Antiquity REVIVED: OR THE GOVERNMENT OF A Certain Island Anciently called ASTREADA, In Reference to 

Religion,  
Policy,  
War, and  
Peace.    
Some hundreds of Years Before the Coming of Christ.  
Veritas, si oppugnata, magis Elucescat.  
LONDON, Printed in the Year 1693.   

Antiquity Revived, etc.  
WHen Alexander, surnamed the Great, had subjugated to his Will and Power the most flourishing Dominions of Greece, together with the famous City of Athens, that had the highest Repute for Literature, and Civil Government, being forced to submit to that mighty Conqueror: When not a few of Her Citizens despairing of their former Freedom, and those Encouragements to Erudition and polite Science, which She had with so much Renown formerly enjoyed, left her Dominion. Amongst which a Senator, a Philosopher, and a person of Sacerdotal Function, took shipping, with intent to land in Persia where Darius then Reigned, and was afterwards overcome by the abovementioned Alexander.  
But the Winds not favouring their Voyage, they were forced by a Storm on a certain Island that had been anciently called Astreada: which denomination, as some affim, was derived from the Goddess Astrea, celebrated by Poets as the Tutelar Deity of Piety and Justice; which Deity, as they relate, had anciently a Being on Earth, till the depravation of Mankind both in respect of Divine Worship, and their Integrity to Laws and Civil Government, caused this Goddess, as affronted by all sorts of Impieties, to abdicate her Person from the Being's of Men; whether for the Reason that the Precepts of this Celestial Guide had been longer retained in this Island, than in any other Region, might give occasion to its Inhabitants to call it Astreada, I will not positively affirm: But this I dare aver, That never any Country deserved more Esteem for preserving the Soundness of Her primitive Faith and Manners.  
The Three Persons before expressed, being the Chief of those that the tempestuous Rage of the Ocean had cast on this lsland, our Discourse shall be here limited to them, and a few such of the Inhabitants of Astreada as courteously gave them Reception.  
This lsland was of large Extent, if not great and powerful, both in the Number, Grandeur, and Valour of Inhabitants, and Opulency of Soil, and Conveniency of Situation, preferable in most Respects, if compared with other Neighbouring Dominions; and had not visibly deviated, in any known Age, from requisite Greatness or Virtue.  
As soon as these Athenians landed, the next Inhabitants to the Shore, received them very courteously, and took care for their Accommodation in all things as was requisite to their Distress: And discerning that of these shipwrecked Persons, Three of them, by their Habits, had an important distinction from the rest, they gave notice of their Quality and Function to one of the chiefest of their Fidefendons, whose Office was to examine Strangers, and take care that no Religion differing from theirs should be diffused within the Island of Astreada. This Fidefendon being accompanied with one of their Civil Superiors, who from the Duties of his Place was called a Jussinedos, or principal Magistrates of that Principality; which was so happy, as neither the Imputation of Tyranny in their Monarches, or detestable Sedition and Rebellion of their People, had any sanguine Records amongst them.  
As soon as they had kindly saluted the Athenian Strangers, and given them such Entertainment as was suitable to their Condition, the Fidefendon took occasion to let them know, That as they pitied their Sufferance in their past Voyage, so he could not but dissuade, for the benefit of their Souls, their manner of Worship, if dissenting from his in worshipping of the Divine Powers. And since he'perceived that one of them was habited in the Vestments of a Priest and Sacrificer, according to the Custom of their Nation, he was willing to take cognizance of his Persuasion, and endeavour, if he found it erroneous, to inform him better.  
The Athenian Priest gravely returned his thanks to the Fidefendon for his offered Favour; but told him withal, That their Religion consisting, for the most part, of Ceremonies and Sacrificial Duties to the Gods, which long continued Usage had been traditionally conveyed, and of which they had no greater Proof than Writings and Records, the Wisdom and Discipline of their Country had thought fit to allow, it would not be thought convenient for him to venture their Persuasion so received, and which he could not otherwise demonstrate, on the force of Argument. Adding besides, That he was obliged by his Function and Interest cautiously to discuss, at least not to allow of any Motives or Arguments, if prejudicial to the Tenants he was to profess.  
The Philosopher that was of the same Nation, was inwardly ashamed, as he observed the Evasion made by the Priest, telling the Fidefendon, That if he would oblige them so far as to undertake to inform them better than they hitherto understood, on the Divine Account, he assured that it should be gratefully received by him, notwithstanding the present aversion of his Countryman the Athenian Priest, which he hoped did not proceed from obdurancy of Mind, in case his Reasons were appositely prevalent.  
The Jussinedos likewise readily declared That after the Fidefendon had delivered what was fit to be understood in reference to the Religion of Astreada, that he would acquaint them with such Laws and Politics of State as had been the long approved Support of their Monarchical Dominion.  
The Athenian Senator, that had not yet spoke, acknowledged the Obligation great, being no less desirous than the Philosopher, to hear the Maxims of that Island's Government explained, unto which other Countries were estranged both as to their Constitution and Practice.  
The Fidefendon, by the Prerogative of his Office being first to speak, in respect that the Concern of Religion ought to have the precedent Discussion, he began to deliver himself after this manner:  
He told them, That he was very inclinable to treat favourably their Persuasion, both as they were Strangers, and because the Civility of their Island, and Complaisance of their Morals, obliged them not to reflect with bitterness on the Persuasions of others that had been introduced by Custom, and as it were sucked into their Understandings with the Milk of their Mothers: hoping that of themselves they would discern their Errors, if perspicuously unveiled to their Judgements, by which they would soon apprehend what sort of Men ought to be charged with such Enormities and Absurdities in Belief, as were too frequent with Mankind.  
After which, the Fidefendon, with a steady Countenance, delivered himself in this manner:  
Know, said he, that the Worship we acknowledge, and to the observance of which we devoutly erect the eyes of our Souls, essentially consists on these following Particulars.  
1. That as the World had a manifest Continuation from Providence, so likewise was it founded on its Power, though not to be otherwise searched or explained: And consequently that all definitions of the Deity, that it was totally spiritual; or as some held who had celebrated Demigods, after the manner of others, who attributed half Divinity to some Instructers of Worship, as well as to their reputed Heroiques, were no less ridiculous, than absurd. It being impossible that Religion should be so near allied to Mortality, or be obliged to a Founder of human Denomination. And if the World was governed by a visible and constant Providence, there was no Reason to doubt that Religion was deducible from thence, and no less manifest and perpetually extant to Sense, as palpably as we behold the Sky and Stars above our Heads. Wherefore that this supreme Tenent ought to be allowed and reverenced as the most clear foundation of Belief, concluding that it had been as generally conceded, had not the Inventions and Frauds of Men opposed so clear and known a Truth. Adding, That he desired to hear what could be opposed to this Notion, before he proceeded to other Principles of their Worship.  
The Athenian Philosopher, judged that the Method proposed was highly rational, and of divine and natural Simplicity: And turning to the Athenian Priest told him, That it was incumbent on him to justify the reasonable Integrity of the Worship he professed, if in the compass of his understanding, lest his Devotion were held unrighteously applied to Heaven, and Altars polluted by the cruel Sacrifices of Creatures, whereby the Divine Power might be rather incensed, than propitiously implored to the advantage of Humane Frailty.  
The Grecian Priest, was not a little concerned that he should be thus wooed to a Disputation of this Nature, which he was very prone to avoid: But judging that it was for the Credit and Interest of his Persuasion and Function, to act polemically in their Defence, he replied to this purpose:  
That he would not undertake to prove any other Evidence of the Belief he professed, than what redounded from Usage and allowed Reception, as it had been written, or traditionally conveyed by such that were not manifestly liable to the Imputation of Fraud in what they delivered; who, as they were Founders of Worship, were likewise esteemed inspired, if not oraculously instructed from above. That Men from Men, in respect of outward Rules and Certainty, had been propense to acquiesce in sueh Notions, though not otherwise demonstrative. Neither did he deny that general Providence, as the Fidefendon alleged, was more apparent and visible than any particular Tenent of Religion, however it came to pass that Maxims of Worship were so extremely various in divers Nations, though within the compass of one entire World, and Divine Conduct. That it were to be wished that every Article of Faith had been as discernible as the Orb of Light, nay, written with a Sunbeam on every Object we behold: But this general Conviction being not to be perceived, Men ought to follow such Doctrines as have gained most Credit on their Understandings.  
The Fidefendon told him, That he commended him for wishing that the Essentials of Divine Worship had greater Evidence than human Relations or Tenants prescribed by the Pen of Man, by reason that it was not apparent how far they ought to be credibly allowed, or accompanied with any sensible Demonstration that Invention or Deceit did not manage the Contrivance: For though a Book may with sufficient assurance deliver a Mathematical Certainty with a quod erat demonstrandum: It is much otherwise as to any Fundamental of Faith as it should respect Heaven, which teacheth the Soul visibly to apprehend the Illuminations without Book from above; to which undeniable Conviction all the Faculties of the Mind, and what can be attributed to every Sense that operates in Mankind, fully assent.  
Suppose, he added, that I should inspect such Writings of yours as are no less esteemed by you than sacred Records, and should find there such Acts of your deified Jupiter, as you grant Miraculous: Were it therefore as clear, in the judgement of any indifferent Understanding, that your Deity either did such Wonders, or delegated by Inspiration any Persons to convey them to others; when you neither produce or rely on any visible Fact, or universal Manifestation of his Omnipotent Power, together with the Reverence incumbent, from thence, on the Soul of Man. Our Intellects are sensibly assured, That we ought to pay Adoration on our Knees to what we see not, from what we ocularly behold in the admirable Frame and Structure of the Universe, in whose Circumference should not the fixed Stars stand at one constant distance one from another, and the diurnal motion of the Orbs above perpetually keep the same time, no Individual would, in probability, last a moment: But we reflect on you Grecians, no less than on other Nations of the Earth, that by invented Denominations and Beliefs, presumptuously impose on Heaven what is not to be discerned from thence by any actual Object or Propriety.  
And could any thing be more perfectly or necessarily perceived, than what obviously result● from the Conduct of the Universe above and below: It were impious to concede, that it would not be effectually conveyed and seen by our Eyes no less undoubtedly than requisite to terminate and convict our Understandings, which to deny were very absurd, and consequently would force on Providence a defect.  
Some there are who confidently affirm, That the Conduct of the Universe doth dependantly subsist, and guided in all its Operations and Effects, by a spiritual Being; but how a spiritual Essence can actuate on things of a corporeal Nature, that are limited and qualified accordingly, is not intelligible, we may imagine, to the highest degree of Purity, that one Substance may be more refined and dignified than another, as we behold from the Figure and Beams of the Sun, and other of the Celestial Bodies; yet not be able from thence to define a Spirit, or to attribute to a Divine spiritual Essence the contiguous order and disposal of Substances terminated by material parts and effects of Sense, as are our human Bodies, and whatsoever has Vegetation or Life; to affirm otherwise, is not easily, discharged from Contradiction.  
In like manner it seems no less naturally repugnant to Reason, in such as do maintain that spiritual Worship is due from the human Soul; which as it has its Being, and actuates in the Body of Man, can have no proper Idea of any spiritual Existence. Let any one that would be thought to believe otherwise, prostrate himself as devoutly as he can, and he will find, in opposition to this Maxim, That his Contemplation will furnish him with something or other that resembles Body and Parts, and most likely such as are of human Similitude, suitable to the Deities that for the most part are worshipped, for which the Fictions of the Priesthood ought to be accountable. This Example, in stead of other Argument, I hold fully sufficient to convince Opposers, that the Notion of spiritual Worship is neither reasonable, or naturally allowable: In stead of which I will clearly propose, when I touch that Particular, such a sensible and proper Worship, though annexed to no denomination of Deity, in any kind, as shall manifest the Religion we Astreadans profess, to be more rational than what can be urged to the contrary by any opposite Persuasion.  
The Grecian Senator, very gravely observed the preceding Discourse; and though he was inclined to esteem the Laws and Usage of his Country both on the Divine and Civil Account, he readily acknowledged that neither of those were valuable, if not of sound and unbiass'd Construction; wherefore he was very desirous to attend the Period of this considerable Debate.  
When the Philosopher, his Associate, who had been positively educated in the Athenian School, acknowledged by the World for the most exquisite Seminary of Letters, where he had gradually arrived to the height of Philosophical Science, was somewhat earnester than the Senator, to understand if reverential Worship could be apparently deducible from the exterior and sensible Acts of Providence; assuring the Priest, his Companion, That unless he could make out his particular method of Adoration, the Altars and Sacrifices, however beneficial they had been to Men of his Function, would sink in Repute, notwithstanding the Esteem they had formerly received. At which words the Priest being not a little concerned, and rubbing of his Forehead hard, with not a little Priestly Confidence, began in this manner:  
I well know, that Universal Providence, however it may seem disguised or perplexed, by the various Opinions and Religions of the World, aught to have a Divine Attribute reverenced by Mankind; and that the Conviction is no less apparent, than that there is Day and Night, Heat and Moisture, and other elementary qualities, by which the Universe does subsist: That not a few, of profound Erudition, have affirmed, That the whole Bulk and Fabric of the Universe is animated, preserved, and governed by one Soul or Providence; on which Account they acknowledge, that there is an actual Supreme Conduct as clearly manifest, as we know by Sense that Earth, Water, or Air, have their proper Qualities and Being's. But this general Soul of the World being impossible to be viewed or resembled by Shape or Figure, no more than the Soul or Life, that actuates the Body of Man, is to be seen or described, they allow it a supreme and essential Conduct on which the conservation of all above and below depends. For which Reason they hold it absurd to give a definitive Name to any thing that is not perceptible to Sense, how excellent soever they grant its Being and Conduct.  
And though I am of the Priesthood, my Ingenuity does oblige to grant, that it is not easy to give a Denomination to an invisible Power, or a supreme Cause, whose Essence is absconded, and can no otherwise be reverenced, than by the Effects it produceth.  
On which ground they argue. That an uncertain Name or Notion of Divine Power, as it may be signified by the Word Providence, is less temerarious, and of more practicable Intelligence, than Definitions of Men that pretend to explain a deified Essence.  
And thus, continued the Priest, we are severely censured, and pretendedly recriminated for proposing to the World such Tenants as undertake to furnish the Understanding with a more superlative Intimacy with the Divine Power, than by any Fact or Conduct of Heaven, is manifestly explained. And likewise reflect on our usual Worship, as the Catalogue of superstitious Frauds and Devices, notwithstanding it be clear both to us and them, that unless it be granted that Devotion be explained, after our manner of Adoration, in reference to Divinity, Religion can have no Certainty, or practical Observance.  
The Fidefendon replied, that the Athenian Priest, had conceded enough in that he granted, That the Omnipotent or Supreme Being might have an implicit Demonstration, though not the essence known by the word, as in the example you mentioned of the Soul in the Body of Man: the word Soul does not explain the Being of the human Soul, though by its conceived Operation we give it a name, by which we rather would know than certainly able from thence to express its nature. In like manner, We Astreadans, after the rational form of Worship professed by us, attribute to the Denomination of Providence, an Omnipotency or Divine Conservator and Disposer of the total World, as it is either composed of whatsoever we behold, or of what we do neither discern or apprehend: And yet we do not definitively infer from any of these Expressions, the Essential Nature or Modality of Existence in reference to the Supreme Power which we devoutly celebrate: In your City of Athens, where Literature has been so anciently Famous, you deify an Omnipotent Being; but instead of defining his Essence, you dedicate your Worship to the unknown God, as the public Inscriptions on your Temples and Altars declare. By which it is evident, That you renounce all Tenants that pretend to Definitions of the Nature of the Deity you adore, by which the Prudence of your Republic judiciously avoided the intolerable Absurdities that otherwise would have been propagated amongst you.  
And had your Citizens been allowed the freedom of Discussing, or suffered any Tenants that had undertaken to explain the Divine Essence, your City had been infectd with more contagious Errors relating to Belief, than you do at this day profess. For if you had allowed any Corporeal Figure or Being, to what you Divinely celebrate; you must have represented it in the likeness of Humanity, or other Animal. On the contrary, if you had given it a spiritual Attribute, you had then determined more Exorbitantly, and less Intelligible. Because the understanding can have no comprehension of any spiritual Existency that is in no kind the Object of Sense. Nor can any, however confident they seem to be, with the least shadow of Reason affirm, That a bodily Eye can discern that which hath no Body; which were a Contradiction to the undoubted Principle of Optics, and no less wide from the Understanding, or impossible to fall within the compass of its knowledge; according to that clear Philosophical Maxim, That nothing is in the Intellect of Man, but was first the Senses; whereas it is evident from what is here alleged, That a spiritual Being cannot be in any kind the Object of the Understanding or Senses.  
To conclude, Whatsoever is not to be seen or felt, is impossible to be apprehended or notional to human Conception. And I think no Man will undertake to demonstrate, that a Spirit is either to be touched or seen. And these Reasons I conceive enough to invalidate all spiritual Definitions and Notions, by whomsoever asserted.  
And yet I grant, said the Fidefendon, That from the sublime Effects and Proprieties of a Cause sensibly apparent, I may concede that it is supreme and ineffable; by Reason of the actual dignity of its Operation, notwithstanding it be far impossible for me to apprehend the manner of its Existence or Being; as is manifest from the Example of Providence, before mentioned; the excellency of whose actual and continual Benignity in the wonderful Order and Conservation of the Universe, and all things it contains, is apparent to our Understandings, by the undeniable allowance of all our Senses; as Seeing, Hearing, Tasting, Smelling, Touching; these assure us of a Providential Being. How remote soever, or absconded the Modality of its Existence, is from our Apprehensions: Like to some admirable Structure, from whose Composure, Furniture, Parts, and Proportions, I admire the perfect Abilities of the Architect and Founder, though unknown to me the superlative Skill and Materials that completed the Fabric. And I cannot but reiterate, That there is nothing more fallible or absurd, than positively to affirm, That in allowing of a Supreme Cause, they must necessarily grant a spiritual Existence; it being very possible, that such an Efficient, howsoever superlative allowed in its Essence, may be no Spirit, as some undertake to define, nor of bodily substance in any corporeal Sense or Attribute that can be apprehended by us. And in Speculation we may acknowledge, that an extraordinary Cause may be notionally understood to be of a refined Nature, yet not therefore termed Spiritual, no more than the Notion of a distinct fifth Essence, which Philosophers attribute to the Aetherial Bodies of the Sun and Stars, does imply a spiritual Being, or contrarily any Similitude of Subsistence, if likened to Elementary Composition.  
If the World did explain by any Work, or Thing, the Cause of its own Original, or any Creature that subsists in it, we could not be destitute of knowing, nay, seeing of it as perfectly as we do ourselves: Though we must not conclude from thence, that the total Compass of the World doth not diffuse the Cause of its Being; And it were a very groundless and improper Notion, to imagine that any such Original Cause should have an Existence beyond the vast Extent of the Universe; which were no less absurd, than to imagine that something may subsist where there is nothing: For I take it as granted by all of us, that the capacity of the World above and below, must be large enough to include its supreme Cause; We ought therefore to conclude, that the Reason why it cannot be discerned, is because it is absconded by its effectual conduct and manner of Operation, in order to the conservation of the Universe. For if it animate all things, or be diffused, as a Soul, of which every individual Being participates, as was precedently mentioned, it cannot be perceptible in whole, or in part, no more than the human Soul is to be discerned, in its Figure or Proportion that gives Life and Motion to the Body. All which does sufficiently manifest, that a Supreme Cause may be visibly existent in the Effects it produceth; yet so, as not to be otherwise defined or apprehended.  
On which grounds we of this Island of Astreada adore Providence, without giving to it the name of Deity, or obliging ourselves to give a denomination to a Being or Essence that we cannot intelligibly express, and so be necessitated to devise an equivalent Term or Notion of Divinity at a Venture. Whereas we conceive that we are pertinently devout, if sensible of its Effects, however obscure its Being, if we pay our Adoration in that method for the Benefits we receive: And that as an undiscernible Foreseer, Provider, and Disposer of all things, for the Glory of itself, and humane preservation and subsistence, we celebrate Providence; not with less reverence than such as would be thought strictly to worship and implore what they think fit to deify.  
'Twere more tedious than necessary, should ● entertain you, who are Strangers to our Climate, with an elaborate Repetition of our Forms of Prayer, and manner of Devotion: which, in sums, is no other, than that we reverence on our Knees the ineffable Disposer and Giver of the Blessings we receive; like to a Man that should have a Bounty conveyed to him by an unknown hand, and who, in that Case, would not think himself tacitly obliged to return his acknowledgement, though he was ignorant of the Motive, Nature, and Dignity of the Person that was the Bestower.  
On what account the Tenants and Superstructures of others, not to reflect on their notorious Frauds and Devices, have hoodwinked the understandings of Men that are not united to us by the sensible method of our Persuasion, I leave, concluded the Fidefendon, to your judicious Examination.  
The Philosopher observing that his Countryman Priest was somewhat troubled to reply, or ruminating of what Argument wa● fittest to be insinuated in defence of his Persuasion, spoke to the Fidefendon in these words.  
I am apt to grant both as a Philosopher, and as far as Reason ought to convince me, that there is an implicit Reverence, as you have judiciously maintained, due to the sensible operations of Providence; all which I do as clearly perceive, as that the Sun has warmness in his Beams, and that Day and Night have a reciprocal management, as they beneficially vary and commode the several Climates of the Universe: or that Mankind, and every Animal and Vegetive is nourished and supported by operations of a Cause predominately absconded.  
To which, I likewise condescend, That you aptly give the denomination of Providence, without undertaking to define its Essence; as he that sees Light, feels the effects of the Sun's heat, is capable of understanding what he intends by either of the words, but not therefore apprehensive of the composition or essential nature of the substance from whence they proceed.  
Neither can I descent from you, as you celebrate under the Notion of Providence the Devotion you apply; in respect that what I am rationally obliged to admire as an ineffable Supporter and Disposer of all things, I may undoubtedly worship in a general Sense without other definition: to explain which, the Reasons you have precedently alleged are so many and perspicuous, as they need no Illustration: So that as a rational Man and a Philosopher, I readily concede, that the Belief you Astreadans profess, is both Natural and Philosophical; neither can any other religious Proposal, however reputed divine or inspired, deter me from allowing my highest Admiration and Reverence to the methods of that Persuasion that is evidently familiar to my Soul and Senses, in the same manner as you deduce your Creed from the conduct of Providence; and why the Devotion of the World should not be universally united in that primitive one entire and obvious mean● of Worship, is not easily understood.  
To which the Fidefendon readily answered, ●elling the Philosopher, that he had proceeded ingeniously in his Concession relating to what had been discussed: And that he concluded with a very considerable mark on the deplorable Folly of Mankind in being so absurdly divided by their Beliefs, considering that as the World is one, so there can be but one true Proposition or Motive in order to worship. As in the Instance that has been given of Providence, if that be clearer to the apprehension, as it must be because sensibly perceived, than any Notion different from it, that aught to be made the Proposition that should generally unite and terminate human Worship. And I do not think, said the Fidefendon, that the most confident of the Priesthood, will affirm that either their Oracles or Inspirations that they conceive most authentic, are so feelingly manifest, as the operations of Providence, or of like Antiquity; the latter being as old as the World, the other of dated and known Original.  
And turning to the Grecian Priest, added, that hi● Function could not deny that their Jupiter, and other of their Deities were allowed by Priesthoods to have been born, and lived on earth, and I doubt not but their Ends were likewise mortal.  
But how Religions of that sor● should continue so long, and yet propagated from so mean a Beginning and Date, or in substance no other than Creeds conveyed by the practice of Men for secular Esteem, Advantage and Interest; even contrary to the obvious Devotion and Belief avowed by us; I cannot imagine otherwise to arise, than from the prone Facility and credulous Impiety, too prevalent with Mankind, in believing a Story or Fiction, plausibly contrived, superior in poin● of evidence, to the palpable information of our Senses. On which account the credence of such Doctrines has been subtly introduced, that has not only alured, deceived, and opposed men's understandings by the various defiance of their Tenants, even to Wars and Slaughters, but has presumptuously taught them to believe, that there have been Gods in humane shape, and sometimes Men that ought to be halfway deified, as Heroes of old were fictitiously celebrated; that is to say, worship as God and Man united.  
All which, not to particularise the Ends and Interest of Impostors, have been suitably conveyed in order to captivate the Intellects of vulgar persons, as the greatest part of Mankind, and therefore more usefully imposed on, who being taught to pin their Faith on the Relations of such as had greatest reputation of Piety and Learning, though in truth ●he mistakers or abusers of both; soon prevailed with them to acquiesce in believing of things they never examined, though not undertaken to be proved by the Proposers.  
And thus the Tales and Forgeries of a few at first, gained by degrees the approbation of multitudes, who because they observed nothing above or below that did by words declare a supreme Cause, or any providential Benignity derived from thence, as if the universal World, Sun and Stars were to be less admired because speechless, they easily consented that such as with the highest vogue and applause of opinion presented themselves for Tutor's, ought to be received as commissioned by Heaven. And this Error was diligently continued by the craft and for the advantage of their Guides and Directors; well knowing that a Worship that depended upon sensible assurance, would invalidate all Persuasions that had nothing but verbal Affirmations. Neither had any of those Men, who pretended most to Divine Inspirations and Records divulged to that end, attained the repute of Founders, or as it were the original Monarches of diversity of Persuasions and Sects redounding from thence; if they had undertaken to inform Men no farther than the conviction of Seeing and Feeling, according as we deduce our providential Worship, because that method had put Men in mind of what was as palpable to them as it could be to such who undertook to be their Directors.  
As it can be for no Bodies advantage to assure Men that there is a Mathematical Certainty, or ●hat they may demonstrate how far they ought to believe, in point of Religion, as surely as they can know any thing by their Senses. True it is, that Erectors and Founders of Worship have alleged, to credit their Doctrines, Divine Illuminations and Miracles, that have been better known, or at least so pretended, to themselves, than to such they undertake to inform. But with what confidence can they affirm, that such Propositions are either sufficient or large enough to convict the World replenished with Men; or why there should not be one Belief as evident to Sense, as that Men discern the Operations of Providence.  
If contrarily you can clearly explain, concluded the Fidefendon, that your Persuasion ought to descent, I am ready to consider the validity of your Proposals; in the mean time I have set forth, in their genuine dress, the ground and motives relating to the Worship that we Astread●ns maintain, and devoutly profess.  
The Priest touched to the quick to hear the Authority of his Creed, and Interest of his Function so attacked by the force of the Fidefendon's Discourses, almost wished that he had been drowned in his late tempestuous Voyage, rather than preserved as he saw hi● endeared Belief thus catechised and opposed; wherefore, suitable to the usual confidence of Men of his Robe, with Fervour in his Looks and Visage, he told the Fidefendon, That it was too strictly severe to require a Demonstration from Sense for Articles of his Doctrine; or to prove it annexed to Providence in the manner of the Astreadan Persuasion. And since the Tenants of us Grecians are derived, as we allege them from spiritual Inspiration, that have both defined the Deity, and the manner of Worship celebrated by us, undoubtedly, as we conceive, delivered by our known Records and long Usage; we canone lessen its sublime Authority by departing from what we received, because we cannot prove, otherwise than as it is testified by writing, that it was heretofore inspired: And should we grant the contrary, we must deny the spiritual Illumination we pretend to, though I grant it is not intelligible in what manner a spiritual Act or Thought can have to do with our Senses; and consequently invalidate every Function of Priesthood, and the Reverence attributed to them in numerous and glorious Nations. How many of our Robe have been allowed of sanctified Repute, nay such ●s have prophetically foretold Kings and Potentates what should succeed, and how far their Affairs are favoured by Heaven. If our Presages have sometimes erred, none can deny that we have not been now and then in the right.  
True it is, that Men of plain apprehensions have occasionally taxed our Doctrines for shifting of Sides and Parties, or seeming inspired in behalf of the most: prevalent Faction or Dominion: But we thank Heaven we are not abashed, or put out of countenance by such low Recriminations, whilst by the strength of spiritual Reputation we prosper under such variety of Times and Change of Rulers, that amaze the Brain of vulgar Persons, as they too frequently judge that they are taught, by us, to suffer most, and apprehend least.  
That there is an excellency that ought to be dispensed to some Orders and Callings of Men, merely from what they represent, is evident to all that apprehend the Nature and Time of Ecclesiastical and Temporal Politics. Does it not appear from thence, that such as were esteemed the most profound and excellent Institutors of Governments, have been reputed Divinely taught and gifted; not that there was really any such Attributes due to them, but as they were admired and reverenced for the superlative Prudence that was allowed to their Laws and public Constitutions: And I doubt not, said the Priest, looking earnestly on the rest, that our sacred Office may claim as sublime Reputation, if not more, considering the dignity of our Function.  
To conclude, We do not undertake to prove, with the same evidence of Sense as you do the operations of Providence, that by whomsoever. our Precepts were originally conveyed, on which were first founded our Priestly Qualifications and Capacities, that he was either inspired or conversed with a Deity: But rather affirm, that he ought, in one kind or other, to be so reputed, in respect of the credit and value allowed to the Principles of Worship conveyed by him. After this manner the titular Grandeur of heroical and excellent Persons, received divine Names and Epithets; not that they in nature were so near of Kin to Heaven as to be half way deified, as of old some were entitled, but from the admiration paid to their actions and endowments that highly tended to the benefit of others.  
And since the World will not be easily persuaded, that there ought to be such a sensible Worship as you propose, which I confess was to be wished: Particular Nations will stand upon the Credit of their Priests, and what they receive from their Instructions; nay hold themselves obliged to support and defend, as much as in them lies, the esteem of one sort of Priesthood above another.  
Moreover, when we assert a Proposition in Religion that is not demonstrative, as by declaring in what manner the Deity is represented or personated, or how operative on Men by way of Inspiration: It ought to be received as our way of speaking, whereby we teach Men more superlatively to reverence the Doctrines we deliver; which could not be received with plausible respect and admiration, if not supposed to have proceeded from a Divine Founder. Insomuch that the Po●emicks of Nations, on which depend their controverted Creed, have no other Original than which of them ought to be preferred as they relate to the celebrated Qualifications of their first Proposers.  
The Athenian Senator, observing that the Priest his Associate was more perplexed and obscure in vindicating of his Tenants than he expected from his Undertaking, gravely told him, that he thought it would be no advantage to his Creed to debate it farther: And turning to the Fidefendon, gave him thanks for the Explanation he had given them of his Astreadan Persuasion; adding withal, That it would be no less grateful to him and the Philosopher his Countryman, if he pleased to deliver what wa● the Doctrine received in that famous Island, tending to the Immortality of the Soul, and the Condition of Mankind after this Life.  
The Fidefendon soberly replied, That by his precedent Discourses, he doubted not but it was apparent to all of them, that Religion was clearly the Object of Sense, and conveyed by universal Providence; on which account all particular Beliefs, and singular Persuasions whereby this or that People annexed ●heir Creeds, on pretence of Divine Inspiration revealed by written Records, or Relations of Men tending to that purpose; were Notions no less absurd than impossible, because no Miracle written or related, is an equivalent proof of a Miracle in Fact: so ●hat if a Man does not palpably discern what he is told or reads, it cannot be hi● actual Conviction.  
Neither can any Man be otherwise persuaded but he must particularise and limit Providence, as he supposeth that it has conveyed his profession of Faith in a partial Bounty, as ●t respects one sort of Men or Nation more than the generality of Mankind. This obvious Reflection plainly discovers the erroneous and contradictory grounds of such as would be thought singularly illuminated in order to their Forms of Worship: All which ● thought fit previously to instance, as being necessary to the explaining of our Opinion of the World, which you Grecians call the other.  
If humane Understanding has no actual Evidence by what means or fact the Earth we tread on, or the Globe of the Universe which our eyes with admiration behold, was produced: how is it possible that the Intellect of Man should display any sufficient Notion of an undiscernible World. And wherea● Providence has given us a sensible assurance, as has been already proved, of its Operations in the Universe we inhabit, we have no such Conviction of any other. And it were no less than a Contradiction to affirm, that this World is sensibly perceived, but not that which some term the tother; and consequently that thi● only was providentially disposed, in order to the conviction of our Senses: which must render Providence defective, and opposite to itself; or visible here, but an invisible Guide as to our Perception, by its means, of another World.  
And whosoever shall assert a Tenent o● this unintelligible Extent, does, in effect, affirm the existency of two distinct; Deities, that by a dissimulary Conduct govern thi● and t'other mundane Place and Situation. For if the Order and Operations of the Supreme Power be perciptible only in such Objects as are familiarly apparent to our Understandings and Senses, as has been already the Being of another World must be totally different from this, as also the nature and effects of the Omnipotent Cause by which it is actuated and preserved, in no kind of similitude to the Rule and Disposition of the Universe we inhabit; or that there is a spiritual World and Being ordained for the Reception of the humane Soul, as they conceive it an immortal Spirit.  
Neither can any sufficiently allege Divine Inspiration, as has been observed by me, to corroborate a Doctrine so opposite to humane discernment, because no one Man can explain to another by what means he was inspired, or how he was illuminated by a spiritual Conversion: It being widely impossible to Reason, that he who sensibly understands not the existency of a Spirit, should apprehend the possibility of a spiritual Dialogue betwixt God and Man. The most ancient Recorders of the delusory and various Beliefs of the World were either Poets, or Priests, or both; none of your Grecians can deny, as is manifest from the esteem you give to their Traditions and Writings. Yet the most anciently celebrated of these, as were Orpheus, Hesiod, and the like, taught Men to believe, that Gods did beget one another as their Deities of both Sexes were supposed to engender: A Notion as absurd as monstrous; because it implies that one Infinite thing can beget another Infinite, or one spiritual Being procreate its like in Essence; which Doctrine, however extravagant, must be conceded by all that attribute the denomination and nature of Spirit to the Deity, and grant that it may communicate its substance in any respect. And I very much fear that in the Worship, by which many would be thought most devoted to an Omnipotent Power, that they render i● impossible to be reverenced in the method they propose; unless they can prove, as instanced before, how an undeterminate or infinite Being can be a sensible Object, and comprehensively adored by the limited qualification of humane Understanding.  
Others have so lowered the Divinities they celebrate, as by their Commixtures with Mankind they either give 'em the Title o● Demy-godships, as has been precedently observed, or they express 'em in resemblance to humane Bodies; and not only knowing of the; Infirmities and Depravations of Mankind, but in the worst conception, Actors themselves; which pollutions of Heaven must have been politicly, and for Interest devised and complicated with Beliefs, that such as were so devoted, might with more assurance hope for pardon from their Deities, whom they judged no less than Men notoriously sinful.  
These Particulars, I thought previously necessary to inculcate here, because they have affinity to the various Extravagancies that some Persons by their Doctrines undertake to defend in reference to the Immortalising of the Soul after this Life.  
The first is, That the humane Soul consists of a Spiritual Essence, and that it is by the excellency of its substance likewise Immortal: But how can these Dogmatizers of Religion, according to this Notion of theirs, not vent an Absurdity of the highest Nature: For if the Soul of Man be essentially a Spirit, and that they hold, as they would be thought to do, the God they adore a Spirit also: Do they not, in effect, deify the animating part of Mankind after death, it being impossible to distinguish, by any rational Discussion, how much one Spirit is essentially purer than another. On which ground it follows, that wh●t is spiritually Immortal, may be allowed to be Infinite. So little distinction is there, by this Doctrine, betwixt the Soul of Man, and the Deity they worship; and yet 'tis well known to all of us, how numerous a part of the World assert this Tenent as the first Maxim of their Creed.  
Others affirm, That the purest Substance or ghostly Form of Life, when separated by Death, is represented by a shadow of the Body, which some pretend to have beheld in that Figure, as ocular Witnesses that the Soul of Man does in th●t manner outlive the Body: And this your Grecian Poets, to whose Inventions your Priesthood is not a little beholding, with their fanciful Glosses undertake ●o deliver: But of what credit their Authority is I need not debate, who, in being Poe●● must be granted Divulgers of fabulous Contrivances. And what can be a greater Solecism to Reason, than a Position so vainly extravagant; nay, how is it possible to conceive, that a Shadow does not imply the presence of the Body, if it appears as its Shadow, a●d consequently that the Soul has no such separative existence after bodily death.  
Besides all which, the Absurdities are innumerable that redound from this Tenent; for if every Body of Mankind were by its Soul to be shadowed or likened, it must follow, that every Man and Woman's Soul are commensurable, and therefore differenced in breadth and length; and likewise in substance, as one Shadow may be proportionably finer than another, or have more likeness to the Body it: appertained to.  
Notwithstanding I confess, that whosoever was the first Author of this dark conceit, that the Soul did survive as an umbrage of the Body after life, comes nearer the confines of Sense than the precedent Opinion; in respect that as the animating Faculty of Mankind does furnish in due proportion every Member that it actuates and informs, whilst it resides within the Body, so it should remain after Corporeal Life in some kind of similitude to its operation, within the composition of humane Nature, when the Life of the Body was determined by Death.  
The third Tenent of the Soul's Immortality appears more terrene, and therefore not less familiar to the apprehension, and this depends upon believing that the Soul of all things is essentially the same, and differenced only in its being in variety of Bodies; as Men, Beasts, Plants, and whatsoever has life and motion.  
This Opinion has had no less Vogue in the World, than long acceptation with persons held of profound discernment in the universal Series of Nature: to which purpose they infer, that the continuation of the Universe, or at least of all corporal Being's within the compass of the sublunary World, depends upon a perpetual course of Generation and Corruption, from one individual Being to another, and consequently that whatsoever dies by corruption, does tend to the generation of some other corporeal Being. And this Position is so far apparently certain, insomuch as Life, in one kind or other, is incident to Matter, as it convertibly depends on whatsoever is generated, and consequently altered into a corporeal Being differently animated to what it was before.  
On which Philosophical Evidence, added the Fidefendon, does consist the ancient opinion of not a few learnedly Famous, who maintained the Transmigration of Souls, when separated from their precedent Mansions by death, and that they passed into other Bodies. The Speculation, however naturally passable, does, in a high degree, lessen the dignity of the humane Soul, by reason that in such a method of progression from Body to Body, it must at one time or other animate an ignobler Creature than Man, which gives cause of Reproof to the Assertion.  
Another Doctrine there is, and much insisted on by some, which I shall but touch, because it seems more extravagant or opposite to the ordinary progress and course of Nature, than any I have precedently mentioned; and this undertakes to assert, That the humane Soul is immortally generated: which, in plain words, is to affirm, That one immortal Thing begets another; or, that the Soul of the Father does animate an Eternity, in begetting the Soul of the Son: which conceit is so fictitiously absurd, as it is repugnant to the total method of the causes and effects of Generation.  
However, to repel these Contradictions, the Abettors of this Doctrine assure us, by an unintelligible method, That the Soul is divinely infused from above, and spiritually commixed with the Act of Generation: But how a Spirit, as has been argued before, can mix with a corporeal Substance, is a Riddle fit to be left to such Authors to explain.  
The last Opinion that remains to be exposed to a free judiciary Determination, is, That Soul and Body of every Individual of Mankind, is restored to an immortal Perfection and Union after Death. Which Doctrine has gained a very plausable Reception with many: Nor can it be thought ungrateful to the beautiful of both Sexes, if the excellency of their Features and Proportions accompany them to a future Life; which wonderful Receptacle of the Persons of Men and Women after Death, not a few of you Grecians, said the Fidefendon, call the Elysium, or another World, in which Mankind shall have Being, by a miraculous Restauration after Living here, and where they shall be more or less happy or unhappy; how long, they have not certainly determined, after made Survivors in their future Abodes.  
But should it be asked of any of these wonderful Tutors, what possible Assurance they have, that the Persons of Mankind shall be removed, after the manner they determine, from the visible corporeal World to another, whose place they are not able to demonstrate, otherwise than by an implicit Belief, that goes farther with them than real Proof.  
I cannot apprehend what Answer they'd return, unless they would ingeniously confess that they do not know, nor can I guests on what they ground their Notion of transporting the Persons of all after death, from one World to another pretended; unless it be, that they believe the compass of this World is not spacious enough to receive the vast numbers of both Sexes, that is to say, all that have and shall enter the Confines of Mortality by Death: And I grant that it may be some Question, whether the Terrestrial Globe be sufficiently large to give entertainment to all of humane Composition after living here; or if room enough for them to move or stand foot by foot together. But whether moving, sitting, standing or lying, be the general supposed posture of such as by future Life shall reside in the Elysium Abodes, is not derermined by your Grecian Dogmatists. But as for the personal appearance of every Individual of humane kind there, I conceive they allow them to pass thither as naked as they first came to their Graves and Sepulchers. And if they grant that bodily Organs are restored to both Sexes, as they survive again, I do not see how they can deny our corporeal Sense and Appetites in the Elysium they ordain. Neither do I doubt but their Tenent is so indulgent to Beauty, as to concede to Men and Women such a Renovation as may best refine the Splendours of their Youth and Features. And who can question but this pleasant Imagination has proselited not a few, especially the most delicate of both Sexes, in all Ages.  
Some, I confess, affirm, That both Soul and Body shall not be only renovated, but purified from the natural Passions and Affections that were theirs when earthly Inhabitants: But how they can presume that humane Composition is capable of such a cleansing or refining in similitude to the practical effects of Fire or Water, I do as little understand, as they are able to inform me.  
In sum, concluded the Fidefendon, We are not averse to any of the before recited Doctrines, on the account that we would be thought to pretend to greater assurance by any Notions of our own that relate to future living in another World. Be pleased therefore to take notice, that we of this Island are no such Bigots for any Assertions of Belief that are rather problematical and discussive, than evident to the understanding; nothing being more fundamentally repugnant to our Creed, than to intermix any dubious Conjectures with Maxims of our Faith, much less impose th●m on others; a precipitate hazard, or Crime, for which too many Religions are at this day accountable.  
If Providence, our familiar and visible Director, as has been enough instanced, does not perspicuously guide our Assents as far as the cursory Doctrines of others extend, 'tis they that descent exorbitantly f●om us, and not we from them; and whosoever does undertake to deliver Maxims of Faith less sensibly proceeding from the undoubted manifestation of Providence, or less ocularly and rationally certain, than the order and conduct of ●he Universe, in all respects, must grant his Propositions as palpably deficient, if compared with ours, as the shadows of Night are to the Illuminations of the clearest Light. And yet there is no Article of ●heir Worship, that is evident to Sense, nor any distribution of moral Virtue, or sincere esteem of pious Conversation and Life, that is not entirely embraced by us.  
True it is, that in the punishment, nature, and qualifications of Sin, there may be some diversity betwixt their Tenants, and the integrity and certainty of ours; and the Reason is, because they prescribe farther than their Understandings can accompany their Creeds.  

Let this briefly be the Example.  
We do not deny that after Death, according to every desert of humane kind, there shall be future Reward to the good in whatsoever excellency of Being the providential Disposer of all things has determined; as likewise Infli●●ions on the evil Deeds and Impieties of others: Which Doctrine is not asserted by us as a manifest Article of our Faith, but as our comfortable hope and expectation of Felicity to come after our periods of living here. But not having the same familiar and open prospect of Providence, whereby we as palpably apprehend the place and manner of future Life, as perspicuously as we behold the actual conduct and existence of the Universe in which we inhabit; we do not dogmatically impose, after their Model, the belief of another World; nor can any affirm that they have the emphatical and visible assurance, by any providential Operation or Object, of a subsequent Being reserved ●or Mankind either in Soul or Body, or in both conjoined, to possess.  
Neither do we, said the Fidefendon, as ● even now expressed, in any kind re●ect the comfortable Opinion of future Felicity, though we hold it not as equally convictive as we are sensible of the Providence that we are demonstratively obliged to reverence here; in doing of which, we do not infer, that a Tenent may not be useful for Contemplation and Encouragement, in order to the attaining of humane Perfection, though it has no intelligible note, or known assurance from proof.  
However, we are indubitably confirmed, that all Wickedness is arraigned by the discerning Tribunal that Conscience does erect in every requisite understanding, besides the public and outward Ignominy that Laws inflict on enormous and presumptuous transgressions of Life, and where there is sufficient capacity, the sting of Sin must needs be grievous in the sense of the Offender, as ●his inward Punishment, and cause a deploring of his Gild suitable to the nature of his Crime.  
But on the contrary, where invincibl● Ignorance to scupidity prevails, that th● Sinner is neither considerate, or duly capacitated to penetrate his Offence, h● may be notwithstanding held a legal Offender, and punished as an Inconvenienc● and Scandal to civil Society, according t● his Fact, but cannot be deemed intelligent of his Crime, because every S●● ought to proceed from the guilt an● cause of the understanding. To preve●● which Imbecility, and want of Consideration in the Soul, we Fidefendons an● publicly ordained to stir up in the hea● a suitable inspection of Sin, as also th● most thankful and devout returns to th● Supreme Providence, from whose Benignity and merciful Effects we enjoy the comforts of Soul and Body. And this is th● Sum of our Astreadan Belief and Worship.  
The Philosopher told the Fidefendon, tha● he had nothing to object against the natural and manifest way of Devotion whic● he had delivered as the common Persuasion of his Nation: And turning to the Astreada● Jussinedos, or Magistrate there present, he requested him to inform them briefly, By what Political Rules or Measures the Government of that Island hath been so long happy in not perplexing its Natives by the admission of novel Forms of Religion, so perniciously frequent and destructive in many other Dominions to their public Tranquillity.  
The Jussinedo, who had diligently observed the precedent Discourses, conceived that the Philosopher had given him a fit occasion to speak something, in order to the Political satisfaction he expected to receive; and which, as a Magistrate of that Region, he thought convenient to declare.  
Wherefore with a Gravity becoming the Quality of his Office, he told them, That their Religion did effectually disown all subordinate dependency on Ordinations and Precepts of State. And had it not been so capacitated, it would have been subject to alterations and change of Government, according to the practice of other Nations, who make Faith the top of their Dominions, when it's own validity is not able to support its esteem without the aid of Civil Institutions: which, how variously they are and have been propagated in divers Countries is notorious, and likewise the alteration and change of Rule emerging from thence; so that if the verity and Simplicity of Worship be not sufficient of itself to withstand temporal Vicissitudes, it consequently must be obliged to political Establishment, however by that means lessened in Repute, for its continuation and support  
Neither do we at all insinuate our Creed, on the account of Custom and Education, the usual and grand deceptions of Mankind, whose Allurements are the Nurseries in which the Children of Religion are educated, in order to believe as weakly when they arrive to the years of Men.  
How little advantageous Decrees of State are either to give Credit, or intermix Esteem with a Persuasion sensibly apprehended, I need but refer you to what our Fidefendon has amply explained already relating to Providence, and the Reverence it ought to produce in the humane Soul, whose Conviction is no less clear to the understanding than that I am now speaking, or my Senses capacitated with Seeing and Feeling, on which depends the Evidence and Maxims of our sole Worship, with all requisite Forms and Orders of Devotion necessary to its Celebration.  
Which persuasion of ours, said the Jussi●edos, is so perspicuous to the Interest of evenly considerate person, as it needs no motives or rigorous impulsion from our national ●aws; our main endeavour being rather to prevent the inadvertency of men, by prompting them to believe what they may, if they ●lease, palpably discern; and to reject all propositions tending to belief, that are not ●qually manifest to their sense and conceptions. Whereas other Religions instruct men ●ather to acquiesce in what they undertake ●o teach, than knowingly or sensibly to apprehended the propositions which such Tutors ●eliver.  
And this obscure method has generally ●een the practice and artifice of those, who, ●o give themselves the interest and reputation of Patrons and Introducers of Creeds, however erroneous and deceitful, have employed the best of their talents to aid their persuasions, by allowing their maxims of ●hich liberty to wander as far as they judge convenient, from the road of humane knowledge; or in plain words, to direct men to value lest what they might most knowingly believe. As put the case they should be in●errogated, Why a man should not limit his worship to the open and wonderful appearance of providence in the divine conduct of the Universe? Their Answer must be, that the proposition is not enough refined or spiritual, in respect of the Revelations they endeavour to defend. And if farther demanded, Whether they can pretend to any Miracle in behalf of their doctrine, of equal certainty and undeniable conviction, suitable to what we profess? They must reply That although they cannot present you with the like miraculous assurance from any sublime Article as they call it, of their Cree● in opposition to ours; notwithstanding the● are resolved to affirm that their maxims an● evident, though palpably such as no man can either know or contemplate. Which is no other than a desire to be famous for seducing humane imbecility, to follow such guide out of sight of their understanding: or t● submit, by going farther with principles o● Faith than they are to be apprehended, instead of being knowingly certain of tenant they believe.  
Which intolerable absurdities have no other fond, as was before judiciously observed by our Fidefendon, than that it coul● advantage no man's Ambition or Intere●● whether Magistrate or Priest, to confor● men to the credence of demonstrative Religion; because it would in no kind farthe● any man's design, to proselyte others to the observance of a persuasion, which was equally in the compass of every considerate apprehension: Whereas the devices and fictitious inventions of some, the reputed Patrons of Creeds, have been reverenced as proceeding from the Grandees of Sanctity and Worship. By means of which alluring gloss, they found it facile enough to fit their worldly designs, in every respect, commodiously to their purpose. In sum, concluded the Jussinedos, our Religion is not supported by our acts of State, but rather our government beholding to our Creed: Which being of an entire and sensible conviction, does not admit of any perplexity or fragments of faction to divide it from our understandings, as has been precedently instanced; nor does it lie in the power of prevaricated Judgements to outface our belief, by any confidant insinuation of their opposite doctrine.  
The Jussinedos having thus ended, and thanks respectfully given him by all that were present, the Athenian Senator desired him, that as they had been fully acquainted with their Religion, and its reference to the essential Constitutions of his Nation; so he would do them the favour to inform them, with what brevity he thought fit, of the antiquity and nature of their political establishments, which he assured himself would not appear less prudently determined, than the account he had received of their holy Creed, and the advantage that redounded from it to Civil dominion.  
The Jussinedos replied, That he being an Astreadan Magistrate, his qualification did import that he was conveniently knowing in that Islands government: Which he told them was perfectly Monarchical, with all the requisites incident to Sovereignty; that it had continued uninterrupted in the due course of lineal succession beyond their records of Ages; yet so established, as by the excellency of Rule, there was no deviation in King and People from the Original Integrity annexed to the most primitive constitution of their nation.  
The Athenian Senator assured the Jussinedos, that he was not a little surprised in hearing what had been formerly delivered on the account of the Astreadan belief, however perspicuous the fond and principles of that worship were obvious to the most ordinary understanding, considering how busy and notoriously prevalent the inveiglements of superstitious persuasions had been dispersed in the world.  
But it was more his admiration to hear him declare that the Sceptre he obeyed, and order of government had so anciently enjoyed the felicity of an entire and uncorrupted repute; when many Nations, precedently famous, were so unhappy as not only to witness the change and subversion of their dominion, but obliged to lament its ruin, as wicked accessories, by the depravation of their manners, to the Calamities of their native Country.  
The Grecian Philosopher, having given full attention to what the Jussinedos had last delivered, acknowledged that he was no less desirous than the Senator, to understand in what manner the Monarchical government was founded on Virtue, but likewise by the goodness of its Constitution and Moralities, had so long continued the original excellencies and prosperities arising from thence: and because in the Schools of Athens some politicly learned had thought fit to allow several denominations to Sovereign Rule, whereby they defined Monarchical Regiment either absolute, or limited by Laws, or mixed by participating of nobility, or people, or a mixture of both: He was earnest with the Jussinedos to declare how far the Astreadan gubernation did concentre with any of these, or whether totally different.  
To which the Jussinedos readily complied, in these words: There is nothing, said he more generally difficult to humane nature, than due perception and complaisance relating to Civil Superiority; and this infelicity chiefly proceeds from not rightly apprehending the original fond of Dominion, and such measures of Government as aught to oblige their Submission. And it is wonderful to observe, that man by the prerogative of reason should impose Subjection on all other Creatures; and yet with the best of his Capacity not sufficiently completed to give Law to himself, in reference to subordinate duty; which enormous and pernicious mistake ariseth from no other source of evil, than the natural depravity of man, in being too prone averse and contumacious of the benefits of orderly Tranquillity. This irregular defect and Inclination of the humane mind, too often biased and enhansed by worldly Advantage and Interest; can have no proper Remedy, unless by a rational cure whereby we may discern the useful Integrity, and happy Obedience, that aught to be paid to Secular Dominion.  
In doing of which, if men would resolve to employ sincerely their Understandings; the Perplexities and Disputes that seem to pose too many, in their discussions of the Rights and Measures of human Government, will soon vanish, together with the abusive Gloss that the depraved and subtle Industry of some has endeavoured to conceal, by the utmost abilities of their Pens and Science. As to our Government, said the Jussinedos, as I before expressed, it has been with us perpetually monarchical; To which kind of Regiment we grant, above all others, a natural dignity or Right from Nature, and no less primitively obeyed in the first Originals of human Society. And let it be granted, that ●ut one man and woman, by whatever ●eans created, or produced; or that numbers of Mankind had original Being, and gradually propagated both Sexes; In eirher of these suppositions there must be an acknowledged superiority in some one Person ●efore Government could be established. In ●he first supposal, he that was the original Father, must likewise be Supreme Lord of ●he Family begotten by him; and no body ●s so vain to imagine that an Equality of Dominion was in both Sexes, when but one of each kind were primitive Progenitors: Which ●f conceded, it would likewise follow, that the Female Sex ought to participate equally in supreme Dominion, however disconsonant ●o the natural Course of worldly Rule, that allows Precedency in public and private concerns to the Masculine side: So that if the abilities of both Sexes be duly weighed, the Female, however extraordinary in some, would generally be found too light for joint and gubernative Competition with the other.  
From all which it is very clear, that sole Dominion was the property of man, if granted the prime Father, or first of Paternal or Family Society; and this ruling Prerogative must have been originally absolute in him both in respect of his Issue, and the woma● on whom they were begotten; though allow● the Queen to her first Monarch. And wh● can doubt, that he who was the Paternal and Primitive despotical Lord of his ow● Generation and Family, was not also supremely obeyed as humane Societies increased in th● world by reason that Paternal Superiority coul● not cease, or probably be negligent in continuing, by all sufficient regard, its original Right And it is no less undeniable, that all King that have, or ever had Dominion, are, or, we●● Fathers of their People, or the Heirs of suc● Fathers, or Usurpers of the Paternal Right o● Sovereignty. From whence we may safely conclude, that there is no multitude of men, 〈◊〉 supposed to be collected from all parts of the world, but have in their number some one man who ought of Right to be their Monarch● being next Heir to the first man: And thu● it appears that every man is by nature, either a King or a Subject; Neither is the Obedience which Subjects pay to their Prince, other than the Submission which is due to the supreme fatherhood. And therefore one of your great Philosophers observes, that a Monarchy or Kingdom will be a paternal government, and naturally it can be no other. And wheresoever there is an unjust or forcible Intruder into a Throne, he may by violence possess the room of a paternal Monarch, but cannot be deemed a rightful father of people.  
When the World increased, and families were numerous enough to give denomination to Cities, and Nations were distinguished; 'tis probable that the paternal Royalty of Kings did (in divers Countries, to avoid the multiplicity and trouble of Rule) cease, by their voluntary determination, whereby they Adopted others to succeed them in the supreme Magistracy. Because no man could have any title to primitive government, but either as it was his by paternal Right, or as he received it from him that had power to confer it on whom he thought fit, as his proper Donation.  
And this, pertinently considered, explodes all pretence of original Contract betwixt the Monarch and People: or comparatively as Immoral as if the Parent should covenant with his Children for his good behaviour towards them: Which undutiful and turbulent Allegation has not seldom created such a restless Brain-worm in the noddles of the multitude, that, swelled with this popular conceit, they have precipitated themselves into such intolerable and destructive absurdities, as have caused unspeakable Calamities to their native Country.  
The other supposition, that I told you I would examine, is grossly erroneous, by undertaking to assure us that multitudes of mankind, whether created all at once by omnipotent power, or by whatsoever means they had being, of which such Instructors are, in no kind, able to inform us, did numerously assemble, and by their original consent and stipulation, did elect their first Sovereign; this conjecture is no less extravagantly wild than the former: If before particular Countries were called national; for in that case it must refer to the universality of mankind that had at that time being in the world; and consequently every individual Inhabitant of the Earth must give his consent to the erecting of an universal Monarch, instead of a particular Sovereignty of any one Kingdom or People; a Royal Grandeur which, I suppose, few popular Patrons would readily admit; yet whether they will or no, this maxim doth imply a most unlimited Contradiction; if, in condition of mere nature, there was a time when all of humane kind, then living, might be supposed equals: from whence it follows, that if that sort of natural freedom be granted, there cannot any one man be chosen a King; unless by the universal consent of all the people in the world, at one instant, without the contradiction of any single Person: And if it be true, ●●at Nature hath made all men free, and consequently equalled in right to all things what●●ever, it cannot seem reasonable that they ●●ould have power to alter the Law of Nature, though all mankind should concur in one ●ote; for which reason no people could con●er such a power on one man as they had not ●n themselves.  
If the general signification of the word people be disavowed, and men will suppose ●hat the People of particular Regions, or Countries, have power and freedom to ●hoose Sovereigns, let them observe the consequence. Since nature hath not distinguished ●he habitable world into Kingdoms, nor determined what part of a people belongs to one Dominion, and what to another; it follows, ●hat the original freedom of mankind being supposed, every man is at Liberty to be of what Kingdom he thinks fit; and so every ●etty company hath a right to erect a Kingdom by itself, and not only every City, but every Village, and every Family; nay, and every particular man a Liberty to choose his own King, if he please; and he were a mad man that being by Nature free, would choose any person, but himself, to be his own Governor.  
Thus, instead of the Inconvenience of having but one King, of the whole world, we shall run into a liberty of having as many Kings, as there are men in the world; whic● upon the matter, is to have no King at all but leave men to their natural Liberty, as the Patrons of this Chimaera undertake to suppose; and yet this mischief the Assertors of natural Liberty would pretendedly avoid.  
If neither the people of the whole world, nor the whole people of any part of the world be meant; but only the major part, or some other part, of a part of the world; yet still the objection will be the stronger: For besides that Nature hath made no partition of the world, or the People into distinct Kingdoms, and that without a universal Consent, no partition can be agreed on: Yet if it were lawful for particular parts of the world, b● consent, to choose their Kings, their consents would bind none to Subjection but such as consented; for the major part never binds but where men at first agree to be so bound, or where a higher power so commands; and there can be no higher power than Nature but the Supreme above; wherefore if neither Nature nor Omnipotency appoints the mayor part to bind the less, their consent is not obligatory to any besides themselves. And notwithstanding all these stupendious, and abominable Irregularities are clearly deducible from the fanciful mistakes, and principles of some who most speciously endeavour to insinuate their political notions, by affirming ●hat primitive Sovereignty, was first raised ●y popular allowance. I will so far, added ●●e Jessinedos, gratify their Assertions, as to ●oncede, that either from Nature, or by a ●eneral consent of all mankind, the world was ●t first, however improbable the conjecture, divided into particular Kingdoms, and the ●ajor part congregated of each Kingdom, allowed to choose their Monarch; yet even ●n that case, it cannot be truly said that ever ●he whole people, or the greater number, or ●ndeed any considerable part of the people of any nation, ever convened to any such purpose; for except by some secret miraculous instinct they should all meet at one time ●nd place: what one man, or company of men, less than the total People, hath Power ●o appoint either the day, or place of Elections, where all are alike free by nature? And without a lawful Summons it were most un●ust to bind those that are absent; the whole people cannot summon itself, one man is sick, ●nother is lame, a third is aged, and a fourth ●s under age of discretion; Yet all these, at one time or another, or at some place or other, might be able to meet; If they might choose, according to these circumstances, as men naturally free would certainly require.  
In Assemblies that are by human constitution, the superior power that ordains such Assemblies, can regulate, and confine them both for time, place, and persons, and other circumstances; but where there is an equality, by nature, there can be no superior power, considering every Infant, at the hour it i● born, hath a like Interest with the greatest and wisest man in the world. And it is cle●● that those who are the people this minute are not the people the next minute; for mankind is like the Sea, ever ebbing or flowing every minute one is born, and another dies no one time can be indifferent to all mankin● to assemble, it cannot but be mischievous always, at least to all Infants, and others underage of discretion; not to speak of wome● especially Virgins, who by Birth, have a much natural Freedom as any other, and fo● the most part use it accordingly, and therefore ought not to lose their Liberty without their consent.  
But in part, to salve this main objection it will be said, that Children may be concluded by the Votes of their Parents: This remedy may cure some little of the mischief but it destroys the whole Cause: And at last stumbles upon the true original of Government: For if it may be allowed that the acts of the Parents bind the Children, then farewell the doctrine of the natural freedom of mankind; and where Subjection to Parents is indispensable, there can be no natural Freedom. If any reply, that not all Children shall be bound by their Parent's consent, but only such as are under age; it must be considered, that in nature, there is no non age: If a man be not born free, she doth not assign him, any other time, when he shall attain his Freedom; or if she did, than Children completing that age should be discharged of their contract. So that in conclusion, if it be imagined that the people were ever free from Subjection, by nature; it will prove a mere impossibility to introduce any kind of Government, without apparent wrong to a multitude of People.  
On the contrary, said the Jussinedos, it is evident from what I have expressed, that by primitive fatherly Superiority no Inhabitants of the Earth were ever destitute of a rightful Monarch; and if at any time, by reason of worldly Alterations, and Revolutions of State the proper Sovereign is unknown; yet this, is no fault in Nature, but the Negligence, or Ignorance of those by whom the right Heir ought to be discerned: And if we look gradually backward, as far as we can imagine the beginning of humane Race, we must conclude, that it was from paternal Prerogative, and not by Contract, Mixture, or popular Condescension, that Monarchy was originally obeyed.  
The Athenian Senator, returned the Jussinedos his thanks, for the satisfaction he had received from the prudence of his Discourses, in every particular; and assured him withal, that his Decision of the Rise of humane Government, which according to the Grandeur of his reasoning, must exert itself from Primitive Fatherhood, and enlarged as Families increased; and the world, by degrees was replenished with People. And I judge, that it is almost impossible to observe the innumerable Errors, and Contradictions, that redound from the contrary opinion.  
And if, as you judiciously reasoned, there be no distinction of persons, in a supposed primitive Freedom of Mankind; who can deny, in such a condition of natural equality, that Children and Servants might not pretend to stand on the same level Candidates with their Fathers and Masters by their joint Votes, they having been, wheresoever men were, far more in number than Parents and Masters; they might, as the major part, overrule the Election of their Superiors, in order to the Choice of their Monarch.  
Pardon me, said the Senator, if I presume to add, to what you have delivered: not that I conceive any thing you have spoken wants Illustration, but as I thought fit to confirm you, by the example I mentioned, that I have received no small Satisfaction, from your Judgement; notwithstanding I have that respect, as being a Grecian, for my native Country, and the wisdom it claims, that I am desirous that the opinion of some grand Politians there may be examined, and why by their maxims of State they undertake to assure us, that there is naturally such a political Ingredient as mixture in the monarchial Government that was first introduced.  
The argument they produce seems to have a specious regard to Equity, and the public Security; for how can it be thought, say they, that reasonable men would be subject to the Pre-eminence and Rule of one sole person, unless he were conditionally obliged to govern accordingly, or which is all one, bound by public contract to observe such Laws as the People, the prime Legislators, judged necessary to annex to their choice of a Sovereign; and turning to the Philosopher, his Countryman, told him that he being conversant in their learned Schools, and more accurately knowing in the philosophical and political disputes than he could pretend to, he desired, that he would briefly acquaint the worthy Astreadan that spoke last, with such tenants of State, as the science and practice of his Country had most reputed; that it might be discernible whither the Politics of the Asiatiques or Grecians were to be preferred.  
The Philosopher replied, that by the best search and strength of his understanding, he perceived from the Writings and Discussion of the most erudite of his Sect, that Monarchy, as the Jussinedos dilucidly proved, was derived from paternal Superiority, as ancient as the first being of mankind; and that it could not proceed from any original Stipulation or Covenant betwixt the Sovereign and People: And if otherwise debated or insisted on by the popular notions of some, the fond that they pretend of Monarchical Government, must needs be very instable and perpetually uneasy to King and People; for what is more prone conceived and dispersed from the seducing Industry of those who are desirous to interest themselves in vulgar esteem, than to allure common Understandings, by teaching them to believe that their assent was primitively essential, to the erecting of Sovereignty; which plausibly effected, on the stubborn conceptions, pride, and resolution of ordinary persons, they are with no less facility intrigued, and taught to conclude, that they were makers of Kings by original contract, and so far, at least, a share in the foundation of Monarchy. Which maxim, however delusively or seditiously conveyed, has seldom failed by instigating vulgar apprehensions to contest and quarrel with their supreme Magistrate as they have occasionally thought fit, and likewise too often incited them to lift up their armed hands not only to oppose, but to dethrone their Sovereign, as the lamentable and barbarous effects of violence and blood, when caused by popular prevalency, deplorably testify to the ruin of common tranquillity.  
In some exigents of state, the sovereign power may reside in the most considerable part of a nation; as put the case the King dies without an Heir, the conferring of royal Dignity shall not appertain or escheat to the whole people, but to the supreme Heads, and Fathers of Families; not as they are the people, but as they are Fathers of the people, over whom they have a superintendent power devolved unto them after the death of their Monarchical Ancestor; and if any can have a right to choose a King, it must be in these paternal Superiors, by conferring their distinct fatherly prerogatives on one sole person.  
I am not ignorant, said the Philosopher, that Monarches are not now as they were at the first planting or peopling of the World, if considered in the direct sense of fathers of their Subjects and Kingdoms: But howsoever it comes so to pass, by worldly revolutions, the primitive and natural claim is not extinguished thereby; because no argument that can be brought from matter of fact is sufficient to defeat the concern of Right.  
True it is, that in some parts of our Grecian precincts, there have been sovereign dominions, which by the promoters and favourers of such governments have been termed limited, or mixed in point of Rule by an equality of Legislative Power in the King and People, but how more than one Paramount Establisher of legal Constitutions can consist with the nature of Monarchy is not to be understood.  
And wheresoever there are divers supreme State-holders', there can be no Sovereignty by reason that Monarchical Regiment is essentially Indivisible, and therefore not capable of partition or mixture.  
If in a Royal Government there be allowed a joint concurrence of King and People in the Constitutions of Laws, 'tis reasonable to conclude that it proceeded from the Grace of the Monarch, for no such right could belong to the People neither by Nature, as has been explained, or original Contract with the Sovereign, however the liquorish pretence may gratify some vulgar Palates, who too prone relish the glib Insinuations of factious Contrivers.  
And whosoever will imagine that the Monarchical Power can be so intrigued or mixed, must upon maturer consideration, acknowledge that he totally subverts the denomination and quality of Sovereign Dominion.  
And thus I prove it: Let us suppose that in such a pretended Monarchical estate there should arise a difference betwixt the King and People; as who can doubt but in that mingle of rule it would too frequently happen, who shall be the Judge of that misunderstanding betwixt them, or by what means it ought to be Composed. If the determination be affirmed to belong to the People, the Sovereign Authority is then destroyed, and consequently the being of Monarchy. If they grant, as I conceive they ought, That the Judiciary Power is solely in the Royal Person, they bid adieu, in those words to their so much celebrated notion of limited and mixed Sovereignty.  
Neither is it avoidable, in such a Contest betwixt the Monarch and People, that recourse must be had, for want of other Judiciary Determination, to the unruly Conscience of the Multitude; and whether such a method of disorder would not produce Anarchy and Confusion, I refer it to the reason of every unbyass'd Understanding.  
The Grecian Senator, though somewhat more nicely inquisitive than the rest, into policies of State, assured the Philosopher that he complied with his precedent discourse in affirming, as the Jussinedos had before Judiciously proved, That Monarchy in the most early time of humane being, had a rise and institution from Paternal Right, in whomsoever was the first Father, and therefore King of his Family.  
Nor do the most ancient Records mention other Primitive Rule than perfect Royalty; so that no Popular form of State but must have a later date than Kingly Superiority.  
Notwithstanding it is apparent that subsequently other Governments have been introduced, Entitled, Republics or Commonwealths, and sometimes intermixed with Monarchy, as the total Community have been representatively Interested in the enacting of legal Establishments.  
That this kind of Sovereignty has in some parts of the World, and by such as value themselves on the supposed Wisdom of their Politics, been highly applauded, if not preferred in their opinion, before all other.  
Witness the Lacedaemonian Monarchies in our native Country of Greece, by which Constitution the Royal Government is limited and mixed with Popular Authority; in that severe manner too, that the Votes of the People, as they are there assembled or represented by Persons delegated to that purpose, do not only overrule the Commands of their Monarch, but render him accountable to them, whensoever they please to question the actings of their King, as is practically known from the proceedings of the Ephori within that Dominion.  
To which the Philosopher Answered, That the qualification and titular nature of the Spartan or Lacedaemonian King was easily distinguished, if duly compared with the inherent Propriety of Monarchical Rule. And what Grecian does not know that the Spartan King had nothing to do with the execution of the Laws, or Civil Government, though main Kingly Attributes, and was but in effect a Captain General, for he had no compulsive Power but when actually in the Field, and therefore no other than Principal Commander of the Army of that State, though bearing, for Honour's sake, the Name of Sovereign?  
Notwithstanding which, there are a sort of perverse and litigious discussers of the concerns of Kings, that would pretend that the figure of this Lacedaemonian Royalty ought to be resembled by other Monarchical Governments; or that the Sovereign should be guided and imposed on at the arbitrement of the People, which were in effect to debase a King beneath the People, and render Majesty no other than a Property at their disposal. To which purpose, some Popular Disputants presume to maintain, That all Power was originally in the People, and that Crowns and Sceptres, but as the Pageantries of Thrones, were bestowed on Kings by common donation, and revocable on breach of such Conditions as they please to call the original of Laws and Regal Dominion. And if any Judicious search be made whereby to discover the fond of such Principles, they may be charged with as much notional obscurity, as the brain of Man must necessarily encounter, that would undertake to demonstrate the elemental Congress of the material parts of the Universe, when Chaos was first dissolved.  
And should we so far Indulge this wild and licentious Maxim, as to concede that the Monarch was obliged not to supersede, or in many cases, alter the known Laws; and that if he did, that it is radically in the People, under the notion of original Contract, to Compel or Depose their King. Is it not absolutely requisite, that those many cases should have been undoubtedly inserted at the time of this grand bargain, for the initiating of the Monarch and Subject? Now if it be not clearly so recorded, nay, manifestly legible in National Constitutions, it ought to be slighted as a most extravagant fiction; for what is more Absurd, than to imagine such an uncontrollable Power in the People, yet find no such Capacity, relating to them, expressed by any known Law, however Essential to the safety and well being of King and Subject, to be acquainted with their fundamental obligations and punishments in case of violation; and it were highly unjust, should any opposition or penalty be inflicted on the supreme Magistrate, and he less safe or privileged than a common Person, to defend himself; if there be no Law extant that declares, in what manner he ought to be called to account by the People.  
Others, who would be thought no less curious than deep in their political Sentimenrs, have employed the best of their skill to convince mankind, that no Government can be more exactly balanced, in reference to public Satisfaction and Benefit, however, skewed appears the domination than a complete mixture of Legislators by a temper of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy; or which is the same, a compound of three Estates employed by King, Nobility, and Commons.  
Which kind of rule, if duly constituted, doth presuppose a suitable Goodness and Complaisance in order to the promoting of Grandeur, in every respect; on which ground I readily acknowledge, if the Principal Members of the main body of a Nation, are of fixed Integrity and Duty, as must be employed by the intended Virtue and Participation of Rule, committed to the trust of Persons thus signally concerned, that there is undoubtedly an Excellency, as well as public advantage and glory, in a Goverument so established.  
Whereas contrarily, whensoever a body politic, formed as I have specified, comes to be depraved and consequently fermented and inflamed by Faction, there is no political Regiment that is more perniciously endangered by practices of men and convulsions of state, than by this manner of reputed intermixture of three Legislative powers; when rendered impracticable by means of dissension or opposition.  
And who can doubt, if animosities arrive to an uncomposible Breach, betwixt the Monarch and such as personate these estates, or betwixt those who represent the Nobility and Commons of a Nation, the Interest of the Royal Magistrate must suffer in a high measure, until to invalidate that Inconvenience, the Monarch, who had limited his rule before, finds himself necessitated to assume, if prevalent enough, an absolute sovereignty.  
On the other side, when popular contest and violence is equivalently predominant, and that the Monarchy is subverted thereby, in such a Revolution it usually follows, that out of the Ruin of the Sovereign Rule, the the admired Phoenix, in the opinion of the vulgar, called a Republic, is by their Potency erected, unless their numerous sway and exorbitancy be deluded to assist the subtle ambition of a sole Usurper.  
And whensoever the impetuous vehemency of the People is worst diffused, it is manifest to every discerning Judgement, that the perverse conceit of an original contract, betwixt the Monarch and Subject, however unreasonably the People be seduced in granting the supposition, as has already been proved, is the uncertain foundation on which this Babel of Popular Confusion is usually exalted.  
Neither can it be properly affirmed, by any calm or unbyass'd apprehension, that a King cannot in some exigents of State, deviate from the usual sense of Law, when the motive is of that extraordinary and grand import, that should he not be allowed a Superior Prerogative, both Government and Laws would be totally subverted; let the instance be made in these following particulars.  
Suppose, as the first Quere, that by the turbulent contrivement of Seditious Persons, in whatsoever station imagined to act, the Sovereign should be denied the assistance of his People, or that his Subjects should be withdrawn from their Allegiance, and infected with a mischievous desire to disobey and alter his Government and established Laws, or give up his Power and Person to a Foreign Enemy, ought not he, by employing the Purse and Persons of his Subjects, in any method he judged most proper, to endeavour to obviate and depress so horrid a guilt and violation of Right within his Dominion?  
The other is, that supposing there is in Being a positive Law that declares it treasonable for any Person whatsoever to convey the King or his Son and Heir privily out of the Kingdom, might not the Sovereign, notwithstanding this Statute, in a sudden and highly apparent danger, by which his life and his Sons would be probably endangered provide for his own and his Child's safety, by commanding, to that end, the secret assistance of some few of his Subjects an● Servants? What reasonable man but mu●● grant that it were below the level of common sense to deny the Monarch the liberty in both these cases of superseding the Law And it were all one as to affirm, That the Sovereign ought not to be allowed the exercife 〈◊〉 his Understanding, as to argue or quote 〈◊〉 Statute against the rational security and preservation of his Person and Government when there is no better expedient to provide for the safety of both. By all which it appears, that it is impossible for a Monarch, i● all circumstances, to Rule according to Law▪ nay, that it were sinful in him, in some exigents of State, not to infringe a legal Ordinance, when it would rather obstruct or hinder the defence that he might otherwise provide for himself and People.  
And i● is no less manifest, that whosoever shall assert that there is such a Government ●s a limited or mixed Monarchy, or a Sovereignty proceeding from original Contract with the People, and suitably practicable in all occurrences and circumstances of Rule, however such a man, by his notional mingle, or twisting together King and People, may pretend to be of more nice and accurate Politics than others: He would be found to be as fully impertinent in his supposed method, as if he had proposed a Speculation in Government that was neither proper or useful.  
To which purpose, our great Philosopher Aristotle determines; where he affirms, That wheresoever is said to be a King according to Law, there is no sort of Government or Kingdom at all. His meaning, I conceive, is, That the Law cannot be supposed superior to the Monarch, but it must be likewise granted that the Legislators by whose concurrence it is produced have also more supreme Power than the Monarch within his Dominion.  
And I undoubtedly believe, concluded the Greek Philosopher, that conditional Sovereignty, as some may imagine it relates to King and People, is morally inconsistent with monarchival Regiment.  
The Astreadan Magistrate told the Philosopher that he was well satisfied with the Judgement given by him; that enough confutes the perplexed notions of such as endeavour to pervert and obscure the clear proprieties of Royal government: Which, said the Jussinedos, have had an unalterable esteem within our Region, notwithstanding the pernicious Industry that has formerly been used, by uneasy and fantastical persons, who having been allured by the political Sophistry of some of your Grecian Schools, they seemed rather desirous to live under no government, than not to be cavilling disputants in behalf of their notions; by which they insinuated that a popular allay and mixture was necessary to be tempered with Monarchy. And this kind of Phanaticism in politics having dispersed some of its seeds in Asia, about the time that the mighty Zerxes planted a Colony of Grecians in a neighbouring Country to this Island: Whither this perverse and wrangling Sect, in their measures of Submission to civil Dominion, had soon imported their motley Principles. But this endeavour of theirs did neither far or long propagate their Cavils; by reason that our Government had in precedent time, provided against such extravagant and disorderly opinions that might tend to molest or deprave the public manners of our Natives; as you shall soon understand.  
In the mean space I will impart, by your leaves, the sense that our wise predecessors had of the pernicious tenant of a heteregeneous or mixed Sovereignty. Well knowing that a paradox in stare, if speciously diffused, no less than an intricate novelty in worship, meets not seldom with a facile reception from the multitude; by reason that their Intellects are for the most part so capricious and uneasy in their esteem of the Rule they are under, as they judge that no dominion can have a substantial support, unless in the main bulk it has a gross relish of popular composition.  
Which surly conceit, when patronised by such guides whom they are most inclined to follow, provokes them to conclude that Monarchy ought to be so intrigued and regulated, from whence the consequence has been unexpressibly inconvenient, and instead of promoting common interest and repose, it has been, in some Nations, the prevalent source of overflowing animosities.  
Insomuch that where the Sovereignty has been thought most exactly to participate of two other Estates, that is to say, of Aristocracy and Democracy, it has encouraged and produced as dangerous enormities as their several oppositions could bring to pass. And 'tis an undoubted truth, that such States, wherein the Sovereignty is said to be divided, are not rightly to be called Commonwealths, but corruption in the civil rule.  
In like manner, where the people are but taught to believe that they are in themselves or Representatives, in any kind sharers with the Monarchical state; such a people are seldom without horrible divisions, seditious contrivements, which as the height of confusion and misery, too often produce the outrageous calamities and bloody violence of Intestine War. Neither was it ever observed, where the Sovereign power has been but reputed divisible betwixt the Monarch and People, that the disturbance and quarrels for Superiority in Rule, have not sometimes proved of that pernicious Consequence, as they have turned the State into Confusion, until by change of Dominion either in one Person, or more, a new model of Government be introduced by a total Subversion of the old.  
If the Monarch by national constitutions provides so favourably for his People as to have their advice and concurrence in the creating of Laws, which in Prudence is the best choice that a wise King can make, both as to his information of public concerns, and in what manner they ought to be provided for by the most effectual expedients; by reason ●hat such of the People as are duly appropriated to that purpose ought to be judged most knowing of the State of the body politic, and how by their assistance their Monarch may be enabled with most Glory, and content to his Nation, to support the Grandeur of his Throne and People; doth it therefore follow, that any such may so far prevaricate from this Grace and Complaisance in their Monarch, as to conceive by their being elected and called for the service of his Dominion, they may take leave to impose on their Prince, by pretending to have a share in his Government, or that of right they ought to be so admitted on the account of original Contract; or as they claim, by their conceited determination, however improbable or absurd, that the Sovereign power ought to be divided betwixt their Monarch and themselves. Would not every indifferrnt man conclude, that such a bold Intrigue of State could tend to no other end but to instigate and ferment, with more applause, misunderstandings betwixt the Monarch and People. From all which 'tis undeniably certain, that the distemper proceeds from an unnatural Excrescence and Growth of Factions in the body politic; when by such positions men would insinuate the intermixture of either Aristocratical or Popular estate, or both conjoined in prejudice to the genuine Right of Sovereignty.  
And I dare avow, that wheresoever such maxims are boldest asserted, they are always designed and patronised, by some Persons, with no other Intention than by pretending to expedients, in order to redress Exorbitancies in the Throne, that they might speciously interest themselves by attaining the height of a more arbitrary or unlimited power over their Fellow Subjects, than all their Recrimations or alleged failings in their Monarch, if true, could ever import.  
Nor has the dangerous increase of those pernicious and unaccountable tenants, in past time, wanted the severest animadversions from our Astreadan Dominion; whereby there might condign impression remain in the posterity of those whose Progenitors had, in precedent Ages, tainted their Allegiance by being malevolently disposed in opposition to the purity of our established Monarchy.  
And thus by the public diligence of our State, care was seasonably taken that the original Authors, Contrivers, and Abetters, of such perplexed and froward Principles, should be notoriously disreputed and conveyed to future Memory, whereby their Names and Families might be distinguished from the Integrity of sounder Judgements; to which end they stand mentioned in our Annals and Records with the Epithets of Mongrel, or pied Politicians.  
This was done with no Intention to reflect on their posterity, otherwise than by reminding them that the incompatible and detrimental tenants of their Forefathers ought to be resented by their Lineage in such a public manner as by our State was provided to that purpose.  
Which virtuous policy of our Government having been, in after Succession of our Princes orderly regarded by measures proper for its Conservation, the men of mixed Principles, together with their gross allay whereby they had heretofore debased the genuine value of Sovereign rule, have not propagated the evil of their imperfect opinions, in such who were descended from ●hem. Notwithstanding, that nothing is more dangerously incident to humane Nature than out of Pride, or Hope of popular Glory, to add to their Crimes the perverse maxims of their Progenitors.  
And I dare affirm, said the Jussinedos, that wheresoever the method I have expressed ●s not commendably practised, that no form of Government, though supposed the most ex●ct, can in its essential or ministerial parts, ●ave long Security.  
The Athenian Senator told the Jussinedos, ●●at he much rejoiced to understand by his ●xpressions, considering the depraved Rule 〈◊〉 Principalities and States, that Expedients might be found by political constitutions, whereby the Goodness of public manners, relating to order and common obedience, could be encouraged and preserved; adding, that he well knew that it might sometimes be, though very rarely, the Felicity of a Dominion to be managed by the conduct of virtuous men; but seldom so refined tha● that it could arrive to a Habit, or not too soon vitiated by the corrupt administration of superior Persons; notwithstanding he readily granted, that the satisfaction expected from Governments proceeds from 〈◊〉 supposition, at least of the Integrity 〈◊〉 their Conducts; and that neither the supe● intendency of one sole person, or republics establishment could be otherwise design'● than that Subjects should conclude, th●● good was meant them by such as govern●● by reason it must conduce to the advantage of all civil superiority to be so reputed. An● did they usefully discern, that the obedience of mankind could be so disposed they would acknowledge, in respect 〈◊〉 the benefit and assurance they might ha●● from the sound affection of such as are u●der their Rule, that it was their sure●● Interest to advance no other conduct in th● State than virtuous.  
On the contrary, wheresoever the exten● and magnitude of Power is more the contrived Grandeur of Supreme Rulers, than the exemplary value and management of Virtue; such Governments, as you have pathetically instanced, said the Athenian Magistrate, turning to the Jussinedos, cannot have safe or long continuance: because in so doing, Superior Command does extravagantly overact the part that ought to be more temperately performed; and in all Dominions, as they are more or less corrupted, this dangerous evil is accordingly evident: From whence it often comes to pass, that degenerate and licentious Subjects presume to reflect on the Justice and Conduct of their Monarch, when the main growth of miscarriages in State, occasionally springs from their Misdemeanours. By which means, a bad People does in some degree necessitate a more uneasy and worse Sovereign than otherwise they might obey, and the reason is obvious, because when a Prince observes that he cannot overrule the averseness of his People so gently as he would, he thinks himself necessitated to be severer than in other circumstances his Inclination would have permitted, there being nothing more difficult, and perhaps less safe, than to undertake to govern the Wicked by the mere simplicity of Goodness.  
And I am apt to believe, that it is rarely observable that any Supreme Rulers, however naturally evil, have made it their choice to be rather impertinently exorbitant, or brutishly wicked in governing of men, than to have executed their Dominion on a fond of obedient and sound Morality, if possible to be effected by any general desert of their Subjects: Insomuch, that if the World's most Universal Experience be duly examined, it will concentre with the truth of this assertion, That no Monarch, or other Magistracy, ever acted so prejudicial to their Interest, as to elevate their Power above the ordinary height, unless provoked by the precedent Corruption, and ungovernable Inclination of their People.  
From whence it has too often come to pass, that Monarchy, though by Paternal Right the most Ancient and Natural, as is manifest from our former discussions, has exerted itself, by some unusual method to a securer height, or by the irresistible Sedition and Violence of the multitude totally subverted; and instead of a Lineal descent of Rightful Kings, the Blood of Usurpers advanced to the Throne. Or if not so, where the vulgar have been more emphatically successful, they have never failed to convert their predominancy, and representation of themselves, into the figure of a Republic.  
And it cannot be denied, that out of the ruin of Hereditary Monarchy and the disorder, if not Anarchy, that has risen from thence; the Popular States, within our Countries of Greece, have had their beginning.  
But you Astreadans, as I gather from what the Reverend Jussinedos has intimated, avowing that your Monarchical Rule is practically managed by a Political Integrity, above the felicity of other Dominions, I presume to make it my request, that the method might be declared, that so much conduces to the stability and happiness of your King and Nation.  
To which the Jussinedos readily answered, That the happiness and security of their Government depended on a few particulars, which had been very anciently in usage with them, and he hoped would continue unshaken in many Ages to come.  
The main Pillar that supports the reverend esteem of our Political Constitutions, is, That our Religion has had such an entire value and prevalency in our Nation, that no novelty of Worship has been able to slain the clearness of the verity on which it depends; and this has effectually, I doubt not, been explained by the Scheme of our belief, that our Fidefendon has before expressed: There being nothing more certain than that the soundest props of legal establishments, will be otherwise too weak to support the bulk of Government; insomuch, that wheresoever diversity of Beliefs have any tolerable reception, the Sacerdotal Function will be so Intrigued, and Interested thereby, and the Manners of Men so prevalently biased, that Corruptions, under the Notion and Authority of Zeal, will debase the obedience that ought to be acknowledged to the Civil Dominion. And this can no way be prevented, but by obliging men to believe no more than by the conviction of sense they must grant true, and with that sincerity and plainness, that every common understanding shall not want the assistance of a profession, to explain their Creed. And where the People are fully intelligent to that end, their Obedience and Manners will be assured, as long as humane Reason can be supposed predominant, against all sinister Innovations to the contrary. Thus, whosoever rests satisfied of the conviction of our worship of Providence, without annexing any devised Articles of Faith, stands most entirely prepared to prefer and obey the goodness of the Rule to which he owes submission; on which evident foundation, both the worship of our Natives and obedience does chiefly depend. On the contrary, as you Grecians must confess, the alterations and subversions of Governments amongst you, have proceeded from no other cause than the various changes and deceits of worship, as is manifest from the different forms and adorations amongst you: so that if the public profession of Faith be not in its own nature equally manifest to every reasonable apprehension, it must create Dubitants in Belief, and consequently Despisers of the civil Authority, as men question the truth of what is proposed or enjoined: But cannot do so if the maxims of their Creed are as sensibly intelligible as Seeing and Feeling is generally the capacity of mankind. And whosoever doth judge that he is rationally able to give the lie to the Religion of a Government, would endeavour to promote his opinion, though it prove no less prejudicial than faction in the State, or a means to introduce a change of rule to confirm his Persuasion.  
From all which 'tis very demonstrable, that where the soul of the Subject doth most rationally Concentre with the authorised belief of a Nation, such a Government will be more permanently endeared and obeyed than any other, whose sacred Edicts have not an assurance beyond Polemic Debate or Question.  
The Athenian Senator replied, that in their Country of Greece, nothing was more difficult or less sucessful by the Endeavours of such as ruled, however claiming under any denomination the most perfection in civil Establishments, then to be considerable enough to suppress Nonsense, in belief and worship within their Dominions.  
It having been, with them, the constant success of foppish Deceivers to make a Fool of the Conscience of men, that they might, for their ends, more surely deprave their manners: So that I cannot but acknowledge, that the grand corruption of States, have generally emerged from the Silliness of their Creeds; by which their Devotion and civil Obedience is highly impaired: And this mischief is usually so taking with the Multitude, that sincerity and clearness in either is most neglected by them. If Laws be ordained sufficiently useful, both as to divine and humane concern, they who are least disposed to like any, will always be requiring new or better; so that nothing is harder, than for Governments to season Establishments suitable to the distempered Palates of such as ought to obey; and wheresoever that humour is predominan, 'tis a Symptom that the body politic is sick; and the multiplicity of Laws, the miserable pretence of its Cure: because evil men, and those ever the greatest part, are the Complainers, and as much as in them lies, the Obstructors of Emendations in State, being resolved that no expedients, how numerous soever, shall be enough to provide against their Crimes and Faction: If under a Monarch, they have Pleas against his Ministers; if ruled by Aristocracy, they are angry with the Nobility; if Democracy be supreme, than they blame such as represent it: And I do not find, said the Athenian Magistrate, turning to the Philosopher, that any of your learned Schools have made any Decision, whereby to prevent the Growth of this dangerous Inconvenience.  
The Philosopher answered, that he did acknowledge, that no position of their Schools, or those which the divine Plato had most acutely delivered, could prevent the vain Superstitions and Fopperies of Religion, that mixed with Governments. Neither had any of their learned, by any Scheems of Policy, proceeded farther than to declare, by way of Theory, what sort of Dominion was in itself the best: In doing of which they have generally preferred Monarchical Regiment: On this maxim, that whatsoever is most one, is least to be divided. But in the practic part, which is certainly most useful, their Treatises are deficient, by reason they have not presented the world with any sure expedients, whereby the Persons that govern may be suitably qualified to communicate and preserve the Goodness intended by civil Dominion.  
For since it little avails humane Government to have a sound Foundation, unless its Conveniences be likewise regular and lasting: So where personal Enormities and Failings, especially such that deprave and weaken the body politic, are not duly prevented, let the Laws be never so excellent, evil manners will too soon give Law to them; On the contrary, there is nothing more certain, that in what kind soever a Government be constituted, that aught to have the celebrated Approbation, let its name be what it will be, of ruling by such measures as both incline and secure Obedience from their People, it ought to be reputed more exact than others, that may perhaps have better pretence to the Theory or Title, than to such ordinations of State as tend to the completing of due Obedience in their People; wherefore the Philosopher told the Jussinedos, that he joined his request with the Senator that spoke last, by desiring he would particularly declare, the essential method whereby he conceived the Astreadan Monarches had so long continued, their happy and famous Royalty.  
To which the Jussinedos readily consented, telling them that he conceived he had in general effectually mentioned before, how it had been anciently the prudent endeavour of his Nation to explode motley Religions, no less than mongrel politics, that had some time endeavoured to infest their Monarchy. The first was easily brought to pass by our professing of a Religion that was more sensibly Intelligible than any other that undertook to descent from it; of which so much has been expressed before, that I need nor, said the Jussinedos, trouble you with any repetition.  
As for our State managements, it hath been of long and constant use with us to prepare Persons that might be most advantageous to the Essential Prosperity and Grandeur of our Government, and not only so, but by a proper method secure all subordinate Trusts and Magistracy in a suitable manner, whereby their Integrity might appear most available to the Public. And this has always with us, proceeded from gracious allowance of our Kings, and the ready desire of Subjects.  
You much surprise me, replied the Athenian Senator, to hear you speak of rendering the Persons of Men so serviceable, as you express, to your Nation: And I grant, could that be effected, the exemplary Integrity of your Prince and Nation, together with such Laws as consequently must fortify the Glory and Happiness of your Monarch, would be a Precedent, whence other Dominions might take Copies in order to their future Greatness.  
I doubt not but they would, replied the Jussinedos, if they did not too peremptorily judge that the Civil manners of Men, as they too often relate to public Transactions, without having to do with such particular failings as naturally are incident to Mankind, are harder to be remedied by the endeavour of a State, than really they would be found, if the Cure be prudently provided.  
As in our Astreadan Principality, where it can be no Man's Honour or Advantage to be otherwise than faithful to the Public, and what is more supremely great, no less the concern of the Monarch than the Subject; might not one rationally conclude, that the continuation and fond of such a Dominion, would have a large share of remembrance in Records of Time?  
By your leave, said the Philosopher, I will make a Query before you come to particulars: Suppose your King, for I take him to be, as you declare, a perfect Monarch, should by violent extravagancy alter the form of Rule you mention, might not the expedient you have delivered fall short of expectation?  
I grant, answered the Jussinedos, that had we ever been Ruled by a King that possibly could be imagined to act so oppositely to his own Greatness, the objection might have some Validity; but we must suppose him in this case both a Fool and a Tyrant, purposely to lessen himself. Neither did I ever hear of any Monarch so foolishly wicked, that he would rather choose to Rule by the assistance of Evil Men, if the good could do him greater service.  
On the other side, if the Supreme Magistrate observes that Factious and Seditious Inclinations have, in the greatest part of his People, Corrupted, and, as it were, separated from his Throne, the Morality that ought to be annexed to Public Duty: To be sure their Prince, if his temper be none of the best, thinks himself in a high measure provoked to be worse than he was before, and so blends and spreads his evil Genius with the Impiousness of his Subjects, that he, in being Wicked, may be more pointedly Supreme in the Grandeur he designs.  
But the mischief is, that a bad and unquiet People will be more scrutinously Inquisitive into the Morals and Conduct of their Sovereign, than if they were as Loyal as they ought; or that it were easy for their Prince, by the mere Philosophy of Goodness, to overrule the Impious disposition of his Subjects. And though this implies a Contradictory and Incompatible humour in Men, relating to such as Govern, it is very much the Topics of the multitude in all Corrupt Dominions.  
But these particulars have been already enough insisted on, I will therefore, in the most essential manner, according to your desire, declare what remains to be delivered as it respects Peace and Wars: Which take briefly thus:  
Our Monarchy, as I acquainted you before, is perfectly such both in Name and Nature, not admitting of commixture of Power or Rule, in any kind, with the Subject. And that this Royal preeminency and greatness, might be more securely dignified and continued, our Monarch seldom confers Titles of Dignity or Honour upon any, unless generously descended and suitably accomplished with Abilities and Manners; and if low Birth doth require Advancement, it must be qualified by Actions and Parts extraordinarily eminent, it having been prudently observed by our Government, that the exalting of mean Blood, when not throughly cleansed by the Virtue of Desert, is resented as scandalous, if admitted to have room amongst Inheritors of Nobility, because Experience assures us that none are more presumptuously haughty or exorbitantly apt to aspire, than persons that rise fr●m low Originals, they being, for the most part, i● pussy up, in their own esteem, that they are more conceited of their Merit, than prepared to acknowledge that it can be recompensed by Reward or Dignity; which shows us, that Pride is very incident to such Complexions, when they ought least to be uneasy to others, by forgetting from what home they came. And that all subordinate Magistracy and Trust should be most carefully inspected, whereby no Persons with us are held capable of either, unless they pass the Inquiry and Test of their public Integrity, which by eminent and approved Supervisors commissioned by Royal Authority to that purpose, must be authentically signified and recorded by them, provided that such persons as they judge fully qualified, do under their Hands and Se●ls not only give assurance that they will duly execute such employments of State, but also indenture with the public, that in case any Corruption or private Interest be found in their management detrimental to our Government, that they shall not only be censured and refund for their exorbitant and avaricious Crimes, but likewise so many of their Kindred and Posterity reflected on, as was held necessary by our Magistracy, to their perpetual disgrace and incapacity of public employment suitable to the nature of their offences in every respect; for which we have an irrevocable Ordinance of State, and occasionally executed to that purpose: and should I call it the unfading flower of our Monarchical Regiment, you may perhaps, when duly weighed by your intellect, allow it an Epithet no less deserving.  
The Athenian Senator replied, That what the Jassinadoes alleged was in subtance actually the same in every well constituted Dominion; where though all persons are not required, under the severe Tests he mentioned, to render themselves capable of national Management and Trust: Yet there is no prudent State but inflicts grievous Penalties on Criminals according to their demerits, and upon their Posterity too, both in the forfeiting of Honour, in case they were so qualified, and likewise of their Estates; but not by any such immutable Decree, as could not be reversed by the Civil Magistrate, in mercy to the Heirs of Offenders: and I suppose you limit the severity you mention, as it may be requisitely abated by compliance or submission of men, when under the unhappy circumstance of having such Progenitors.  
The Jassinedos answered, That the considerable policy of State he mentioned, had been of long time with that Equity practised in their Astreadan Principality, that none could find cause to blame the means that was used for public security, whereby their Nation was in a high measure preserved from the malign descent of Tenants and Crimes, that had sometimes infested their Dominion, when the impious positions of Ancestors had been too depravedly inherited by the Off spring and near Allies to men, who were not only the Patrons of such malevolent deeds and maxims, but likewise the Propagators of the blood of those that too propensely inherited the depravations of Predecessors, or thought it for their glory to be Assertors of the same Principle●, without duly apprehending the contagion they derived from their Predecessors, by adhering to the Enormities of their Tenants and Practices, that had proved so detrimental to common Tranquillity and Preservation: against which high Inconveniences, our Government has provided an ample prevention, as you shall soon understand.  
The Grecian Philosopher, being not a little surprised in expectation of what the Astreadan Magistrate intended to deliver, told him, that he begged a Pardon from him, is, before he farther proceeded in opening to them the great and useful Prudence of their State, in providing against the inheritable growth of Factions in that Nation, he took leave, as a Philosopher, to express the transcendent Encomium, that he was ready to allow an expedient of that nature, which he confessed was to be learned by him; and far surpassed the most ●efin'd philosophical notions of policy that had at any time exercised the famous Schools of Athens; none of whose exquisite Ingenuities or literature had ever been able to form any proper and lasting expedient, whereby soundness might be restored and conferred to their body politic: Tho very manifest it be, that within that famous dominion, the partialities and divisions that have by descent, as it were, proceeded from Father to Son, have a little impaired the Glory of the Athenian State; and it is too obvious, that from the Pride of similitude, or as men generally are addicted to value the Maxims a●d Actings of their Predecessors, they have proved no less the Offspring of their crimes than blood. But to remedy a Contagion that has too frequently such a pernicious emanation with mankind, must needs be not easily obtained, though deserving all commendation if duly accomplished: For if in the natural body the hereditary Diseases of Gouts, Dropsies, and other Distempers, are so hardly remedied, how much more difficult is the means of cure, that must be applied to the Indispositions of the Soul, when the tincture of her guilt, from the public transgressions of evil Progenitors, is de●cendently made the crime of posterity.  
To which the Astreadan Jassinedos replied, That he granted it might be some difficulty to such, who had not experimented the possibility and conveniency of the prevention, whereby malevolent tenants and practices were hindered from being entailed on succeeding generations: And it is well known to our Records, how our Nation in former times was pestered with factions 〈◊〉 many of our eminent Families. till we cured the exorbitancy of that depending evil; nothing being more observable, as the Philosopher mentioned, than a ●●oneness in men, out of the obliquity and haughtiness 〈◊〉 their Spirit, or from a vainglorious desire of being esteemed no less popular than their Ancestors, on the account of their positions, to patronage the errors of their Progenitors, however obnoxious to the public.  
The Jassinedos told the Philosopher, that by what had been formerly instanced he might easily apprehend, that before the Astreadan Profession of Faith was brought to that entire Efficacy already mentioned, no small difficulty was encountered, in past times, to expunge the pernicious politics. That many endeavoured to annex to their notions of belief, highly patronised by foreign States and Principalities, and suitably defended by the prevalency of several Priesthoods, that made it their business to worship accordingly: Amongst whom, such as endeavoured most to sublimate their Hierarchy, were for erecting a Sacerdotal grandeur, under the denomination of Arch-flamen, with other subordinate Diocesan grandeurs, which tended to a Monarchical Supremacy in their function: and these were more addicted to fix a● Ecclesiastical pre-eminence in their Priesthood, than to allow it any political Basis on the account of the Civil Magistrate: Others there were that annexed to their belief a more popular Conduct, either as they held Synods to elect and set apart clerical persons for the exercise and asserting of their Worship; or were chosen by parity of Vote, as the ●ay Members of their Cong●etion thought most requisite for the service of their persuasion, and these last mentioned were Antimonarchcally principled, that is to say, devoted to Government by way of a Republic. In fine, all these factions we●e soon extinguished, though so much endeared by their several Priesthoods, after our Indivisible Religion had bee● sufficiently explained. Notwithstading all whic●, such persons as had no hope to perplex the perspicuity o● our devotional belief, were notwithstanding highly industrious, heretofore, to convey such political Tenants as were very detrimental to our civil Government, either as they had obtruded and dispersed positions, the figments of their brain, that tended to a factious commixture of Aristocracy and Democracy, with the Royalty of our Monarch, for which they were termed by us mongrel, or pied Politicians, as was already mentioned; or actually caused, on the accounted of their Tenants, Commotions and Rebellions, within our Astreadan Dominion. Wherefore to satisfy your desire, by acquainting you in what manner the Prudence of our State, not only obviated and prevented the designs of such Members within our Nation, that in past ages had caused dangerous Revolutions and Convulsions in our civil Government, together with a vast expense of Blood and Treasure, but also established our Monarchical Rule and Greatness in the purity that it now enjoys: It will be necessary that I amply declare, as I precedently instanced, the method taken by our Government, not only to punish the crimes of Malefactors, but also to convey such Animadversions and Disgraces to their Posterities, that were highly useful in reference to the Issue● and nearest Allies of those Persons, who by a just and signal Infamy were de●erred from continuing the Enormities of their Forefathers. It having proved of useful experience, within our Dominion, that ●he shame of descending Ignominy has effected more amendment on the opinions and persons of men; otherwise too prone to endear, if not vindicate, the Maxims and Oppositions of their Progenitors, however detrimental to our body politic, than the most severe execution of Laws; which, as they had but a personal extent, and consequently so terminated, their Disgraces and Punishments on Delinquents, did little abate the facile inclinations of men to value themselves by attaining popularity from their Predecessors, though in Principle as bad as they could derive from them. From which source of evil, it was heretofore usual with us, that men took upon them, not only to uphold the Faction of their near Relations, but likewise to condemn our Government, for exacting such due Inflictions as were necessarily executed on such Offenders.  
I confess, said the Athenian Senator, that this expedient, if made practical as you allege, does far surpass all the provisions that our wisest Grecian Lawmaker have yet composed in their most elaborate legal Constitutions, whereby they would render an exact integrity of Rule and Obedience: but could never foresee, by any useful prevention, how descending animosities, and exorbitant opinions and factions too apt, as you have well expressed, to be indulged by the inclinations of men, who in hope of vulgar applause, or to improve the merit of their ostentation, together with the Interest they designed, in being esteemed successively Patrons by assimulating the Maxims of their Predecessors, might be legally prevented by any such compendious institution as you seem to demonstrate; enough to conjure the Spirit of Solon, or Lycurgus, to pass by miracle from t'other world to be your Auditors, and return the wonder of your Astreadan Republic to be contemplated by a Senate in the Elysium Abodes, where the Souls of wisest Legislators a●e supremely resident; since what you offer does far exceed the best prospect of their Laws and Politics. Wherefore not to delay my earnest desire to be thoroughly informed, be pleased to make ou● expectation so happy, as to declare the particulars o● the extraordinary State invention, that has given to your Astreadan Monarchy the eminent Tranquillity and Happiness it now enjoys.  
The Athenian Magistrate having thus delivered his sentiment, the Astreadan Jassinedos, with a grave comportment and audible voice, declared unto them, the the method whereby the prudence of their Monarchial Regiment had obviated descending corruptions in their body politic, had resulted from the pertinent reflections that were constituted to clear their Nation from imbibing the malign positions and enormities of their nearest Allies and Progenitors: which method was briefly in this manner; If by any notorious opinion, or fact openly avowed or published, our Government was maligned or debased, to the disturbance of our common Peace; not only such Offenders were censured and punished suitable to their Transgressions, but their Posterity and nearest Consanguinities were to receive a visible disgrace, during the pleasure of our supreme Magistrate, or till they satisfactorily renounced the pernicious Facts and Tenants of their most considerable Allies and Predecessors; to which purpose we had, and is yet extant, should occasion require, a solemn Court of Renunciation, before whose Tribunal every Delinquent, that was permitted to have Life or Estate within our Dominion, was called to th●t purpose, as also the Heirs and Kindred of such persons, were on their knees to manifest their abhorrence of such Transgressor's; and this to be performed every year, suitable to the nature of their crimes, so long as by the civil Magistrate it should be thought necessary, or until they had throughly purged themselves by subsequent merit to the public. If any refused to undergo this method of Purgation, they were not only rendered uncapable of Employment in our Principality, but to be prosecuted as Outlawries, or banished from the compass of our civil Dominion, with all imaginable infamy.  
Notwithstanding all which, continued the Jassinedos, in some cases even where offences were highly capital, our Government has rather thought fit to impress a visible disgrace on the persons of men, than to terminate their Lives by legal execution, as a more notorious and transcendent caution to their Posterity: to which end such Malefactors were obliged to wear insculptions, in Plates of Steel on their Vests, during their Lives, that employed their offence, together with the Letter R broadly figured, that signified they renounced their Delinquencies; the wisdom of our State holding it more conducing to public advantage, to suffer some Offenders to live with long Reproach, than to be ended by the sudden act of Execution: Like the story of the man, who chose rather to give his Dog a living ill name, than immediately to commit him to a Halter; and by this method we not only exposed, to every observation and censure, the ignominious reflection thought fit to be diffused by the supreme Magistrate, in reference to the quality of principles and actual guilt emergent from such grand enormities; but likewise conveyed a political caution, even amongst the nearest degrees of Blood, and alliance of Family's, too propense otherwise to have traditionally imbibed and asserted the Tenants of their Relations and Predecessors, on the same temptatious account of Ambition or Popularity; the growth of which spreading Exorbitancies, together with the pernicious Interest designed thereby, was condignly disreputed and hinge●●● by these useful inflictions and apprehension o● subsequent disgrace; insomuch that Families gave a check to themselves, by not embracing the obnoxious positions o● their Allies or Pa●ents, who usually commit the most considerable and primary trust to their nearest Consanguinities and Relations, and were, in no small measure, considerably watchful, instead of being partners in conspiracy, left their alliances should involve them in public disgrace; which proved a very effectual means of peace and security within our Nation, far above the obliging the Allegiance of men by the engagement of an Oath, however significantly intended, to ascertain their duty: It being notoriously known that where Subjects are factiously principled, or antipathised to the rule they are under, that they will have their Evasions, Cavils, and racite Reservations, though tied to the performance of their duty by the strongest knot the Law can produce in the form of swearing: and who can doubt that such persons will not much rather venture the abusing of their Conscience, as for their haughty ends, and oblique interests they favour their opinions and practices, or as they naturally incline to patronise the Reputation of their Alliances, concentre with the Enormities of their Families and Kindred, by owning of the same sinister designs and tenants, than to undergo a visible Reproach, that implies Shame to themselves and dearest Relations; and no way to be prevented by intercession, or the highest application that Money can advance. And such was the constant Regard and Circumspection of our Government, whereby the depraved politics of men received the useful inflictions I have here noted, which in future time produced the integrity that hath rendered our Monarchy great and prosperous.  
'Tis not to be thought, replied the Athenian Magistrate, that any legitimate Gubernation should be destitute of right, in order to discountenance and prevent such ante-political deeds and practices, as are detrimental to civil Obedience and public Tranquillity. And I do likewise readily condescend, that if the Prudence incumbent on humane rule be judiciously and timely applied, that it may sufficiently operate by allaying or extinguishing such maladies of State that are too prone emergent, and have not seldom a contagious transition as they are successively endeared and patronised by nearest Consanguinities; insomuch that it has been thought rather a reputation vindicated to adhere to such maxims, as have tainted the Blood of nearest Relations, than for their Offspring to manifest by deeds, that they are in soul separated from the evil opinions and facts of their Alliances; from whence it often comes to pass, as is manifest to experience, that within the Bosom of the body politic are contained so many Hereditary Rebels and Traitors. And though I much value your Astreadan expedient, yet I cannot but judge that it is something severe; considering that it reflects on persons who may not have deserved it from the guilt of any overt-act. It being very possible that ●any allied to such Criminals, did not espouse the destructive prevarication of their Tenants and Offences: on which ground I suppose, there might increase partialities and divisions amongst you, however formerly suppressed, by excluding at will of your supreme Magistracy, so many considerable of your people from being capable of any National Trust or Employment, as also to bear the figures of public disgrace, visible on their persons, for no other reason, but because they were the Heirs or Alliances of evil men, until your State was perfectly satisfied of their future Fidelity. And I assure you, if you answer this Objection, I shall readily embrace your Countries Expedient; as the most proper care that could be applied to rectify the Principles of a corrupt or degenerate People.  
True it is, replied the Jassinedos, that the Expedient was something disgusted at first, though not so considerably as to hinder the conveniency of its operation; like men whose Palates seem averse to the best of Physic, until their tempers are aptly disposed to value the Remedy. If other Principalities have fell short of our methods in securing public Obedience, either as they were satisfied by a cursory Oath of Allegiance occasionally administered, oftener sworn than conscionably remembered, and submitted to as it ought; the trite and frequent abuse by which perverse Subjects too often mingled their tacit Reservations and Fallacies, contrary to the genuine sense of the solemn Asseveration they had made before the Eyes of Heaven and man; a sophistry of swearing, very incident to the Nature of some People, whereby their Consciences stood prepared, if occasion required, to eject a precedent Oath, that they might yield room to another, in opposition to their former, whensoever a change in State was promoted and welcomed by them: which superlative evil the wisdom of our constituted Rule has in no small degree prevented, as it does impede the descending malady of pernicious Tenants and Oppositions, that by a dangerous commixture have at any time disturbed the due Repose of our Nation; And what man can be so froward an Opiniator, as to esteem it no requisite provision, if to overawe and disgrace the impetuous transactions of precedent Offenders, such outward reproach should be inflicted on their Issues and near Affinities, that might visibly deter succeeding Generations from inheriting the Transgressions of their Predecessors: and ●f the letter R signalised on their Habits, shall ocularly imply, as I formerly expressed, the Renunciation of the Enormities of their Families, it may well deserve to be so represented: and doubtless the fear of personal Shame, that bears a public Remark, when applied to the alliances and heirs of wicked Consanguinities, has affected more, as has been fully experienced by us, than could be accomplised by the internal obligation of the Soul; men being far more inclined to avoid the detriment and ignominies of their persons, than to preserve the integrity of their Allegiance, though strictly obliged by the solemnity of an Oath.  
And whereas you seemed to apprehend that the necessary correction, in the method of our State, of obliquities in the body politic, as it reflected on the personal crimes of original transgressions, in order to purge and vilify their emanation, in reference to their Allies and Successors, might irritate and increase the spreading of Factions, Repine and Tenants within our Sovereignty: It was soon experimented by the diligence of our civil gubernation, that the contagion of evil tenants, partialities and sidings amongst us, were by that means, in a few years, totally extinguished, as to any prejudicial increase or growth, that could any ways redound from their contrivances, neither was it necessary for the Prudence of our Government to inflict the animadversion and censure, I have instanced on many persons of Men, Families, or Relations, it being well discerned by our Monarches, that the eminent of Blood and Alliances, are the most considerable Patronizers of such enormous Principles and designs, as by their tendency and overt-acts most dangerously operate against common repose and safety; and this you were pleased to concede, as an evident inconvenience in your Athenian Republic, where the supreme in repute, according to your acknowledgement, had perniciously allured the factious compliance of subordinate Interests; and I doubt not, said the Jassinedos, but the effects are the same in all Dominions. And thus you may perceive, how significantly the method of our cure, tending to our body politic, was adapted to such essentials within our civil Rule, who by their depraved Examples, Positions and Facts, together with their specious and gaudy designs, were most signally capacited to seduce the disobedience obedience of others. Nor is any thing more obvious ' than that the dangerous and exorbitant Guides are few, though not seldom composed of Grandees in Parts, Title, and Descent, that sway the most popular compliance: from whence it proceeds, that perverse and common mistakes, when maliciously and eminently diffused, have subverted more Principalities and States, than any erroneous, corrupt, or tyrannical conduct that could be attributed to the Irregularities, or Failings of the Sovereign Ruler. How vain is then the human endeavour, that, in such a perplexed condition of the body politic, when positions are countenanced and divulged, that are antipathised to the soundness of its constitution, would expect an amendment from the supplement of Laws or Integrity, redounding from the administration of subordinate Magistracy; whilst not only the best legal establishments that can be enacted, in a deprav'd-condition of a People, will find a refractory or disputable reception, either as they suit not with the various complexion of Opposers, or as the Magistracy is disregarded in their execution: Whence it usually ensues, that Subjects, when perversely animated and swayed by the distemper of political notions, are never at ease with the rule they ought to obey, or laws they are under, how numerous soever appears their Catalogue; and no less unsatisfied in their expectation when their sum is increased; nothing being more certain than that the genuine content and integrity of a people must arise from the improvement and steadfastness of their principles, rather than from the enlargement and compulsion of legal establishments.  
And this was judiciously perceived by the discreet prevention used by our government, in order to obviate the spreading dissentaneous problems amongst our Astreadan Natives; which being found too litigiously intricate, and factiously involved, to be comprimized by any reasonable application or conviction, there could be no expedient so notably advantageous as the conferring outward reproach and ignominy on the evil tenants of persons, and dignifying the soundness and practical obedience approved in the conformity of the Judgements of others; and thus by the juditions desert of some, and the political penance, I before expressed, requisitely inflicted on others; the prevaricating notions of men in opposition to our Rule, were gradually extirpated, notwithstanding that they had precedently far insinuated and corruptly disposed and interested destructive animosities within the compass of our Nation; either as they uncouthly mixed our Monarchical with the conceited mingle of popular Regiment; or adhered to the wild notion of original contract, before consured betwixt King and Subjects, until such mongrel Politicians, and Tenants, being to their outward shame exemplarily discountenanced, our People had in all their degrees recovered a commodions and entire duty, both in their opinion and submission to supreme Authority; from whence it came to pass, that whereas our public Counsels and Senates, when heretofore convened, had been uneasy, and passionately addicted to quarrel with their Monarch, by reflecting on his Government and the Conduct of his Ministers, when the crime of the Impeachment was rather in themselves: or by requiring such Laws as would scandalise his Sceptre, if by it touched; and when refused, his power obstructed or impaired by wanting the due Nourishment it ought to have received by their compliance, if not endangered by a mo●e signal Catastrophe: Y●t even these high inconveniencies, and destructive aversions: in our State, received a happy redress by the method I have briefly related.  
I readily acknowledge, replied the Grecian Senator, that the measures used by your Astreadan Sovereignty, in order to avert and hinder the progression and assimulate-of evil positions and attempt, as they might otherwise dilate and be transmitted to Posterity, to the perpetual disquiet of your commendable Government were prudently applied: and I cannot but grant, with you, that, very often the contagious source of evils, if not cautiously prevented, are too prone increased in the persons of such as spring from refractory and disobedient Predecessors; nothing being more observable than that erroneous humanity, is rather inclined to assert and vindicate the impious Misdemeanours of their Allies and Progenitors, than submissively to concede the evil of their Transgressions  
And I am so far from censuring the proceeding of your State, in the method you declare, that if a broader token of Renunciation, than the Letter R, in reference to the Issues and Consanguinities of such Criminals, were visibly expanded on the Garments they wore, I should judge it a very useful and exemplary caution to the obedience of others, as it signally relates to the honour of their Families and Descent. Wherefore this grand expedient of your Astreadan Government, does not only surpass the many endeavours of the wisest of our Grecian Legislators, who applied the best of their Learning and Experience to erect and model such a constituted body politic, as might sufficiently depress the corruption of Tenants and practices of men, but may be properly allowed, for its excellent rarity, the Phoenix of civil Regiment; and doubtless whensoever its perfection shall be duly considered, and actually exercised by other Nations, it will receive a suitable estimate.  
The Grecian Philosopher, having duly observed what his Associate and Countryman, the Athenian Magistrate, had before utterred to the Astreadan Jassinedos, declared to 'em both, that he fully concentered with their judgements, in approving of the expedient they had precedently discussed; adding withal, for its higher Illustration and Praise, that it might well have deferred the accurate esteem and approbation of Plato and Aristotle; had they been present at the opening of this useful policy of State; which though not verbally found in them, or in the erudite writings of others renowned in Philosophical science, together with their learned Precepts; whereby the highest Integrity might be accomplished in humane Government: Yet does it essentially flow from their Dictates, if considered, in general, how they employed their learned pens, by endeavouring to prevent the emanation of popular maladies and faction; which could have no considerable diffusion, but as they originally proceeded and were supported by persons of dignity and influence in their Nation. And what reason can question, that the giving a disrepute to the enormous principles and crimes of such as would otherwise convey a derivative evil to their Consanguinities and Issues, is not a commendable policy; Men being too propensely disposed and interested in adhering to the crimes of their nearest Kindred and Acquaintance. Especially if tempted by the same hopes of popular ends and advantage. For as it is naturally true, that humane prevarications have a near degree of familiarity in the relations of blood, so 'tis no less observable that the ungovernable affections and appetites of mankind, have a like similitude and propagation in the Alliances and Descent of Persons: Nor is any thing more manifest, than that the most pernicious attempts against Principalities and States have proceeded from the Conspirations and Facts of Hereditary Traitors.  
Wherefore though I commend your latter expedient, no less than your former relating to divine worship, whereby you declare, that you have with good effect suppressed disunion of principles within your Nation, to the reproach and extirpation of factious animosities and interests, that tended to the discomposure and subversion of your Astreadan Monarchy: Yet have I not heard as I expected from you, how Judges of tribunals, Advocates; and Pleaders at Bar, behaved themselves in times of strictest Trial and Occurrences of Sta●e, before arrived to that national integrity, which as your common happiness you ha●e since acquired. Well known to my observation, concluded the Philosopher, how men of that profession, notwithstanding the gravity of their Robe, have been too flexible in varying of their dialects suitable to distempered seasons, and usurpations of the civil power: Whether it be that the political fond of Laws, though it ●ught to be of right the far nobler and requisite part of their science, is too cursorily inspected, or neglected by them in the volumes they read, but crudely digest, instead of discerning what many erudite Philosophers have written on that subject: Or that the mechanical part of their profession, in reference to their Salaries and Fees, be more greedily their diligence and application, in whatsoever diversity and revolution of Rule, than a firm adherence to the Basis of their legitimate Government: It being often observable, that amongst many of this litigious sort of Gownsmen, the obliquity of their pleading and judiciary determinations, have never been more profitably advantaged, than when they have fitted the Bias of their Tongues to the wrong side of the Law. And I remember, that I have heard of an old avaricious Advocate somewhere, who complimented an Invasor of a legitimate Throne, by telling him that he apprehended he should have survived the Law, before his arrival▪ when in fact, he lived to see its political death by the means that he had impiously applauded.  
The Astreadan Jassinedos, in compliance to the motion of the Philosopher, told him together with the Athenian Magistrate, that he craved pardon of them both for his omitting of the due Recrimination and cen●ure that had been applied in that Dominion, as a pertinent contumely and chastisement of the abuses of the Law; which in times past, by the preposterous and irregular deviaton● of some exorbitant persons of that Robe, though otherwise of commendable proficiency, had been depraved to a h●inous guilt, and perpetual disrepute to their vocation; not only as they openly abdicated the main fond of policy on which the cement and being of our sovereign Rule entirely consisted; but as they likewise endeavoured to evade, and tender ineffectual the statuted Props and Records that most firmly sustained the structure of our body politic; from whence it ensued, that amongst th●s sort of Gownsmen were found pest ferous Compliers and Adherents ●o any Revolution of State that was successfully produced. And thus Rebellions and Usurpations, in former times too frequent with us, had their rugged violations, in whatsoever shape or figure, more colorably smoothed, as Renagadoes of this worthy profession, filled Rooms at Bars and Tribunals. Where finding that notwithstanding the deplorable change of State, and miseries of their fellow Subjects, they would be of necessity beneficially employed as Pleaders in behalf of their Clients; not only in relation to their ordinary Rights, but also as Plaintiffs and Defendants in such Litigations and Trials, that internal disturbance and violence had perniciously intruded to the advantage of avaricious and time-serving Advocates.  
And I assure you, continued the Jassinedos, that 'tis manifest from former computation, that no season has afforded a more impious and plentiful gain to the Purse of disloyal Pleaders, than when Apostates of that science have placed their exaltation or thriving on the ruin of the Law. Nor is it to be imagined that the Usurpers of Dominion will be defective to their necessary varnish in not conferring reward on the Talents of such as can best palliate the bitter Reflections of legal Establishments, or attempt to baffle their Validity if quoted on the part of the rightful Throne.  
All which, said the Jassinedos, to the Philosopher, was in substance delivered in your prec●dent discourse. And as for Condemnations and Punishments, which you desired to understand, that were heretofore conferred by our prudent Gubernation on the delinquencies of that Robe, the judiciary inflictions were in this manner ordained.  
If any of that science had capitally and treasonably offended, as they owned the parts of Advocates or Judges, under any usurped Power or Sceptre, some of the most notorious, or such as were deemed most knowingly Tergiversators and Betrayers of the Law they were obliged to defend, suffered death suitable to their demerits.  
Others, though as grand Offenders, were to their living shame reprieved from dying by the hand of an Executioner; but so, as that they were in effigy represented hanging in their Gowns, as Malefactors on a Gallows. And thus to their lasting disgrace, were their figures exposed to view, in the largest Apartments and Halls of their Society; that their crimes, by these visible memorial, might occasion a more frequent detestation in the Eyes of old and young, appertaining to that science▪ Besides all which, there was an irrevocable command ordained by our government, that together with the frequent Readins on Law, to perform which some learned Professors were appointed for the instruction of Youth, there should be apposite statutes constantly explained, that most palpably expanded the subversion of Law by the ante-judiciary proceedings of such execrable gowned Transgressor's. Which useful determination and inflictions, in time past, after a wonderful Restauration of our Monarchy, and that by its illustrious shining forth, the monstrous Cloud of foregoing usurpation was totally dispersed. I do not find, said the Jassinedos, that delinquencies of this nature were ever recorded within our dominion; not only as the hope of any future violent intrusion into our legitimate Throne, was totally frustrated in the unjust support it could expect or allure from the compliance of enormous Tribunals; but also as the political part of our Government was cleansed from that absurd and obnoxious commixture, which cavalling Tongues, in behalf of their factious Clients, had precedently made the noise and disturbance of Bars, and Seats of Judgement.  
The Athenian Senator and Philosopher, assured the Jassinedos that he had sufficiently declared the necessary reflections and punishments which effected that soundness in the Astreadan Sovereignty it now so prosperously enjoyed; and might be of exemplary benefit to other States and Principalities, whereby they might obliterate seditious Tenants and Principles out of the Subjects heart: Nothing now remaining to their farther information, if he pleased so far to gratify their desire, but to acquaint them with the manner of their Policy and Conduct in war; which they doubted not would deserve their commendation no less than what he had expressed, as conducing to the civil establishments of his Nation.  
To which Request of theirs, the Jassinedos, with a becoming gravity, replied, that war was a violence so dreadfully antipathized to humane society and conservation, that as it was generally applied, it vastly complicated all humane miseries: for what can be more deplorably unjust than when the stronger without other provocation, endeavours to subjugate the weaker in power. And if the motives of war throughout the universe were duly examined, it would soon be found that elate Ambition, and boundless desire of enlarging injurious Dominion, is the main instigator of that impious fury that ●oils in the veins of restless States and Princes. As if Providence, that had bestowed the world's vast reception for the benefit and repose of mankind, were of too narrow a space to confine the aspire of warring Sovereignty's. Whereas if but duly contemplated, and surveyed by them, the Map in which is delineated▪ the mighty extension of the earthly element; they could not but observe the void and unpeopled Regions that are contained in its circumference: how glorious an ambition were it next for worldly Potentates, if instead of oppressing the right of Neighbour Nations, they unanimously reprieved from the calamities and sanguine destruction's b● war, such exuberant numbers of their People t●at might quietly enjoy and cultivate a many desolate Climes, that would afford all necessary fertility when so possessed. What national Confederacies, like these, could usefully oblige the souls of Princes and Subjects; should they disembogue their Countries of too excessive increase of their people, in removing of them to soils that want Inhabitants, instead of diminishing of their number by leading of them to die, or possess bloody, acquisitions by the oppressive Sword of Conquest. And this has been not only the constant sentiment of our Astre●dan Government, but practicably used to the Honour and Advantage of our Natives.  
The learned Philosopher assured the Jassinedos, that he had communicated a notion of policy more heroic in Theory, than had been discussed by the accurate Pens and Literature of Schools; but conceived, that like the refined definition and requisites of Virtue, it was more purely estimable in the value of its Idea, than actually practical with humane kind. And though it be obvious to every apprehension, that nothing but universal equity can restrain the arbitrary conduct of such as most predominantly command or allure the subordinate compliance and force of men: Yet should the expedient he mentioned be so far admitted, by the general consent of supreme Potentates; and that the vacant parts of the Earth, instead of forcing aggressions on neighbour Dominions, were to be divided amongst them: would they free themselves from Contests and Quarrels by Arms, by duly accepting of their proportions and dividends? Certainly no more than they do now acquiesce in the sole possessing of ●hat they ought to enjoy. Which, however great, is far too little, if compared with the extent of their Ambition; nor will it be exported by their Wills, farther from home than the next adjacent soil, if advantageously conti●uous to the enlargement of their power. Neither is this Infelicity always conveyed from the facile temptation that the strong in arms have to subdue the weaker: or from the prodigality or luxury of worldly Rulers: whilst in some situations of mankind, the exigencies of nature seem to create martial Aggressors. And thus the cold and barren Climes, too frequently filled with more Inhabitants than they can commodiously sustain, are by the violent alarms of want, summoned to lead forth, and martially vent their People in the next adjacent Region, if more fruitful than their own. But had this necessity no being with humanity, the●e would notwithstanding, on every account, be found a natural instinct in the soul of man to force Superiority; nor is it to be discerned, that Nature has bestowed on him a more temperate Appetite to predominency over his kind, than the creatures subjugates execute in theirs: but with this difference, that the last devour the Animals they destroy; and men, unless such who are Cannibals, only kill one another by several methods, as either Weapons, Famine, Fire, Earth, Air or Water, may contribute to that end. And could the motives I have here alleged, be waved by mankind, would they not judge that too many of them, though not by necessity enforced to be violent disturbers of themselves or o●hers, quietly lived, and that the bosom of their Country was not sufficient to yield convenient repose to their persons, as their numbers increased, to the straightening of their being and subsistence: As also that they could not remove the inconvenience without exposing to forcible destruction some part of the whole, that the remainder might more commodiously survive; so that Providence seems, in a manner, permissively to discompose the sedate felicity that by rational accord men might otherwise possess; and thus they appear no less the contrivers of their own destruction, by the violent fate of war, than at other seasons the fury of malignant diseases compels to Graves no less a multitude; nor does the rage of Arms, otherwise than in course, seem to have a reciprocal progression with not a few obnoxious distempers, incident to humane Nature. All which are fully resembled in the temper and disposition of the subordinate creature; whose number, were they not impaired for the nourishment and use of mankind, and also lessened in their sum by accidental infirmities and periods of life, together with the destruction they make in preying on the bodies of one another, there would not be room, within the compass of the habitable world, to give their individuals' sustenance or being. Which inclines me to conclude, that the dispensations of Providence do in some measure comply with common necessity, though in the severe epithet of permitting destruction, in the kinds I have mentioned, to men and creatures. And I would gladly understand, concluded the Philosopher, if the world does afford any such integrity in a People who are not, for ends I have expressed, Infringers of their repose, or not for their advantage ready to aggress a neighbouring Dominion. Nor did I ever hear of national League or Confederacy that was longer preserved than suitable to their reciprocal benefit; so that men are generally more beholding for their respites from war to public conveniency, than to the conscience of their supreme Rulers. Which shows us that War and Peace, like the usual products of nature, are generated and corrupted by their several vicissitudes.  
The Jassinedos granted, that the Philosopher had judiciously strengthened his manner of reasoning with a received notion of his science; but told him withal, that there was no general observation, appliable to the indirect, conducts of men, but might admit of some exception, if compared with the upright measures approved and practised by others; and this was palpably verified in the actual methods of War and Peace, constantly adhered to by their Astreadan Monarchy; insomuch, that our Sceptre was never stained with the dispossessing of any rightful Dominion. And though our Religion, as was formerly proved, is of a more perspicuous and demonstrative standard than any opposite belief that would undertake to compare with ours; yet we have never otherwise, than perswasively introduced the evidence of our Creed, or enforced the forfeitures of men's possessions for not apprehending so clearly as ourselves, well knowing that the delusive pretences of religious Zeal not seldom accompany the designed ambitious March of the unrighteous Invader. And if on the account of the evidence of our belief, we h●ve n●t armed our violence against the persuasion or right of any legitimate Sovereignty; to be sure we have not engaged our Swords on the side of injurious confederacies, or endeavoured to exalt, by our assistance, any personal Usurpation whereby to exclude the known proprietor of the Royal Throne; nor could we ever be obliged to support, by our warlike valour, any alliance whose cause was unjust, or did not act merely on the defensiv●●art. Abhorring even the reparation of wrong▪ by the spoils of an Enemy, th● frequently the sti●ulated 〈◊〉 of other dominions, as an outrageous source 〈◊〉 whence have widely continued the destructions of 〈◊〉 ●●om age to age, though frequently to the greater loss of such forcible contenders who instead of repairing by violence the wrongs they have suffered by opposers, increase their sum, as they are loser's in attempting their red●ess.  
Wherefore 'tis not only honourable forgiveness that induceth our constitution of State not to retaliate Injuries, but a beneficial conveniency in sparing of that Blood and Treasure, that other Sovereignty's, out of ostentation and pride of power, or to dilate their military grandeur, conceive it looks big in them, if they can enforce miseries on their neighbours, paramount to the wrongs they have formerly received.  
In sum, our War is defensive, yet so judiciously managed, when properly concerned, that we have been always sufficiently provided to give our opposers cause to repent the attempts they have made against us. And this we conceive to have been our safer and nobler satisfaction, when our valour has thus gloriously merited our national esteem and reward, instead of the hazard of Reparation for precedent violations from foreign Adversaries. And if desire of Revenge be no less an Inglorious than Improvident cause of War, or no other in effect but to retaliate one depredation by the committing of another, though perhaps speciously pretended to continue but till the potent claim of martial damages be redressed, to the con●ent of Aggressors; when 'tis seldom observable that Princes will really dispose their hearts calmly to balance, and give lasting satisfaction for their invading and oppressing of a neighbouring principality. Nor is any thing, for the most part, so extravagantly computed as the Arithmetic of S●ates, when the sum of their demands is multiplied by the fractions o● War.  
The Ath●nia● ●enator having attentively considered these mutual discussions, that extraordinarily related to th●●ighest discussions of Policy and War, told the Jassinedos, That notwithstanding he highly applauded the Heroic Integrity of the Astreadan rule and conduct, he could not but apprehend that it was dangerously exposed, even by the virtue of its measures, to the machinations and attempts of foreign Invaders; if no other than defensive Arms were employed to oppose the descent of Enemies from abroad. And what is more usual with the martial policies of Principalities and States, than in their preparations and actual force to be first Aggressors; if but suspecting that any warlike vicinity would be as nimble in assailing of any territories that belong to them: and this manner of prevention or averting of War, by conducting it to the doors of their formidable neighbours, lest its tragical and ruinous scene should be first opened against themselves, has been the subtle expedient of Monarches and Republics: though in construction no other than a furious devastation erected, on the account of weakening their apprehended adversaries, by being foremost in violence. But as supreme Rulers will reserve to their sole arbitrement the perspective of their future dangers, so they will not refrain from employing of such forcible means as does not concentre with the exact standard of Justice; it being least in their thoughts, if commodious for the ends of their ambition and power, what miseries they perpetrate, when they lead the Monster War to prey on free quarter and spoil of their neighbours by their warlike attempts.  
And it is very observable, that a bold Invader will find more confederated partakers, in hopes to be sharers In his acquisitions, than a people can readily engage to their assistance, that act no farther than their internal defence, without any prospect of enlarging their dominion, or being impower'd by the valour of their Troops to oblige the arms of such as would, on those terms, be their Allies in war.  
Nor is any thing more unsafe, as the affairs of the world are exorbitantly managed, than for humane Rule to depend so on the simplicity of its prowess and virtue, as to be in a condition of sufferance from the potency of an Enemy, be●ore it provides to repulse the attacks that may far endanger, if not subvert, the fundamental being of a People.  
And if your Astreadan Militia be not more than ordinarily spirited by the Justice of their martial defence, as also from the approved conduct and fortunate success of their valiant Leaders; I do not perceive how any numbers of your Natives, however large may be their sum, can on the account of their power, be sufficient to resist, insome revolutions of State, the dangers that may arise from the designments of foreign Enemies, and conspiracies at home.  
The Jassinedos replied, that since the Athenian Senator had conceded, that the manner and grandeur of the Astreadan war was highly commendable, as it referred to the defensible preservation of the People; he could not but grant, that the maxim was no less heroically great, which prohibited deplored retaliations, though provoked by the Sword of an injurious Invader. And this has been so happily practised, said the Jassinedos, within our Dominion, that by the entireness of its force, we have been more than enough powerful, not only in defending our Country, but in repelling the complicated aggressions of our Enemies: Neither have we thought ourselves less, in the prospect of our warlike achievements, by not having admitted for our reinforcement, the numerous mingle of confederated Assistants; well knowing that a good cause is seldom made better, or more successful, from the aid it receives by their detachments.  
And if duly considered, the nature and designs of Confederacies, what do they generally imply other than a commixture of so many disagreeable, or indirect ambitions; either as some would continue, by m●ans of an armed League, the Poss●ssions which they cannot otherwise defend; whilst others would attain ●ore ground on their Neighbour's Territories than th●y aught to overcome. If they seem to acknowledge any Prince for Head of their League, and Conduct of their Arms, they are rarely his longer than by him dearly bought. And should the Prowess of his Troops, commixed with theirs, be at any time considerably prosperous, which seldom comes to pass by their Intendment or Hazard on his account, count, they are very inclinable to apply the main glory of the action to their valour and conduct, together with the interest they design to themselves, instead of complying with the expectation of Renown, and latitude of Power, that possibly is the ambition of their capital Guide and Benefactor. If unsuccessful in his Conduct and Attempts, 'tis probable that he may find his mercenary Confederates his worst Deserters, and so secretly too, that he will not timely be able to fill their rooms in his Camp, With other Recruits. Perhaps discerning, when too late, that they have combined to sell him, and his clandestine Intrigues with them, for money disbursed underhand, to his greatest adversary. So that nothing is more apt to end to the detriment of the principal Grandee in a league, than a biassd or fading Confederacy: and doubtless few have reaped the benefit of such stipulations in the sense they were agreed or paid for.  
Do●s not common experience assurse us, that the kindness contracted by Confederacies is no longer continued than suits with the political conveniencies and advantages of the parties engaged. And is it not as certain, that either from disgusts or misunderstandings in the management of their affairs, or from accidental and frequent variation of their measures, they soon wave their precedent Contracts, however firmly obliged to their observance, as they ought to employ their Arms and Conduct. And this difficulty proceeds from their not being able to fit entirely their several Interests, for their common advantage, to any considerable progression of time: Especially when their military opposition is required against a powerful and united Enemy in the figure of a sole Monarch. Well known 'tis to you Grecians, that Philip King of Macedon, Father of the Great Alexander though the extent of his Dominion was small, if compared with the Territories of his Adversaries, not only withstood, by the single force of his Arms and Policy, the confederated Power of the most considerable, if not all the Principalities and States of Greece, when combined to his opposition, but subdued their strongest Forts and Cities; nor were his Legions less signally victorious, when attacking in battle their combined Battalions; till wearied and impaired by the vanquishments they felt by his Force; they separated from their unsuccessful Confederacy; either as they submitted on his terms, or at their request were received into his Alliance. And in this manner was that one Kingdom more prevalent than opulent Greece with its numerous Adherents; which could not proceed from the fertility or supernumerary strength of his Territory, considering that the soil and extent of his Kingdom, was in neither of those respects superior, if compared to the large Surface of Greece, and the Natives it produced. Wherefore it must be attributed to the nature and affection of the Macedonians, as they were in soul duly united and spirited to support and enlarge the glory of their Monarch, rather than any advantageous or prosperous enterprise that could be attributed to the Fortune or Conduct of their military Power. And I dare aver, continued the Jassinedos, that the single Potency of our Astreadan Domion would prove not inferior, as it now stands constituted, were there more strenuous Confederates, its Opposers, than I have mentioned, subdued by the Grandeur of the Macedonian Philip. It being not easily imaginable how any bundles of People associated or combined in the strictest League of War, shall ever be able to vanquish a Nation entirely united, could they perfectly cement their undertake to that one end, which seldom or never, for the reasons before given, they will unanimously conspire to do. And thus, in the consideration of us Astreadans, a foreign Confederacy contrived against our Dominion, would rather provoke our contempt than fear; believing, our defence to consist more on the soundness of our People's Hearts, and the firm tenure of their Obedience to their supreme Magistracy; than in number, however considerable, of embattell'd Squadrons: 〈◊〉 being rarely discerned that a League of War, though upheld by the interest and Treasure of powerful Nations, can far proceed, or endanger a People, that is not internally depraved and fitted to the designs of Invaders; who seldom adventure to make their descent, but where they are assured of having Partakers. Either as they are confident of finding them, or have beforehand prepared Divisions, in a Nation, suitable to their purpose. And this can in no kind come to pass, but where the Hearts of Subjects are perniciously retrograde from the line of their due Obedience, a danger which cannot befall us in the Rectitude our Government now stands: Having by the prudent conferring of Rewards and Penalties, removed to the Shame of Offenders, as I precedently related, such notorious aversions to our Monarchical Regiment, that might otherwise have been perniciously conveyed in the blood of our Natives. And dangerous Revolutions must needs be incident to humane Rule that cannot expeditely provide, by Inflictions or condign Reproach, to avert the delinquencies of evil Principles from the souls and practice of men. It being politically undeniable, that wheresorever the antipathy of Tenants and F●ctions, in opposition to the civil obedience of a People, have any large progression or interest; that the precipitate Ruin of such a Dominion will soon ensue, if not cautiously prevented. Nothing being more difficult, than for a Prince, in such circumstances, to preserve his Rule and Reputation, though his personal desert merit acknowledgement from the most opposite of his People.  
If he would gratify his Subjects by repose at home, to be sure the factious part of them will term it his propenseness to Luxury and Ease, and not his genuine inclination to give them a sedate Tranquillity.  
If contrarily, he would advance his, and their Renown, by war abroad; 'tis no less certain, that they will detract from his conduct on every account, so that 'tis almost impossible for a Monarch so prejudiced by the disaffections of his People to be tolerably secure, either as he would preserve peace within his Territories, or repel the insults of his Neighbour Enemies. Wherefore the main endeavour of a Sovereign, who is complicated with humorous disaffections of any considerable part of his Nation, to perfect his first Victory at home, by subduing obnoxious Principles in the minds of his People; and what can be expected but Seditions and fatal Disasters within his Circle, unless he can reduce the Persons of such disturbers to a due Renunciation of their precedent errors, till when it concerns him to hope, little from Subjects so complicated; whilst too many of them will hold themselves obliged, by the obliquity of their Tenants, to fight against him, instead of venturing their Lives in defence of his Sceptre. Insomuch that a wise and just Sovereign will prove it very hard, in such a promiscuous and disturbed condition of his State, to select Hands and Hearts, notwithstanding their obligation by Oaths and Benefits, that will serve him, as becomes the duty of their trust, in a civil or military Employment, It being very suitable to the temper of such persons, to recede from their sworn and known Allegiance, when advantageously tempted with a fresher Interest; though they have no better argument to make, for being Criminals in that superlative degree, than as they were guided by enormous motives to the deserting of their King, and the Laws of their Country. All which high and terrible inconveniencies, proceeding from disaffection caused by evil Principles, when patronised by men of popular breadth and vogue in their Nation, have been happily remedied, within our Astreadan Principality, by the method I have formerly expressed.  
And whereas it is usual in other Dominions, where indirectness and aversion in Tenants are dangerously prevalent, to provide for the safety of their King and Government, such a chargeable number of armed Legions as may readily suppress any internal disturbance or sedition, within the compass of their State: A provision unnecessary with us, where there is no occasion to maintain a greater number of warlike Troops, than as a prime nursery of military Discipline and Glory, are convenient to attend on the Dignity of our Monarch: His whole Nation being firm in principle, and therefore both his numerous and invincible Army, whensoever he summons, for his royal defence, their martial Assistance. And thus you, have received an exact account of the essential constitution of our monarchical Gubernation in reference to Religion, Policy, War and Peace.  
The Athenian Senator and Philosopher, jointly assured the Jassinedos, that as they were highly obliged by the precedent discourses of the Fidefendon, whereby he had clearly manifested the perspicuity of the Astreadan Belief and Worship, so they were no less obliged to him for the prudent account he had given them, both of the civil and warlike managements of his Nation; desiring him to believe, that by their best sense they should convey the value, to the utmost of their power, for the judicious approbation and use of Other Nations: which might worthily be refined by measures deduced f●om those he had delivered, tending to divine and political concernments. And this they soon would perform, if by the permission of providence they might complete their intended Voyage to Persia and other Dominions; which they resolved with their first conveniency to undertake; giving the Jassinedos and Fidesendon abundant thanks for the many Civilities and Obligations received from them.  
The Fidesendon and Jassinedos with a handsome demeanour, received the acknowledgement made by these worthy Grecians, desiring that they would respite their Journey till they had accepted a farther welcome, by observing the Court and Splendour of that Monarch; as also the Situation, Commerce, and Nature of the Climate, together with such Monuments of Antiquity, as witnessed the long Renown of the Astreadan Nation.  
FINIS.