarians, that such as their power hath been, such hath been their command; yea in our Histories of Spain, we find in some ancient kings that manner of rule which the Tapanecans used. Such were the first kings of the Romans, but that Rome declined from Kings to Consuls, and a Senate, till that after they came to be commanded by Emperors. But these Barbarians, of temperate Kings became tyrants, of which governements a moderate monarchy is the best and most assured. But return we now unto our history.  
The king of Azcapuzalco seeing the resolution of his subjects, which was to kill the Mexicans, entreated them first to steal away the young king his grandchild, and afterwards do what they pleased to the Mexicans. All in a manner yielded hereunto, to give the king contentment, and for pity they had of the child; but two of the chiefest were much opposite, inferring, that it was bad counsel, for that Chimalpopoca, although he were of their blood, yet was it but by the mother's side, and that the fathers was to be preferred, and therefore they concluded that the first they must kill was Chimalpopoca king of Mexico, protesting so to do. The king of AzcapuZalco was so troubled with this contradiction, and the resolution they had taken, that soon after for very grief he fell sick, and died. By whose death the Tapan●cans finishing their consultation, committed a notable treason; for one night the young King of Mexico sleeping without guard, or fear of any thing, they of Azcapuzalco entered his palace, and slew him suddenly, returning unseen. The morning being come, when the Nobles w●nt to salute the King, as they were accustomed, they found him slain with great and cruel wounds; then they cried out and filled all their city with tears: and transported with choler, they presently fell to arms, with an intent to revenge their King's death. As they ran up and down full of fury and disorder, one of their chiefest knights stepped forth, labouring to appease them, with a grave admonition: Whither go you (said he) O ye Mexicaines', quiet yourselves, consider that things done without consideration ar● not well guided, nor come to good end: suppress your grief, considering that although your king be dead, the noble blood of the Mexicaines' is not extinct in him. We have children of our kings deceased, by whose conduct, succeeding to the realm, you shall the better execute what you pretend, having a leader to guide your enterprise, go not blindly, surcease, and choose a king first, to guide and encourage you against your enemy's: In the mean time dissemble discreetly, performing the funerals of your deceased king, whose body you see here present, for hereafter you shall find better means to take rev●nge. By this means the Mexicans passed no farther, but stayed to make the obsequies of their King, whereunto they invited the Lords of Tescuco, and Culhuacan, reporting unto them this foul and cruel fact, which the Tapanecans had committed, moving them to have pity on them, and incensing them against their enemies, concluding that their resolution was to die, or to be revenged of so great an indignity, entreating them not to favour so unjust a fact of their enemies; and that for their part, they desired not their aid of arms or men, but only to be lookers on of what should pass, and that for their maintenance, they would not stop nor hinder the commerce, as the Tapanecans had done. At these speeches they of Tescuco and Culhuacan made them great shows of good will, and that they were well satisfied, offering them their cities, and all the commerce they desired, that they might provide victual and munition at their pleasure, both by land & water. After this, the Mexicanes entreated them to stay with them, and assist at the election of their King; the which they likewise granted, to give them contentment.   

Of the fourth King called Izcoalt, and of the war against the Tapanecans. CHAP. 12.  
THe Electors being assembled, an old man that was held for a great Orator, rose up, who (as the histories report,) spoke in this manner, The light of your eyes O M●xicaines is darkened, but not of your hearts: for although you have lost him that was the light and guide of the Mexicaine Commonweal, yet that of the heart remains: to consider, that although they have slain one man, yet there are others that may supply with advantage, the want we have of him: the Mexicaine Nobility is not extinguished thereby, nor the blood royal decayed. Turn your eyes and look about you, you shall see the Nobility of Mexico set in order, not one nor two, but many and excellent Princes, sons to Acamapixtli, our true and lawful King and Lord. here you may choose at your pleasure, saying, I will this man, and not that. If you have lost a father, here you may find both father and mother: make account O Mexicaines', that the Sun is eclipsed and darkened for a time, and will return suddenly. If Mexico hath been darkened by the death of your King, the Sun will soon show, in choosing another King. Look to whom, and upon whom you shall cast your eyes, and towards whom your heart is inclined, and this is he who● your god Vitzliputzli hath chosen. And continuing a while this discourse, he ended to the satisfaction of all men. In the end, by the consent of this Counsel, Izcoalt was chosen King, which signifies a snake of razors, who was son to the first King Acamapixtli, by a slave of his: and although he were not legitimate, yet they made choice of him, for that he exceeded the rest in behaviour, valour, and magnanimity of courage. All seemed very well satisfied, and above all, these of Tescuco, for their king was married to a sister of Iscoalts. After the King had been crowned and set in his royal seat, another Orator stepped up, discoursing how the king was bound to his Commonweal, and of the courage he ought to show in travel, speaking thus, Behold this day we depend on thee, it may be thou wilt let fall the burden that lies upon thy soldiers, and suffer the old man and woman, the orphlin and the widow to perish. Take pity of the infants that go creeping in the air, who must perish if our enemies surmount us: unfold then, and stretch forth thy cloak, my Lord, to bear these infants upon thy shoulders, which be the poor and the common people, who live assured under the shadow of thy wings, and of thy bounty. Uttering many other words upon this subject, the which, (as I have said,) they learn by heart, for the exercise of their children, and after did teach them as a lesson to those that began to learn the faculty of Orators. In the mean time, the Tapanecans were resolute to destroy the Mexicaines', and to this end they had made great preparations. And therefore the new King took counsel for the proclaiming of war, and to fight with those that had so much wronged them. But the common people, seeing their adversaries to exceed them far in numbers and munition for the war, they came amazed to their King, pressing him not to undertake so dangerous a war, which would destroy their poor City and Nation: whereupon being demanded what advice were fittest to take, they made answer, that the King of AzcapuZalco was very pitiful, that they should demand peace, and offer to serve him, drawing them forth those marshes, and that he should give them houses and lands among his subjects, that by this means they might depend all upon one Lord. And for the obtaining hereof, they should carry their god in his litter for an intercessor. The cries of the people were of such force, (having some Nobles that approved their opinion,) as presently they called for the Priests, preparing the litter and their god, to perform the voyage. As this was preparing, and every one yielded to this treaty of peace, and to subject themselves to the Tapanecans, a gallant young man, and of good sort, stepped out among the people, who with a resolute countenance spoke thus unto them, What meanus this O ye Mexicaines', are ye mad? How hath so great cowardice crept in among us? Shall we go and yield ourselves thus to the Azcapuzalcans'. Then turning to the King he said, How now my Lord, will you endure this? Speak to the people, that they may suffer us to find out some means for our honour and defence, and not to yield ourselves so simply and shamefully into the hands of our enemies. This young man was called Tlacaellec, nephew to the King, he was the most valiant Captain and greatest Counsellor that ever the Mexicaines' had, as you shall see hereafter. Izcoalt encouraged by that his nephew had so wisely spoken, retained the people, saying they should first suffer him to try another better means. Then turning towards his Nobility, he said unto them, You are all here, my kinsmen, and the best of Mexico, he that hath the courage to carry a message to the Tapanecans, let him rise up. They looked one upon another, but no man stirred nor offered himself to the word. Then this young man Tlacaellec rising, offered himself to go, saying, that seeing he must die, it did import little whether it were to day or to morrow: for what reason should he so carefully preserve himself? he was therefore ready, let him command what he pleased. And although all held this for a rash attempt, yet the King resolv●d to send him, that he might thereon understand the will and disposition of the King of Azcapuzalco and of his people; holding it better to hasten his nephew's death, then to hazard the honour of his Commonweal. Tlacaelies' being ready, took his way, and being come to the guards, who had commandment to kill any Mexicaines' that came towards them, by cunning or otherwise: he persuaded them to suffer him to pass to the king, who wondered to see him, and hearing his embassage, which was to demand peace of him under honest conditions, answered, that he would impart it to his subjects, willing him to return the next day for his answer, than Tlaca●llec demanded a passport, yet could he not obtain any, but that he should use his best skill: With this he returned to Mexico, giving his words to the guards to return. And although the King of Azcapuzalco desired peace, being of a mild disposition, yet his subjects did so incense him, as his answer was open war. The which being heard by the messenger, he did all his King commanded him, declaring by this ceremony, to give arms, and anointing the King with the unction of the dead, that in his King's behalf he did defy him. Having ended all, the King of Azcapuzalco suffering himself to be anointed and crowned with feathers, giving goodly arms in recompense to the messenger, wishing him not to return by the palace gate, whereas many attended to cut him in pieces, but to go out secretly by a little false postern that was open in one of the courts of the Palace. This young man did so, and turning by secret ways, got away in safety in sight of the guards, and there defied them saying, Tapanecans and Azcapuzalcans', you do your office ill, understand you shall all die, and not one Tapanecan shall remain alive. In the mean time the guards fell upon him, where he behaved himself so valiantly, that he ●lew some of them: and seeing many more of them come running, he retired himself gallantly to the City, where he brought news, that war was proclaimed with the Tapanecans, and that he had defied their King.   

Of the battle the Mexicaines' gave to the Tapanecans, and of the victory they obtained. CHAP. 13.  
THe defy being known to the Commons of Mexico, they came to the king, according to their accustomed cowardice, demanding leave to depart the City, holding their reign certain. The king did comfort and encourage them, promising to give them liberty if they vanquished their enemies, willing them not to fear. The people replied. And if we be vanquished, what shall we do? If we be overcome (answered the king) we will be bound presently to yield ourselves into your hands to suffer death, eat our flesh in your dishes and be revenged of us. It shall be so then (said they) if you lose the victory, and if you obtain the victory, we do presently offer ourselves to be your Tributaries, to labour in your houses, to sow your ground, to carry your arms and baggage when you go to the wars for ever, we and our descendants after us. These accords made betwixt the people and the nobility (which they did after fully perform, either willingly, or by constraint, as they had promised) the king named for his captain general Tlacaellec, the whole camp was put in order, and into squadrons, giving the places of captains to the most valiant of his kinsfolks and friends: then did he make them a goodly speech, whereby he did greatly encourage them, being now well prepared, charging all men to obey the commandment of the General whom he had appointed: he divided his men into two parts, commanding the most valiant and hardy, to give the first charge with him, & that all the rest should remain with the king Izcoalt, vn●il they should see the first assail their enemies. Marching then in order, they were discovered by them of Azcapuzalco, who presently came furiously forth the city, carrying great riches of gold, silver, and arms of great value, as those which had the empire of all that country. IZcoalt gave the signal to battle, with a little drum he carried on his shoulders, and presently they raised a general shout, crying, Mexico, Mexico, they charged the Tapanecans, and although they were far more in number, yet did they defeat them, and force them to retire into their City; then advanced they which remained behind, crying, Tlacaellec, victory, victory, all suddenly entered the City, where (by the King's commandment) they pardoned not any man, no not old men, women, nor children, for they slew them all, and spoiled the City being very rich. And not content herewith, they followed them that fled, and were retired into the craggy rocks of the Sierres or near mountains, striking and making a great slaughter of them. The Tapanecans being retired to a mountain cast down their arms, demanding their lives, and offering to serve the Mexicans, to give them lands and gardens, stone, lime and timber, and to hold them always for their Lords. Upon this condition Tlacaell●c retired his men and ceased the battle, granting them their lives upon the former conditions, which they did solemnly swear. Then they returned to AzcapuZalco, and so with their rich and victorious spoils to the city of Mexico. The day following the king assembled the nobility and the people, to whom he laid open the accord the Commons had made, demanding of them, if they were content to persist therein: the Commons made answer, that they had promised, and they had well deserved it, and therefore they were content to serve them perpetually. Whereupon they took an oath, which since they have kept without contradiction.  
This done IZcoalt returned to Azcapuzalco, (by the advice of his counsel) he divided all the lands & goods of the conquered among the conquerors, the chiefest part fell to the King, then to Tlacaellec, and after to the rest of the Nobles, as they best deserved in the battle. They also gave land to some plebeians, having behaved themselves valiantly; to others they distributed the pillage, making small account of them as of cowards. They appointed lands in common for the quarters of Mexico, to every one his part, for the service and sacrifices of their gods. This was the order which after they always kept, in the division of the lands and spoils of those they had vanquished and subdued. By this means they of AzcapuZalco remained so poor, as they had no lands left them to labour, and (which was worse) they took their king from them, & all power to choose any other than him of Mexico.   

Of the war and victory the Mexicans had against the City of Cuyoacan. CHAP. 14.  
ALthough the chief City of the Tapanecans, was that of AzcapuZalco, yet had they others with their private Lords, as T●cuba and Cuyoacan. These seeing the storm passed, would gladly that they of Azcapuzalco had renewed the war against the Mexicans, and seeing them daunted, as a nation wholly broken and defeated, they of Cuyoacan resolved to make war by themselves; to the which they laboured to draw the other neighbour nations, who would not stir nor quarrel with the Mexicans. In the mean time the hatred and malice increasing, they of Cuyoacan began to ill entreat the women that went to their markets, mocking at them, and doing the like to the men over whom they had power: for which cause the king of Mexico defended, that none of his should go to Cuyoacan, and that they should receive none of them into Mexico, the which made them of Cuyoacan resolve wholly to war: but first they would provoke them by some shameful scorn, which was, that having invited them to one of their solemn feasts, after they had made them a goodly banquet, and feasted them with a great dance after their manner, they sent them for their fruit, women's apparel, forcing them to put it on, and so to return home like women to their city, reproaching them, that they were cowards and effeminate, and that they durst not take arms being sufficiently provoked. Those of Mexico say, that for revenge they did unto them a fowl scorn, laying at the gates of their City of Cuyoacan certain things which smoked, by means whereof many women were delivered before their time, and many fell sick. In the end, all came to open war, and there was a battle fought, wherein they employed all their forces, in the which Tlacaellec, by his courage and policy in war, obtained the victory. For having left king IZcoalt in fight with them of Cuyoacan, he put himself in ambush with some of the most valiant soldiers, and so turning about, charged them behind, and forced them to retire into their City. But seeing their intent was to fly into a Temple, which was very strong. He with three other valiant soldiers, pursued them eagerly, and got before them, seizing on the temple & firing it, so as he forced them to fly to the fields, where he made a great slaughter of the vanquished, pursuing them two leagues into the Country, unto a little hill, where the vanquished casting away their weapons and their arms across, yielded to the Mexicans, and with many tears craved pardon of their overweening folly, in using them like women, offering to be their slaves: so as in the end the Mexicaines' did pardon them. Of this victory the Mexicanes carried away very rich spolles of garments, arms, gold, silver, jewels, and rich feathers, with a great number of captives. In this battle there were three of the principals of Culhuacan that came to aid the Mexicaines', to win honour, the which were remarkable above all. And since being known to Tlasaellec, and having made proof of their fidelity, he gave them Mexicaine devises, and had them always by his side, where they fought in all places very valiantly. It was apparent that the whole victory was due to the General, and to these three; for among so many captives taken, two third parts were won by these four, which was easily known by a policy they used: for taking a captive, they presently cut off a little of his hair, and gave it to others, so as it appeared that those which had their hair cut, amounted to that number, whereby they won great reputation and fame of valiant men. They were honoured as conquerors, giving them good portions of the spoils and lands, as the Mexicans have always used to do, which gave occasion to those that did fight, to become famous, and to win reputation by arms.   

Of the war and victory which the Mexicans had against the Suchimilcos'. CHAP. 15  
THe Nation of the Tapanecans being subdued the Mexicaines' had occasion to do the like to the Suchimilcos', who (as it hath been said) were the first of the seven caves or lineages that peopled this land. The Mexi●ans sought not the occasion, although they might presume as conquerors to extend their limits, but the Suchimilcos' did move them, to their own ruin, as it happens to men of small judgement that have no foresight, who not preventing the mischief they imagined, fall into it. The Suchimilcos' held opinion, that the Mexicans, by reason of their victories past, should attempt to subdue them, and consulted hereon among themselves. Some among them thought it good to acknowledge them for superiors, and to applaud their good fortune, but the contrary was allowed, and they went out to give them battle: which IZcoalt the king of Mexico understanding, he sent his General Tlacael●ec against them, with his army: the battle was fought in the same field that divides their limits, which two armies were equal in men and arms, but very diverse in their order and manner of fight; for that the Suchimilcos' charged all together on a heap confusedly, and Tlacaellec divided his men into squadrons with a goodly order, so as he presently broke his enemies, forcing them to retire into their city, into the which they entered, following them to the Temple whither they fled, which they fired, and forcing them to fly unto the mountains: in the end they brought them to this point, that they yielded with their arms across. The General Tlacaellec returning in great triumph, the priests went forth to receive him, with their music of flutes, and giving incense. The chief Captains used other ceremonies and shows of joy, as they had been accustomed to do, and the king with all the troop went to the Temple, to give thanks to their false god, for the devil hath always been very desirous hereof, to challenge to himself the honour which he deserves not, seeing it is the true God which giveth victories, and maketh them to rule whom he pleaseth. The day following, king Izcoalt went unto the City of Suchimilco, causing himself to be sworn king of the Suchimilcos': and for their comfort he promised to do them good. In token whereof he commanded them to make a great causey stretching from Mexico, to Suchimilco, which is four leagues, to the end there might be more commerce and traffic amongst them. Which the Suchimilcos' performed, and in short time the Mexicaine government seemed so good unto them, as they held themselves happy to have changed their king and commonweal. Some neighbours pricked forward by envy, or fear, to their ruins were not yet made wise by others miseries.  
Cuitlavaca was a city within the lake, which though the name and dwelling be changed, continueth yet. They were active to swim in the lake, and therefore they thought they might much indomage and annoy the Mexicaines' by water, which the King understanding, he resolved to send his army presently to fight against them. But Tlacaellec little esteeming this war, holding it dishonourable to lead an army against them, made offer to conquer them with the children only: which he performed in this manner: he went unto the Temple & drew out of the Covent such children as he thought fittest for this action, from ten to eighteen years of age, who knew how to guide their boats, or canoes, teaching them certain policies. The order they held in this war, was, that he went to Cuitlavaca with his children, where by his policy he pressed the enemy in such sort, that he made them to fly; and as he followed them, the lord of Cuitlavaca met him and yielded unto him, himself, his City, and his people, and by this means he stayed the pursuit. The children returned with much spoil, and many captives for their sacrifices, being solemnly received with a great procession, music and perfumes, & they went to worship their gods, in taking of the earth which they did eat, and drawing blood from the forepart of their legs with the Priests lancets, with other superstitions which they were accustomed to use in the like solemnities. The children were much honoured and encouraged, and the king embraced and kissed them, and his kinsmen and allies accompanied them. The bruit of this victory ran throughout all the country, how that Tlacaellec had subdued the city of Cuitlavaca with children: the news and consideration whereof opened the eyes of those of Tesc●co, a chief and very cunning Nation for their manner of life: So as the king of Tescuco was first of opinion, that they should subject themselves to the king of Mexico, and invite him thereunto with his city. Therefore by the advice of his Counsel, they sent Ambassadors good Orators with honourable presents, to offer themselves unto the Mexicans, as their subjects, desiring peace and amity, which was graciously accepted; but by the advice of Tlacaellec he used a ceremony for the effecting thereof, which was that those of Tescuco should come forth armed against the Mexicans, where they should fight, and presently yield, which was an act and ceremony of war, without any effusion of blood on either side. Thus the king of Mexico became sovereign Lord of Tescuco, but he took not their king from them, but made him of his privy counsel; so as they have always maintained themselves in this manner until the time of Motecuma the second, during whose reign the Spaniards entered. Having subdued the land and city of Tescuco, Mexico remained Lady and Mistress of all the lands and cities about the Lake, where it is built. Izcoalt having enjoyed this prosperity, and reigned twelve years, died, leaving the realm which had been given him, much augmented by the valour and counsel of his nephew Tlacaellec (as hath afore been said) who held it best to choose an other king than himself, as shall hereafter be showed.   

Of the fifth King of Mexico, called Moteçuma, the first of that name. CHAP. 16.  
FOrasmuch as the election of the new King, belonged to four chief Electors, (as hath been said,) and to the King of Tescuco, and the King of Tacubu, by especial privilege: Tlacaellec assembled these six personages, as he that had the sovereign authority, and having propounded the matter unto them, they made choice of Moteçuma, the first of that name, nephew to the same Tlacaellec. His election was very pleasing to them all, by reason whereof, they made most solemn feasts, and more stately than the former. Presently after his election, they conducted him to the Temple with a great train, where before the divine hearth, (as they call it,) where there is continual fire, they set him in his royal throne, putting upon him his royal ornaments. Being there, the King drew blood from his ears and legs with a griffons talents, which was the sacrifice wherein the devil delighted to be honoured. The Priests, Ancients, and Captains, made their orations, all congratulating his election. They were accustomed in their elections to make great feasts and dances, where they wasted many lights. In this King's time the custom was brought in, that the King should go in person to make war in some province, and bring captives to solemnize the feast of his coronation, and for the solemn sacrifices of that day. For this cause King Moteçuma went into the province of Chalco, who had declared themselves his enemies: from whence (having fought valiantly,) he brought a great number of captives, whereof he did make a notable sacrifice the day of his coronation, although at that time he did not subdue all the province of Chalco, being a very warlike nation. Many came to this coronation from diverse provinces, as well near as far off, to see the feast, at the which all comers were very bountifully entertained and clad, especially the poor, to whom they gave new garments. For this cause they brought that day into the City, the King's tributes, with a goodly order, which consisted in stuffs to make garments of all sorts, in Cacao, gold, silver, rich feathers, great burdens of cotton, cucumbers, sundry sorts of pulses, many kinds of sea fish, and of the fresh water, great store of fruits, and venison without number, not reckoning an infinite number of presents, which other kings and Lords sent to the new king. All this tribute marched in order according to the provinces, and before them the stewards and receivers, with diverse marks and ensigns, in very goodly order: so as it was one of the goodliest things of the feast, to see the entry of the tribute. The King being crowned, he employed himself in the conquest of many provinces, and for that he was both valiant and virtuous, he still increased more and mo●e, using in all his affairs the counsel and industry of his general Tlacaellec, whom he did always love and esteem very much, as he had good reason. The war wherein he was most troubled and of greatest difficulty, was that of the province of Chalco, wherein there happened great matters, whereof one was very remarkable, which was, that they of Chalcas, had taken a brother of Moteçuma●s in the wars, whom they resolved to choose for their king, ask him very courteously, if he would accept of this charge. He answered (after much importunity, still persisting therein,) that if they meant plainly to choose him for their king, they should plant in the market place, a tree or very high stake, on the top whereof, they should make a little scaffold, and means to mount unto it. The Chalcas supposing it had been some ceremony to make himself more apparent, presently effected it: then assembling all his Mexicaines' about the stake, he went to the top with a garland of flowers in his hand, speaking to his men in this manner, O valiant Mexicaines', these men will choose me for their King, but the gods will not permit, that to be a King I should committee any treason against my country, but chose, I will that you learn by me, that it behoveth us rather, to endure death, then to aid our enemies. Saying these words, he cast himself down, and was broken in a thousand pieces; at which spectacle, the Chalcas had so great horror and dispits, that presently they fell upon the Mexicaines' and slew them all with their lances, as men whom they held too proud and inexorable, saying, they had devilish hearts. It chanced the night following, they heard two owls making a mournful cry, which they did interpret as an unfortunate sign, and a presage of their near destruction, as it succeeded: for King Moteçuma went against them in person with all his power, where he vanquished them, and ruined all their kingdom: and passing beyond the mountain Me●ade, he conquered still even unto the North sea. Then returning towards the South sea, he subdued many provinces: so as he became a mighty King: all by the help and counsel of Tlacaellec, who in a manner conquered all the Mexicaine nation. Yet he held an opinion, (the which was confirmed,) that it was not behoveful to conquer the province of Tlascalla, that the Mexicaines' might have a fronter enemy, to keep the youth of Mexico in exercise and alarm: and that they might have numbers of captives to sacrifice to their idols, wherein they did waste (as hath been said,) infinite numbers of men, which should be taken by force in the wars. The honour must be given to Moteçuma, or to speak truly, to Tlacaellec his General, for the good order and policy settled in the realm of Mexico, as also for the counsels and goodly enterprises, which they did execute: and likewise for the numbers of judges and Magistrates, being as well ordered there, as in any commonweal; yea, were it in the most flourishing of Europe. This King did also greatly increase the King's house, giving it great authority, and appointing many and sundry officers, which served him with great pomp and ceremony. He was no less remarkable touching the devotion and service of his idols, increasing the number of his Ministers, and instituting new ceremonies, whereunto he carried a great respect.  
He built that great temple dedicated to their god Vitziliputzli, whereof is spoken in the other book. He did sacrifice at the dedication of this temple, a great number of men, taken in sundry victories: finally, enjoying his Empire in great prosperity, he fell sick, and died, having reigned twenty eight years, 〈◊〉 to his successor Ticoci●, who did not resemble him, neither in valour, nor in good fortune.   

How Tlacaellec refused to be King, and of the election and deeds of Ticocic. CHAP. 17.  
THE four Deputies assembled in counsel, with the lords of Tcscuc● & Tacuba, where Tlacaellec was Precedent in the election, where by all their voices Tlacaellec was chosen, as deserving this charge better than any other. Yet he refused it, persuading them by pertinent reasons, that they should choose another, saying, that it was better, and more expedient to have another king, and he to be his instrument and assistant, as he had been till then, and not to lay the whole burden upon him, for that he held himself no less bound for the Commonweal, then if he were king. It is a rare▪ thing to refuse principality and command, and to endure the pain and the care, and not to reap the honour. There are few that will yield up the power and authority, which they may hold, were it profitable to the commonweal. This Barbarian did herein exceed the wisest amongst the greeks and Romans, and it may be a lesson to Alexander and julius Caesar, whereof the one held it little to command the whole world, putting his most dear and faithful servants to death upon some small jealousies of rule and empire: and the other declared himself enemy to his country, saying, that if it were lawful to do any thing against law and reason, it was for a kingdom: such is the thirst and desire of command. Although this act of Tlacael●e●● might well proceed from too great a confidence of himself, seeming to him, though he were not king, yet in a manner, that he commanded kings, suffering him to carry certain marks, as a Tiara or ornament for the head, which belonged only to themselves. Yet this act deserves greater commendation, and to be well considered of, in that he held opinion to be better able to serve his Commonweal as a subject, then being a sovereign Lord. And as in a comedy he deserves most commendation, that represents the parsonage that imports most, be it of a shepherd or a peasant, and leaves the King or Captain to him that can perform it: So in good Philosophy, men ought to have a special regard to the common good, and apply themselves to that office and place which they best understand. But this philosophy is far from that which is practised at this day. But let us return to our discourse, and say, that in recompense of his modesty, and for the respect which the Mexicaine Electors bore him, they demanded of Tlacaellec, (that seeing he would not reign,) whom he thought most fit: Whereupon he gave his voice to a son of the deceased king, who was then very young, called Ticocic: but they replied that his shoulders were very weak to bear so heavy a burden. Tlacaellec answered, that his were there to help him to bear the burden, as he had done to the deceased: by means whereof, they took their resolution, and Tico●ic was chosen, to whom were done all the accustomed ceremonies.  
They pierced his nostrils, and for an ornament put an Emerald therein: and for this reason, in the Mexicane books, this king is noted by his nostrils pierced. He differed much from his father and predecessor, being noted for a coward, and not valiant. He went to make war for his coronation, in a province that was rebelled, where he lost more of his own men than he took captives; yet he returned, saying, that he brought the number of captives required for the sacrifice of his coronation, and so he was crowned with great solemnity. But the Mexicaines' discontented to have a king so little disposed to war, practised to hasten his death by poison. For this cause he continued not above four years in the kingdom: whereby we see that the children do not always follow the blood and valour of their fathers; and the greater the glory of the predecessors hath been, the more odious is the weakness and cowardice of such that succeed them in command, and not in merit. But this loss was well repaired by a brother of the deceased, who was also son to great Moteçuma, called Axayaca, who was likewise chosen by the advice of Tlacacllec, wherein he happened better than before.   

Of the death of Tlacaellec, and the deeds of Axayaca the seventh King of Mexicaines'. CHAP. 18.  
NOw was Tlacaellec very old, who by reason of his age, he was carried in a chair upon men's shoulders, to assist in counsel when business required. In the end he fell sick, whenas the king (who was not yet crowned,) did visit him often, shedding many tears, seeming to lose in him his father, and the father of his country. Tlacaellec did most affectionately recommend his children unto him, especially the eldest, who had showed himself valiant in the former wars. The king promised to have regard unto him, and the more to comfort the old man, in his presence he gave him the charge and ensigns of Captain General, with all the pre-eminences of his father; wherewith the old man remained so well satisfied, as with this content he ended his days. If he had not passed to another life, they might have held themselves very happy, seeing that of so poor and small a city, wherein he was borne, he established by his valour and magnanimity, so great, so rich, and so potent a kingdom. The Mexicans made his funeral as the founder of that Empire, more sumptuous and stately, than they had done to any of their former kings. And presently after Axayaca, (to appease the sorrow which all the people of Mexico showed for the death of their captain,) he resolved to make the voyage necessary for his coronation. He therefore led his army with great expedition into the province of Tequantepec, two hundred leagues from Mexico, where he gave battle to a mighty army and an infinite number of men assembled together, as well out of that province, as from their neighbours, to oppose themselves against the Mexicans. The first of his Camp that advanced himself, to the combat, was the King himself, defying his enemies, from whom he made show to fly when they charged him, until he had drawn them into an ambuscado, where many soldiers lay hidden under straw, who suddenly issued forth, and they which fled, turned head: so as they of Tiquantepec remained in the midst of them, whom they charged furiously, making a great slaughter of them: and following their victory, they razed their city and temple, punishing all their neighbours rigorously. Then went they on farther, and without any stay, conquered to Guatulco, the which is a port at this day well known in the South sea. Axayaca returned to Mexico with great and rich spoils, where he was honourably crowned, with sumptuous and stately preparation of sacrifices, tributes, and other things, whither many came to see his coronation. The Kings of Mexico received the crown from the hands of the King of Tescuco, who had the pre-eminence. He made many other enterprises, where he obtained great victories, being always the first to lead the army, and to charge the enemy; by the which he purchased the name of a most valiant captain: & not content to subdue strangers, he also suppressed his subjects which had rebelled, which never any of his predecessors ever could do, or durst attempt. We have already showed how some seditious of Mexico had divided themselves from that commonweal, and built a city near unto them, which they called Tlatelulco, whereas now saint jaques is.  
These being revolted, held a faction apart, and increased and multiplied much, refusing to acknowledge the kings of Mexico, nor to yield them obedience. The king Axayaca sent to advise them, not to live divided, but being of one blood, and one people, to join together, and acknowledge the king of Mexico: whereupon the Lord of Tlatelulco made an answer full of pride and disdain, defieng the king of Mexico to single combat with himself: and presently mustered his men, commanding some of them to hide themselves in the weeds of the Lake; and the better to deceive the Mexicans, he commanded them to take the shapes of ravens, geese, and other beasts, as frogs, and such like, supposing by this means to surprise the Mexicans as they should pass by the ways and cawsies of the Lake. Having knowledge of this defy, and of his adversaries policy, he divided his army, giving a part to his general, the son of Tlacaellec, commanding him to charge this ambuscado, in the Lake; and he with the rest of his people, by an unfrequented way, went and encamped before Tlatelulco. Presently he called him who had defied him, to perform his promise, and as the two Lords of Mexico, and Tlatelulco advanced, they commanded their subjects not to move, until they had seen who should be conqueror, which was done, and presently the two Lords encountered valiantly, where having fought long, in the end the Lord of Tlatelulco was forced to turn his back, being unable to endure the furious charge of the king of Mexico. Those of Tlatelulco seeing their captain fly, fainted, & fled likewise, but the Mexicans following them at the heels, charged them furiously; yet the Lord of Tlatelulco escaped not the hands of Axayaca, for thinking to save himself, he fled to the top of the Temple, but Axayaca followed him so near, as he seized on him with great force, and threw him from the top to the bottom, and after set fire on the Temple, and the city. Whilst this passed at Tlatelulco, the Mexicane general was very hot in the revenge of those that pretended to defeat him by policy, & after he had forced them to yield, and to cry for mercy, the General said he would not pardon them, until they had first performed the offices of those figures they represented, and therefore he would have them cry like frogs and ravens, every one according to the figure which he had undertaken, else they had no composition: which thing he did to mock them with their own policy. Fear and necessity be perfect teachers, so as they did sing and cry with all the differences of voices that were commanded them, to save their lives, although they were much grieved at the sport their enemies made at them. They say that unto this day, the Mexicans use to jest at the Tlatelulcans', which they bear impatiently, when they put them in mind of this singing and crying of beasts. King Axayaca took pleasure at this scorn and disgrace, and presently after they returned to Mexico with great joy. This King was esteemed for one of the best that had commanded in Mexico. He reigned eleven years, and one succeeded that was much inferior unto him in valour and virtue.   

Of the deeds of Autzol the eight King of Mexico. CHAP. 19  
AMong the four Electors that had power to choose whom they pleased to be king, there was one endued with many perfections, named Autzol. This man was chosen by the rest, and this election was very pleasing to all the people: for besides that he was valiant, all held him courteous and affable to every man, which is one of the chief qualities required in them that command, to purchase love and respect. To celebrate the feast of his coronation, he resolved to make a voyage, and to punish the pride of those of Quaxulatlan, a very rich and plentiful province, and at this day the chief of new Spain. They had robbed his officers and stewards, that carried the tribute to Mexico, and therewithal were rebelled. There was great difficulty to reduce this Nation to obedience, lying in such sort, as an arm of the sea stopped the Mexicans passage: to pass the which AutZol (with a strange device and industry) caused an Island to be made in the water, of faggots, earth, and other matter; by means whereof, both he and his men might pass to the enemy, where giving them battle, he conquered them, and punished them at his pleasure. Then returned he unto Mexico in triumph, and with great riches, to be crowned King, according to their custom. Autzol extended the limits of his kingdom far, by many conquests, even unto Guatimalla, which is three hundred leagues from Mexico. He was no less liberal than valiant: for whenas the tributes arrived, (which as I have said) came in great abundance, he went forth of his palace, gathering together all the people into one place, than commanded he to bring all the tributes, which he divided to those that had need. To the poor he gave stuffs to make apparel, and meat, and whatsoever they had need of in great abundance, and things of value, as gold, silver, jewels, and feathers, were divided amongst the Captains, soldiers, and servants of his house, according to every man's merit. This AutZol was likewise a great politician, he pulled down the houses ill built, and built others very sumptuous. It seemed unto him that the city of Mexico had too little water, and that the Lake was very muddy, and therefore he resolved to let in a great course of water, which they of Cuyoacan used. For this cause he called the chief man of the city unto him, being a famous sorcerer, having propounded his meaning unto him, the sorcerer wished him to be well advised what he did, being a matter of great difficulty, and that he understood, if he drew the river out of her ordinary course, making it pass to Mexico, he would drown the city. The king supposed these excuses were but to frustrate the effect of his design, being therefore in choler, he dismissed him home; and a few days after he sent a provost to Cuyoacan, to take this Sorcerer: who having understanding for what intent the king's officers came, he caused them to enter his house, and then he presented himself unto them in the form of a terrible Eagle, wherewith the provost and his companions being terrified, they returned without taking him. AutZol incensed herewith sent others, to whom he presented himself in form of a furious tiger, so as they durst not touch him. The third came, and they found him in the form of a horrible serpent, whereat they were much afraid. The king moved the more with these doings, sent to tell them of Cuyoacan, that if they brought not the sorcerer bound unto him, he would raze their city. For fear whereof, or whether it were of his own free will, or being forced by the people, he suffered himself to be led to the king, who presently caused him to be strangled, and then did he put his resolution in practice, forcing a channel whereby the water might pass to Mexico, whereby he brought a great current of water into the Lake, which they brought with great ceremonies and superstitions, having priests casting incense along the banks, others sacrificed quails, and with the blood of them sprinkled the channel banks, others sounding of cornets, accompanied the water with their music. One of the chief went attired in a habit like to their goddess of the water, and all saluted her, saying, that she was welcome. All which things are painted in the Annals of Mexico: which book is now at Rome in the holy Library, or Vatican, where a father of our company, that was come from Mexico, did see it, and other histories, the which he did expound to the keeper of his Holiness Library, taking great delight to understand this book, which before he could never comprehend. Finally, the water was brought to Mexico, but it came in such abundance, that it had well-near drowned the city, as was foretold: and in effect it did ruin a great part thereof, but it was presently prevented by the industry of Autzol, who caused an issue to be made to draw forth the water: by means whereof he repaired the buildings that were fallen, with an exquisite work, being before but poor cottages. Thus he left the city environed with water, like another Venice, and very well built: he reigned eleven years, and ended with the last and greatest successor of all the Mexicans.   

Of the election of great Moteçuma, the last king of Mexico. CHAP. 20.  
WHen the Spaniards entered new Spain, being in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and eighteen, Moteçuma second of that name, was the last king of the Mexicaines', I say the last, although they of Mexico, after his death, chose another king, yea in the life of the same Moteçuma, whom they declared an enemy to his country, as we shall see hereafter. But he that succeeded him, and he that fell into the hands of the Marquis de Valle, had but the names and titles of Kings, for that the kingdom was in a manner all yielded to the Spaniards: so as with reason we account Moteçuma for the last king, and so he came to the period of the Mexicaines' power and greatness, which is admirable being happened among Barbarians: for this cause, and for that this was the season, that God had chosen to reveal unto them the knowledge of his Gospel, and the kingdom of jesus Christ, I will r●▪ late more at large the acts of Moteçuma, then of the rest.  
Before he came to be king, he was by disposition, very grave and stayed, and spoke little, so as when he● gave his opinion in the privy counsel, whereas he assisted, his speeches and discourses made every one to admire him, so as even then he was feared and respected. He retired himself usually into a Chapel, appointed for him in the Temple of Vitziliputzli, where they said their Idol spoke unto him; and for this cause he was held very religious and devout. For these perfections then, being most noble and of great courage, his election was short and easy, as a man upon whom all men's eyes were fixed, as worthy of such a charge. Having intelligence of this election, he hid himself in this chapel of the Temple, whether it were by judgement, (apprehending so heavy and hard a burden) as to govern such a people) or rather as I believe through hypocrisy, to show that he desired not Empery: In the end they found him, leading him to the place of council, whither they accompanied him with all possible joy: he marched with such a gravity, as they all said the name of Moteçuma agreed very well with his nature, which is as much to say, as an angry Lord. The electors did him great reverence, giving him notice, that he was chosen king: from thence he was led before the hearth of their gods, to give incense, where he offered sacrifices in drawing blood from his ears, & the calves of his legs, according to their custom. They attired him with the royal ornaments, and pierced the gristle of his nostrils, hanging thereat a rich emerald, a barbarous & troublous custom, but the desire of rule, made all pain light and easy. Being seated in his throne, he gave andience to the Orations and Speeches that were made unto him, which according unto their custom were eloquent and artificial. The first was pronounced by the king of Tescuco, which being preserved, for that it was lately delivered, & very worthy to be heard, I will set it down word by word, and thus he said: The concordance and unity of voices upon thy election, is a sufficient testimony (most noble young man) of the happiness the realm shall receive, as well deserving to be commanded by thee, as also for the general applause which all do show by means thereof. Wherein they have great reason, for the Empire of Mexico doth already so far extend itself, that to govern a world, as it is, and to bear so heavy a burden, it requires no less dexterity and courage, than that which is resident in thy firm and valiant heart, nor of less wisdom and judgement than thine. I see and know plainly, that the mighty God loveth this City, seeing he hath given understanding to choose what was fit. For who will not believe that a Prince, who before his reign had pierced the nine vaults of heaven, should not likewise now obtain those things that are earthly to relieve his people, aiding himself with his best judgement, being thereunto bound by the duty and charge of a king. Who will likewise believe that the great courage which thou hast always valiantly showed in matters of importance, should now fail thee in matters of greatest need? Who will not persuade himself▪ but the Mexicane Empire is come to the height of their sovereignty, seeing the Lord of things created hath imparted so great graces unto thee, that with thy look only thou breedest admiration in them that behold thee? Rejoice then, O happy land, to whom the Creator hath given a Prince, as a firm pillar to support thee, which shall be thy father and thy defence, by whom thou shalt be succoured at need, who will be more than a brother to his subjects, for his piety and clemency. Thou hast a king, who i● regard of his estate is not inclined to delights, or will lie stretched out upon his bed, occupied in pleasures and vices; but chose in the midst of his sweet and pleasant sleep, he will suddenly awake, for the care he must have over thee, and will not feel the taste of the most savoury ●eates, having his spirits transported with the imagination of thy good. Tell me then (O happy realm) if I have not reason to say that 〈◊〉 oughtest rejoice, having found such a King: And thinkable Young man, and our most mighty Lord, be confident, and of ● good courage, that seeing the Lord of things created hath given thee this charge, he will also give thee for●● and courage to manage it: and thou mayest well hope, th●● he which in times past hath used so great bounty towards thee, will not now deny thee his greater gifts, seeing he hath given thee so great a charge, which I wish thee to enjoy ma●● years. King Moteçuma was very attentive to this Discourse, which being ended, they say he was so troubled, that endeavouring thrice to answer him, he could not speak, being overcome with tears, which joy and content do usually cause, in sign of great humility. In the end being come to himself, he spoke brie●ly, I were too blind, good king of Tescuco, if I did not know, that what thou hast spoken unto me, proceeded of mere favour, it pleaseth you to show me, seeing among so m●nie noble & valiant men within this realm, you have made ch●●●● of the le●st sufficient: and in truth, I find myself so incapable of a charge of so great importance, that I know not what to do, but to beseech the Creator of all created things, that he will favour me, and I entreat you all to pray unto him for me. These words uttered, he began again to weep.   

How Moteçuma ordered the service of his house, and of the war he made for his coronation. CHA. 21  
HE that in his election made such show of humility and mildness, seeing himself king, began presently to discover his aspiring thoughts. The first was, he commanded that no plebeian should serve in his house, nor bear any royal office, as his predecesfours had used till then; blaming them that would be served by men of base condition, commanding that all the noble and most famous men of his realm should live within his palace, and exercise the offices of his court, and house. Whereunto an old man of great authority (who had sometimes been his Schoolmaster) opposed himself, advising him, to be careful what he did, and not to thrust himself into the danger of a great inconvenience, in separating himself from the vulgar and common people, so as they should not dare to look him in the face, seeing themselves so rejected by him. He answered, that it was his resolution, and that he would not allow the plebeians to go thus mingled among the Nobles, as they had do one, saying, that the service they did, was according to their condition, so as the kings got no reputation, and thus he continued firm in his resolution. He presently commanded his counsel to dismiss all the plebeians from their charges and offices, as well those of his household as of his court, and to provide Knights, the which was done. After he went in person to an enterprise necessary for his coronation. At that time a province lying far off towards the North Ocean, was revolted from the crown, whether he led the flower of his people, well appointed. There he warred with such valour and dexterity, that in the end he subdued all the province, and punished the rebels severely, returning with a great number of captives for the sacrifices, and many other spoils. All the cities made him solemn receptions at his return, and the Lords thereof gave him water to wash, performing the offices of servants, a thing not used by any of his predecessors. Such was the fear and respect they bore him. In Mexico, they made the feasts of his coronation with great preparations of dances, comedies, banquets, lights, and other inventions for many days. And there came so great a wealth of tributes from all his countries, that strangers unknown came to Mexico, and their very enemies resorted in great numbers disguised to see these feasts, as those of Tlascalla, and Mechovacan: the which Moteçuma having discovered, he commanded they should be lodged and gently entreated, and honoured as his own person. He also made them goodly galleries like unto his own, where they might see and behold the feasts. So they entered by night to those feasts, as the king himself, making their sports and masks. And for that I have made mention of these provinces, it shall not be from the purpose to understand, that the inhabitants of Mechovacan, Tlascalla, and Tapeaca, would never yield to the Mexicans, but did always fight valiantly against them; yea, sometimes the Mechovacans did vanquish the Mexicans, as also those of Tapeaca did. In which place, the Marquis Don Ferrand Cortes, after that he and the Spaniards were expelled Mexico, pretended to build their first city, the which he called (as I well remember,) Segura de la Frontiere: But this peopling continued little: for having afterwards reconquered Mexico, all the Spaniards went to inhabit there. To conclude, those of Tapeaca, Tlascalla, and Mechovacan, have been always enemies to the Mexicans, although Motoçuma said unto Cortes, that he did purposesy forbear to subdue them, to have occasion to exercise his men of war, and to take numbers of captives.   

Of the behaviour and greatness of Moteçuma. CHAP. 22.  
THis King laboured to be respected, yea, to be worshipped as a god. No Plebeian might look him in the face; if he did, he was punished with death: he did never set his foot on the ground, but was always carried on the shoulders of Noblemen; and if he lighted, they laid rich tapestry whereon he did go. When he made any voyage, he and the Noblemen went as it were in a park compassed in for the nonce, and the rest of the people went without the park, environging it in on every side; he never put on a garment twice, nor did eat or drink in one vessel or dish above once; all must be new, giving to his attendants that which had once served him: so as commonly they were rich and sumptuous. He was very careful to have his laws observed. And when he returned victor from any wa●●e, he feigned sometimes to go and take his pleasure, than would he disguise himself, to see if his people (supposing if he wear absent,) would omit any thing of the feast or reception: If there were any excess or defect, he then did punish it rigorously. And also to discern how his ministers did execute their offices, he often disguised himself, offering guistes and presents to the judges, provoking them to do in justice. If they offended, they were presently punished with death, without remission or respect, were they Noblemen, or his kinsmen; yea, his own brethren. He was little conversant with his people, and seldom seen, retiring himself most commonly to care for the government of his realm. Besides that, he was a great iusticier and very noble, he was very valiant and happy, by means whereof, he obtained great victories, and came to this greatness, as is written in the Spanish histories, whereon it seems needless to write more. I will only have a care hereafter to write what the books and histories of the Indies make mention of; the which the Spanish writers have not observed, having not sufficiently understood the secrets of this country, the which are things very worthy to be known, as we shall see hereafter.   

Of the presages and strange prodigies which happened in Mexico before the fall of their Empire. CHAP. 23.  
ALthough the holy Scripture forbids us to give credit to signs and vain prognostications, 
Deut. 28.  and that S. Jerome doth admonish us not to fear tokens from heaven, 
jer. 10.  as the Gentiles do: Yet the same Scripture teacheth us, that monstrous and prodigious signs are not altogether to be contemned, and that often they are forerunners of some general changes and chastisements which God will take, as Eusebius notes well of Caesarea: 
Lib. 9 de demo. Evan. daemon. 1  For that the same Lord of heaven and earth, sends such prodiges and new things in heaven, in the elements, in beasts, and in his other creatures, that this might partly serve as an advertisement to men, and to be the beginning of the pain and chastisement, by the fear and amazement they bring. It is written in the second book of Macabees, that before that great change and persecution of the people of Israel: 
2. Mac. 5.  which was caused by the tyranny of Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes, whom the holy Scriptures call the root of sin, there were seen for forty days together throughout all jerusalem, great squadrons of horsemen in the air, who with their armour guilt, their lances and targets, and upon furious horses, with their sword drawn did strike, 
1. Mat. 1.  skirmish and encounter one against the other: and they say that the Inhabitants of jerusalem seeing this, they prayed to our Lord to appease his wrath, and that these prodigies might turn to good. It is likewise written in the book of Wisdom, 
Sap. 17.  That when God would draw his people out of Egypt, and punish the Egyptians, some terrible & fearful visions appeared unto them, as fires seen out of time in horrible forms. joseph in his book of the jewishwarres, showeth many and great wonders going before the destruction of jerusalem, and the last captivity of his wicked people, whom God justly abhorred: 
Euseb. lib. 1. de eccle. hist.  and Eusebius of Caesarea, with others, allege the same texts, authorizing prognostications. The Histories are full of like observations in great changes of states and commonweals, as Paulus Orosius witnesseth of many: and without doubt this observation is not vain nor unprofitable; for although it be vanity, yea superstition, defended by the law of our God, lightly to believe these signs and tokens: yet in matters of great moment, as in the changes of nations, kingdoms, and notable laws. It is no vain thing, but rather certain and assured, to believe that the wisdom of the most High doth dispose and suffer these things, foretelling what should happen, to serve (as I have said) for an advertisement to some, and a chastisement to others, and as a witness to all, that the king of heaven hath a care of man: who as he hath appointed great and fearful tokens of that great change of the world, which shall be the day of judgement, so doth it please him to send wonderful signs to demonstrate lesser changes in diverse parts of the world, the which are remarkable, whereof he disposeth according to his eternal wisdom. We must also understand, that although the devil be the father of lies; yet the King of Glory makes him often to confess the truth against his will, which he hath often declared for very fear, 
Mat. 1. Luke. 4.  as he did in the desert by the mouth of the possessed, crying, that jesus was the Saviour come to destroy him, as he did by the Pythonisse, who said that Paul preached the true God, 
Act. 26.  as when he appeared and troubled pilate's wife, whom he made to mediate for jesus a just man. And as many other histories besides the holy Scripture gave divers testimonies of idols, in approbation of christian religion, whereof Lactantius, Prosperus, and others make mention. Let them read Eusebius in his books of the preparation of the Gospel; and those of his demonstrations where he doth amply treat of this matter. I have purposely spoken this, that no man should contemn what is written in the Histories and Annals of the Indies, touching Presages and strange signs, of the approaching end and ruin of their kingdom, and of the Divelles tyranny, whom they worshipped altogether. Which in my opinion is worthy of credit and belief, both for that it chanced late, and the memory is yet fresh, as also for that it is likely, that the Devil lamented at so great a change, and that God by the same means began to chastise their cruel and abominable idolatries. I will therefore set them down here as true things. It chanced that Moteçuma having reigned many years in great prosperity, and so puffed up in his conceit, as he caused himself to be served and feared, yea to be worshipped as a god, that the Almighty Lord began to chastise him, and also to admonish him, suffering even the very Divelles whom he worshipped, to tell him these heavy tidings of the ruin of his kingdom, and to torment him by visions, which had never been seen; wherewith he remained so melancholy and troubled, as he was void of judgement. The idol of those of Cholola, which they called Quetzacoalt, declared, that a strange people came to possess his kingdoms. The king of Tescuco (who was a great Magician, and had conference with the Devil) came one day at an extraordinary house to visit Moteçuma, assuring him that his gods had told him, that there were great losses preparing for him, and for his whole realm: many witches and sorcerers went and declared as much, amongst which there was one did very particularly foretell him what should happen: and as he was with him he told him that the pulses of his feet and hands failed him. Moteçuma troubled with these news, commanded all those sorcerers to be apprehended: but they vanished presently in the prison, wherewith he grew into such a rage, that he might not kill them, as he put their wives and children to death, destroying their houses, and families. Seeing himself importuned and troubled with these advertisements, he sought to appease the anger of his gods: and for that cause he laboured to bring a huge stone, thereon to make great sacrifices: For the effecting whereof he sent a great number of people with engines and instruments to bring it: which they could by no means move, although (being obstinate) they had broken many instruments. But as they strove still to raise it, they heard a voice joining to the stone, which said they laboured in vain, and that they should not raise it, for that the Lord of things created would no more suffer those things to be done there. Moteçuma understanding this, ommaunded the sacrifice to be performed in that ●lace, and they say the voice spoke again: Have I not told you, that it is not the pleasure of the Lord of things created, that it should be done: and that you may well know that it is so, I will suffer myself to be transported a little, then after you shall not move me. Which happened so indeed, for presently they carried it a small distance with great facility, than afterwards they could not move it, till that after many prayers, it suffered itself to be transported to the entry of the city of Mexico, where suddenly it fell into the Lake, where seeking for it, they could not find it, but it was afterwards found in the same place from whence they had removed it, wherewith they remained amazed and confounded. At the same time there appeared in the element a great flame of fire, very bright, in the form of a Pyramid, which began to appear at midnight, and went still mounting until the Sun rising in the morning, where it stayed at the South, and then vanished away. It showed itself in this sort the space of a whole year, and ever as it appeared the people cast forth great cries as they were accustomed, believing it was a presage of great misfortune. It happened also that fir● took the Temple, whenas no body was within it, nor near unto it, neither did there fall any lightning or thunder: whereupon the guards crying out, a number of people ran with water, but nothing could help, so as it was all consumed; and they say the fire seemed to come forth of pieces of timber, which kindled more by the water that was cast upon it. There was a Comet seen in the day time, running from the west to the east, casting an infinite number of sparkles, and they say the form was like to a long tail, having three heads.  
The great lake betwixt Mexico and Tescuco, without any wind, earthquake, or any other apparent sign, began suddenly to swell, and the waves grew in such sort, as all the buildings near unto it fell down to the ground. They say at that time they heard many voices, as of a woman in pain, which said sometimes, O my children, the time of your destruction is come, and otherwhiles it said, O my children, whither shall I carry you, that you perish not utterly? There appeared likewise many monsters with two heads, which being carried before the king, suddenly vanished. There were two that exceeded all other monsters, being very strange; the one was, the fishers of the lake took a bird as big as a Crane, and of the same colour, but of a strange and unseen form. They carried it to Moteçuma, who at that time was in the palace of tears and mourning, which was all hanged with black, for as he had many palaces for his recreation, so had he also others for times of affliction, where with he was then heavily charged and tormented, by reason of the threatenings his gods had given him by these sorrowful advertisements. The fishers came about noon setting this bird before him, which had on the top of his head a thing bright and transparent, in form of a looking glass, wherein he did behold a warlike nation coming from the east, armed, fighting, and killing. He called his Divines and Astronomers (whereof there was a great number) who having seen these things, and not able to yield any reason of what was demanded of them, the bird vanished away, so as it was never more seen: whereupon Moteçuma remained very heavy and sorrowful. The other which happened, was a labourer, who had the report of a very honest man, came unto him, telling him, that being the day before at his work, a great Eagle flew towards him, and took him up in his talants, without hurting him, carrying him into a certain cave, where it left him; the Eagle pronouncing these words, Most mighty Lord, I have brought him whom thou hast commanded me: This Indian labourer looked about on every side, to whom he spoke, but he saw no man. Then he heard a voice which said unto him, Dost thou not know this man, whom thou seest lying upon the ground: and looking thereon, he perceived ● man lie very heavy asleep, with royal ensigns, flowers in his hand, and a staff of perfumes burning, as they are accustomed to use in that country, whom the labourer beholding, knew it was the great king Moteçuma, and answered presently: Great Lord, this resembles our King Moteçuma. The voice said again, Thou sayest true, behold what he is, and how he lies asleep, careless of the great miseries and afflictions prepared for him. It is now time that he pay the great number of offences he hath done to God, and that he receive the punishment of his tyrannies, and great pride, and yet thou seest how careless he lies, blind in his own miseries, and without any feeling. But to the end thou mayest the better see him, take the staff of perfumes he holds burning in his hand, and put it to his face, thou shalt then find him without feeling. The poor labourer durstnot approach near him, nor do as he was commanded, for the great fear they all had of this king. But the voice said, Have no flare, for I am without comparison greater than this King, I can destroy him, and defend him, do therefore what I command thee. Whereupon the labourer took the staff of perfumes out of the king's hand, and put it burning to his nose, but he moved not, nor showed any feeling.  
This done, the voice said unto him, that seeing he had found the king so sleepy, he should go awake him, and tell him what he had seen. Then the Eagle by the same commandment, took the man in his talents, and set him in the same place where he found him, and for accomplishment of that which it had spoken, he came to advertise him. They say, that Moteçuma looking on his face, found that he was burnt, the which he had not felt till then, wherewith he continued exceeding heavy and troubled. It may be, that what the labourer reported, had happened unto him by imaginary vision: And it is not incredible, that God appointed by the means of a good Angel, or suffered by a bad, that this advertisement should be given to the labourer for the king's chastisement, although an infidel, seeing that we read in the holy Scriptures, that infidels and sinners have had the like apparitions and revelations, as Nabucadonosor, Balaam, and the Pithonisse of Saul. 
Dan 2. Num. 22. 3. Reg. 28.  And if some of these apparitions did not so expressly happen, yet without doubt, Moteçuma had many great afflictions and discontentments, by reason of sundry & diverse revelations which he had, that his kingdom and law should soon end.   

Of the news Moteçuma received of the Spaniards arrival in his Country, and of the embassage he sent them. CHAP. 24.  
IN the fourteenth year of the reign of Moteçuma, which was in the year of our Lord 1517. There appeared in the North seas, ships, and men landing, whereat the subjects of Moteçuma wondered much, and desirous to learn, and to be better satisfied what they were, they went aboard in their canoes, carrying many refresh of meats and stuffs to make apparel, upon colour to sell them. The Spaniards received them into their ships, and in exchange of their victuals and stuffs, which were acceptable unto them, they gave them chains of false stones, red, blue, green, and yellow, which the Indians imagined to be precious stones. The Spaniards informing themselves who was their king, and of his great power, dismissed them, willing them to carry those stones unto their lord, saying, that for that time they could not go to him, but they would presently return and visit him. Those of the coast went presently to Mexico with this message, carrying the representation of what they had seen, painted on a cloth, both of the ships, men, and stones which they had given them. King Moteçuma remained very pensive with this message, commanding them not to reveal it to any one. The day following, he assembled his counsel, and having showed them the painted clothes, and the chains, he cousulted what was to be done: where it was resolved to set good watches upon all the sea coasts, to give present advertisement to the king of what they should discover. The year following, which was in the beginning of the year 1518. they discovered a fleet at sea, in the which was the Marquis of Valle Don Fernande Cortes, with his companions, a news which much troubled Moteçuma, and conferring with his counsel, they all said, that without doubt, their great and ancient Lord Queztzalcoalt was come, who had said, that he would return from the East, whither he was gone. The Indians held opinion, that a great Prince had in times past left them, and promised to return. Of the beginning and ground of which opinion shall be spoken in another place. They therefore sent five principal Ambassadors with rich presents, to congratulate his coming, saying, they knew well that their great Lord QueztZalcoalt was come, and that his servant Moteçuma sent to visit him, for so he accounted himself. The Spaniards understood this message by the means of Mar●●a, an Indian woman whom they brought with them, and understood the Mexicane tongue. Fernande Cortes finding this a good occasion for his entry, commanded to deck his chamber richly, and being set in great state and pomp, he caused the Ambassadors to enter, who omitted no shows of humility, but to worship him as their god.  
They delivered their charge, saying, that his servant Moteçuma sent to visit him, and that he held the country in his name as his lieutenant, that he knew well it was the Topilcin which had been promised them many years since, who should return again unto them. And therefore they brought him such garments as he was wont to wear, when he did converce amongst them, beseeching him to accept willingly of them, offering him many presents of great value. Cortes receiving the presents, answered, that he was the same they spoke of, wherewith they were greatly satisfied, seeing themselves to be courteously received and entreated by him (for in that, as well as in other things, this valiant captain deserved commendations) that if this course had been continued, to win them by love, it seemed the best occasion was offered that might be devised, to draw this country to the Gospel by peace and love: but the sins of these cruel homicides and slaves of Satan, required punishment from heaven, as also those of many Spaniards, which were not in small number. Thus the high judgements of God disposed of the health of this nation, having first cut off the perished roots: and as the Apostle saith, 
Rom. 11.  the wickedness and blindness of some, hath been the salvation of others. To conclude, the day after this embassage, all the Captains and Comm●●ders of the fleet, came unto the Admiral, where understanding the matter, and that this realm of Moteçuma was mighty and rich; it seemed fit to gain the reputation of brave and valiant men among this people, and that by this means, (although they were few,) they should be feared and received into Mexico. To this end they discharged all their artillery from their ships, which being a thing the Indians had never heard, they were amazed, as if heaven had fallen upon them. Then the Spaniards began to defy them to fight with them: but the Indians not daring to hazard themselves, they did beat them and entreat them ill, showing their sword, lances, pertuisans, and other arms, wherewith they did terrify them much. The poor Indians were by reason hereof, so fearful and amazed, as they changed their opinion, saying, that their Lord Topilcin came not in this troop. But they were some gods, (their enemies) came to destroy them. Whenas the Ambassadors returned to Mexico, Mo●●çu●a was in the house of audience; but before he would hear them, this miserable man commanded a great number of men to be sacrificed in his presence, and with their blood to sprinkle the Ambassadors, (supposing by this ceremony, (which they were accustomed to do in solemn Ambassages,) to receive a good answer. But understanding the report and information of the manner of their ships, men, and arms, he stood perplexed and confounded: then taking counsel thereon, he found no better means, th●n to labour to stop the entry of these strangers, by conjurations and magic Artes. They had accustomed often to use this means, having great conference with the devil, by whose help they sometimes obtained strange effects. They therefore assembled together all the Sorcerers, Magicians, and Enchanters, who being persuaded by Moteç●ma, they took it in charge to force this people to return unto their country. For this consideration, they went to a certain place which they thought fit for the invocation of their devils, and practising their arts, (a thing worthy of consideration.) They wrought all they could; but seeing nothing could prevail against the Christians, they went to the king, telling him that they were more than men, for that nothing might hurt them, notwithstanding, all their conjurations and enchantments. Then Moteçuma advised him of another policy, that feigning to be very well contented with their coming, he commanded all his countries to serve these celestial gods that were come into his land. The whole people was in great heaviness and amazement, and often news came that the Spaniards inquired for the King, of his manner of life, of his house & means. He was exceedingly vexed herewith: some of the people & other Negromanciers advised him to hide himself, offering to place him whereas no creature should ever find him. This seemed base unto him, and therefore he resolved to attend them, although it were dying. In the end he left his houses and royal palaces to lodge in others, leaving them for these gods as he said.   

Of the Spaniards entry into Mexico. CHAP. 25.  
I Pretend not to entreat of the acts and deeds of the Spaniards, who conquered New Spain, nor the strange adventures which happened unto them, nor of the courage and invincible valour of their Captain Don Fernando Cortes: for that there are many histories and relations thereof, as those which Fernando Cortes himself, did write to the Emperor Charles the fifth, although they be in a plain style, and far from arrogancy, the which do give a sufficient testimony of what did pass, wherein he was worthy of eternal merry, but only to accomplish my intention: I am to relate what the Indians report of this action, the which hath not to this day been written in our vulgar tongue▪ Moteçuma therefore, having notice of this captains victories, that he advanced for his conquest, that he was confederate and joined with them of Tlascalla, his capital enemies, and that he had severely punished them of Cholola his friends, he studied how to deceive him, or else to try him in sending a principal man unto him, attired with the like ornaments and royal ensigns, the which should take upon him to be Moteçuma, which fiction being discovered to the Marquis by them of Tlascalla, (who did accompany him,) he sent him back, after a mild and gentle reprehension, in seeking so to deceive him: whereupon Moteçuma was so confounded, that for the fear thereof, he returned to his first imaginations and practices, to force the christians to retire, by the invocation of conjurers and witches. And therefore he assembled a greater number than before, threatening them, that if they returned without effecting what he had given them in charge, not any one should escape, whereunto they all promised to obey. And for this cause, all the devils officers went to the way of Chalco, by the which the Spaniards should pass, when mounting to the top of a hill, Tezcalipuca, one of their principal gods, appeared unto them, as coming from the Spaniards camp, in the habit of Chalcas, who had his paps bound about eight fold with a cord of reeds, he came like a man beside himself, out of his wits, and drunk with rage & fury. Being come to this troop of witches and conjurers, he stayed, and spoke to them in great choler, Why come you hither, what doth Moteçuma pretend to do by your means? He hath advised himself too late: for it is now determined, that his Kingdom and honour shall be taken from him, with all that he possesseth, for punishment of the great tyrannics he hath committed against his subjects, having governed not like a Lord, but like a traitor and tyrant. The enchanters and conjurers hearing these words, knew it was their idol, and humbling themselves before him, they presently built him an altar of stone in the same place, covering it with flowers which they gathered thereabouts, but he chose, making no account of these things, began again to chide them, saying, What come you hither to do O ye traitors? Return presently and behold Mexico, that you may understand what shall become thereof. And they say, that turning towards Mexico to behold it, they did see it flaming on fire. Then the devil vanished away, and they not daring to pass any farther, gave notice thereof to Moteç●ma, whereat he remained long without speaking, looking heavily on the ground; then he said, what shall we do if god and our friends leave us, and chose, they help and favour our enemies? I am now resolute, and we ought all to resolve in this point, that happen what may, we must not fly nor hide ourselves, or show any sign of cowardice. I only pity the aged and infants, who have neither feet nor hands to defend themselves. Having spoken this, he held his peace, being transported into an ecstasy. In the end, the Marquis approaching to Mexico, Moteçuma resolved to make of necessity a virtue, going three or four leagues out of the city to receive him with a great ma●●●ty, carried upon the shoulders of four Noblemen, under a rich canopy of gold and feathers: when they met, Moteçuma descended, and they saluted one another very courteously. Don Fernando Cortes said unto him, that he should not care for any thing, and that he came not to take away his real me, no● to diminish his authority. Moteçuma lodged Cortes and his companions in his royal palace, the which was very stately, and he himself lodged in other private houses. This night the soldiers for joy discharged their artillery, wherewith the Indians were much troubled, being unaccustomed to hear such music. The day following, Cortes caused Mot●çuma and all the Nobles of his Court to assemble in a great hall, where being set in a high chair, he said unto them, that he was servant to a great prince, who had sent them into these countries to do good works, and that having found them of Tl●scalla to be his friend's, (who complained of wrongs and grievances done unto them daily by them of Mexico,) he would understand which of them was in the blame, and reconcile them, that hereafter they might no more afflict and war one against another: and in the mean time, he and his brethren (which were the Spaniards,) would remain still there without hurting them: but chose, they would help them all they could. He laboured to make them all understand this discourse, using his interpterers & truchmen. The which being understood by the King and the other Mexicane Lords, they were wonderfully well satisfied, and showed great signs of love to Cortes & his company. Many hold opinion, that if they had continued the course they began that day, they might easily have disposed of the king & his kingdom, and given them the law of Christ, without any great effusion of blood. But the judgements of God are great, and the sins of both parties were infinite: so as not having followed this course, the business was deferred: yet in the end, God showed mercy to this nation, imparting unto them the light of his holy Gospel, after he had showed his judgement, and punished them that had deserved it, and odiously offended his divine reverence. So it is, that by some occasions, many complaints, griefs, and jealousies grew on either side. The which Cortes finding, & that the Indians minds began to be distracted from them, he thought it necessary to assure himself, in laying hand upon king Moteçuma, who was seized on, and his legs fettered. Truly this act was strange unto all men, & like unto that other of his, to have burnt his ships, and shut himself in the midst of his enemies, there to vanquish or to die. The mischief was, that by reason of the unexpected arrival of Pamphilo Narvaes' at the true cross, drawing the country into mutiny, Cortes was forced to absent himself from Mexico, & to leave poor Motecuma in the hands of his companions, who wanted discretion nor had not moderation like unto him: so as they grew to that dissension, as there was no means to pacify it.   

Of the death of Moteçuma, and the Spaniards departure out of Mexico. CHAP. 26.  
WHenas Cortes was absent from Mexico, he that remained his lieutenant, resolved to punish the Mexicans severely, causing a great number of the nobility to be slain at a mask which they made in the palace, the which did so far exceed, as all the people mutined, & in a furious rage, took arms to be revenged and to kill the Spaniards. They therefore besieged them in the palace, pressing them so near, that all the hurt the Spaniards could do them with their artillery and crossbows, might not terrify them, nor force them to retire from their enterprise, where they continued many days, stopping their victuals, nor suffering any one to enter or issue forth. They did fight with stones, and cast darts after their manner, with a kind of lances like unto arrows, in the which there are four or six very sharp razors, the which are such, (as the histories report,) that in these wars, an Indian with one blow of these razors, almost cut off the neck of a horse, & as they did one day fight with this resolution & fury, the Spaniards to make them cease, showed forth Mot●cuma, with another of the chief Lords of Mexico, upon the top of a platform of the house, covered with the targets of two soldiers that were with them. The Mexicanes seeing their Lord Moteçuma, stayed with great silence. Then Moteçuma caused the Lord to advise them to pacify themselves, and not to war against the Spaniards, seeing that (he being a prisoner,) it could little profit him. The which being understood by a young man called Quicuxtemoc, whom they now resolved to make their king, spoke with a loud voice to Moteçuma, willing him to retire like a villain, that seeing he had been such a coward, as to suffer himself to be taken, they were no more bound to obey him, but rather should punish him as he deserved, calling him woman for the more reproach, and then he began to draw his bow and to shoot at him, and the people began to cast stones at him, & to continue their combat. Many say that Motecuma was then hurt with a stone whereof he died. The Indians of Mexico affirm the contrary, & that he died as I will show hereafter. Alvero & the rest of the Spaniards seeing themselves thus pressed, gave intelligence to Captain Cortes, of the great danger they were in: who having with an admirable dexterity & valour, given order to Narvaes' affairs, and assembled the greatest part of his men, he returned with all speed to succour them of Mexico, where observing the time the Indians rest, (for it was their custom in war, to rest every fourth day:) He one day advanced with great policy & courage, so as both he and his men entered the palace, whereas the Spaniards had fortified themselves: they than showed great signs of joy, in discharging their artillery. But as the Mexicans fury increased, (being out of hope to defend themselves,) Cortes resolved to pass away secretly in the night without bruit. Having therefore made bridges to pass two great and dangerous passages, about midnight they issued forth as secretly as they could, the greatest part of his people having passed the first bridge, they were discovered by an Indian woman before they could pass. The second who cried out their enemies fled, at the which voice all the people ran together with a horrible fury: so as in passing, the second bridge, they were so charged and pursued, as there remained above three hundred men slain & hurt in one place; where at this day there is a small hermitage, which they unproperly call of Martyrs. Many Spaniards (to preserve the gold & jewels which they had gotten,) perished, & others staying to carry it away, were taken by the Mexicans, & cruelly sacrificed to their idols. The Mexicans found king Moteçuma dead, & wounded as they say with poiniards, and they hold opinion that that night the Spaniards show him with other Noblemen. The Marquis in his relation sent to the Emperor, writes the contrary, & that the Mexicans killed him that night with a son of Moteçuma, which he led with him amongst other noblemen, saying, that all the treasure of gold, stones, and silver, fell into the lake & was never more seen. But howsoever, Moteçuma died miserably, & paid his deserts to the just judgement of our Lord of heaven for his pride & tyranny: his body falling into the Indians power, they would make him no obsequies of a king, no not of an ordinary person, but cast it away in great disdain & rage. A servant of his having pity of this King's misery, (who before had been feared and worshipped as a God) made a fire thereof, and put the ashes in a contemptible place. Returning to the Spaniards that escaped, they were greatly tired and turmoiled, the Indians following them two or three days very resolutely, giving them no time of rest, being so distressed for victuals, as a few grains of Mays were divided amongst them for their meat. The relations both of the Spaniards & Indians agree, that God delivered them here miraculously, the Virgin Mary defending them on a little hill, whereat this day three leagues from Mexico, there is a Church built in remembrance thereof, called our Lady of succour. They retired to their ancient friends of Tlascalla, whence (by their aid, & the valour & policy of Cortes,) they returned afterwards to make war against Mexico, by water and land, with an invention of brigantines, which they put into the lake, where after many combats, and above threescore dangerous battles, they conquered Mexco, on S. Hippolytus day, the 13. of August, 1521. The last king of the Mexicans, (having obstinately maintained the wars,) was in the end taken in a great canoe, whereinto he fled, who being brought with some other of the chiefest noblemen before Fernando Cortes, this petty king with a strange resolution and courage, drawing his dagger, came near to Cortes, and said unto him, Until this day I have done my best endeavour for the defence of my people: now am I no farther bound, but to give thee this dagger to kill me therewith. Cortes answered, that he would not kill him, neither was it his intention to hurt them: but their obstinate folly was guilty of all the misery & afflictions they had suffered, neither were they ignorant how often he had required peace and amity at their hands. He then commanded them to be entreated courteously. Many strange & admirable things chanced in this conquest of Mexico: for I neither hold it for an untruth, nor an addition, which many write, that God favoured the Spaniards by many miracles: for else it had been impossible to surmount so many difficulties, without the favour of heaven, and to subject this nation with so few men. For although we were sinners, & unworthy so great a favour, yet the cause of our God, the glory of our faith, the good of so many thousands souls, as were in these countries, whom the Lord had predestinate, wrought this change which we now see, by supernatural means, and proper to himself which calls the blind and prisoners, to the knowledge of himself, giving them light and liberty by his holy Gospel. And to the end you may the better understand this, and give credit thereunto, I will allege some examples which in my opinion are fit for this history.   

Of some miracles which God hath showed at the Indies, in favour of the faith, beyond the desert of those that wrought them. CHAP. 27.  
SAint Croix of the mountain, is a very great province, and far from the Kingdom of Peru, neighbour to divers infidel nations, which have not yet any knowledge of the Gospel, if since my departure, the fathers of our company which remane there, have not instructed them. Yet this province of S. Croix is christened, and there are many Spaniards, and great numbers of Indians baptised. The manner how Christianity entered, was thus. A soldier of a lewd life, resident in the province of Charcas, fearing punishment, being pursued for his offences, went far up into the country, and was received courteously by this barbarous people. The Spaniard seeing them in a great extremity for water, and that to procure rain, they used many superstitious ceremonies, according to their usual manner, he said unto them, that if they would do as he said, they should presently have rain, the which they willingly offered to perform. Then the soldier made a great cross, the which he planted on a high and eminent place, commanding them to worship it, and to demand water, the which they did. A wonderful thing to see, there presently fell such abundance of rain, as the Indians took so great devotion to the holy cross, as they fled unto it in all their necessities, and obtained all they demanded: so as they broke down their idols, and began to carry the cross for their badge, demanding preachers to instruct, and to baptize them. For this reason, the province to this day hath been called S. Croix de la Sierre. But to the end we may see by whom God wrought these miracles, it shall not be unfit to show how that this soldier after he had some years done these miracles, like an Apostle, and yet nothing reform in his lewd course of life, left the province of Charcas, and continuing in his wicked courses, was publicly hanged at Potozi. Polo (who knew him well) writes all this, as a notable thing happened in his time. Cabeca de Vaca, who since was governor of Paraguey, writes what happened unto him in his strange peregrination in Florida, with two or three other companions, the only remainder of an army, where they continued ten years with these Barbarians, travelling and searching even unto the South sea, being an author worthy of credit: he saith, that these Barbarians did force them to cure certain diseases, threatening them with death if they did it not; they being ignorant in any part of physic, and having nothing to apply, forced by necessity, made evangelical medicines, saying the prayers of the Church, and making the sign of the cross, by means whereof, they cured these diseases, which made them so famous, as they were forced to exercise this office in all towns as they passed, the which were innumerable, wherein our Lord did aid them miraculously, and they themselves were thereat amazed, being but of an ordinary life; yea, one of them was a Negro. Lancero was a soldier of Peru, of whom they knew no other merit, but to be a soldier: he spoke certain good words upon wounds, and making the sign of the cross, did presently cure them: so as they did say, (as in a proverb,) the psalm of Lancero. Being examined by such as held authority in the Church, his office & works were approved. Some men worthy of credit report, (and I have heard it spoken,) that in the city of Cusco, whenas the Spaniards were besieged and so straightly pressed, that without help from heaven, it was impossible to escape, the Indians casting fire on the tops of the houses, whether the Spaniards were retired, (in which place the great Church is now built,) & although the covering were of a kind of straw, which they call Chicho, and that the fire they cast, was of the wood of fat & slimy fir-tree; yet nothing was set on fire, nor burnt, for that there was a woman did quench it presently, the which the Indians did visibly see, as they confessed afterwards being much amazed. It is most certain by the relations of many, and by the histories which are written, that in diverse battles which the Spaniards had, as well in New Spain, as in Peru, the Indians their enemies did see a horseman in the air, mounted on a whit horse, with a sword in his hand, fight for the Spaniards, whence comes the great reverence they bear at the Indies to the glorious Apostle Saint james. Other whiles they did see in some battles, the image of our Lady, from whom the Christians have received in those parts incomparable favours and benefits: if I should particularly relate all the works of heaven, as they happened, it would make a very long discourse. It sufficeth to have said this, by reason of the favour which the Queen of glory did to our men, when they were pressed and pursued by the Mexicans, the which I have set down, to the end we may know how our Lord hath had a care to favour the faith and Christian religion, defending those that maintained it, although happily by their works they deserved not so great favours and benefits from heaven. And therefore we ought not to condemn all these things of the first conquerors of the Indies, as some religious and learned men have done, doubtless with a good zeal, but too much affected: For although for the most part they were covetous men, cruel, and very ignorant in the course that was to be observed with the Infidels, who had never offended the Christians, yet can we not deny, but on their part there was much malice against God and our men, which forced them to use rigour and chastisement. And moreover, the Lord of all (although the faithful were sinners,) would favour their cause and party, even for the good of the Infidels, who should be converted unto the holy Gospel by this means, for the ways of God are high, and their paths admirable.   

Of the manner how the Divine providence disposed of the Indies, to give an entry to Christian Religion. CHAP. 28.  
I Will make an end of this history of the Indies, showing the admirable means whereby God made a passage for the Gospel in those parts, the which we ought well to consider of, and acknowledge the providence and bounty of the Creator. Every one may understand by the relation and discourse I have written in these books, as well at Peru, as in New Spain, whenas the Christians first set footing, that these Kingdoms and Monarchies were come to the height and period of their power. The Inguas of Peru, possessing from the Realm of Chille beyond Quitto, which are a thousand leagues, being most abundant in gold, silver, sumptuous services, and other things: as also in Mexico, Moteçuma commanded from the North Ocean sea, unto the South, being feared and worshipped not as a man, but rather as a god. Then was it, that the most high Lord had determined that that stone of Daniel, which dissolved the Realms and Kingdoms of the world, should also dissolve those of this new world. And as the law of Christ came whenas the Roman Monarchy was at her greatness: so did it happen at the West Indies, wherein we see the just providence of our Lord: For being then in the world, I mean in Europe but one head and temporal Lord, as the holy Doctors do note, whereby the Gospel might more easily beimparted to so many people and nations. Even so hath it happened at the Indies, where having given the knowledge of Christ to the monarch of so many Kingdoms▪ it was a means that afterwards the knowledge of the gospel was imparted to all the people: yea, there is herein a special thing to be observed, that as the Lords of Cusco and Mexico conquered new lands, so they brought in their own language, for although there were (as at this day) great diversity of tongues yet the Courtly speech of Cusco, did and doth at this day run above a thousand leagues, and that of Mexico did not extend far less, which hath not been of small importance, but hath much profited in making the preaching easy, at such a time, when as the preachers had not the gift of many tongues, as in old times. He that would know what a help it hath been for the conversion of this people in these two great empires, and the great difficulty they have found to reduce those Indians to Christ, which acknowledge no Sovereign Lord, let him go to Florida, bresil, the Andes and many other places, where they have not prevailed so much by their preaching in fifty years, as they have done in Peru and new Spain in less than five. If they will impute the cause to the riches of the country: I will not altogether deny it. Yet were it impossible to have so great wealth, and to be able to preserve it if there had not been a Monarchy. This is also a work of God in this age, when as the Preachers of the gospel are so cold and without zeal, and Merchants with the heat of covetousness and desire of command, search and discover new people whether we pass with our commodities, for as Saint Austin saith, the prophesy of Esaie is fulfilled, in that the Church of Christ is extended, 
August. lib. 2. the ●●●ovang. ●. 36.  not only to the right hand, but also to the left: which is, (as he declareth,) by humane and earthly means, which they seek more commonly than jesus Christ. It was also a great providence of our Lord, that whenas the first Spaniards arrived there, they found aid from the Indians themselves, by reason of their partialities and great divisions.  
This is well known in Peru, that the division betwixt the two brothers Atahulpa and Guasca, the great King Guanacapa their father being newly dead, gave entry to the Marquis Don Francis Pizarre, and to the Spaniards, for that either of them desired his alliance being busied in war one against the other. The like experience hath been in New Spain, that the aid of those of the province of Tlascalla, by reason of their continual hatred against the Mexicaines', gave the victory and siegniory of Mexico, to the Marquis Fernando Cortes and his men, and without them it had been impossible to have won it, yea, to have maintained themselves within the country.  
They are much deceived that so little esteem the Indians, and judge that (by the advantage the Spaniards have over them in their persons, horses, and arms, both offensive and deffencive,) they might easily conquer any land or nation of the Indies.  
Chille stands yet, or to say better, Aranco and Tu●●●pel, which are two cities, where our Spaniards could not yet win one foot of ground, although they have made war there above five and twenty years, without sparing of any cost. For this barbarous nation, having once lost the apprehension of horse and shot, and knowing that the Spaniards fall as well as other men, with the blow of a stone or of a dart, they hazard themselves desperately, entering the pikes upon any enterprise. How many years have they levied men in New Spain, to send against the Chychymequos', which are a small number of naked Indians, armed only with bows and arrows: yet to this day they could not be vanquished, but chose, from day to day they grow more desperate and resolute. But what shall we say of the Chucos, of the Chiraguanas, of the Piscocones, and all the other people of the Andes? Hath not all the flower of Peru been there, bringing with them so great provision of arms and men as we have seen? What did they? With what victories returned they? Surely they returned very happy in saving of their lives, having lost their baggage and almost all their horses. Let no man think (speaking of the Indians,) that they are men of nothing; but if they think so, let them go and make trial. We must then attribute the glory to whom it appertains, that is, principally to God, and to his admirable disposition: for if Moteçuma in Mexiço, and the Ingua in Peru, had been resolute to resist the Spaniards, and to stop their entry, Cortes and Pizarre had prevailed little in their landing, although they were excellent Captains. It hath also been a great help to induce the Indians to receive the law of Christ, the subjection they were in to their Kings and Lords, and also the servitude and slavery they were held in by the devils tyrannies and insupportable yoke. This was an excellent disposition of the Divine Wisdom, the which draws profit from ill to a good end, and receives his good from an others ill, which it hath not sown. It is most certain that no people of the West Indies have been more apt to receive the Gospel, than those which were most subject to their Lords, and which have been charged with the heaviest burdens, as well of tributes and services, as of customs and bloody practices. All that which the Mexicane Kings and those of Peru did possess, is at this day most planted with Christian religion, and where there is least difficulty in the government and ecclesiastical discipline. The Indians were so wearied with the heavy and insupportable yoke of Satan's laws, his sacrifices and ceremonies, whereof we have formerly spoken, that they consulted among themselves, to seek out a new law, and another God to serve. And therefore the law of Christ seemed unto them, and doth at this day seem just, sweet, clean, good, and full of happiness.  
And that which is difficult in our law, to believe so high and sovereign Mysteries, hath been easy among them, for that the Devil had made them comprehend things of greater difficulty, and the self-same things which he had stolen from our evangelical law, as their manner of communion and confession, their adoration of three in one, and such other like, the which against the will of the enemy, have helped for the easy receiving of the truth by those who before had embraced lies. God is wise and admirable in all his works, vanquishing the adversatie even with his own weapon, he takes him in his own snare, and kills him with his own sword. Finally, our God (who had created this people, and who seemed to have thus long forgot them,) when the hour● was come, he would have the same devils, enemies to mankind, whom they falsely held for gods, should give a testimony against their will, of the true law, the power of Christ, and the triumph of the cross, as it plainly appears by the presages, prophecies, signs, and prodiges, here before mentioned, with many others happened in diverse parts, and that the same Ministers of Satan, Sorcerers, Magicians, and other Indians have confessed it. And we cannot deny it, (being most evident and known to all the world,) that the Devil dareth not hiss, and that the practices, oracles, answers, and visible apparitions, which were so ordinary throughout all this infidelity, have ceased, whereas the Cross of Christ hath been planted, where there are Churches, and where the name of Christ hath been confessed. And if there be at this day any cursed minister of his, that doth participate thereof, it is in caves, and on the tops of mountains, and in secret places, far from the name and communion of Christians. The Sovereign Lord be blessed for his great mercies, and for the glory of his holy name: And in truth, if they did govern this people temporally and spiritually, in such sort as the law of jesus Christ hath set it down, with a mild yoke and light burden, and that they would impose no more upon them than they can well bear, as the letters patents of the good Emperor of happy memory do command, and that they would employ half the care they have to make profit of these poor men's sweats and labours, for the health of their souls, it were the most peaceable and happy Christian part of all the world. But our sins are often an occasion that God doth not impart his graces so abundantly as he would. Yet I will say one thing which I hold for truth, that although the first entry of the Gospel hath not been accompanied (in many places,) with such sincerity and christian means, as they should have used: yet God of his bounty hath drawn good from this evil, and hath made the subjection of the Indians, a perfect remedy for their salvation. Let us consider a little, what hath been newly converted in our time to the Christian Religion, as well in the East, as in the West, and how little surety and perseverance in the faith and Christian Religion there hath been, in places where the new converted have had full liberty to dispose of themselves, according to their free will. Christianity without doubt augments and increaseth, and brings forth daily more fruit among the Indian slaves: and chose decreaseth and threatens a ruin in other parts, where have been more happy beginnings. And although the beginnings at the West Indies have been laboursome, yet our Lord hath speedily sent good workmen and his faithful Ministers, holy men and Apostolical, as Friar Martin of Valence, of the order of S. Francis, Friar Dominicke de Gerancois, of the order of S. Dominicke, Friar john de Roa, of the order of S. Austen, with other servants of our Lord, which have lived holily, and have wrought more than humane things. Likewise, Prelates and holy Priests, worthy of memory, of whom we hear famous miracles, and the very acts of the Apostles: yea, in our time we have known and conferred with some of this quality.  
But for that my intention hath been only to touch that which concerns the proper history of the Indians themselves, and to come unto the time that the father of our Lord jesus Christ would communicate the light of his word unto them. I will pass no farther, leaving the discourse of the Gospel at the west Indies for another time, and to a better understanding: Beseeching the Sovereign Lord of all, and entreating his servants, humbly to pray unto his Divine Majesty, that it would please hi● of his bounty, often to visit and to augment by the gifts of heaven this new Christendom, which these last ages have planted in the farthest bounds of the earth. Glory, Honour, & Empery be to the King of worlds for ever and ever. Amen.   
FINIS.