AN ACCOUNT Of the Proceedings at GUILDHALL, London, At the TOLKE-MOOT, or COMMON-HALL, Held 24th. of June 1676.  
Relating to the Cities Petitioning His Majesty for a new Parliament.  
MR. COMMON SERGEANT,  
IT seems a vain thing for this Court, to be serious about the choice of Magistrates and Officers, for the well Government of this City, except they first take care to remedy those many mischiefs and grievances which the City now groans under, and which seems so to threaten the ruin and destruction of the whole, that if there be not some speedy redress, there will be little need of Magistrates and Officers; for there will be no City or People left here to be governed.  
London has once already been burned to ashes, and firing is now become such a Trade, that not only London, the Burrow of Southwark, and the Places adjoining, but all the Cities, Burroughs, Towns Corporate, and Places of principal Trade throughout the whole Kingdom are perpetually in danger; so that no rational and considerate Man amongst us, can promise himself, his Wife, his Children, or Estate, one night security, but they may all be devoured in the consuming flames, except some speedy and effectual course be taken.  
But this is not all, for were our Houses secure from Fire, yet such is the general decay of Trade, as if not remedied, must inavoidably bring the whole City to poverty and ruin; and it is conceived that this is very much occasioned by the French, who have laid such great Impositions upon our woollen Cloth, Stuffs, and other Manufactures, that we have almost lost our Trade with France, and they have spoiled our Trade with Holland, Flanders, and Germany, by a destructive War. They have ruined our Trade at home, and beggared many thousand of our honest and industrious Weavers, and other English Manufactors and Traders, by the vast quantity of their Silks, and other unnecessary Commodities imported hither. So that upon an exact Balance of the Trade, between Us and them taken, it has been demonstrated that this City and Kingdom doth lose eleven hundred thousand Pounds every year.  
By means whereof, they who in Queen Elizabeth's time might not be suffered to build Men of War, are now grown so powerful at Sea as to be able to beat both Dutch and Spaniard, and have made themselves in a manner sole Masters of the Mediterranean Sea. And they are grown so presumptuous, as daily to injure and affront our English Merchants, and sometimes in His Majesties own Ports. Their Privateers daily take our Merchant Ships, plunder others, strip, imprison, and torment our Seamen, to the great discouragement of our English Navigation, and almost ruin of the Merchant.  
I shall Instance but in one thing more, but that is worse than all the rest, that is the just apprehension that is upon the minds of good Men, of danger to His Majesty's Person, and the Protestant Religion.  
I had not spoken this at this time and place, but having the honour to serve this City in Common Council, I have endeavoured at several times to bring these things before that Court, but could not. In the end of the last Common Council I did desire my Lord Major, that a Common Council might speedily be held, to hear and consider of a Petition about Trade, subscribed by a great number of Citizens of good quality; and his Lordship did then promise that a Common Council should speedily be held: But it is a good time since, and there hath been many Fires and Losses, but no Common Council. Whereof, me thinks, it doth become the wisdom and gravity of this great Court, not ●o admit of any longer delay in a matter wherein their All i● concerned: And I do humbly move (and I conceive it is not only my sense, but the sense of the far greater part of this Court) that some Members of this Court may accompany the Sheriffs, and Mr. Common Sargeant, before we proceed to any other matter, to wait upon my Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, to desire that a Common Council might speedily be held, humbly to Petition His Majesty, that for the quieting and satisfying the minds of His liege People, and for the remedy of the many mischiefs and grievances we now groan under, he would graciously be pleased (according to the Statutes of the 4th. and 36th. of Edw. 3.) timely to call a New Parliament.  
Scarcely were these words a New Parliament pronounced, but a very great number cried out, Well moved, well moved; and though none spoke up formally to the Sheriffs, yet several amongst the multitude spoke enough, to show an high approbation of what had been said, and no one word was spoken in contradiction: Which when the Common Sargeant saw, to prevent (as is conceived) others speaking to the same matter, he spoke to this purpose.  
That what had been moved, seemed to be the general sense of the whole Court, and since the Gentleman that made the motion was pleased to join him with the Sheriffs, and that he must offer his opinion in the matter: It was this, that it was not so proper to carry up that Message before they did proceed to their Elections; as First, To determine their Election, and then carry up an account of these and that together. But many in the Court did insist upon the motion, and desired a Message might be sent up immediately. Whereupon one of the Sheriffs spoke, and did acknowledge, that what had been said by the Gentleman, t●a● spak●●●rst was true; but that he was an old Citizen, and had long known Common Halls, and he did believe that the proper work of the day was the Election of Officers, and therefore he did desire that the Court would proceed to that, and not to carry up the Message till after that was done. To which one replied, That according to his utmost understanding, that Court was one of the Ancientest, greatest, and most powerful Courts in the City; and although the Customary business of this day was the choice of Officers, yet that Court had cognizance of any thing whatever that did relate to the good of the City, and therefore it was conceived that nothing was more proper at that time th●n this, which concerned the preservation of the City from utter ruin.  
Upon which the other Sheriff directing his discourse to the People said, that what the Gentleman had moved there, was true and not unknown to most of the People there present; but that he was of his Brother's opinion, that it was fit first to go on to the work of the day, and not to carry up that Message till after the Election. Many Persons being still dissatisfied, and calling for a present Message to be sent up. Thereupon the Gentleman who first moved the business desired, that since there seemed a difference touching the circumstance of time, made it his Request that they would proceed to Election, and carry up the Message with the Persons elected as the Sheriffs desired, to which the Common-Hall unanimously agreed.  
Upon which, silence being made, the Common-Hall proceeded ●o Election of Sheriffs, and made their Election; And sent up an acco●nt thereon to the Lord May●r ●●d Aldermen, by the Sheriffs and Common Sergeant●, as is usual in such cases. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen presently came down, and took their Seats in the Court of Hustings according to custom; upon which the Common Sargeant came forth to the front of the Court, and declared the names of the Persons elected, and immediately gave back. Thereupon the Common-Hall called out for an Answer to their Message; upon which the Common Sargeant steping forward again, and in the presence of the Lord Mayor, aldermans and Sheriffs, said that he had acquainted his Lordship and the Aldermen with their Request. And that his Lordship has commanded him, to declare unto them that he would be ready to join with them, in that or any other thing for the good of the City: And with that the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, etc. left the Court of Hustings— And dismissed the Assembly.   

To the Common-Hall of the City of London.  
Fellow Citizens,  
OUr deplorable case forceth these lines from me, as the danger of the Father's life made the dumb Son speak: Our City is in danger to be laid again into ashes, and to become like Sodom; wicked Hellish Instruments being hired (as some now in Goal have confessed) to fire our Houses, no Man in City or Suburbs can promise himself safety for a night.  
But if vigilance should preserve our Houses, our City is in no less danger to be depopulated and become desolate, its Inhabitants (through decay of Trade and increase of poverty) daily forsaking it, between three and four thousand Houses lying now desolate. And it's most wealthy Traders already refuse to unite with the City, or to bear a part of, or be concerned in its Government, to support the charge or burden necessary to preserve so great a Body of Traders.  
The Credit of our Merchants (which is like the daily food or life-blood of Traders) is so miserably broken and lost, that Foreigners have with-drawn their Stocks, trusted thereupon several Credits: And no Man knows where to lodge his Money in security; which must make a consumption of all Trade, proportionable to the diminution of Credit.  
Our Merchant's Ship pass in no safety, through the potency of the French, who are now Aspirers to the Dominion of the Sea●, they take our Ships in sight of our Harbours, under vain pretences, and detain them to clear them in their Admiralties, until the Merchant's principles are half spent; the crews of English Seamen (either by want, or miseries) forced, or basely seduced to serve them; to purchase (with our English bloods) the French Domination by Sea as well as by Land.  
Our Seamen on whom depends the greatness, safety, and being of our City, are by the former means and some other, not only lost (in great numbers) to this City, and to England and our People decreased; but are (ignorantly as we will hope) the greatest Enemies to our City and Kingdom, helping to put the King of France into possession of Naval power, that our King can never hope to enjoy his ancient Rights of the Seas Dominion, unless by a vast expense of English blood and treasure.  
Our Artisans, such as Weavers, broad and narrow, Tailors, Hat-makers, Braziers, Shoemakers, Stockinmakers, with the Trades attendant respectively upon these, are so miserably impoverished by the encroachments of several kinds made by the French and others upon us, that their pinching wants have already endangered tumults and seditions among some of them; (and others have waited in vain with great expense) at the door of His Majesty's Council, and of His Parliament when sitting; and how great our danger is, that the poor Artisans hunger may break through our Brick-walls, God alone knows.  
Our Native Manufactures and Commodities (the transport whereof should support the City as well as the Kingdom, are some forbidden by the French King, others loaden with insupportable Impositions, so debased in price that our City and Kingdom, like consuming Prodigals, spend in France ten times our English revenue or growth; and if it so continue, we must become the King of France his Slaves for his Gaieties; as the Egyptians, more excusably, yielded themselves to Pharaoh for bread.  
But 'tis not only our Houses, Trades, Liberties, and Lives, but our Protestant Religion; and therein the Souls of us and our Posterity, are in eminent danger: The Papists amongst us lift up their heads, and say their day is near; and the Monasteries and Convents of English abroad, openly declare that they shall have their Ancient Church-lands and Convents here again, by the French King's aid. And the People are so frighted, that scarce any Man dares buy Church-lands; And those (that say) they will run the Resque, openly declare two years purchase abatement of the price of other Lands, because of the danger of Popery returning.  
And is there any more than the breath of Our King (which may pass before morning) between that and us; If the presumptive Heir of the Crown be a Roman Catholic, what security can be given that the King shall live eight or nine Months? And what safety is there provided for the Protestant Religion, if a Catholic shall possess the Crown? This being our sad condition (judge I pray you) what can save this City, but Laws fitted by a Parliament to our case, in respect of every case and grievance. And may not our case, and the Kingdoms too, be desperate, if we shall wait eight or nine Months for the Parliaments meeting.  
In the sense of this, you were lately moved to desire the Lord Mayor to call a Common Council, to consider of an humble Address to His Majesty, to call a New Parliament speedily, according to the Statutes of the 4th. of Edward the 3d. and the 36th. of Edward the 3d. whereby a Parliament is to be holden at least every year.  
And the Parliament (last held) being so Prorogued, that it cannot be convened within a year, as the Statutes require.  
I appeal to your consciences, whether a more seasonable and necessary motion was ever made? How could a Citizen consult his Fellows (about preservation and the redress of such grievances) in a more proper place or time then in their greatest Assembly, and Court of greatest Power?  
How could he move more modestly, then to desire the debate of the matter might be had in their lesser Assemblies?) their representatives in Common Council) how could he be more studious of Peace, then to avoid the doing of any by that numerous Assembly, lest it might be tumultuous? what can be more innocent, then to pray that the Citizen's authority should show their case to the King, and their thoughts of the means for their relief.  
Yet such is our miseries that such a harmless needful motion, is now taken by some of the King's Council to be seditious and tumultuous, and your Fellow Citizen, and one of your Common Council, is made a Prisoner for it; Oh how sad is our City's case! if His Majesty do not rectify speedily a mistake of dreadful consequence.  
Our Common-Hall is the great authority and power in our City, the chief binding Acts in our City's Government have always been made by the Common-Hall: And the Acts of the Lord Mayor, aldermans, and Council, have been, and may be nulled by the Acts of the Common-Hall; You are instead of the whole Body of the Freemen of the City, to whom all our ancient Liberties and Customs have been confirmed by the great Charter, and by thirty or forty Acts of Parliament.  
But if any of your number may be imprisoned, for mentioning the City's grievances to you, or for moving for an Address to be made by your Common Council to the King according to Law, you are not more an Assembly of any Authority or any use.  
Your ancient Liberty before the great Charter, and that also since, and all the Acts of Parliament are become void to you, and all your Members, if when you are Assembled you must be dumb, lest the use of your Liberty and Faithfulness send you to a Goal.  
Was it ever heard of before, that a Member of a lawful Court or Assembly was imprisoned for making a lawful motion in it; for praying only that the King might be moved that the Statutes, concerning Parliaments might be put in Execution, when need so urgently requires it?  
And if it be said, that such a motion was not the work of the day, being designed to choose Officers, can any be deceived of their prime and greatest liberty, to think that lesser Authority of the City can confine the greater and the highest, or to do nothing in their Assemblies but what the lesser pleaseth, that were to turn the Government of the City topsie turvie, and to make the power of the Common Hall inferior to t●e will of the Lord Mayor, yet in the present case less power was exercised then twelve of the Common Council have frequently used, they having usually demanded a Common Council of the Lord Mayor, and this Common-Hall was only moved to pray it: And had the Assembly been only a Common meeting of English men, upon any occasion whatever, might not any Man have lawfully discoursed, either the Cities or Country's grievances and dangers among them? And show his opinion, that nothing but a new Parliament speedily called was likely to relieve them, and that it was fit humbly to address to the King for it.  
What can be more modest, innocent, and dutiful to His Majesty? How can he know His People's grievances, or the need of a speedy Parliament but by such addresses? If such motions are made criminal, the People are barred for seeking to His Majesty, for relief from their great and in their most extreme danger.  
Even that Law made in the 13th. of this King, for preventing tumults and disorders in petitioning, however were never restrained: Any Man, or number or Assembly of Men from petitioning, or soliciting others to petition for any thing agreeable to the Laws established. But allows the Lord Mayor or Court of Common Council of our City, to address to His Majesty against matter established by Law, in Church or State, thought by them so to be grievances; how is it then possible that a motion should be criminal, that a Common Council should address for a Parliament, as the Law requires.  
Know then my Fellow Citizens, if you the Common-Hall of this our City shall by your silence upon this occasion, agree that your Members may be lawfully imprisoned, for such innocent, peaceable motions, you must bid Adieu not only to all your Rights and Liberties of your City, but to the common liberty of English men; you must and do seemingly bless those breakers of the great Charter of English liberty, whom our Ancestors so solemnly and dreadfully accursed; you must bid farewell to the happy security of our Lives, Liberties, and Estates, by the Laws, whereby every man ought to be safe in his Person and Estate, unless he transgress the Law: And you must yield yourselves subject to the wills of a few Courtiers, and be buried in Goals, or otherwise destroved if you displease them, though in praying for that which might be demanded as your right.  
Good Citizens, let me freely say this one word, if there had been no need of a Parliament to be presently called before this strange invasion of all your City Liberties, and all English freedom, in the imprisoning one of your Members without Bail, for doing his duty in so great an Assembly, this alone were sufficient reason for you, to address to His Majesty for a speedy Parliament.  
FINIS.