ANIMADVERSIONS ON Capt. Wilkinson's INFORMATION. Being highly conducive to the better informing and disabusing the Minds of Men, and tending to the public Peace and Safety. He that is first in his own Cause seems just, but his neighbour comes and searches him out, Prov. 18.17. LONDON, Printed for Walter Davis, 1682. ANIMADVERSIONS ON Capt. Wilkinson's INFORMATION. SINCE I saw this Information, I have been big with Expectation of some notable Skirmishes with it. But finding none so hardy, as to encounter the Captain, I have adventured to enter the Lists, and take up the Gauntlet against him. To the Reader, p. 1. he gives some account of his adventures and sufferings. 1. His Adventures, he had served his late Majesty of blessed Memory, and his most glorious Majesty King Charles the Second; and that particularly in being instrumental in his Restauration: And 2. His Sufferings, for (with many others in the same Service) he had the misfortune to be much impoverished. Where we will observe that the Captain pleads Poverty, and makes the cause of it to be His Majesty's Service. And yet in the very same Page, Parag. 3. he owns that since His Majesty's Return, he hath been a great Projector, and for the most part lost by his Projects: And hath likewise spent above one thousand pounds in assisting one Mr. castilian Morris. Now if the Captain's Estate had ever been considerable, I doubt not but we should have had an account of it, that we might withal have seen the greatness of his Sufferings. But whatever that was, his Poverty could not be great, since he could afford, ever since His Majesty's Restauration, to be a continual loser by Projects of his own, and spend above a thousand pounds upon his Friend; and after all, be in a capacity of leaving his Country honourably, p. 9 As for the Debts that make him a Prisoner, they were contracted by his keeping a Ship, his Family, and above thirty Servants idle on the River from April till August, together with his engagements for other men, and Actions brought upon him by Passengers, who several of them Arrested him for damages in being so long delayed, and together threw him into the Counter in Woodstreet, to whom notwithstanding all, he was still capable of offering fair and reasonable satisfaction; which being not accepted, he removed himself to the Prison of the Kings-Bench, Sept. 17. Page 3. to the end. How then was the Captain impoverished by His Majesty's Service? A loser he might be, impoverished he was not: It is an ease to some men to neck their private losses on the public score. Hereby they hope at least to wipe off from themselves all reproach of extravagancy, and ill management of their affairs. And men of more designing heads, as the Captain seems to be, think by such little Arts, to fix themselves the faster in popular esteem, who reckon that hope and revenge equally conspire to make them true to that interest they have now espoused; and therefore do not fear their return to their Master, who, they tell them, has cut off, not like Darius, their Lips, Nose and Ears; but their Houses, Lands, and Credit in the World. But in case this had been true, which yet himself evidently overthrows, what need was there of that Parenthesis, viz. (with many others in the same Service?) unless to upbraid the King with ingratitude; or to hint, that miseries are the usual attendants on that Service; and by both to affright others from their duties in the like nature. Surely Soldiers might be content to lose their Arrears, when all honest Subjects were hurled into a common ruin, while the King himself did lose, one his Life? The other his Crowns? The Parliament Army might have fared as bad, had not the Commons, whose they were, paid them by Theft and Sacrilege. Whereas had the King overcame, themselves had been the losers, while His Majesty's Forces had been well, and more honestly paid too. But yet to the Reader, Page 1. he grants that it was impossible for His Majesty to gratify all that wanted his Royal bounty. Therefore as his own Poverty is falsely placed on the account of his Service; so the Poverty of others in the same Service is mentioned, either to no purpose, or to an ill end. In the Information, Page 2. 3. he acknowledges he had formerly desired to Farm something of His Majesty's Revenues, which, it seems, he could not attain to, and doubtless for that reason was resolved not to come at the Court, as he once and again declares, Nor would trust any Courtier he knew for a Groat, p. 3. And lest he should not sufficiently spit his venom, he bespatters the whole Pamphlet with expressions of an ill nature that way, as Page 4. that he would not trust the Promises of Courtiers. And Page 8. that he could freely draw his Sword against them. From which things together we may see the Man's Complexion, viz. that he was an Old Cavalier, but having by fond Projects wasted his Estate, and miss expected rewards, he is now grown sullen, hath espoused another interest, and in a pet removes from Yorkshire to London, and here falls in with the concerns of Carolina. Now all this while the Captain hath been industriously laying a twofold design, As 1. To build a little Porch to the Fabric of his following Discourse, and by the specious pretexts of Loyalty, and the boasts of former Services, precariously to introduce a belief of the matter of his Information: And 2. To satisfy the People that he is totally fallen off from the Court-Party, as some love to speak, and which, in vulgar acceptation, is the King, Ministers of State, and their Adherents, viz. those who faithfully retain the Principles of Honesty and Allegiance. Under which shade the People do herd and hug themselves in the thoughts of a Proselyte, who forsooth must be believed in all he is pleased to say; though for no other Reason, but because he was once a loyal Subject, or an honest man. But a man's former Loyalty and Service, if once he becomes a Malcontent, cannot in reason be allowed to derive Reputation to his present Discontents, but must rather be judged an occasion of heightening the same, and of hurrying him the faster into desperate Resolves: Because when high thoughts of former Merits, and the sense of present Neglects, have drawn a man off to another Party, he there is carried on not only by Interest, as before, but also by the accession of Revenge. Thus when Pride, Covetousness, and desperate Fortunes, had made Heretics in the Church, and evil Members in the State, they were ever observed to have been worse Enemies, than those who were born and bred amongst the Hetorodox in Faith and Loyalty: Of which, perhaps our own Times may afford some Instances. And truly this seems to be the Captain's Case, as may be conjectured from several parts of his Papers, and particularly from pag. 8. where he saith, that he told the King— he knew his duty to his Majesty, and would not draw a Sword against him, (a great Favour indeed) but could freely do it against some of the Court— which is just the language of those very men, whom the Captain glories he had served the King against in the late Civil War: For that Rebellion pretended only the Honour and Safety of the King, and to take away evil Counsellors from before him, that his Throne might be established. And is the Captain indeed reconciled to these Pleas? Is it now uncharitable to suspect him a Friend to a true Protestant Association, which pretends the Safety of the King, and that in a way of levying War against him? It is most apparent, that those men who might fall by the Captain's Hand, died innocently, whose blood therefore himself must answer for; or else that himself is travelling the Road to the same Deserts. Or suppose he never proceed any farther than words, yet what man of any Face or Conscience, of any Love and Tenderness to his King, Country, and Religion, can make use of those very Pleas, that have led to so many Murders, to such Devastations and Ruins, as by such means have fallen upon this Church and Nation? But it seems he is become a new man, by having entered upon the old way of Sin. He fastens his Charge at Court particularly upon my Lord Hallifax, and my Lord Hyde, and afterwards on my Lord Chancellor; Personages justly admired both for their Performances, and steady Loyalty: In which he jumps exactly with the most open and bare-faced Enemies of our Peace and Government. And indeed the sad Memorials of the late Earl of Strafford and Archbishop Land, do remind us, that those who would pull down the Crown, begin at the best Supporters of it. Indeed he excuses the King Inform. pag. 3. saying, He is assured his Majesty did not put them on the Endeavours to corrupt him: And pag. 7. If I had been exhorted by the best Divine in England, he could not have said more than his Majesty. But yet he wounds him in his Ministers of State; which is the old way of wounding the King in and through them. This is the method of that most daring Answer to his Majesty's most gracious Declaration, the two parts of the No Protestant Plot, which itself hath a Plot in it, viz. to prostitute all Authority and present Establishments to vulgar Rapes and Violence, and of most other Libels exposed to sale. And indeed it may well be of ancient and modern Practice; for we find a plain Example for it in Scripture, which the good People, as the Association calls them, choose to follow rather than Precept; for Judas betrays while he cries Master, and kisses him. Now the thing he seems to reflect on my Lord of Hallifax, and my Lord Hyde, is of a very high Nature, viz. a design of making him an Evidence against the Lord Shaftsbury: For pag. 4. They, viz. Booth and Bains, told me, I might be assured of what I would desire from my Lord Hallifax, and my Lord Hyde. And a few lines after, Mr. Booth told me,— I was intended 500 l. per an. or 10000 l. in Money. Though all wise and observing men well know, that their Lordships want no Pen to vindicate their Truth and Honour, which, like the Moon, keeps her course, and wont brightness, though here sorry Curs may be bawling at her. For could any Imputation have been fastened upon them, it is well known that wiser Heads than the Captains would not long since have done it; when it was the joy of good men, that his Majesty had such Ministers, whom some would have had removed, but could give no Reason for it: Whence we conjectured, that the Causes of their Offence was indeed these Personages Commendation. Yet however we shall consider some few things in and appertaining to this Matter. As, 1. The Captain doth not pretend, that they ever said they came with these Proposals by their Lordship's Order or Knowledge; nay himself makes so blind a business of it, that pag. 3. parag. 2. he saith, By whom Mr. Booth was put upon this method, God knows; he is assured it was not his Majesty, but on whom to fix it, he cannot tell: Here than is a Scandalum Magnatum, without any pretext of Reason. Suppose they had used these Names and Authorities, but yet so, that the Captain could gain no certain knowledge from thence, even Christian Charity would have obliged him, had they been his Equals, not to have mentioned the Persons, had it been needful to have declared the thing. Therefore this rash Procedure speaks it a clear design in him to serve the popular Humour and Interest, and to help the driving on that Design against King and Kingdom, which hath hitherto found these Personages such Rubs in its way. I will here premise some few things: As, 1. That they might know the Captain privy to some Designs, as Mr. Booth hath sworn. Or, 2. That they might at least conjecture, that if there were any Designs from dissenting Parties, that in all reason they were not wholly hid from the Captain; which Presumption we shall show sufficient Reason for anon. And, 3. That they knew the Captain to be poor and covetous, and resolved to make his best Markets of what he knew. From which things we argue thus: Suppose (because Suppositions grant nothing) that this Booth and Bains might, unknown to these Lords, use their Lordship's Names in such sort only, as to let the Captain understand, that he need not question but that his Services would be considered, that his own Pardon and Rewards would be certain. I can see no evil in all this, nor can any censure it, but they must withal condemn the Proceed and Methods used toward Papists, in order to some discovery there. They were promised Pardons; and what greater gift there can be to a man than his Life, I do not know. They had a prospect of Gain from their Narratives; of Guards and Pentions, which the suspicious and restless minds of Dissenters made necessary; and even the House of Commons moved His Majesty about Dr. Oats his Allowance, even while there were Persons to be Tried, whom the same Oats was kept an Evidence against. Which things were as apt in their own natures to sway, and corrupt the mind, as the Arts, if true, which the Captain here complains of. Of which nature we shall touch on some other things as they lie in our way, whereby we shall discover the unequal minds of Dissenters, who will not endure the same methods in one matter, which they applaud in another, though the matters are both of the same nature; therefore I cannot imagine what other reason can be assigned, but their own Interest and Preservation. But I shall at present make out that it cannot in any reason be believed, that there were any such offers as these really made: For, 1. The Captain did offer Page 4. for two thousand Guineas to make a Discovery: Therefore would never have stood out, had there been offered five hundred pounds per annum, or ten thousand pounds in Money for the same Service; especially if to this there had been added, as he speaks Page 5. five hundred pounds per annum more out of an Estate in Ireland. But you will object that the Captain offered this as a wheedle to discover the bottom of the design. Therefore we proceed, 2. There could be no such design in it, because the Libel itself doth show, that his Work and Rewards were both made known at the first offer, before he proposed any terms himself. But you will find a most palpable and vile incongruity in this very particular; for Page 2. Parag. 3. he saith, that on Tuesday Octob. 11. 1681. Mr. Booth told him, he might have five hundred pounds per annum settled upon himself and Heirs, or ten thousand pounds in Money for the Service. And yet Page 3, 4. he tells you that on Wednesday Octob. 12. 1681. himself did offer for two thousand Guineas to discover. Now let any man in reason judge, whether it is in the least probable, that if he might have had the greater sum for doing this thing on the Tuesday, that he would offer, though in design only to do it for the lesser sum on Wednesday: This is a strange way of bargaining, and takes away all Faith and Credit of the Relation. He tells us Page 3. that his Friend kept a daily account of all that passed in this affair, and here he puts not only in Figures the day of the Month, but at large the day of the Week too, as Tuesday and Wednesday, therefore it could not be a mistake, that might happen in a true relation, but an oversight in a wicked Forgery; by such little means it sometimes pleases God to discover great Impostors. 3. Notice being given above, that the Captain declared himself willing for such a sum to make a Discovery, Mr. Graham is sent to him to understand whether he had said any such thing, he answers yes, and that for so much Money in hand he would do it. But when Mr. Graham said he had no order from the Lords to make a bargain, nor would any such thing be done, by reason a promise would destroy his Evidence, the Captain presses so earnestly after the Money, that he cunningly finds an evasion, pleading that it should be given, not for the sake of his Discovery, but towards his former losses. But finding no Money would come that way, and perhaps finding better encouragements another, he falls back, and will say not a word. These things Mr. Graham a Gentleman of Cliffords-Inn, and a Person of a good Fortune and unspotted Reputation, is ready to depose upon Oath, when lawfully called; but there is so little need of that, that the thing appears plain from divers of the Captain's own expressions, as Page 4. he requires two thousand Guineas towards his losses, which is his very Plea to Mr. Graham, and then, saith he, I will discover. And in the fifth Line after— I told him, When I had that Money and a general Pardon, I would then do any Service I could. He resolves to have the Money, and will not depend on kindness, the want of which was the reason of his silence, and afterwards denial. The same Mr. Graham doth declare, that he is verily persuaded, had he made a bargain, the Captain would have discovered a Plot, if any he knew of, or made one, if none. 4. If any had had such a design upon the Captain, it is not in reason to be thought, that they would employ Mr. Graham, a man of undoubted Reputation, as any inquirer will find him to be, until the good people shall please to make him Beast and Devil, as they do all that oppose them. Because such a person is no fit instrument in such a work, nor any way suited to Booth and Bains, if they were such as the Captain represents them. 5. Can it be supposed that any had such a design on the Captain and the Lord Sh— yet it cannot in reason be imagined that they would, after so many repulses, follow him with so frequent and importunate addresses as he there relates: And after all, force him by a Warrant to an Examination, that being the most improbable way of corrupting an old sullen Soldier, and the readiest course to give a discontented Fellow, that had now embarked in another bottom, an opportunity of exposing them to the common Odium of all Mankind: And of reeking his malice, which runs out at every part of his discourse to the utmost upon them. Therefore if we will act by any measures of reason, we must conclude, that in case the Captain had not given a very great suspicion that he knew something of these matters, he never had been examined about it. Therefore let himself be guilty of such designs or not guilty, privy to them or not, it is not to be questioned amongst reasonable men, but that the Captain in this affair, hath played the Fool and Knave at once, and did cunningly press after an opportunity of making his Markets, which he hath done to so much advantage, that he is now released from Prison, walks the Exchange, and takes his Lodgings in the City: And also, when the Justice of the Council and Government would not do what we may presume others have, to spit his venom to the utmost on the Court and Government at once. Now let us sum up these things together: That 1. The Captain is needy, and resolves to have Money on the one hand or the other. 2. That he offered for two thousand Guineas to discover a Plot against the King and Government. 3. When he is told the making a bargain will spoil his Evidence, he finds out a way to salve that Objection, viz. the Money shall be given towards the losses he sustained, and not on condition of his Discovery. 4. When all would not do, he turns Cat in Pan, complies with those People he would before have delivered to the Laws, and pretends 10000 l. were promised him to make such a discovery against King and Government: But, as providence will have it, makes the Story utterly incredible, by making the 10000 l. to be offered him one day, and himself to propose the thing on condition of 2000 Guineas the very next day; for it can never be believed, that he should offer to do it for a much less Sum, if the very day before he had been urged to do it for a much greater Sum. 5. That after this Service done to the good People, he is forthwith released from Prison, and made a Gentleman. And I leave it to any honest man to tell me, whether he is not persuaded in his own Mind and Reason, that so much Confession, so much utter Improbability in his Stories, so much Gain and Enlargement upon the Service done, so much Evidence from Mr. Graham and Mr. Booth, who against Papists would be received as the best Witness in the World, would not persuade any true Protestant Jury, to hang up Papists to the number of themselves. There is a second part of a No Protestant Plot; surely there is something sticks, where they keep such rubbing: The man, I suppose, would not have Antichristian Names put upon Christian Practices; Plots and Treasons are the Works of Papists; the good People have nothing unless Solemn Leagues and Covenants, and Associations. The Creature, pag. 9 would persuade the Lord H. and the Earl of H. to fall upon Mr. Booth, for using their Lordship's Names in the matter and manner, as this Informer Wilkinson doth relate, or else to lie under the supposed Gild of what this Libel taxes them with; the reasonableness of which let any man judge by our Observations upon it. Doubtless there is in this very thing a Plot to bring Ruin upon the King's Evidence; and if they could by such Artifices do it in this Instance, we doubt not but that they would soon send out another Information to do the like in another Instance; by which means the King should have no Evidence, but what would soon have the Penalties of the Association inflicted upon him, that is, he should be pursued to destruction. The Argument is a two-horned thing called a Dilemma: They have got, it seems, such Creatures amongst them; and seems resolved to have its end either this way or that, viz. the King's Evidence must be ruined, or the King's Friends blasted in their Honour, and made as uncapable as may be, of doing his Majesty and the Kingdom service. But at length the Cloud is extended, and made to eclipse his R. Highness, out of whose Estate in Ireland, the Captain saith, he should have had the addition of 500 l. per an. pag. 5. What is argued to show the vanity and falsehood of the man in reference to the Lords, is apt to do so here, and that with some advantage too, because it is still more improbable that he should be offered 1000 l. per an. for that which he himself by his own confession was earnest to do for 2000 Guineas. But however if he had miss this Point, he had done but little; for if we do not kill the Heir, the Inheritance can't be ours. But you will say, If there was not something of this nature in it, how comes the Captain to be so pressed upon in this Affair? To which I answer, The Reason might be from his own Offer for such a Sum to make a discovery; which Offer himself, you see, confesses. And that this was not done merely to humour the Matter, as he speaks, but in all likelihood was the first Proposal made, we have argued to be very probable, from the Time and the Sums which the Captain mentions; for it is utterly mad and irrational to believe, that they should offer him 10000 l. for such a Service one day, and that himself should offer the same Service for 2000 Guineas the next day. Therefore, it may be, himself gave the occasion of all this Stir. But moreover, the Lord Shaftsbury and others stood then accused of a Design upon the King and Government, from which his Lordship is since acquit, but it was then in suspense: And in case there had been such a Design, it was most highly probable that this Captain might be privy to it. For, 1. The said Captain was often with the E. of Sh— as appears from his Information. 2. The said Captain had from the Earl always a very kind Reception. To the Reader, pag. 2. 3. The Captain yields, That he road with Sword and Pistols out of Town with the Lord Sh— when he went to Oxford, pag. 6. which Oxford was the Place where, and this the Time when, this Attempt on the Person of the King was said should have been made. 4. They were both in no great Charity with the Court. And, 5. The Captain was a Military man, sunk in the World, and newly come to Town to put himself into some new way of Life, and therefore a very likely Instrument for such an Undertaking, if any such Design had been, which was then in question. All which things were known: Whence it was most reasonable to conjecture, that if there was such a Design, it must in all probability be known to this man; upon which Presumption, it was most fit he should be examined: For it is part of the business and end of Government, to discover evil Members in the Body politic, to stop the Gangrene, and preserve the sounder parts in their Soundness. All which was no more, than what was ordinarily done for the discovery of a Popish Plot; for many were aspersed, imprisoned, examined and tried for their Lives, upon whom no such Evil could be found. All this time these People commended this for Vigilance, and a Christian Zeal, and never found fault, till it comes to touch their own Parties. It is therefore Partiality, and not any injustice in the thing itself, that makes them complain. Well, in this Negotiation, the Captain, we have seen, pag. 4. offers for 2000 Guineas to discover what he knew, implying thereby, that he knew something. Which is declared to the Council: Whereupon Mr. Graham is sent to discourse him, to whom the Captain owns that Proposal, and makes the same again to him; but because no Money was coming, as before, his mouth shuts in silence: Which is very plain from some other Expressions, not quoted before; as pag. 3. I told him, I would say nothing, nor appear at the Court, till I was considered for my Sufferings. Pag. 4. I told him, viz. Mr. Booth, When I had that Money, and a general Pardon, I would then do any service I could,— but I would not trust the Promises of Courtiers; but when he saw he must trust, he won't traffic. And I am persuaded these things had never been put into his Information, had not the same, with some Additions, been made known to Mr. Graham, whose Credit he could not blast so easily as the others. But the Council will not be so put off, but bring him by Warrant to examination, a most undoubted Evidence of the integrity, and uprightness of their intentions and proceed; and truly both King and Council might very reasonably be put by the Captains offer, upon expectation of some considerable discovery he could make; and likewise upon his unexpected departure from what he had proposed, his Examination might well be strict and pressing; he having by the said offer given just cause of suspicion that there was some wickedness at bottom, which he was loath to discover. Which things, if done for the finding out a Popish Intrigue, would have been applauded for Zeal and Integrity, by that very Party that now condemns them for Wickedness and Subornation. Now if there was no such design for alteration of Government, or suppose there was, but the Captain knew not of it, himself may be much mistaken in thinking these methods, which were used to find out a truth, which he was supposed to be privy to, were really intended to oblige him to the witnessing a falsehood. To suppose there was such a design, and that known to the Captain too, it was very easy for him, by offering to discover for 2000 Guineas, to draw on Discourses, it may be somewhat farther than might be convenient for them to know, who were not acquainted with the whole Intrigue, and all its circumstances, and yet the persons transacting the affair, still remain free from all evil designs: And then to turn all to the palliateing the same Treasons, and to the farther carrying them on against the Government, by charging such evil practices upon it. Which indeed would mightily tickle a revengeful Spirit, which the Captain all along discovers against the Court, by which is vulgarly understood, as was before noted, King and Government. But now to excuse his offer of discovering, he hath a poor Salvo, Page 4. But I still told them I knew nothing by my Lord Shaftsbury: Now observe the subject of their discourse was, whether he knew any such thing by the said Lord? He answers, For 2000 Guineas I will discover what I know, which is a plain concession that he knew something; and yet saith he at the same time, I told them I knew nothing. Here is an Opposition in the very terms, they are plainly things that cannot possibly be reconciled or stand together: He knows; for I will discover what I know, and yet I know nothing. He will discover, and yet hath nothing to discover; which is to say and unsay, and in plain English, to demand 2000 Guineas for just nothing, which is such a monstrous thing, that no man in his wits can believe it. This is worse than buying a Pig in a Poke, for it is supposed there is a Pig, though not known what an one: but here your Chapman tells you there is a Pig, then in the next words saith he, there is no Pig: And yet at the same time asks a vast rate for the Pig. Certainly such an one would bring himself in danger of being either begged for a Fool, or taken up for Bedlam: And in each instance the buyer might go as a fit Companion with the seller, nor is he more wise or sober than either, that can believe so fond a Story. But would we put any sense upon this, which hath plainly no sense in it? the best we can say is, that the Captain doth equivocate and falsify, in either bringing suspicion on the Innocent, or in acquitting the Guilty. Now because we have before shown, that there were many reasons that might induce a persuasion that the Captain might be privy to such a design, if any such had been; we will now observe what answer he returns to all those things, and let us suppose his Innocence, yet the Pleas he makes, do not at all clear, but seem rather to derive a much greater suspicion upon him. For 1. He owns the Lord S— kindness towards him; but saith Inform. Page 2. that the reason of his Lordship's respects was, because I had served His Majesty, Parag. 1. To which I shall answer only this, that he is very happy in his Lordship's favours, which come to him founded on such a bottom, and I wish there were many more such instances. But 2. He pleads Inform. Page 2. Parag. 3. That none will believe, I should be made privy to such a design, (if such a thing was) being I had served His Majesty— Which is truly no reason at all, unless the Captain can prove of Loyalty, as some hold of saving grace, that it can never be lost. I pray how many instances confuse him, if we have recourse back to the last Rebellion, in which some were in Arms against the late King, who were once taken to be his most loyal Subjects, and had performed him most acceptable Services? Nor do we in these very times want some that may boast of former Services, and have been lately very dear to His Majesty; who yet, because their ambition was not answered, or interest served, are fallen off, and become as deeply malcontents as others. And indeed, where men have discontentedly forsaken an interest, they are the most likely, as is once already observed, to become its worst Enemies where opportunity serves, because such so engaged are moved both by interest and revenge. Therefore his former Services are so far from taking away all belief of his Privacy to such designs, if any such had been, that his present discontents, so notoriously discovered thoughout the whole Pamphlet, render him the more suspicious. 3. He pleads Page 2. to the Reader, that he never had with his Lordship, viz. the E. of Sh— any other discourse than was occasional in relation to my intended Voyage. Which seems most improbable, because he was often with his Lordship, and particularly with Sir Thomas Armstrong the night before his Lordship's Apprehension, Inform. Page 3. and went with his Lordship towards Oxford, Page 6. Now if there was no such discourse as this, nor any such design to found such discourse upon, can we in reason think, that Sir Thomas his ears must be entertained with nothing but Carolina, who was a stranger to that affair! So that in all his Visits, and on the Road towards Oxford, their mouths must be filled with nothing but Carolina, Carolina! This cannot in any reason be supposed, and therefore the Captain hath made this band too straight to hold. So if he means by [occasional] any other thing that this Subject might lead them to, or to which they might pass from this of Carolina, which might be this, or that, or any thing, than he hath professed this thing to no purpose or advantage to himself. We shall pursue this Argument, viz. the insufficiency of his Answers, to clear his innocence under the next Head, which is the Captain's Examination, when brought by Warrant to Whitehall. Which is contained in P. 8, 9 Where the Captain is charged as an Associate in that supposed Conspiracy, which charge was founded on several reasons, that carried a very fair probability that way. As 1. An Information upon Oath, that in this Conspiracy the said Captain was to have a Troop of Horse, which Oath was made by Mr. Booth, who also deposed that himself was entered a Soldier under the said Captain. Now of this Booth the Captain doth own; 1. That he had known him above twenty years in the North of England. 2. That he was under a very ill repute, therefore the more likely to associate in an ill Design. And, 3. That notwithstanding his ill repute, he was joined with the Captain in his intended or pretended Voyage to Carolina, Page 3. Parag. 2. to the Reader. And therefore likely to have been a Companion with the Captain in this Design, if any such had been. 2. The Captain's offer to make a discovery for 2000 Guineas. 3. His going armed with the E. of Sh— who is since acquit; and therefore we hold him acquit, but was then under the same Accusation. 4. To Oxford the place, where, and 5. Against the Session of Parliament, the time when, this attempt was said intended to have been made. Moreover it was sworn in Colledge's Trial, pag. 25. That the said College, who suffered at Oxford, did say there were several Captains, some of whom he there names, with abundance more, that would be ready for this Design upon the King and Government, of whom about forty were there at the time the said College spoke these things. Now from all these, and perhaps some other Causes and Reasons, it might well be suspected that one Captain Will— might be in the number. To which he answers two things, viz. 1. I could do no less than wait upon him, viz. the E. of S— who had been so kind— pag. 6. Where observe that his answer gives a reason of his Attendance, but not of his Arms: Therefore it may be replied, what need was there of his going armed? no more, I suppose, than of Colleges doing so. His respects were shown in his personal attendance, not in his weapons. 2. He answers pag. 9 That he could not be supposed confederate in such a design, if any such was: for at the same time he, viz. Mr. Booth, said this was to be, which was when the Parliament was to be last at Oxford, I had taken a Ship for Carolina. Now that Parliament was dissolved March. 28. and at that time, saith he, that that Parliament was to sit, I had taken a Ship, ergo could not be supposed to be in a design then at Oxford. This is a main Plea, and which he seems to triumph in: and yet to the Reader pag. 2. he tells you quite another story, viz. that he hired this Ship in the Month of April: and pag. 3. adds further, that the Ship lay upon his charge from April to August: ergo was not hired till April, which was after the dissolution of that Parliament, and the return of all Parties to their homes. Now suppose this Ship had been hired in March, it doth not prove, but that the Captain might notwithstanding be in a Plot at the same time, men may drive on a public and private Design at once; and truly the probability is still the greater, since it is given upon Oath, that the Captain designed not to go as yet to Carolina in his own person, but at present to send his Son, as appears in the Hearing at the Old-Bailey. But here is a most manifest Contradiction, whereby he brings himself under a greater suspicion, than if he had said nothing; for that cannot be Truth, that needs a Lye. But you will say, Perhaps the Captain in the Preface mistook April for March. To which I answer, There is no [perhaps] in the Case; but contrariwise it is very plain and certain, that in the Information he put March for April. Because, 1. In the Information he saith but once that it was in March, but to the Reader he saith twice that it was in April. 2. To the Reader, the Captain sets himself to give you an account, 1. Of his Preparations for his Voyage, and also of all Particulars about the Ship, pag. 2. as the time he hired her, which was the Month of April; her Name, the Abigail of Colchester; her Burden, about 130 Tuns; and the Master's Name, Thomas Wood And, 2. Of his Losses in this Project, pag. 3. As particularly his having this Ship so long upon his charge, viz. from the Month of April till August following. And certainly where he sets himself to give you an account of his Misfortunes and Charges, which he loves to do to all advantage, it is not in reason to be supposed, that he would cut off one months' Charge from the Account, which yet he must have done, in case the said Ship was hired at the Session of the Parliament at Oxford, which was in March. Now here he purposely gives you an account of all the little Circumstances about the Ship, and the losses he sustained: Therefore there being no other Matter at that instant before him, here was a free recollection of his thoughts, and therefore no danger of a mistake in so plain and easy a Matter; and yet in each place he saith, April was the time he hired the Ship, and the time her Charges took date upon him. Whereas in the Information there was very complex Matter before him, and he spoke of March incidently, and in transitu, to some other Matter, therefore might more easily mistake than in the other; if you will be so merciful as to suppose a mistake, which you cannot do without the forfeiture of your Reason. Because, 3. To the Reader, he could have no design in naming the circumstance of Time; whereas in the Information he had a very great one, in saying it was in March; for hereby he would wipe off all Suspicions of his being in a Plot then. Whence it is ten thousand times more likely that he should falsify in the Information, than mistake to the Reader; and consequently in all reason the former Account was true, viz. that the Ship was hired in April, after all was over, and possibly to carry him off from danger. I would not judge the Captain, but truly this Shift hath a wicked Aspect, and such an evil Influence on the repute of his Loyalty, that it will not easily be recovered. Now after all this, who can wonder that there was expectation above of some great Discovery; that his Examination was so strict and pressing; and that my Lord Chancellor was so close upon him; when beside Oath made against him, even himself had given so just an occasion of such strictness in the several Particulars before mentioned, and now at last by putting off the Charge from himself by a very Lie? Had the Captain been in some Places, far less occasion would have brought him to Examination by Rack or Limbo; therefore he might well be content, as he is pleased to word it, pag. 8. to run the Gauntlet from one Place to another. We see many times that in a Cause of so narrow a Sphere, as not to reach any farther than a private Concern, Witnesses are examined, cross-examined, and run this, that, and every way, by close and subtle Queries; are now affrighted, and then dandled in their own humours, and Matters applied in the most likely way to sift truth out of them; that I have seen the man sweat, and almost at his wit's end; and having spoke truth at first, though others were not well satisfied he did so, hath as much cause to suspect and complain that the Court would have frighted, or persuaded him to Perjury, as the Captain hath to reflect all that dishonour upon these Personages, whose Parts and Integrity are, under his Majesty, the Glory of our Court and Age, the Security of our Peace, Properties and Religion, and who therefore are honoured by good men, feared and hated by the evil, and admired by all. And truly sometimes Truth is not discoverable without diligent Search, strict and various Methods, and repeated Examinations: Therefore Fitzharris, and many others of the Popish way, had very frequent Examinations, Promises, Threaten, and all imaginable Methods practised to draw truth from them. Yet these People will not endure any Suspicions of such Designs from them, who are said thus to examine others themselves, as the Captain would persuade were by like means upon himself. Sound places will not matter such rubbing, when sore parts shrink from the hand that touches them. Well, we have here some of the most satisfactory Evidences, both of the vanity of men's Minds, and the corruption of their Manners; and that particularly in their having espoused a Cause and a Party, and their being resolved right or wrong, or however that Party act in all the ways of wickness, yet still to hold on that side, and bring all the Fig-leaves they can, to cover its shame and nakedness. That 1. They so readily receive the Information of an indigent cast Commander, who stands corrupt in his Principles, and whose Loyalty is turned to revenge; or any other wretched Pamphlet stuffed full with Lies, and most palpable contradictions, and all this against the King and chief Ministers of State; against the Government and Justice of the Nation: Notwithstanding these very Practices of blackening the King, viz. in his Person, Ministers and Government, was the beginner and inlet of that Rebellion, which cost so many thousand Lives, and hath brought so much reproach upon all Religion. And that it is the daily business of separate Congregations by the same cause to produce the same effect. The plainness of such Designs and Practices, should make all honest men, that are not willing to encourage, and therefore partake in those most damning sins of Rebellion, Murders, Theft, and all manner of Villainies that Rebellion leads to, not to judge their Judges, not to revile the Gods, not to receive an Accusation, or true Protestant Stories and Intelligences, because it is from that foul corner, that all vile Accusations, fulsome Reports, black Representations of all present Establishments, and every Accusation of the Brethren, which is the work of the Devil, doth come. I shall give you only one instance of the falsehood of these Intelligences, and that is in Langly Curtis, who saith, Numb. 93. that the Association which is printed by His Majesty's Command in the Lord Sh— Hearing at the Old-Baily, is only an Association for the Preservation of the King and Protestant Religion, and was proposed in the House of Commons. We will consider the thing in some Particulars: As It engages for the defence of the King, but how? 1. By Disbanding his Forces. And 2. By excluding the King, the Lords, and those Commons that will not associate from the Government, or to follow the associating Party exclusive of the rest, which is directly to set up another Rump-Parliament. 3. It directly sets up Arbitrary Power and Government. For 1. It engages to follow the Orders of the associating Lords and Commons, while they Sat, when prorogued, or after Dissolution; whatever those Orders be, or however contrary to all Fundamental Laws of the Land. And 2. To pursue to destruction all that oppose it, which the King and every honest Subject must do. 3. For the effecting all which, they engage to obey the Orders and Officers which this supposed Rump of a Parliament shall set over them, in the several Countries, Cities, etc.— all which is to be done while the King lives, for it adds, if any fail in the Prosecution hereof, viz, of the Association, they shall be— prosecuted, and suppressed— as Enemies to God, the King, etc. Ergo, this must be put in Execution while the King doth live. Therefore this is just such a defence of the King, as the late Rebellion, which pretended His Majesty's Honour and Safety; but we see in the end, that men fought for King and Parliament, till they brought the King to Destruction, as this Association engages to do. And yet, saith Langly Curtis, this was proposed in the late Parliament, I hope the next Parliament will give him no thanks for reporting them to associate in a Rebellion, and consult matters of High-Treason, as the thrusting the King from the Government, and bringing His Majesty, and all Loyal Subjects to destruction, under the notion of Popish Adherents, and Opposers of this Association. Whether this doth not tend to the fastening some Reports upon the House, let any judge. Therefore I presume, that as the Lord Shaftsbury doth not approve these things, so the House will prove the True Protestant to be a Lying Mercury. These are Religious Wheedles, made to reconcile ignorant minds to the blackest Villainies, and to throw Samuel's Mantle over the Devil of Rebellion. A man should not be more careful of his Pocket when a Cheat is at his Elbow, than he should of his Ear, when a true Protestant whisper salutes it, or a Libel approaches. A doing so would argue an honest wary mind, that stands upon its watch against the sly Insinuations and Devices of the evil one. Whereas a receiving such, because true Protestant Stories, that is in plain English, Religious Lies, is the giving up yourselves to Delusions, and a Reprobate sense. 2. That men will believe the surmises, whispers, and inventions of a Jesuited Protestant, rather than what all men see, and know, viz. the most candid proceed of Authority, and equal administration of Laws without partiality, unless it be on their own side, and by their own means. Such are our Governors, such are our Circumstances, that any Nation in the World (was it not for the mischiefs ourselves do make) would say of us, Happy are the people that are in such a case! For we have such a settled Religion, that no reformed Church in the world will offer to condemn: Such security of our Persons and Estates, that nothing can be greater: such increase of Shipping, Merchants, and Trade, that we shame, not only Complaints, and Petitions, that would be fastening some fault upon the the Government, but even all. Ages before us. We have no fears, but what are either of our own making, or at a distance from us, which the happiest and best governed Society in the World is exposed to. What greater Argument is there of a reprobate mind, a mind abandoned to all folly and mischief that can complain in such a Golden Age! That can wish to run out of God's Blessing into the warm Sun! from such an happy State, and Government into Confusion, Plunders, Oppressions, and Arbitrary Government; and all this out of hopes of a fine Chimaera of our own making! This is exactly to play the part of a wilful Israel, who would have left Moses and Aaron, and have made themselves Captains of their own, and have returned to their fleshpots in Egypt! What greater Argument that God hath given up men to be their own shame and Executioners, than this, that they are so willing to follow those men, who by lies, perjuries, and every evil method, have destroyed the Government, and themselves once already; and are again taking the same measures, and think nothing unlawful that serves to the same end. Was there not a lying Spirit gone forth into the mouths of the Prophets to persuade this People to go up, and fall at Ramoth-Gilead? Was it not the Souls of a Martyred Sovereign, and of loyal Subjects murdered in his service, that cries under the Altar, for vengeance upon them? Was it not from a Decree of Heaven, that all the righteous blood shed amongst us should come upon this Generation; certainly such folly and wickedness could never be. 3. That no Information can be received against one that is a True Protestant, as Protestant Recusants call themselves, while any Charge shall stand good against another: That the same Witnesses are in one case unquestionable, but in another must necessarily be perjured Rogues and Villains! On the one hand, every thing is huffed off with a Shame: on the other, every whining Story and Conventicle Lye is judged infallible, as if it was impossible for Truth to be on this side, or Falsehood on that: and because men judge before they know the cause, they are, however the censure fall, but unjust Judges. To believe a Fitz-harris, when all hopes of life were taken from him, and therefore no room left for the World to offer him a Temptation is heresy and damnation: but not to believe a Captain Wilkinson on his bare and easy word, when he was poor and likely to live to enjoy the rewards of sin, is so too! Now that Fitz-harris should falsify for nothing, and that in so high a nature, and at his death too; or if in hope he had done so, yet that so great a service should receive no reward, neither in his Person nor Family, is the wonder of reason. But that the Captain might falsify, who was an hopeless Prisoner, set a price on his own services, and upon his Information, is discharged of his Debts, released from a Prison, and keeps his Lodgings in Town, is a thing very suspicious. Yet to believe the former in any thing, or not to believe the latter in all things, is the greatest Villainy in the world. And while you object what you please against Fitz-harris, I pray withal consider how credible a Person the Captain is: And that you may see him in his Colours, I shall repeat some things, together with a few new Remarks on his Information. As, 1. In the Preface he tells you, That had he had the liberty others did enjoy, he would have made his Information known to his Majesty, before he had published it to the World; where he makes the Reason to be want of Power, not of Will; which is so notoriously false, that it can admit of no Palliation: For by his own Story, he knew all the Design upon him, before he was brought to Whitehall, where he might have discovered the Matter to his Majesty, who was pleased to see him, had he been so minded. Indeed his Information was not then writ; perhaps he had not yet advised upon it, or wanted some Notes from his sober and sensible Friend: But had this been all, no man doubts, but that he might have sent his Information to Court, or in that Juncture, might have had the liberty of going himself, had he desired it. This is so bald a pretence, that, like a Winter Cuckoo, it hath no Feathers to hid its Scabs and Nakedness. 2. To the Reader, pag. 1. he tells you, His Majesty's Service did impoverish him; and yet parag. 2. and 8. he takes a great deal of pains to prove himself a Liar: And that by showing he had undone himself by many foolish Projects, by fond Engagements for other men, by spending above one thousand pounds upon his Friend, and by keeping a Ship, Family, and above thirty Servants, several months idle on the River, and by Suits, which Passengers brought upon him, by being all that time hindered by him in their Voyages. 3. Information, pag. 2. he saith, That Octob. 11. he might have had 500 l. per an. to himself and Heirs, or 10000 l. in money, for discovering what he knew;— and yet pag. 3, and 4. he confesses, that the next day he did himself offer to discover for 2000 Guineas; which low Demands this day give the Lie to his pretended Offers the day before. 4. In all his Examination, and the heavy Charge he complains of at Court, before his Majesty, Lord Chancellor, Lord Hallifax, Lord Hyde, the two Secretaries, and Lord Chief Justice— pag. 8. Mr. Booth and Mr. Bains present; though he found his Examination the stricter, because of his own Talk and Offers, yet he never told any why he had made such Offers, or that any Endeavours were used to corrupt him; which certainly any man would have done, had any such thing been; especially the Captain, who in the Preface pretends an inclination and willingness to have made the Matter of his Information known to his Majesty. The Design, it seems, was not yet ripe, nor the Beast licked into the shape, it now appears, and affrights the World in. 5. Mr. Booth doth charge him to his face, that he was once again to ride Captain, pag. 9 but the Captain doth not tax the said Booth with this Villainy, which, if true, and then made known, might have brought himself off with the more ease and credit; therefore he must have a large Swallow, that can let such a Gudgeon down. If any can persuade me that an honest man shall be assaulted by a Thief, and by the same Thief shall be brought before a Magistrate, and there be charged with capital Crimes, and yet all this while that this honest man shall not discover to the Magistrate the others Rogueries, than I will believe the Captain's Story. 6. He tells you, to the Reader, twice over, that he hired the Ship in April; and yet Infor. pag. 9 to help himself at a dead lift, he saith, he hired her in March. Truly the man is a mere Hocus pocus, an Hiccius, doctius; he is here, and there, and every where, and yet no where at all. For, 7. He tells you, pag. 4. that he knows something, and yet knows nothing; that he will discover, and yet hath nothing to discover; and yet still asks a great deal of money for discovery of what he knows. 8. He adds, pag. 9 That when he was about ready for his Voyage, he was like a man bewitched, and could neither budge nor stir,— that myself and Wife concluded there was a divine Hand in it. So that here a kind of Witchery, or a divine Hand, neither himself nor learned Wife could tell whether, but some unaccountable Cause it must be that hindered him. Which indeed takes mainly with the Rabble, who mightily gaze after Signs in Heaven, or on the Earth; and hence conclude, that this is a Gentleman designed by Providence to be a kind of Saviour to them. But yet to the Reader, pag. 3. he tells you, That Mr. Booth, and other Freightors failing, together with some Difficulties which I met with,— hindered him. Before it was either Witchery, or a divine Hand, a strange Amuse and Confusion; but here it was no such matter, but Passengers, and other Business, that hindered. Whence truly I am easily persuaded he was at least like one bewitched, if not really so, else he had never troubled the World with such a pack of Nonsense and Contradictions. Now this is your Trueman, a true Protestant, I warrant you; one that can no more tell a Lie, than Fitz-harris can Truth. But I do not so much press the reception of his Declaration, nor the rejection of the other's Information, as show from hence the giddy Humours, the biased Affections, and unequal Censures of men, who measure all good and evil, Truth and Falsehood, by this and t'other Side or Party; that no dram of Truth and Honesty can be allowed on one side, nor any scruple of Knavery on the other. Men are now perfect Saints or perfect Devils, and must be saved or damned according to the Side they speak for. Now all Religion consists in being of a Party, and they are Names, not Crimes, that hang or save. Passion and Interest hath swallowed up all Honesty and Religion; and good Nature is overborne by wicked Resolutions. We are fallen into an Age of Miracles, but such as Moses and the Prophets, such as Christ and his Apostles, or any Apostolic man, never wrought. For now the Hand altars the nature of the Action: Rebellion and Murder is such in a Papist-Subject, but in a true Protestant they are Arguments of Grace. The sin of butchering Kings lies not in the Act, but in the manner of Execution, whether it be by Sword, Pistol, Poison, which are Popish things, or by a true Protestant-Hatchet, which is the Honour and Privilege of the Saints. But you will say the Captain proves all by two little Informations annexed to his own; the one by Jarvis James, the other by his Wife. 1. Jarvis James, how stands he qualified for an Evidence? Why thus. 1. Jarvis James, Gent. 2. Jarvis James, fellow-Prisoner with the Captain. 3. Jarvis James, One of the good People, as it is said, that carried on the Work of the Lord against the Lord's Anointed: Birds of a feather flock together; if you may guests a man by his Familiar, you may see which Side the Captain stands on. 4. He is a very sensible Person. Whether doth he mean, sensible of his own former Miscarriages, or of the Captain's present Knavery, or both? But however you understand it, what doth this Gentleman say? Why even all this, viz. that he had the Captain's Information by piece-meal from his own mouth. Very good; but wherein the Captain might prevaricate, this sensible Gentleman cannot tell, but must pass with an Ignoramus. 2. Here is the Captain's Wife turned Informer, who comes with Twins in her Womb: She brings forth her firstborn on Wednesday, Octob. 12. and her second on Friday, Octob. 14. and both in the same year. Certainly if the Captain's Wife be so fruitful, the King will never want Soldiers. But what is it the Woman saith? Not that Mr. Booth pressed her Husband to Perjury, but to witness— that is, to swear what things it was supposed he might be privy to. A main Matter truly, and no more than what others have done in other Cases, without any Slanders cast upon them; but in the Good Old Cause every Goose must be a Swan: Parturiunt montes, nescetur ridiculus mus! But you will say, Her Husband was promised Rewards to swear; and perhaps now others will say, He hath saved his pains, and got his Rewards too. Truly I do not know one Popish Evidence but what had his Rewards, and some of them Promises antecedent, and as inducements to a Discovery: And since the Captain was poor and covetous, and declares himself an Enemy to the Court for want of Rewards, I do not understand the evil of making some shows of Rewards by way of Search and Experiment, whether his Prejudices were removable, and the man capable of being brought to himself, and Truth together. We see that both He and She-Evidence can follow the way of Balaam: There is a Lip-adultery, and a Miss can be kept for the service of her Tongue, as well as of other Parts. Therefore whether the Captain knew any thing really, or in pretence only, yet if he lay to make an advantage, and was looking after the Calves of Bethel, whether it might not be both prudent and honest to make show of some bait, to stay him till he had time to consider matter of duty, as well as interest only, I leave any that are not paries as being concerned in the Cause, to judge. But that it is very unreasonable to believe there were any rewards proposed, appears, 1. From the particulars urged in that behalf. 2. From the Captains many falsifications, and incongruities, which render the whole obnoxious to the just suspicions of a vile imposture. 3. From the want of proof; for it is unreasonable to take up a report, especially in weighty concerns, as these are, without sufficient warrant for so doing; but here is no warrant at all: for as Booth and Bains are parties on the one hand, who deny it; so the Captain and his Wife, who affirm it, are parties on the other hand. For in any cause gain doth make any persons parties; and now whether the Captain and his Wife were not gainers in this matter, I leave to the reasons of any men to judge from the sole consideration of their immediate release hereupon from prison, and advance to the state of a Gentleman. 4. A Wife is a good Witness against an Husband, because in such a case she speaks against herself; but her testimony is not so valid for him, by reason his Cause and Interest is her own; this is therefore but little better than to ask my fellow if I am a thief; to try an Highway man by his own Gang, or any Prisoner by them of his own way. But in the most divided interest she is but one, and I hope an Ignoramus may as well pass against a single testimony, as against eight; especially if the good men and true come forearmed with a resolution not to believe the Evidence. FINIS.