How the Christian Slaves are beaten at Algiers.    

THE HISTORY OF ALGIERS And its SLAVERY. WITH Many Remarkable Particularities of afric.  
Written by the Sieur EMANVEL D' ARANDA, Sometime a SLAVE there.  
Englished by JOHN DAVIES of Kidwelly.  
LONDON, Printed for John Starkey, at the Mitre in Fleetstreet, within Temple-Bar. M.DC.LXVI.   

TO THE HONOURABLE Sir Philip Howard.  
WORTHY SIR,  
I Happened to wait on your Honour, when a Relation was brought you, of the Treatment, which some of our Nation, taken by the Dutch, in the last years Engagements, received among them. Upon the hearing of that, and a reflection on what I had read in the ensuing Treatise, I imagined to my self, what parallel might be made between the Slavery at A●g●ers, and the Restraint at Amsterdam, and▪ other places in the Netherlands▪ and, abstracting from the Obligations of a Christian Persuasion on the one side, I weighed the actions of both, by the balance of that Generosity, which may be expected from an Enemy. The result was, an inclination to believe, that downright Mahumetism may rise up in judgement against the feigned professions of Christianity in a Low-Country people, exemplary for their persidiousness to their greatest Benefactors the English.  
Having thereupon fixed my thoughts on the rendering of this Piece of the Slavery of Algiers into English, I withal resolved to dedicate it to that Person, whose easiness of access, even when the last years Contagion was near the height of its rage (a singular favour to a person of my station) had given me the occasion of doing it. It hath pleased that invisible hand, which guides all humane actions, to answer the wishes I made at a great distance hence, to wit, that, at my return, I might find your Honour (as I have) in perfect health. Which indulgence of Heaven fills me with hopes, that a life so miraculously preserved, will, for the future, be as miraculously continued.  
I flatter myself with a presumption of your pardon, for the roughness of this Address, especially when I reflect on the many favours I have received from your Honour since the happiness of my first being known to you. These I must confess have been so great, that they require, not only an acknowledgement, but also a public profession of my being,  
WORTHY SIR, Your Honours most humble, and much obliged servant J. DAVIES.   

ADVERTISEMENT. Concerning the Author and the Work.  
'TIs commonly said, that, by the Pattern, a man may judge of the whole Piece; so, from the miseries endured by the Person, from whom we have the ensuing Relation, it may the more easily be inferred, what is suffered by forty thousand, reduced to the same wretched condition of Captivity. What he writes therefore is not to be looked on as a kind of Romance, to please such as fond imagine, that most of what is acted on the Stages of remote Countries is only the issue of insinuating Fiction; but as a sincere and plain Relation of that diversity of strange accidents and adventures, good or bad, which happened to himself or others, during the time of his Slavery.  
Whereof having given a particular account, from the beginning of his misfortunes, to his happy return into his native Country, he afterwards comes to give an exact, but short one, of the Antiquity of the City of Algiers and its reduction under the power of the Turks; wherein may be seen many particular remarks relating to afric. At last, he closes up the Work with fifty Relations, which he names Particular, as happening to divers persons, his fellow-Captives, either during the time of his Slavery, or not long before, or after it. From all which may be inferred the strange uncertainties, whereto humane Affairs are subject; and what advantages some make of their afflictions, and how irreformable others are in theirs. It was our Author's fortune to be acquainted with his, while he was yet very young; and it may well be imagined, that they have contributed much to his a●ter-advancement. Of which we shall give the Reader only the satisfaction of the ensuing Copy of Verses, printed before the French Edition, which came forth the last year, and so ease him of all further advertisements at this time.  
J. D.   

Nobili Consultissimoque Domino, D. EMANUELI D'ARANDA, I.U.L. Regiae Maj. Cath. a Consiliis, & in Districtu Brugensi, & Territorio Franconatensi, Justitiae Militaris Praefecto, uti de vera Libertate gratulatur, ita perpetuam felicitatem apprecatur OTHO SPERLINS, Phil. & Med. D.  
TU qui, magnorum nunquam non dignus avorum,  
Barbaricas inter puppes, piratica Monstra,  
Cerbereosque canes, caelum jus, fasque perosos,  
Triste jugum vultu didice isti ferre sereno,  
Sortis Aranda tu Faber es, tu pictor Aranda,  
Exant latorum terraque marique laborum.  
Has inter spinas, atque haec dumeta, vepresque  
Haec tibi lecta rosa est, viridi dignissima cedro,  
Publica doctorum quam nunc par pulpita spargis.  
Macte animi fortis! non haec sine numine Divum  
Contigerunt, nec erunt magni sine munere Regis  
Hesperii, tales sueti pensare labores.  
At vos, queis curae est, alieno audire periclo,  
Quid labor, & quantum paupertas sobria possit;  
Discite vos quantum patientia possit inermis,  
Discite quam nullo libertas vaeneat auro,  
Discite inexperti, merces quam grata laborum.   

A TABLE OF THE Particular Relations.  

A Relation of the Captivity and Slavery of the Sieur Emanuel D' Aranda Page 1  
A Short account of the Antiquity of the City of Algiers p. 75  
How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks p. 79  
Of the Situation, strength and government of the City of Algiers p. 97   

Emanuel D' Aranda's particular Relations during the time of his Slavery.  
RELATION 1. The History of a Religious man, a Spaniard, a Slave at Algiers p. 109  
Rel. 2. Of the Gallantry of a Dutch Captain, who with one Ship engaged against five Turkish Galleys and two Bregantines, and worsted them. p. 115  
Rel. 3. The Constancy and perseverance of a Christian Slave in her Religion p. 120  
Rel. 4. Ignorant persons imagine strange things p. 122  
Rel. 5. Of five Turkish-Slaves who ma●e a strange escape by meeting a Dunkirk-Pyrate p. 125  
Rel. 6. A strange effect of an abominable Love p. 126  
Rel. 7. Of two unfortunate Slaves who were put into the Masmora at Tituan p. 127.  
Rel. 8. Of a Portuguez Gentleman taken and brought to Algiers p. 130  
Rel. 9 A new Slave ought to be distrustful of all people p. 135  
Rel. 10. Of a new married couple taken by the Turks and brought to Algiers p. 138  
Rel. 11. Of the ingratitude of a Portuguez Slave p. 140  
Rel. 12. The Custom of bewailing the Dead at Algiers p. 142  
Rel. 13. Of the inconsiderate Zeal, and the prudent p. 144  
Rel. 14. Two Examples of Liberality and Gratitude p. 146  
Rel. 15. Of the celebration of Marriage at Algiers p. 149  
Rel. 16. Necessity is the Mother of Diligence and Industry p. 152  
Rel. 17. Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites, a Slave, and his Patron Alli Pegelin p. 159  
Rel. 18. The use of Poison is very common in afric p. 162  
Rel. 19 The Turks keep their words p. 165  
Rel. 20. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray p. 168  
Rel. 21. A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon p. 172  
Rel. 22. Of a Frenchman who would have turned Turk, but continued a Christian in spite of his teeth p. 173  
Rel. 23. Of the simplicity of a young Jewess p. 174.  
Rel. 24. Of the prudent retirement of a Pirate p. 176  
Rel. 25. How God provides for such as intend well p. 178  
Rel. 26. A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker, a Slave p. 180  
Rel. 27. The odd traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves p. 182  
Rel. 28. A Slave makes use of any thing for hi● livelihood p. 186  
Rel. 29. Of the fidelity of a husband, and the unfaithfulness of his wife p. 188  
Rel. 30. A Scuffle between the Spanish and the Portuguez slaves p. 192  
Rel. 31. A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron p. 193  
Rel. 32. Of a Religious Man, a Slave at Algiers, who out of weakness renounced the Christian Religion, and afterwards repenting suffered Martyrdom p. 196  
Rel. 33. Of the design we had to render ourselves Master of the Ship which brought us to Tituan p. 200  
Rel. 34. Curiosity is satisfied by Time and Patience p. 203  
Rel. 35. The Innocent accused p. 207  
Rel. 36. Fidelity, Constancy, Recompense and Gratitude p. 209  
Rel. 37. A wrack in the Haven p. 212  
Rel. 38. The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue, Knight of the Order of Saint James p. 213  
Rel. 39 What happened between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen, and his old Patroness p. 227  
Rel. 40. Revenge, Malice and Industry p. 234  
Rel. 41. The Renegad●-Engineer p. 238  
Rel. 42. The Disappointment p. 242  
Rel. 43. Of the Impious dutifulness of an Iseland-Slave p. 247  
Rel. 44. The Unfortunate Adventurers p. 250  
Rel. 45. Superstitious Piety p. 254  
Rel. 46. Avarice masked p. 257  
Rel. 47. The imaginary Slavery p. 259  
Rel. 48. The Execrable Revenge p. 263  
Rel. 49. That the Turks prefer Money before Love p. 266  
Rel. 50. The counterfeit Hypocrisy p. 268    

THere is newly printed the History of the C●aribby Islands, viz. Barbados St. Christopher, A●tego Martinico, Dominico, Ba●●onthos, Mevis, St. Martin, etc. being twenty eight in number, in two Books containing the Natur●l and Moral History of those Country's, adorned with many sculptures of all divers rarieties in those Islands, Englished by John Davies. In folio.  
Also, Another Collection of Philosophical Conferences of the French Virtuosos upon questions of all sorts for the improving of Natural Knowledge; made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris, by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation. Englished by G. haver's and J. Davies. In folio.  
Medicina Instaurata, or a brief account of the true grounds and principles of the Art of Physic, with the insufficiency of the Vulgar way of preparing Medicines, and the excellency of such as are made by Chemical Operation, with a light to the true preparation of Animal and Vegetable Arcana's, with a discovery of the true subject of the Philosophical Mineral Mercury, and some light to the preparation and ●se of the said Mercury in the dissolution of Minerals and Metals for Physical use, by Edward Bolnest Med. Lond. with an Epistolary discourse on the whole by the Author of Medela Medicinae. In Octavo.  
All three to be sold by John Starkey at the Mitre in Fleetstreet near Temple-Bar.   

A RELATION Of the CAPTIVITY And LIBERTY Of the Sieur, EMANVEL D' ARANDA.  
HAving continued a whole year in Spain, in order to the design I had to see that Kingdom, and learn the Language, I made account to return into Flanders; but whereas, at my coming from England, I had Landed at St. Lucre's, and had in that Voyage very narrowly escaped being taken by the Turks, as will be seen in the ensuing Relations, I conceived it my safest course to return by St. Sebastian's, to avoid going so far by Sea, and especially the danger of the Turks, who are perpetually Roving up and down the Coasts of Andalusia and Portugal, as also to see Castilia la Vicia, and Biscay. I left Madrid the first of August M.DC.XL. having for my Companion a Countryman, named Renier Salde●s. I came to St. Sebastian's the 13th. following, where I met with Monsieur John Baptist Calo●n, and the Knight Philip de Cherf, and we resolved to Embark in one of the two English Ships which lay in the Port, ready to set Sail with the first fair wind. The same night it came to the Point we wished it in, so that the next day, I went aboard with the three friends abovenamed, but within two hours after we were got to Sea; the weather grew calm, and the same night the wind proved contrary, so that we were forced to Laveer, hoping it would in time prove more favourable to us.  
Having spent four days in that manner, we found ourselves at the Altitude of Rochel in France, where we met with a Frigate of that City, a Pirate, which presently came up to us, and finding ours to be an English Ship, the Captain sent out the Boat with four Soldiers aboard us, to see our Master's Passport, who immediately showed it them, giving the Soldiers a piece of money; which done, the Soldiers returned to give their Captain an account. Whereupon the Captain coming up on the stern of his Frigate, cried out to our Master, that he should look to himself, for there were five Turkish Pirates under sail at the mouth of the Channel. But our Master being a person of no great experience, presumed that the English Men of War; which sometimes came out of that Channel, would secure that Coast against the Turks, and slighted the danger, not considering how unable he was to oppose his enemies, and so went on his Voyage, confident that it was impossible the Turkish Pirates should come out so far, where the Privatiers of Dunkirk and the Dutch were perpetually crusing. Thus, ●he wind continuing still contrary, we had been aboard seven days since our departure from St. Sebastian's, and were still on the Coast of Britain in France.  
The same day about two in the afternoon, we discovered at a great distance two Ships, which we took to be Merchantmen; and soon after we could perceive but one, to wit, the lesser of them, making all the sail she could towards us, and as she came nearer and nearer, we found her to be a Caravel. Whereupon the Master ordered the sails to be furled up, giving this reason, that it was not the custom of the English to run away at Sea; so that the Ship which followed us bearing all the sail she could, was got within Canon-shot, without putting up any colours, whence it might be easily judged that she was a Pirate. But our ignorant Master, ordered the Boat to be put out, to inquire what they were, thinking it had been some French or Dunkirk Pirate. The Turks, who were in the Caravel, (as I understood after I was taken) seeing they were expected with the sails furled up, and that the Boat was put out to Sea, and in a word observing all that is wont to be done when a fight is intended, attributed that procedure to the want of experience in our Master, and the desire he had to defend himself. The Captain of the Caravel in like manner caused his men to furl up their sails, being unwilling to come any nearer us. In the mean time, night came on, and the Caravel continued still in sight, with a Lantern at her stern, as a signal to her Companions. This was the judgement of us Passengers, but our Master laughed at us. All we could obtain of him by fair words, was to put our Ship into a posture of defence; in which preparation we spent the night; but, of four pieces that were aboard, there was only one fit to be used. All these things past while both Ships were in a manner at a stand, both having their sails furled up.  
In that posture the night passed away, and about 5. in the morning (Aug. 22) we discovered two great Ships making all the sail they could toward us. That obliged us to entreat our Master to make away; but he continued obstinate, every one gave his reasons, and the Master, who had not any himself, would not hearken to any from others. About 10. in the morning the two Ships got up to the Caravel, but all without any colours. Soon after they had got the wind of us, and were come up within Musket-shot. There was upon the stern of the greater of the two Ships a Turk, who had a little Flag or Streamer about his arm, and there stood by him a Christian Slave, who cried out in the Flemish tongue, Str●pht v●or Algiers, that is, Deliver yourselves up for Algiers. Whereupon he who held the Streamer displayed it. It was green, wrought with Halfmoons. It is easy to conjecture how much we were pleased with that sight. We proposed it to our Master that he would treat, and proffer to give them thirty two thousand Paracoons, conditionally they would land us on the next place of Christendom; for it sometimes happens that when the Turks take a Ship upon treaty, they keep their words, and set the Prisoners ashore in some Christian Country assoon as they can. But our gallant Master, instead of treating, only asked whether he should have good Quarter? Answer was made from the Turkish Ships, Yes, yes, good Quarter. Whereupon without any more ado; the Master caused the Flag at the stern to be taken down, and with three or four of the Seamen got into the Boat, and made towards the Turkish Ships, to deliver themselves up into the hands of their enemies.  
Assoon as they were aboard there, the Turks greedy of pillage, came presently in their Boat, to the number of ten or twelve aboard our Ship, under the conduct of a Captain, who was an Englishman, but a Renagado. I being on the Deck, he ased me what Countryman I was? Whereto I made answer, that I was a Dunkirker, and by profession, a soldier. Whereupon he replied in Dutch, Have patience Brother, this is the chance of War, to day for you, and to morrow for me. I gave him what money I had about me; and at the same time another, a Turk, putting his hand in my pocket, took out my Box, my Handkerchief, my Beads, and my Prayer-Book; which he returned me again, with the Handkerchief, but the Beads and the Box he kept, by reason whereof he said I was a Surgeon.  
Having rifled those who were on the Deck, and at the Stern, they carried us aboard one of their Ships, leaving in ours about a dozen Turks, to conduct it; and the wind being Easterly, they turned towards the Coast of Spain, and within two days, we discovered that Cape of Galicia, which is called Cap deal ●ort.  
I was all this while as it were in a dream, wherein a man sees strange apparitions, which cause fear, admiration, and curiosity, reflecting on the several Languages (for they spoke the Turkish, the Arabian, Lingua Franca, Spanish, French, Dutch and English) the strange habits, the different Arms, with the ridiculous Ceremonies at their Devotions, assuring you, that all this found me matter of speculation. But admiration, fear, curiosity, and melancholy finding me nothing to eat, and my stomach calling for it, I joined with four Christian slaves, who, though they were allowed nothing but Biscuit, yet made pottage of Rice or something else they had brought with them from ashore. 'Tis to be noted, these slaves came in one of the Algiers Ships, for the Turks make use of Christian slaves for Seamen. The wind continued still favourable.  
The eleventh day after our taking, we got to the straight of Gibraltar, at which passage the Turks observe many superstitious ceremonies; among others, one is, they cast into the Sea a pot full of Oil, and believe that that pot goes to a mountain, called by Seamen, La Montague des Signs. For the Turks a●e●, that there lives there a glorious 〈◊〉, or Saint, who (as they affirm and believe) is nourished by that Oil so cast into the Sea. They also put little Candles lighted on the great Guns, suffering them to burn during that passage, especially when they go through in the night. All these superstitions are performed with many prayers and ceremonies.  
The third day after our passage through that straight, we were got about Sunrising opposite to the City of Algiers, whereupon the Captain caused the great Guns to be discharged, which noise brought all the curious persons about the City to the waterside. For my part, I was asleep among thirteen other Christians, every one with a foot chained, and they had cast Anchor ere we were got out of the Irons. Assoon as I had my feet at liberty, I got up on the Deck, whence I saw the Seaside covered with Alarbes. I asked the Captain (who was an affable person) what those people were, for they had no other clothing, than three or four els of cloth wrapped about their bodies, without any tailor's work about it; he told me, These are the poorer sort, and the Inhabitants of the Villages of this Country.  
Here begins our Tragedy. The Owners of the Ships which had taken us, having got us ashore, conducted us to the Market, where the Christians are sold, to see if any one there knew us. Thence we were brought to the Palace of the Bassa, or Governor. Some give him the title of King, but he is only a Viceroy, inasmuch as he receives his part of the new slaves, to wit, of eight, one falls to him. He was set in the Hall of Audience, crosslegged, as Tailors are here when they are at work, on a spacious seat, covered with a piece of blue Tapestry. He had in his hand a plume of Feathers like a Fan. His Garment was a long Gown of red Silk, and he had on his head a great Turban, neatly interwoven, but his legs were bare. He was a person of a goodly presence. But before we were sent to him, he had already been informed that the Knight Philip de Cherf was a noble Cavalier, and so he took him for his eighth.  
After the Bassa had taken his right, we were brought to the house of an honourable Turk, who was one of the Owners of the Ships which had taken us. As we were going into the house, he asked us in Italian, whether we had eaten any thing that day; whereto we answering that we had not, he commanded one of his Christian slaves, to bring us a basket of Grapes, and some Bread. The house was built after the Italian way of building, the Galleries were of white Marble, both the Pavement and the Pillars, and the Arches very well proportioned, according to the rules of Architecture. We were to lie in the night in those Galleries, on the floor; but I could have wished myself lodged in the Stable, upon Straw. For being not accustomed to such accommodations, in the mornings we were stiff, and in a manner deprived of the use of our arms and legs. We were not to go out of that house, till such time as we were ●old. We stayed there seven days, expecting till some Christian slaves, who were taken before us, were sold. In the mean time, that Christian Master-Traytor, of whom I make mention in my IX. Relation, came to visit and comfort us; but we had notice beforehand that he was a Rogue. The General Alli Pegelin, and some of the chiefest Turks came to see us, in order to the buying of us. They asked us, whether we had wherewith to pay our ransom, and told us, that they would buy us, and find us good passage? We unanimously answered that we had no money, but that we were in hope that some good people in our Country would endeavour to assist us with their Alms.  
The slaves beforementioned being sold the 12. of September, we were brought to the Market. A certain old man with a staff in his hand took me by the arm, and led me several times about the Marketplace, and those who were desirous to buy me, asked me my Country, name, and profession; whereto I made answer, that I was born in the Country of Dunkirk, (instead of saying Flanders) of the City of Dam, and by profession a soldier. They took me by the hand, to see if it were hard and brawny by working, and they caused me to open my mouth, to see whether my teeth were able to overcome Biscuit in the Galleys. Then they caused us all to sit down, and the old man took the first in order, and led him three or four times about the Market, crying, Arrache, Arrache, that is, Who offers most? The first being sold, he was set on the other side of the Market, and another was served after the same manner.  
While the first among us were under sale, I sat between my Companions Monsieur Caloën, and Renier Saldens, who notwithstanding that tragical action, said, fetching a deep sigh, This is a solemn day at my village in Flanders, if we were there, we would drink a glass of good wine, and be merry among our friends. I replied, Methinks this a solemn day with us. Which I had no sooner said, but the old man taking me by the arm caused me to march as he had done the others, crying, Arrache, Arrache. I heard several persons proffering money, yet understood not what they said. I asked an old slave how much they proffered for me? He told me, one offers 190. Pattacoons, and another 200. and at last, the bargain was concluded at 200. Pattacoons.  
He who bought me was a Renegado, named Sab●● Gallan. But the Bassa having a privilege to take to himself any slave at the rate proffered for him in the Market, we were once more carried before him, haing every one in his hat a note of the sum for which he was sold, whereupon the Bassa took us three, to wit, M. Caloën, Saldens, and myself, telling us he had been credibly informed, that we were rich and persons of quality. But notwithstanding the quality he attributed to us, we were carried to the Stables belonging to his Palace, where we found two hundred and fifty other slaves for the supply of his own Galley. We continued in the Stables one and twenty days, where our daily allowance was two loaves of Bread.  
It was now near the end of September, about which time the Galleys make their last course abroad. The slaves who were with us made what provisions they could in order to their going to Sea. There was distributed by the Bassa's order to every slave five Ell● of course cloth, to make a Shirt and a pair of Drawers▪ such as are wor● in the Galleys. I received my proportion with the rest, and it came very seasonably, for I had but one pitiful ragged shirt, and that well stored with vermin. The day the slaves were to go aboard, there came into our Stables five or six young Lads▪ Apprentices to Barbers, who began to shave their heads and beards, who were to row in the Galleys. When they were all shaved and fitted, the Captain of the Galley and the Bassa's Steward came into the S●●ble, and having brought all the slaves of that place into a Court or Garden, they began to distribute the offices and places they were to have in ●owing. And when they had completed their number, there were twenty new slaves over and above. Which the Captain observing said to the Steward, as he passed by us, Let us leave these wretched Rascals ●ashoar, they are yet Savages; which expression we thought no injury at that time.  
The Bassa's Galley went out the same day, accompanied by three other Galleys. In the mean time, we continued in the Stable with the sick slaves, and such as were incapable of service and superfluous. Of the cloth I had received; I made a shift to cut out a shirt, and to make it up, but the Drawers I knew not how to begin. Which a Portuguez Gentleman who was also a slave, observing▪ said to me, Friend, I perceive you are no Tailor by your profession; whereupon he gave three or four aspers (a small piece of money in that Country) to another slave, who cu● out the Drawers and made them up for me.  
The Bassa coming afterwards to be informed that we were not persons of quality, nor rich, as it had been reported, to wit, we three, Caloën, Saldens, and myself, he caused us to be brought into the Hall of Audience, where there was present the General Alli Pegelin, who said to us, Christians, I have bought you of the Bassa, but at a very great rate. He sent us thence to his own house, where there were twenty Women ●laves, Christians, who waited on hi● wife. But they are not often seen▪ in regard they come but very seldom out of their lodgings. There were also ten or twelve Men-slaves who were employed about the house, and forty young Boys between nine years of age and fifteen, whom they durst not trust to go out of the house, for fear of being debauched by the Turks; for Alli Pelegin himself, our Patron, had the reputation of being a hater of that abominable sin. And for those Boys, he kept them only out of ostentation, as great Lords in Christendom keep Pages, Lackeys, and Halberdiers.  
We were sent thence to the Bath of our new Master, which is the place appointed for the Lodging and Abode of such Slaves as are intended to serve in the Galleys. This Bath was a street of his House, of the quality and situation whereof I shall give a short description. In the first place, it had a very narrow entrance, which led into a spacious Vault, and that received its Light, such as it was, through a certain Grate that was above, but so little, that at midday, in some Taverns of the said Bath, there was a necessity of setting up Lamps. The Taverners, or Keepers of those Taverns are Christian Slaves of the same ●aths, and those who come thither to Drink are Pirates, and Turkish Soldiers, who spend their time therein drinking, and committing abominations. Above the Bath there is a square place, about which there are Galleries of two Stories, and between those Galleries there were also Taverns, and a Church for the Christians, spacious enough to contain three hundred Persons, who might there conveniently hear Mass. The roof is flat, with a Terrace, after the Spanish mode▪ We were there five hundred and fifty Christian Slaves, all belonging to our Patron Alli Pelegin; yet did he not allow any one of this great number ought towards his sustenance. The only comfort we had was, that we ●ad three hours every day allowed us to shift for our Livelihood; so that every one was to make the best advantage he could of his industry, as the Reader may see more at large in my XVI. Relation, where I shall show, that necessity is the Mother of diligence.  
Reserving therefore the said account to that particular Relation, I shall here only declare what happened to me the first Night after my disposal into that new Lodging. I knew not where to take up my Quarters, and being not acquainted with any one there, I went in the Evening, with a Coverlet, which I had received in the Bassa's Lodgings, up to the Terrace of the Bath. That place seemed to me the most convenient to avoid being troublesome to any other; for I was a perfect Novice among them.  
Being ready to go to my Loging, a certain slave of the Bath, a Knight of Malta, and his Companion, a Frenchman, began to ask me what news there was in Christendom. While I was telling them what I knew, I heard below in the Quadrangle one of the Guardians (who are those that have the oversight of the Christians, and what they do) crying out aloud, that the next morning such a number of slaves, were to go to work at the break of day, and with that the Guardian went his ways, locking up the Bath. Assoon as the door was locked, I could see an old Fox, a slave, an Italian, bringing in a great burden of Woollen and Linen clothes, Shirts, Brass-pots, and other pieces of householdstuff, who began to cry, Arrache, Arrache. I asked the Knight what it meant? His answer was this, Whereas our Patron does not allow his slaves any thing towards their subsistence, the greatest part of them live upon what they can steal, and every night the booty of the precedent day comes to be sold.  
The next morning, 〈◊〉 the Sun was up, the Guardian coming into the Bath began to cry, S●rsa cani▪ ● baso canalla, that is, Get up you Dogs, come down you scoundrels. (this was the good morrow) He presently conducted us towards that part of the Suburbs which is called Baboloet, where we found all the tools requisite for the making of Ropes, and without ask whether we understood any thing of the trade, we were forced to work. My Companion Renier Saldens and I were appointed to turn the Wheel, which we did with all our strength, and all the diligence we could, because the Guardian still cried out to us, Forti, Forti, and we thought it signified that we should turn as fast as we could. But it seems, in Lingua Franca (which is the common Language between the slaves and the Turks; as also among the slaves of several Nations, it being a mixed Language, consisting of Italian, Spanish, French, and Portuguez, otherwise it were impossible for them to command their slaves, for in our Bath, among five hundred and fifty slaves, there were two and twenty Languages spoken) the word Forti signifies Gently; and therefore having not obtained what he would have by crying out upon us, he came with a good cudgel, and taught us what was the signification of the word forti. We followed that employment five or six days, and whereas I was not accustomed to any hard labour, especially such as that of Rope-m●king, returning to the Bath, I went and laid me down extremely wearied on the top of the Terrace. The two French Cavaliers beforementioned, seeing me so quarrelled, partly out of compassion, partly out of kindness, asked me whether I would take part of this little Chamber, where I might be a little warmer, for in the other place I lay in the open Air. I heartily accepted of their proffer, and afterwards I lay in their Chamber, or to say better, Kennel. And there I erected me a Bed made of Cords upon four sticks, which served for Pillars, much like a Hamock.  
After we had made the Ropes, we were taught another Trade, but much more painful to those who were not accustomed to hard labour, to wit, the pounding of Wheat in a Stone-mortar. That work was extremely painful to me, yet with little advance, by reason of my want of strength, which the Guardian observing, said to me, What a dog art thou? Give over that work, thou art yet too savage. When the Wheat was pounded, it was put into bags, and by misfortune there fell a little of it on the ground, which the Guardian taking notice of, said to me, Pilla esse cani, that is, Take up that you Dog; but I not understanding by his Language what he meant by Pilla, he gave me three or four bangs with a Cudgel over the back, which caused the blood almost to gush out, for I had nothing about me but my Shirt. The Wheat being put into the bags, he gave every one a load to carry▪ but I had hardly gone four or five steps so loaden, ere the bag, for want of strength, began to slide down from my head, so that the Guardian was forced to be so kind as to help it up again, but in requital for his assistance, he gave me three or four blows over the face with his fist, so that the blood came out of my Mouth and Nose, which forced me, notwithstanding the impossibility, to go forward with my load. But as ill luck will have it, ere I had got some few pa●es further, the string which tied up my breeches broke, so that it fell down, together with the bag of Wheat. Finding myself reduced to that extremity, I made a shift to get up my breeches, and by the assistance of some good people that passed by, I got up the bag on my head again, and marched on towards the house of Alli Pegelin our Patron, where being come I fell down once more, being so weary, that I was hardly able to stir.  
But what remedy was there? The greatest work of all was now but beginning, because we were to carry up those bags forty steps high into a Granary, which it would have been absolutely impossible for me to do. But God of his goodness knowing the strength of men, it was his pleasure, that my Companion Renier Saldens, who was much stronger than I, having emptied his bag, and coming down the Stairs, found me at the bottom in a sad condition, to wit, grovelling on the ground, all bloody, sweaty and dusty, and in a word, almost dead, and the Guardian standing over me, and threatening to dispatch me. Whereupon Saldens being a daring and resolute person, said to the Guardian, What do you not perceive that this slave is sick? And with those words he took up my bag, and carried it up for me. It may be easily imagined how kindly I took that act of friendship and compassion.  
That days work being over, I returned in a very sad plight to the Bath, with Renier Saldens, who to comfort me carried me into one of the Taverns within the Bath: for Saldens, when we were taken, had made a shift to hide five or six pieces of Gold. He called for a pot of Wine, and something was brought us to eat, which cost nothing, for, paying for the Wine, all is satisfied, whether a meat or not. As we were eating and drinking, to recruit our spent forces, my other Companion M. Caloën came in. He had been all that day employed in leading a Mule loaden with Biscuit from our Patron's house to the waterside; and whereas in Algiers the Streets are very narrow and dirty, and that the custom is, that when one leads a Mule or Camel loaden, he ever and anon cries Belec, that is, Take heed there; it happened that our new Mule-driver, not knowing the custom, overthrew a Turk in the dirty Streets. The Turk getting up again, and being extremely incensed, drew his Knife (for the Turks in the Cities wear a kind of long Knives, as people do Swords in these parts) but as good fortune would have it, there came in some Turks, who spoke on the behalf of M. Caloën, saying to the Turk who fell down, What would you do, do you not see that this Christian is yet a Savage, and that he does not know the custom? They called him a Savage, because he was then in his Christian habit, after the Spanish mode; and indeed that habit is inconvenient for a slave, in regard it is thence inferred that he is of no long standing there.  
We spent that Evening in mutual relations of what adventures had happened to us the day before. And finding that we were to work every day, yet not have a piece of bread from the Patron, and that we had not confidence and subtlety enough to steal, for that profession requires practise, especially in a place where there are so many Thiefs, and consequently people are the more distrustful, the Knight de Cherf, whom the Bassa had sold to our Patron, Monsieur Caloën, R. Saldens, and I resolved to go to an Italian Merchant, named Francisco Capati, Resident at Algiers, and to receive of him 75. Patacoons, conditionally that he should be paid a hundred at Anwerp. The next day we put our resolution in execution, and the Merchant was content we should have the money, on condition that we were all jointly and severally bound for the whole sum.  
The next day we were to go to delve in the Vineyard belonging to a Countryhouse of our Patron's, which was a very hard work. As we were returning to the City, I fell into discourse with the Guardian, and told him I was a sickly person, and not very strong, and that if he would thence forward put me to some easier work, I would give him in requital of his kindness, four Rials a month, which he granted, conditionally I would give him a months advance, which I gladly did. Whereupon he said to me, hence-forwards you shall only carry four great pots of water to the Lodgings of the Bassa-Guardian, that is, the chiefest of the Guardians. For, there being five hundred and fifty slaves of us belonging all to the s●me Master, there were five or six Guardians or Overseers to look after us. I was extremely well pleased with that new employment. The Bassa-Guardian's Wife was a Negro, but a very good-natured woman. Sometimes she gave me a piece of Bread, or a Mess of Pottage; but that was only when she was to Bathe herself, or when I carried the Bread to the Oven; so that it was a kind of reward for my extraordinary services. I continued in this employment some days, to my great satisfaction. But in regard it is a hard matter for Youth to far well and enjoy leisure without danger of being debauched, it happened one day as I was carrying my ordinary pot, pouring it into the Tinaga (which is a great earthen pot or cistern, wherein the provision of water for the house is kept) there entered into the house a Turkish woman, attended by a Christian slave, an Englishwoman, I asked her whether she would drink a Glass of Sack. I know not whether the Guardian's wife perceived, or heard it, but the next day I was forced to turn over a new leaf, and from thence forwards I was obliged to work with the rest of the Slaves, among whom my work was to serve the Masons.  
I came by little and little to brook that kind of life. This was in the month of December, about which time the Turkish Pirates cruse up and down along the Coasts of Andalusia, knowing that the wines and fruits are then transported in English and Hamborough Vessels. It happened about this time that the Turkish Pirates had taken a Frigate made at Dunkirk, called the Pearl, coming from Malaga. I durst not go to the waterside, because I had been at Malaga, and at Dunkirk, for fear of being known by any one. The same night that the said prize was brought in, a Slave of Anwerp came to me, who knew me by my own name, as having been aboard our Ship when we were taken, and he told me, that in that last prize, there was come a Gentleman, who had asked him▪ whether he knew not two Flemish slaves, one called Monsieur Caloën, the other 〈…〉. Whereupon I desired him to give the other notice that he should not by any means ●●quire for them under those names, insomuch as those persons had changed their names, and were there known and called among the slaves, by those of 〈◊〉 V●●●ten ●erghe, and James Van Zeveren. I 〈◊〉 immediately (not without fear of being known) ●o communicate this news to my Companions, to wit the Knight 〈◊〉 Cherf, Monsieur Caloën, and R. Saldens, and we resolved to go and speak to our Patron concerning our redemption, before we were discovered. For our Patron Alli Pegelin was still persuaded that the Knight de Cherf was some Prince, and we the servants. But upon second thoughts, we conceived it requisite, that, before we spoke to our Patron, we informed ourselves by this new Slave, whether there were any course taken in Spain for our redemption, and should enjoin him 〈◊〉 to speak to any one concerning us or our quality.  
Some days after▪ it happened that this new Slave was sold to our Patron, and brought to his house with the other young Lads, for he was not above sixteen years of age, and very beautiful. I sent him word by M●●thias Perez, that he should come the next day about nine in the morning to the Terrace of the Bath, under pretence of coming to hear Mass; for 〈…〉 said before, those young Lads were not permitted to come out of the house. At the time appointed I met with that new Slave upon the Terrace, who seeing me said, Monsi●ur, I am 〈…〉 to see you 〈…〉 condition. Leona●●, replied I, (for so was he called) 〈…〉 you not to call me Monsi●ur here, my name is James van Z●veren. He thereupon gave me an account, ●ow tha●, in Spain, among our friends, it was known what misfortune had happened unto us▪ and that about fifteen days before some friends of mine▪ Flemings, a● Malaga, had drunk 〈…〉 of their Countrymen who might be in the Galleys off Algiers. I charged him not to discover who we were▪ promising him all the assistance that lay in my power▪ But he knowing that I stood in need of relief myself, gave me three Jewels, which he had made a 〈…〉 save; such as are called in Spanish 〈◊〉, of the value▪ in all, of about ten or twelve Crowns, ordering me to sell or pawn them, as though fit, to help me in my misery. I engaged them for ten Crowns, which was as much as they were worth. That 〈◊〉 came very seasonably, for the seventy five 〈…〉 we had received from the Italian Merchant, were spent, and the Merchant had had no letters that the Bill of Exchange was paid at An●●erp▪ But this fresh supply heightened our courage very much▪ and recruited our credit at the Taverns of the Bath, where there was good Sack brought in from the las● 〈◊〉 which the Turks had taken; whence it came that our Bath ●as every day full of drunken Turks and Christian slaves, who were ●enagadoes; 〈◊〉 only such were admitted as had money. So that it was 〈◊〉 a continual ●air in Flanders. There were thousands of impertinences committed, caused by Drunkenness. And whereas our Patron had set 〈◊〉 those Pirates who had taken the said two Ships coming from Malaga, loaden with Wines, whereof I have spoken before, there were 〈◊〉 two Slaves of 〈…〉 the unloading of those Ships▪ 〈◊〉 for their reward, they had Christian Taverners who bought the wine as much as came to a Patacoon out of every Pipe. For the Turks can neither drink, nor sell wine; and yet the drinking of it is tolerated, but not the selling of it.  
These thirty two Slaves were c●ll'd persons▪ and they were employed in the most painful works. They were all of that quality in the Galleys, which they call Bogavands, that is the outermost men at an Oar. That C●ue is called the Caravan, the one half whereof were Russians or Muscovites, and the other Spaniards or Italians. They had been at work several days about the unloading of those two Ships, and having gotten a considerable sum of money, they returned in the Evening to the Bath as drunk as so many Tinker's. The sixteen Russes took occasion to pick a quarrel with the sixteen Spaniards and Italians, and without many words, they fell a fight, so furiously, that the Guardians who is always at the door, hearing the noise, came immediately to decide the quarrel with a good cudgel, so that both parties were forced to retreat. It was late, and the Guardian went to see whether all the Slaves were within the Bath, and at the same time gave order what was to be done the next day, as the custom was. That done, he went away, locking the door after him. I was walking by chance on the Terrace of the Bath, and assoon as the door was locked, those Spaniards and Italians, met together, in the place where they sold what was stolen, and one of them went to the little room of the Russes or Muscovites▪ and saluted them with this speech; Dogs, Heretics, Savages, Enemies of God, the Bath is now locked, and the Guardian hath sent word, that if you have the courage to fight, you should come out of your hole, and we shall see who will have the better. He had hardly finished his speech ere the sixteen Russes and Muscovites appeared in the Field, falling on immediately, and the Spaniards and Italians received an answer to their Embassy in good bangs with Cudgels, for they had no other Arms then their fists; but in an instant, as the saying hath it, — Furor arma ministrat. Some Forms and Tables that stood before the Taverns, and some Ladders which they also met withal, they converted into Arms, Swords, Pikes and Muskets, defending themselves generously. This engagement happening in the nighttime, caused so terrible a noise and hurly-burly, that a man who had not seen them would have said they were two Armies fight in an open and spacious field. The advantage seemed to be equal on both sides, and the number of the wounded and such as were laid on the spot was much at one, whom I thought dead. They continued in that posture till darkness began to get the upper hand, and yet neither party seemed willing to quit the field. At last a Priest of one of the Religious Orders, who lived in the Bath, and was a person generally well-beloved, came up to the place of the engagement with a Wax Candle in his hand, endeavouring all he could to appease and separate them, telling them they were all Christians, notwithstanding the difference of Religions, and if ever the Patron came to know how they had demeaned themselves, they should not want good cudgelling. This remonstrance put a period to that engagement, whereupon the Surgeons were immediately called up, for there were five or six in the Bath, who belonged to the Patron, who presently fell a dressing the wounded. It was imagined all this would have passed without the Patron's knowledge; but in regard the fight had lasted a good while, and the noise had been great, the Patron having heard it from his Lodgings, came immediately to the Bath with Cresset-lights and Lanterns attended by four or five Guardians well furnished with Cudgels and Bulls-pizzles. He began to inquire what had passed, but those who had fought like Lions slunk away, and hid themselves like Foxes. Notwithstanding that, the Patron, by his exact enquiry, made a shift to surprise one of the Spanish party, and ordering him to be stripped stark naked, he caused him to be held by four Slaves by the hands and feet, with his belly on the ground, and a hundred blows with a Cudgel to be given him over the Back and the Buttocks; which execution performed, our Patron was appeased. The rest of the Combatants hid themselves, fearing the like treatment.  
By this time we had been six months at Algiers, a sufficient term to have received answers from Flanders. We went together, M. Caloën, Saldens, and I, to our Patron's Lodgings, we kissed his Robe, or the Sleeve of his inner Garment (a Turkish Reverence) and I told him that we had been so long at Algiers, presuming that he was sufficiently informed of our poverty, and that we understood that he had agreed with some of his Slaves about their Redemption, conditionally that they should go in a Ship which lay ready to set sail for Legorn in Italy, and that they continued there in prison till their ransoms were paid (for the Great Duke of Florence then permitted some such thing) we asked him how much he would have from us. What are you willing to give, replied he? We expect your excellency should make your demand, answered I, For it may be you will set such a rate on us that there will be no likelihood of any agreement. After he had a little considered, he said, You shall pay two thousand Patacoons at Legorn, or fifteen hundred here. That's absolutely impossible for me, said I, for I am a poor soldier, and therefore I had rather continue a slave at Algiers, then die in prison at Legorn. The most I shall be able to give will be five hundred Patacoons at Legorn. Whereto he made answer, You offer too little, I am now going out of the City for certain days (which was true, for his Horse stood ready for him) we will talk further of it at my return.  
Those words gave me much comfort, for I imagined our Patron thought my proffer not much out of the way. With this answer we returned to the Bath. And our Patron went away with the Slaves of the Caravan, to fell Timber for the building of a new Frigate, against the year following. In the mean time we were at work about a house our Patron had a building in the upper part of the City; for it is to be noted, that the City of Algiers is built on the ascent of a high mountain, and the place where that house was built, was so steepy to get up to, that a Mule could not go up it with any load. So that all the materials were to be carried up on men's backs, or in their arms. This was about the middle of February. The Guardian conducted us to the work, as he was wont, but at our going from the Bath, we ordered the Knight de Cherf to get some kind of pottage ready for us against our return. This Knight was exempted from working, because he was lame.  
While we were at work, two Turks came to the Bath, and asked for three Dunkirk-slaves, named John-Baptist Caloën, Emanuel d' Aranda, and Renier Saldens; but there was not any body knew those slaves. They showed an attestation in Latin; and the Spanish slaves being commonly Seamen, said the attestation was in Dutch, and the French slaves said it was in English. The two Turks began to be angry, and said, Call a Papas, (that is a Priest) or some Gentlem●n, for in the Country of Dunkirk the Papas and the Gentlemen commonly speak that Language, and not such rascally dogs as you a●e. Thence the Spanish and French slaves inferred that the Attestation was writ in Latin. Then they called a slave of Bra●●●●●, by a military name called Francis the Student, because he had studied at Louvain. He writ Letters for the slaves of Dunkirk, as the Reader may find more at large in the XVI. Relation. He read the Attestation, and though we had changed our names, yet by the marks of the time, and the Ship wherein we were taken, he immediately concluded that we must be the three Christian slaves whom the Turks enquired for. Whereupon he made them answer that he knew us very well, and that we were Slaves in that very Bath, but that we were then abroad at work.  
Now Monsieur Caloën and Renier Saldens not fearing blows as much as I did, were got from their work, a●d had hid themselves in some corner of the Bath, where they passed away the time at Cards. This Student found them out, and told them, that there were two Turks below who came from Du●kirk, and that they had letters for them. They both immediately ran down, where they found the two Turks, who gave them a letter, which was from Monsieur Caloën's father. He was very joyful, and the Turks also, because they had found us all at Algiers; for the contract which those Turks had made with our Friends required, that they should deliver us, wherever we were in Barbary. They thereupon conducted Monsieur Caloën and R. Saldens to the house of the Turk Barber Assan, father-in-law to Mustapha Ingles, who was in prison at Bruges, with four others, to be exchanged for us three. The Mother and Grandmother of Mustapha were extremely glad to hear that he was alive, and that he might ere long return into his Country.  
I knew nothing of all this, for I continued at work till the Guardian gave every one permission to go and get something towards his subsistence. I had a good stomach, for it was afternoon, so that hoping to meet with some pottage of the Knight's providing, as we had appointed, I run from my work straight to the Bath, and as I was going in I met with the Student, who said to me, James, I have good news for you, which is, that you are no longer a Slave. For there are two Turks come from Dunkirk, and M. Caloën and Saldens are gone out along with them. This so good and so unexpected news overjoyed me so that I had almost fallen into a swound, so far was I then from thinking of hunger. I went immediately to find out my two Companions with the Turks, whom I met with all four in the Street. Assoon as M. Caloën perceived me, he said to the Turk, This is our third Companion Emanuel d' Aranda. I asked the Turks how my Friends did; they told me that my Mother knew nothing of my misfortune, and that my Brother was well. They came along with us to the Bath, and spoke to the Guardian not to put us to work any more; in regard we were free.  
We spent the remainder of the day very merrily, drinking with our friends upon this good news; but we minded not much the old saying; Joy may be within the house, and grief and sadness at the door. The next day we resolved to sp●ndias merrily as the night before. But about noon; a Jew came to the Bath, by order from the wife of Alli Pegelin, (●he knowing it seems all that passed) to tell us that the ●●ssa would speak with us. We were brought before him; he commanded us to go into a little withdrawing ●oom of the Palace, where were some young Lads, who were Christian slaves, and we continued there about two hours, not knowing why we were put in there, nor what the Bassa would have had with us. At last we perceived coming in to us the Steward with a Cudgel in his hand, saying very roughly▪ You Dogs, which of you writ into his Country to be exchanged for Turks? Whereto we answered, that no body had written to the Country; but that what was done had been done by our friends, without our knowledge▪ At which answer he was extremely incensed▪ and he gave Monsieur Caloën and me some ●●ngs with the Cudgel, saying▪ I will come anon at night, and cut-off your Noses and Ears. Whereto Salde●s answered, Patience, and for reply to that word, he received some bangs with the Cudgel that he might not laugh at us; which done, the Steward said to us, You shall not escape▪ so well as you imagine●▪ you are not Alli Pegelin' s slaves, but the Bassa ' s▪ you were only lent to Alli Pegelin, and the Bassa will not have Turks for your ransom, 〈◊〉 money.  
This business was set on foot against us by the malice of Alli P●gelin's wife in the absence of her husband. For there is a general Law in all parts under the jurisdiction of the Grand Signior, that any Turk, what condition soever he be of, provided 〈◊〉 be a Soldier, may procure the liberty of any Christian whatsoever, provided he pay the sum he 〈◊〉, swearing by the Grand Seignor's head, that it is to deliver another Turk out of Slavery among the Christians. But the Bassa made an exception against that Law, pretending that it was not to be understood of his Slaves, because he represented the Grand Seignor, who was not subject to those Laws. The next day, we writ a letter to Mustapha's Grandmother, in Spanish (for she was a Moor forced thence with the Moors in the time of King Philip the third) by which letter we gave her to understand at large what hall passed in that new prison, and that she should remember, that her Grandchild was in the power of our Friends, and that the injuries were done us would be revenged upon him. This letter put the old woman into great trouble, insomuch that she came immediately to speak with the Bassa's Lady, earnestly desiring her, that she would not suffer us to be ill treated. The Bassa's Lady assured her we should not, and the old woman sent us notice thereof, that we might be no longer in fear, which she did also lea●● we should write into Flanders, that the Turks, who were in prison there, might receive the same treatment.  
Alli Pegelin was not yet returned, and in the mean time, we were kept up in the Bassa's Palace; so as that none from without were permitted to come to us, which yet was sometimes secretly done. Our daily allowance was two little loaves; but we had this happiness, that the Bassa's Caterer was a Frenchman, a Renagado, who had been Lackey to Monsieur Chamois, that is, the Knight of Malta beforementioned. And in regard the Caterer knew that I was familiarly acquainted with that Monsieur Chamois, at Alli Pegelin's Bath, and that we had lain for some months in the same room, he gave us something every day, as Oil, Figgs, Tobacco, or somewhat to eat. Yet here it was that we endured the greatest misery of all our Slavery; for as I said before, we lay in a very little room; with ten or twelve Boys who were full of vermin, and though we spent most part of the day in losing ourselves, yet within an hour after, we were as well furnished as before.  
The Bassa's Steward walked always with a cudgel in his hand, because there was a necessity that some body should be beaten, though it were only for his divertisement. All the satisfaction we had, was, that all the Slaves the Bassa had for his eight part came the first night to lie among us, before they were sent to the Bassa's Bath; and being there were some taken every day, and consequently new Slaves came in, by that means we came to know all that passed in Christendom.  
Having continued in this misery eighteen days, our Patron Alli Pegelin returned to the City. The two Turks who were come to set us at liberty went immediately to salute him, and to acquaint him that there were seven Turks to be exchanged for us three Christians, telling him that they would reimburse what we had cost him. Pegelin made them this answer, I have bought my Slaves to make some advantage by them, and not to exchange them for Turks. Whereto they replied, We are poor Soldiers. Besides you know our privilege, conformably to the Laws, we therefore entreat you to grant our request. Alli Pegelin harkening to their reasons, said to them, I know very well what your privileges, and what the Laws are; but one of you is a person of great wealth, and he ought to have no advantage of that Privilege, because he is no Turk, but only a Moor, and born in Algiers. And he who was born in the City of Algiers, at the time aforesaid, cannot be a Soldier. For you are to know, that the Turks take the Citizens of Algiers for Subjects, having subdued them by force of Arms, because they would have revolted. Upon that account is it that they are not admitted to be Soldiers, and consequently they are incapable of making any advantage of the privilege. But if you will follow my advice, you may have the three Christians, and yet it shall not cost you much, and I shall nevertheless have satisfaction. This advice was liked by the two Turks. Whereupon Alli Pegelin found out this expedient, that these two Turks on the behalf of their four companions Prisoners in Flanders, should go and agree with the Mother and Grandmother of Mustapha Ingles (who was the Moor born at Algiers, and could make no advantage of the privilege) that among them six they would buy two of the Christian slaves, to wit, Emanuel d' Aranda, and Renier Saldens, and that the Mother and Grandmother of Mustapha should buy John Baptist Caloën.  
The two Turks liked the proposal, and put it in execution. They went to Mustapha's Grandmother, and told her they were all poor, yet had resolved among them six to buy the two Christians, and that it was requisite she, being very rich, should oblige herself to buy the third, to wit, M. Caloën. The old woman accepted the condition, and a contract was drawn to that purpose, according to the Turkish way. They went to acquaint Alli Pegelin, that they were agreed, and asked him what he would have for d'Aranda and Saldens. They agreed at five hundred Patacoons for both. Mustapha's Grandmother went the same day to Pegelin, and acquainted him with the misfortune of her Grandson who was in Slavery among the Christians, and that there was no way to recover his liberty, but by delivering a Dunkirk-slave he had, whom she would pay well for. Pegelin replied, If you would have a Dunkirk-slave, to do you a kindness, I will bestow one on you. Nay, replied she, I am content to pay for him, but it must be one, whose name is John Baptist Caloen. Pegelin pretending a little astonishment, answered, How! John Caloën, he is a near kinsman of the King of Dunkirk's, and therefore he will cost you six thousand Patacoons. The old woman hearing this answer was astonished, and without making any reply returned to her house, sending us word, that Alli Pegelin demanded six thousand Patacoons, that she had not so much money, and consequently that she saw no remedy for the recovery of our liberty, if we would not contribute to the making up of that sum. Whereto we returned answer, by the same Messenger, that we would not contribute a penny, and that if she would not redeem us, she might let us perish, but remember withal that her Grandson would also die in Flanders, since he was in the power of our Friends.  
While this affair was under accommodation, there slipped away nine weeks and three days, during which time, we continued in the Bassa's Palace, in great misery, fear, and disquiet. At 〈◊〉 Mustapha's Mother agreed with Alli Pegelin for the redemption of Monsieur Caloën at fourteen hundred Patacoons, conditionally that the said sum were paid before Caloën went from Algiers. Upon this agreement we got out of the Bassa's Palace. When I could walk the Streets, I thought myself at liberty, after so much trouble, so much fear of being ill-treated, and so much misery.  
The first night Monsieur Caloën took up his lodging at Mustapha's Grandmothers, and R. Saldens and I went to the house of a Turk, who had delivered us▪ whose name was Cataborn Mustapha. His habitation was in a great house, where were many soldiers lived together, such as there are in some parts of Flanders. It was a fair Structure, having a Quadrangle with four Galleries, and four stories high. Every soldier had a little room to himself kept very neatly by the Boys, for every soldier almost had a little Boy, or a Christian or a Renagado slave to wait on him. Our new Patron Cataborn Mustapha treated us very well, considering his ability, and made his excuses to us, that he was not the cause of our so long abode in the Bassa's Palace. The next day R. Saldens took his Quarters at the house of a rich Turk named Mahomet Celibi Oiga, Uncle to one of the five Turks who were to be exchanged for us.  
Mustapha's Mother and Grandmother were much troubled about the money they had paid for M. Caloën, giving him very reproachful words, so to force him to pay one moiety of the fourteen hundred Patacoons. On the other side we were earnest with the Turks, to have our liberty, according to the agreement in Flanders. In answer thereto they said (and not without reason) that it were to hazard the loss of their money and the return of their companions; for the contract made in Flanders with our Friends was to this effect, that the Turks were to send us with the soon into some part of Christendom, after they had found us. So that we were forced to make a new agreement with them, that one of us three should be set at liberty, who should be obliged to bring the five Turks remaining in Flanders to Ceuta, Ora●, in afric, Cities belonging to the King of Spain, and the two others should remain behind as Hostages.  
This concluded, it was resolved I should go for Flanders, and that I should be sent with some of the Pirate Ships of Algiers, who were to set me ashore on the Coast of Spain. But as my ill-fortune would have it, a Barbarian King named Bennali, a Tributary to the Kingdom of Algiers revolted, and that Civil War was the cause that the Bassa, to defend the Country, stood in need of the Galleys, so that they could not that Summer go out towards the Coasts of Spain, as they were wont. About the same time there was a Ship of Legorn homeward bound, ready to set ●ail, and our Companion Saldens, who was as desirous of his liberty, as I was of mine, prevailed so with the Turks, as also with M. Caloën, that he was pitched upon to go for the Low-Countries, and so went aboard that Ship of Legorn. I was extremely sad at his departure, considering with myself, that I was to stay behind; but the great promises he made, that he would return assoon as he could, and bring along with him the five Turks gave me some comfort.  
I continued still with my new Patron Cataborn Mustapha. And though he were but a poor Soldier, ye I lived well enough with him: for he would often say to me, Emanuel, be not so melancholy, imagine that you were my Patron, and I your Slave. I did eat with him out of the same dish, sitting down with him, crosslegged, after the Turkish way. He made me the best cheer he could, and often said to me, Emanuel, have I not reason to make much of myself, for I have neither wife nor children, and when I die, the Bassa will be my heir, according to the custom of this Country. I told him, True, you do prudently, and you have reason to live as much as may be at your ease. I could say no less because I did eat and drink with him. But these words did not please a Renegado-boy who waited on him, kept his money, and washed his linen; in a word, that Boy did the work of a woman in the family, and was perpetually grumbling, and saying, You make away with all you have, and there are yet so many days ere any more pay comes in; you should be ashamed to be drunk every day, this is not the life of a right Turk. But my Patron lived nevertheless at the same rate.  
One day being drunk, as he was wont, he fell out with a Bulcebas (that is a Captain of Foot) and among other injurious words, he called him a Christian. The Captain complained, and my Patron was cast into prison, and at the first assembly of the Duana, that is, the Council, my Patron was condemned to receive a hundred blows with a Cudgel on the Buttocks, and besides that to go and serve in the field against King Bennali for the space of six months. I was much troubled at the misfortune of my Patron, who at parting said to me, You must henceforwards go and live at Mahomet Celibi Oiga's house; I hope in God you will be at liberty before my return. If I had any money, it should be divided between us. I made answer, Patron, I am sufficiently sensible of your good inclinations and your poverty, I give you thanks for the kind entertainment I have received in your house. When you come into Flanders, said he, present my service to your Friends, particularly to your Cousin at Dunkirk, for he often made me drink strong Beer.  
After the departure of my Patron, I went to Mahomet Celibi Oiga, and said to him, Cataborn Mustapha is gone to the Army, and hath sent me to lodge at your house. Whereto Mohomet replied, You should with all my heart; but I have no convenience for it in my house. This he said, because my Companion Saldens, while he lodged there, had spoken too familiarly to his wife, a clear argument that he was jealous of him. I earnestly entreated him, telling him, that I knew not whither to go. At last he condescended, and showed me a little room above the Stable, which was at a little distance from the house.  
Some days after my reception there, I was much astonished, that my Patroness spoke ●o● to me. For she understood the Spanish, and spoke also Lingua Franca, and the women of that Country will take any occasion to fall into discourse with the Christians. I dressed my Patron's horse, and I went every day for water to supply the house, though I were not commanded to do either, and by degrees I got into the favour of my Patroness. In the morning, I went along with my Patron to the Shambles, thence he sent me home with what meat he had bought. On the other side, my Patroness sent me to buy fruits and herbs for the house. At length my Patroness' mouth began to open, and she fell into discourse with me so often, that I was afraid it might breed Maggots in my Patron's brains. One time among the rest she said to me, Christian, God send you your liberty, pray tell me, are you poor in your own Country? I am a poor soldier, replied I, You may say what you please, said she, yet you are not like our Gregorio. This Gregorio was another slave of the house, a Native of Galicia in Spain, and in his Country a Fisherman; but there he was a Gardener, at a Garden of ou● Patron's without the City. This slave had a body well made for hard labour, otherwise he had been well brought up, considering his quality.  
This good woman put many curious questions to me every day. She was of high Statu●e, had a comely face, and inclining to fatness, wherein the beauty of a woman consists, according to the opinion of the Africans. Every morning after I had dressed the horse, fetched water, been in the Market and done some other things, I asked my Patroness leave to go to Mass at Alli Pegelin's Bath, which she never denied me. Mahomet Celibi Oiga was a graceful person as to his body, well brought up, and very temperate in his meat and drink, for he drunk only water. He was also very devout in his Religion. He was curious in enquiring news of remote Countries. He asked me how the Spaniards and Flemings lived, and whether the Flemings were Papists Christians, meaning by that word Catholics, because the Catholics have a dependence on the Pope. He understood somewhat of Cosmography. He asked me why the King of Spain, being so powerful as he is, could not with the forces of the Kingdom of Dunkirk, that is, with the Provinces of the Low-Countries, subdue the Flemings; by Flemings he went the Hollanders. I told him that heretofore those Countries had belonged to the Crown of Spain, but that they were revolted.  
My Companion Caloën was at Mustapha's Grandmothers, where he was unworthily treated. For in the house, he was confined to a Chamber with fourscore pound weight of Iron at his leg; and sometimes he was sent to a Countryhouse, three leagues out of the City, where he had not half as much victuals as he could have eaten. Mustapha's Friends, who had given so much money for M. Caloën, beg●n to grumble that they heard no news from Mustapha, and thence took occasion to say, that the King of France had taken the Kingdom of Dunkirk, and threatened to make him pay his ransom, in case they heard not from him within four months. And whereas Sea-affairs are subject to many misfortunes, and that my Companion Saldens should have been on his way with the five Turks, I was afraid all might not be well.  
But God, who looks on the afflicted, gave me comfort when I was most cast down; for my Patroness gave me all the kind words I could expect. I had been six months in that house when I received the first news from my Companion Saldens by a letter of his dated at Ceuta, whereby he gave me an account of his being there with the five Turks, and that we should make all the hast we could to the City of Tituan, in the Kingdom of Fez, to make an exchange, according to the agreement made at Algiers with the two Turks. He writ to me also concerning the seven hundred P●tacoons which Mustapha's friends expected from M. Caloën, which rather than pay his Father said he should perish in the Galleys. But in the Margin he had written in Latin haec propter bene stare, which words we blotted out, and gave the Letter to Mustapha's Mother, that she might get it read and interpreted by some Flemish Slaves, which she did. And whereas the Letter only made mention of the five Turks, not specifying their names, the Woman began to quarrel, saying her Son was not at Ceuta, and that M. Caloën should deliver up her Son, or she would have him burnt, if he paid not his ransom of six thousand Patacoons. But the same day she received a Letter from Ceuta written by her Son, wherewith she was appeased, and we very glad, hoping she would be fully satisfied.  
But as some trouble is many times the shadow of satisfaction, assoon as she had read over the Letter, she ordered a hundred weight of Iron to be fastened to M. Caloën's legs, alleging it was his fault that his Father would not pay the seven hundred Patacoons. But we continued courageous notwithstanding this unexpected traverse of fortune, till we heard of a Ship bound for Tituan, the place appointed for the exchange with the five Turks, who were at Ceuta. Yet were we still in some fear, lest, in case that Ship should be gone without us, we might stay there four or five months longer, ere we met with such another opportunity.  
In this extremity we thought it our best course to take the advice of a Renagado, a Field-officer named Saban Gallan Aga, a person much respected among both Turks and Christians, for his honesty, integrity, and prudence, as being a Man full of Moral virtues, as may be seen more at large in my XIV. Relation. I went, and made this discourse to him; The fame of your Virtues as well among the Turks as the Christian Slaves hath encouraged me to come hither, to desire your advice in my misery. He asked me who I was? I am Emanuel d' Aranda, said I, born in Flanders, one of those three Christians who are to be exchanged for the five Turks taken in the Caravel of Barbar Assan, and in pursuance of a certain contract we made six months since, at Algiers, one of our Companions is gone for Flanders, and now he is come back as far at Ceuta, where he expects us with the five Turks, and according to that contract we are to be delivered at Tituan to complete the exchange. But they do the contrary; for after we have been at vast charges in sending our third Companion, through Italy and France, and now that he hath brought the five Turks by the way of England into Spain, and that they are at the present come to Ceuta, as I told you before, instead of sending us thither, the Grandmother of Mustapha Ingles hath put my Companion John Baptist Caloën into Irons, and demands of him 700. Patacoons. Besides she would have the five Turks brought to Algiers, which is directly contrary to our contract. Saban Gallan replied, I will inform myself of your business, come to morrow about this time, and I will give you my answer and advice. The next day, at the hour appointed I went to him, and asked him whether he had been mindful of me. He answered, I have informed myself of your affair, and you are to know, that the Mother and Grandmother of Mustapha, do this only to see if they can get any money from J. B. Caloen. Take heed therefore that you do not promise any thing, and you are safe enough. You shall infallibly go with this Ship which is now ready, and though Mustapha 's Grandmother threatens you, yet will it come to nothing. For she durst not for all the World detain either you or M. Caloën, in regard the two Turks that are here, and the friends of the other Turks would complain thereof to the Bassa. I thanked him for his advice, and gave him a Bill under my hand, whereby I obliged myself to pay him 25. Patacoons as soon as I were come to Tituan, which I performed accordingly.  
I gave M. Caloën an account of what I had done. He was put into a little Cellar, with a chain at his Leg, and hearing we should go along with the Ship which lay ready in the Port, as also that we should not pay any thing, he was much comforted. While I was speaking to M. Caloën, the old Woman came and asked him, whether he would give the 700 Patacoons; but M. Caloën laughed at her. Which made her imagine, that I had given him some advice, which made her angry with me. The next day she came to my Patroness, and said to her, Why do you not put your Dunkirk- Slave into Irons, that he may not come to give ill advice to his Companion? My Patroness replied, Why should I do so? My Dunkirker serves me faithfully, and therefore I have no reason to put him into Irons.  
The same afternoon, going for some Provender for the Horse, my Patron not being at home, my Patroness had the leisure to tell me, what had passed between her and Mustapha's Grandmother. The next day I went to visit M. Caloën, and as I was telling him what Mustapha's Grandmother had said to my Patroness, the old Woman came in and said to me, When I was last at your Patron's, I spoke to your Patroness, who had it not been for me, had put a hundred weight of Iron about your Legs. I thanked her for her kindness; telling her, I knew well enough what good offices she had done me there. That answer vexed her, insomuch that soon after she sent a Turk to my Patron's, to make a complaint to him, that I hindered my Companion from giving the seven hundred Patacoons, which she expected from him, and to desire him to put me into Irons, or send me to her house, to be put into the same chain with my Companion. Which was accordingly done, without the knowledge of my Patroness; for I was taken in the Streets, and carried to Mustapha's Grand-mother's, where they chained me with M. Caloën, to a chain of a hundred pound weight, and conducted me to a little Cellar; where we know not what would be the issue of all this; for we were afraid, that with beating they would force us to promise something.  
Having been in that place three or four hours, a Christian Slave, named Gregorio came to visit us, who being sent by my Patroness, told me, that she was extremely troubled, and knew nothing of what happened to me, and that if I wanted somewhat to eat, she would send it me, and that I should take heart, for no hurt should be done me; that all this was done by Mustapha's Grandmother, to get our money. This Message of Gregorio comforted us much, and we sent him with a note to a Tavern in Alli Pegelin's Bath, where we had credit, for a pot of wine, and a dish of meat. Now Gregorio coming from my Patroness, the old Woman durst not deny him entrance to us.  
At night, the old Woman came to see us with the Keys of the Cellar, and said to us, Have a care, have a care what you do, this is the last night, to morrow the Ship goes away for Tituan, therefore if you love your liberty, give the seven hundred Patacoons, otherwise you shall die here like Dogs. M. Caloën replied, Since my Father will not give any thing, and that you have seen the Letter, for my part, you know I have not aught to give, and therefore hang me up, if you think good, but remember that your Mustapha is in the hands of my Companion; you know him, and that he is not one who will suffer such an injury to be done to his Friends and Companions. The wrinkled Hag hearing this grew almost distracted, and so using her accustomed menaces, she went away locking the Cellar-door after her.  
The next day, (being St. Andrew's) she came to us before day, saying, The Wind is East, and the Ship will be gone this day, therefore resolve whether you will be set at liberty or not. We answered, If you have a mind to see your Mustapha, send us away, if not, we will continue Slaves. About noon, two or three Christian Slaves, who were to go in that Ship, came to see us (we had set them on work) and to take their leave of us. They desired to speak with the old woman, and said to her, Madam, we hear by our Countrymen these two ●laves, that your Grandson is at Ceuta; we are going away within this half-hour in the Ship which is bound for Tituan, and thence to Ceuta, if you command us any service, we shall faithfully do it. The old Woman hearing that the Ship was ready to set sail, began to cry out, and make a stir as if she had been mad; Hammers, Files, Pincers, to take off the Irons, that my Mustapha may return, O Christians, for God's sake, help us to take the Irons off these two Christians. They, who knew the Ship could not go away to soon, made as if they understood her not, and said to us, Farewell Countrymen, we shall acquaint your Companion Saldens what condition we left you in. And with that they went away.  
Whereupon the ch 〈…〉 man Slaves, who 〈…〉 at last she called 〈…〉 a great deal 〈…〉 chain. In the 〈…〉 insatiable 〈…〉 months' 〈…〉 with the 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 their 〈…〉 chai● 〈…〉 immediate 〈…〉 your 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 kne● there was time enough, 〈…〉 was 〈◊〉 at the Mos●e●ey, (that 〈…〉 ver I 〈◊〉 ended to make all 〈…〉 went 〈…〉 to our house●, to 〈…〉 for the 〈◊〉 she had of me. She 〈…〉 Legs out of the Irons, and that 〈…〉 absolute liberty.  
'Twas about the time▪ th' 〈…〉 Sala is the prayer of the Tu 〈…〉 quey door to expect my Patron 〈…〉 together to speak with the 〈…〉 told us he should not go away 〈…〉 would 〈…〉 with the first 〈…〉 with my 〈◊〉, pressing him all 〈…〉 provision for our voyage, for I 〈…〉 not have any thing aboard but old Bis 〈…〉 ess gave me half a Majorca-Cheese, a 〈…〉 ne fifteen pounds of white Biscuit. M. Caloen 〈…〉 also something of Mustapha's mother. Being ready to be gone, there arose another difficulty, to wit, that the Turk who was to go along with us to Tituan, and to have fifty Patacoons for his pains, should be paid by us; but after some contest, it was concluded, that we should pay the one half, and they the other.  
December the 8. the wind was fair for us, and we went aboard, whe●e we found some Christian Slaves bound for Tituan, there to treat about their liberty with some Merchants, Jews and Moors. Being all aboard, a Gun was discharged, as a signal for the Farmers of the Customs to come and search the Ship, and especially to see whether the Christians who were redeemed had paid the duty; for though the Patron be satisfied, yet before a Christian can be dismissed, he is to pay a certain proportion according to his ransom. Having visited the Ship they returned to the City, whence they gave the signal that the Ship might be gone, inasmuch as they cannot get into the City, until the Ship be at Sea. And this is done, to prevent the stealing of Slaves.  
The wind continued right for us, till we came to the unhappy place Cabo de Tenes, three leagues from Algiers. I call it unhappy, because the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. Oct. 17. lost there by tempest the best part of his Galleys and Ships, when the enterprise upon Algiers failed. Here the wind turned quite contrary to us, which obliged us to return to the place from whence we came, and the next day we got to Algiers. I went to my Patron Mahomet's, where I stayed till the wind turned, which was after some few days, and then we went aboard again. The wind was so good, that, in three days, we passed the Islands of Frumentera and Yvica, and we were got in ●ight of the coast of Valentia. But all to no purpose, for after eight days being at Sea, we were glad to put in again at Algiers, whether we got December 29.  
Those of the City seeing the Ship returned thought she had finished her Voyage, but they were mistaken. I was extremely disordered, for we were sixteen Christians who had been shut up eight days and as many nights in a room towards the Prow, which was but nine foot in length and seven in breadth. And among those sixteen Christians there were some sick, who were very troublesome to the others. And all considered, I wonder we were not all sick, for the tempest lasted eight days without any intermission. So that not one of us during all that time went out on the Deck to clear himself of Vermin or to wash, but continued in our little room like so many Dogs in a Kennel.  
Assoon as they had cast anchor, I went ashore, and to my Patron's who was astonished to see me. I acquainted him what misery we had been in for the space of eight days. I was troubled that we could not advance our Voyage; but the refreshments ashore raised my spirits. Besides, I was glad to see the solemnities used by the Turks, when they celebrate their Easter, which they call the Easter of Ramadan, for they have several Easters. And though I had been at Algiers the year before, yet had I not seen any of those solemnities, for at the time of Easter I was shut up in the Bassa's Palace. This Festival lasts eight days, and is celebrated with great pomp and much rejoicing; there being every day without the City Cavalcades, and certain recreations on Horseback, which in the Spanish language are called Juego de Caguas. And the Turks children are drawn in little triumphal Chariots, and Christian slaves serve for Horses, and they know what is to be given them for their pains. Some in those eight days make a shift to get fifteen or sixteen Patacoons. The other Christian Slaves sold the children some toys or other, as they do at the K●rmesses in Flanders. Others had instruments for some childish plays, and they also made a shift to get money out of the children, and every day there was wrestling, at which exercise some Moors were very expert; but the most considerable celebration of the Easter consisted in drinking (though it be directly contrary to the command of the Alcoran) Wine and Brandy, and making good cheer, which they must eat with a very good appetite. For they fast a whole month before their Easter, whereto they are obliged only in the day time. This Lent, or to say better Fast, is so rigorously observed, that if it were known any one had eaten a bit in the day time, they would pour melted Lead into his mouth, according to their Laws; but in the night they are permitted to eat. And to give people notice that they may eat, Drums are beaten all night up and down the streets. This Easter is also advantageous to the Christians, for as in these parts on New-year's day they give New-yeers-gifts, or something to the Men and Maids, so the Turks do the like at the Easter of Ramadan; and the three or four first days, no slave is put to any work.  
Having seen all these solemnities, the wind continued still contrary till the 14 of January 1642. and then we embarked the third time. Assoon as we were got out of the Port, the wind turned. But in regard we had returned twice, and that some Turks had abused our Master, saying he understood not his profession, he incensed at that reproach swore that he would not return any more to Algiers, till he had finished his voyage, nay that he would rather sink. The wind was absolutely contrary, so that we could only Laveer, hoping it would turn. The eighth day we got before Oran, that is, about forty leagues from Algiers.  
The same night, the Turks who were upon the Guard in the Ship discovered at Sea two other Ships, which continually followed ours. Our Master and his people were afraid they might be christian's. But the next day they perceived they were two Pirates of Algiers; one was the Admiral, named Amet Arrais, born at Dunkirk. Our Master asked them whether they had seen any Christian Ships, whereto having answered that they had not, we pursued our course. Four days after we cast anchor before Tremesen, where we unloaded some commodities. Several Merchants went ashore, and stayed there, to wit, some Jews and Moors, who came along with us. Tremesen was heretofore a powerful Kingdom, and the King of Algiers was a Tributary thereto. But now Tremesen is Tributary to Algiers, and the Bassa of Algiers hath at Tremesen his Caja, that is, his Lieutenant. This Kingdom lies at the utmost part of the Grand Seignor's territories; for at that place begins the Kingdom of Morrocco and Fez. The Grand Seignor is in confederacy with those Kings; but notwithstanding that confederacy, the Kings of Morrocco and Fez are many times in war with those of Algiers, without any violation of the confederacy, as those of Algiers are also many times in war against those of Tunis, yet so as that the Grand Seignor concerns not himself in what the Bassa's do. And yet these two Kingdoms are his. They do not think it making war, when they do not take places of importance.  
Having continued three days at Anchor before Tremesen, the Wind came East, and so was right for us. We prosecuted our Voyage; and whereas divers Merchants, Jews and Moors, stayed ashore at Tremesen, we were almost as many Christians in the Ship, as there were Moors and Turks. 'Tis true there were three and twenty Jews, besides the Turks. Now we Slaves had engaged ourselves in a design at Algiers, before we went aboard the third time, to render ourselves Masters of the Ship, and to Kill all the Turks, if an opportunity presented itself, and to that end, having been twice aboard, we had observed all conveniences. We had also made some preparations in order to the compassing of what we intended. The first proposer of the Design was a Spaniard, who lay all night on the Deck, with seven other Christian slaves, and we sixteen lay below in the little room towards the Prow; as I said before. But though we were shut in, yet with the assistance of our Companions who were upon the Deck, we could secretly open the Hatch, so as the Turks should not perceive it. But the same night that we thought to put our Enterprise in execution, the chief Agent in it, who should have given the Signal, either neglected it, or had not the courage to proceed. So the enterprise proved ineffectual, as may be seen more at large in my three and thirty Relation. After that night we had no opportunity; for the nearer we came to the Coasts of Spain, the more were the Turks in fear of losing the Ship, and the more careful in keeping their Guards.  
Feb. 9 1642. We came to the Altitude of Malaga. The next day about seven, we perceived two Ships making all the Sail they could towards us; which much frighted our Master and the Turks, for we could not avoid coming within their Shot. Our Mast was cleft, so that we could not make a full Sail to get further into the Sea. They came so near us, that we could see their Dutch flags. Our Master commanded all the Christians under Deck. Then he made ready the Boat, that he might forsake the Ship, and get away with the chiefest of the Turks towards the Coast of Barbary, as I was afterwards told by the Turk who was to look to Monsieur Caloën and myself. But these two Ships being Marchant-men, as we understood two days afterwards, had no mind to Fight without any occasion. Our Master was glad to see them pass by without meddling with him. The next day, about the same hour we met with a Pirate of Salley, who asked us whether we had any tidings of some Christian Ships, telling us that the two Dutch Ships we had seen the day before were Marchant-men, that traded on the Coast of Barbary.  
The wind continued still fair, so that Febr. 12. in the Evening, we cast Anchor in a Bay within a League and a half of Tituan. In that place there is a River falls into the Sea, the mouth whereof served heretofore for a Port to the Ships which came to load and 〈◊〉 l●ad Commodities from Tituan. But the Marquess of Santa Cruz's Grandfather, being General of the Spanish Galleys, made that River useless, by sinking in it some old Indian Galleons, loaden with stones and earth. This was done to hinder the Pirates who extremely infested the Ports and Coasts of Spain. Being here at Anchor, we thought we had escaped all the dangers Fortune might prepare for us, and we were in hopes that night to lodge ashore. But this was reckoning without our Host. For the Sea being extremely rough by reason of the East-wind, which forces the Mediterranean into the Ocean, our Master would not suffer the Boat to be put out for fear of some misfortune, that place being as it were between two Seas, which caused a great alteration in the Sea.  
We were therefore forced to cast two Anchors more, and the worst of it was that we could not make out to Sea, by reason the Wind was so high, and that the Bay is as it were a halfmoon of Land, and that the Wind blowing from Sea was very violent. Add to this, that the Storm increased still, insomuch that the next day it was absolutely impossible for us to Disembark. The Master and the Turks were extremely at a loss; and perceiving the Tempest still increased, they knew not what to do, fearing the Cables might break, and that the Ship would run against a Rock, and fall to pieces, without any hope of saving any one of all those who were aboard.  
The Master being thus puzzled, and expecting to be Wracked, called up a Christian Slave, born at Norway, named Hans Maurus, a Man very expert in Navigation. He asked whether he knew any remedy in that imminent danger. The Slave replied, If you will take my advice, with the help of God, I yet see one way to save the Lives of all that are here, but the Ship will be broken to pieces. What is to be done to save our Lives, says the Master? We must, replied he, make ready the Bow-sprit Sail, to the end it may be in a moment set before the Wind, and we must turn the Ship that she may run upon the Sands, (showing the place to which he would have her directed, about a Musket-shot from us) otherwise the wind will force us upon that Rock, and will break the Ship into a thousand pieces. This advice was approved, and the Sail was prepared, as he had ordered.  
This was done about noon, the Tempest still continuing. Which the superstitious Turks perceiving, they said their Sala with the accustomed Ceremonies, making vows to bestow Alms as soon as they came ashore. But no miracle appearing, they resolved to offer a Sacrifice to their Prophet Mahomet, which is the last refuge of the Turks, when they are in danger at Sea: And is done thus. They take alive Sheep, (for which reason they always have some aboard to be used upon such occasions) and if there chance to be any one among them who hath been at Mecca, to visit the place where the Body of their Prophet is, he with many Prayers and ridiculous Ceremonies cuts the Sheep alive into four quarters, and casts them overboard on the four sides of the Ship. We Christians recommended ourselves to the Divine goodness.  
Hans Maurus told us that the Tempest would still inc●●●se till midnight, and that then the Cables would break. Night came on, and the Turk who was to see us safely Lodged, shut us up as he was wont. We desired him, that in case the Ship should run aground, he would let us out, that every one might shift for himself, and save his Life if he could; which he promised to do. Accordingly at midnight, the Moon being just in the full, the Cable of our great Anchor broke, and the two others had lost their hold, in regard they had not above fifteen fathom of Cable, and were dragged after the Ship. We all that were in the Prow prepared ourselves for Death; but the Turk kept his promise, and opening the Hatch, said to us, Christians, come all up, that we may all Dye together. We could not come out otherwise than one after another, which caused a great confusion, for every one endeavoured to get out first.  
As soon as I was got up on the Deck, me-thought I saw a representation of the last judgement. For the Turks were all at the Stern crying out as loud as ever they could, and imploring the assistance of their Prophet Mahomet. About the mainmast there were 〈◊〉 Jews, who addressed their prayers to Abraham, 〈◊〉, and Moses; and we Christians, at least such as were Catholics, directed ours to our Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ, and his glorious Mother. Others, who were of the reformed Religion, and Schismatics, very heartily recommended themselves to God after their way. Nay, I may say, the most wicked person among us seemed then to be very devout. We continued in this perplexity and confusion a good space. And perceiving the two Anchors stayed 〈◊〉 the Ship at all, but were dragged after it, order 〈◊〉 given that the Cables should be cut. Immediately the Bow-sprit Sail was noised up, and the Ship turned with the Prow towards the Land with an incredible force and swiftness. Hans Maurus cried out in Dutch, Take heed of the Mast, I fear me it will fall. But nothing fell, save only ten or twelve Turks, who tumbled off the Deck into the Sea. But the wind forcing the Sea with so much violence to the Shore, those who fell into the water, were by its means immediately forced to the Land. All this happened in less time than a Man could have said a Miserere, and the Ship running aground burst, and most of those who were in it leaped into the Sea, fearing the Ship might cleave asunder. For my part, perceiving that the Ship leaned on one side towards the Shore, that is, the side on which all leaped into the Sea, I was afraid it might fall by reason of its continual agitation, and so thought it not safe to stay any longer on the Deck. And whereas the Ship was built after the Italian way, like the Vessels called Pollaces, which have little Rooms jetting out, as the Galleys have, I went into one of those, and thence leaped into the Sea, where it happened to be so shallow that I had ground, but could not continue long in the same place, by reason of the agitation of the Sea; 〈◊〉 ●hat I was forced to swim three or four fathom, an●●ith that I got quite to Land.  
Having given God hearty thanks for this deliverance, I went to look for M. Caloën; for though I saw him leap into the water, yet was I not certain that he got to land. He on the other-side was in the same perplexity for me. Having at last met, I went to look for the Turk who was our conductor ●rom Algiers. I found him among a company of Christian-Slaves, Turks, and Jews, who stood as close as they could one to another, to get themselves a heat. For being wet, we were almost starved to death. Those who had escaped were numbered, and there were above twenty wanting; but by degrees they came together to the main body, all but two, to wit, a young Lad, a Jew, who was drunk, and a Turk, who was half-distracted. We were now out of all Sea-danger, but not out of that of the Barbarians, who were very numerous all along that Coast. Nay, if they had had any tidings of our misfortune, and that the Ship would have run-a-ground, they would have been there in great numbers, to make a prey of all they could meet with, and to kill us without any mercy; but our Master immediately dispatched away two Turks, who knew the way to Tituan, about a league and a half thence, and they gave notice to the Governor of our misfortune, and desired his assistance against the Barbarians.  
We continued all this time in the cold; but one of the Turks, who took Tobacco having a little Tinderbox about him, we made a shift, with sticks, Barrel-staves and such things as the Sea had cast ash●●●, to make a fire. We passed away the night the best we could; and at the break of day the Barbarians stood at a distance to see whether there were any thing to be stolen; but we being about 70. persons, they durst not come near us. Besides it was not long ere they came from Tituan a party of horse to convey the goods we had saved to the City. The Governor came also in person attended by twenty horsemen armed after the African mode, with long Lances.  
The Turk who was to conduct us hired a horse for himself and his baggage, that is, what he could make a shift to save. For the Tempest beginning to abate about the break of day, what belonged to the Passengers was taken out of the Ship; and most of the goods were saved, but wet and spoiled. When they went in the morning into the Ship, to get out the goods, they found the Turk Alli, whom we gave over for drowned. He was got into the Cabin at the Stern, where he had met with the Master's bottle of Brandy, and had made himself drunk, and so knew nothing of the past danger.  
M. Caloën and I hired a horse for us both, and we got about noon to Tituan. The Jew who was with us got us a lodging, for our money, in the Quarter where the Jews inhabited. After we had been two days at Tituan, there went thence a Cafila (that is, a great number of persons travelling together) to Centa, along with whom there went also two Moors, persons of quality, who were going to Ceuta, to remain there as Hostages, that the Fathers employed about the redemption of Captives (who were then come to Ceuta) might remove thence the more safely to Tituan, to treat with the Governor about the ransoming of certain Christian Slaves. We were glad of that opportunity to write to our Companion Saldens, who should be, as we thought, at Ceuta with the five Turks. For it happens sometimes that when there is any difference between the Governors of those two places, there is no correspondence between them for two or three months together.  
With this Cafila, we writ to Ceuta, thinking Saldens had been there because he had written thence to us, and two days after the Cafila returned with two Fathers of the Order of the Blessed Trinity. Their arrival caused great rejoicing, as well among the Christian Slaves as the Citizens; for the former were in hopes of obtaining their liberty, the latter of receiving money. We went immediately to salute the Fathers, who delivered us a Letter written from Ceuta, by a Spanish Gentleman named Dom Martin de Pegnalosa. The Letter was to this effect, Your Companion Renier Saldens, weary of staying here, is gone to Gibraltar to recreate himself, but hath left me order to supply you with all things necessary; and whereas I find by your Letter, that you would have two hundred Patacoons returned to you, I give order to a Moorish Merchant named Alli Tigarino, to furnish you with the said sum, and the same Merchant will be engaged for you, that you may remain in the City, and not be obliged to go into the Masmora, (the Masmora is a prison under ground) and I will immediately write to Renier Saldens, that he may return hither, to complete the exchange of the five Turks, (who thanks be to God are all well) for you two.  
This news extremely satisfied us; but we had already forgotten, that there is no great distance between mirth and sorrow. The five Turks walked the Streets of Ceuta upon the engagement of the two Merchants, Moors, whose ordinary residence was at Ceuta. In the mean time, though our Companion Saldens was gone but to Gibraltar, yet Mustapha Ingles imagining he was returned into Flanders, or gone to some part of Spain far thence, writ a Letter to Tituan to the Turk who kept us, that Renier Saldens had promised, at his being in Flanders, to contribute seven hundred Patacoons, towards the ransom which his Relations had paid for M. Caloën, and that he should put us into the Masmora, till such time as we had promised to pay that sum. The contriver of this business was Hibraim Arrais, one of the five Turks, who gave out at Ceuta, that M. Caloën and I had promised the seven hundred Patacoons before our departure from Algiers. The Turk who kept us having received this letter communicated it to the correspondents of Mustapha's friends, who thought it fit that we should be put into the Masmora, as well to see whether they might get the seven hundred Patacoons, as to show their readiness to serve Mustapha's friends. The Turk came and gave us an account what had been resolved, telling us it was no fault of his. And thereupon he conducted us to the Masmora.  
This Masmora is a Vault thirty foot under ground divided into three partitions. The greatest of the three is about twenty eight foot in length, and twenty four in breadth; the two others are less. And there were commonly detained there an hundred and seventy Christian Slaves. This prison hath no other light than that of three gates which are above in the midst of the Street, and at each of these grates there is a hook fastened to a Line; and when in the day time any Christians pass by, they charitably bring water to the poor Slaves; or if they have money, they buy somewhat for them; and the hook and line serve to let down what they would give them. The Jailor or Keeper of this prison suffers not any body to come in without giving him something. There is no Privy in it, but the prisoners and Slaves use pots as they do in Spain, and those pots are hung about the Walls, and so serve both for Tapestry and perfume. Besides they are not to be emptied till night, and then an Officer opens one of the grates, and they are drawn up by the hook. And for every pot that is emptied, there must be paid a Bobe, that is about half a farthing, which methinks is a great cruelty, and yet all those who are put into that miserable prison, are forced to lie on the ground, unless they are permitted to hang up Hammocks made of Cords against the Walls, as they do in Ships. But there are so many people, and the place is so straight, that the poor Slaves are forced to crowed together, and lie like so many Herrings. Thence it comes that in the Summer time especially, there is such abundance of Vermin, and so much other nastiness, that it is as troublesome being there as rowing in the Galleys. It was our fortune to be there in Winter. But what troubled us most was, that in the night time, when all were laid in their places, some lewd Boys, Moors, to vex the poor Christians, would cast in filth, stones, water, and other things through the grates. This happened some nights three or four times, and that alarm obliged all who lay near the grates to rise; for all lying on the ground, he who rose not presently was in danger of being trampled underfoot by his companions, the floor being all covered with bodies.  
M. Caloën and I lay in a hole, so that we were not obliged to rise at that alarm. That favour was done us by a Knight of St. James', a Spaniard, named Dom Geronimo de Figuroa, born at Corduba, and a Slave, who was very kind to us. He told us that he took his diet in the Masmora, with four other Slaves, at ten (simple) Ryals a month; whereupon M. Caloën and I desired to be admitted among them at the same rate, and I must confess we were well treated, as Slaves, having as much meat as Nature required, and a cloth laid on our table. Our Host was a Spaniard, who had been thirteen years in that prison, getting his livelihood by that way, and yet, among the one hundred and seventy Slaves, there were but five, who could be treated at that rate.  
While we were in this misery, our Companion Saldens returns to Ceuta, where he received one of my Letters, wherein I gave him an account of all that passed, and that we were in the Masmora, upon order from the five Turks at Ceuta to the Turk who kept us, to put us there, till we promised to give the seven hundred Patacoons, which he had promised in Flanders, as the same Turks affirmed. And to show that M. Caloën and I had promised nothing as to that sum, as they gave out at Ceuta, I sent him also a Letter written in the Turkish language, by the Turk who kept us, wherein he acknowledged, that we had promised him only twenty five Patacoons for himself, and to pay for our passage from Algiers to Tituan. The Turk gave me the Letter unsealed, and I writ a Postscript to Saldens, that he should cause the five Turks to be chained and put into the Masmora at Ceuta, which is a more inconvenient place than that of Tituan, as being under an Oven, which causes an insupportable heat.  
The Fathers employed about the redemption of Captives, whom I spoke of before, returned to Ceuta, without redeeming so much as one Christian. The reason was, that they could not agree with the Governor of Tituan; for the ordinary way of agreeing is, to pay a third part in money, and the other two thirds in commodities, whereof there are patterns shown. The difference was, that the Governor would not take the commodities at the rate set upon them by the Fathers. Besides he would have obliged the Fathers in the first place to redeem thirty Slaves belonging to himself, at the rate of two hundred Ducats a piece. Which the Fathers would by no means condescend unto, in regard that all those Slaves were either Portuguez or French, and the Fathers said, not without reason, As long as there are any Spanish Slaves, we cannot redeem those of other Nations; insomuch as the Alms we bring were given in Spain for the redemption of Spaniards, and it is but reason that they should be preferred before others. Hence it came that the Fathers returned without doing any thing.  
I gave my Letter to a free Christian who went along with the Fathers to Ceuta, desiring him to deliver it to Saldens himself; which he did, telling him, he had left us the day before in the Masmora at Tituan, whereat Saldens was extremely incensed. He immediately ordered the five Turks to be brought to the Masmora at Ceuta, and being at the entrance of it, he said to the Captain Hibraim Arrais, who was one of the five, Pilla Basso, that is in Lingua Franca, Lay him down on the ground, and let four hold his arms and legs, that he may be cudgelled over the back and buttocks: For Saldens had a cudgel ready in his hand; having learned that kind of justice when he was with us at Algiers. Hibraim Arrais began to put off his clothes, weeping, and giving all the fair words he could, and the other four Turks shook like an Aspen leaf, fearing the same Treatment. All that passed by (for this was done in the Streets) made a halt to see the end of the Tragedy. Among other spectators, two Turkish Merchants, who chanced to be at Ceuta about their commerce, passing by the place, said to Saldens, What would you do with these Slaves, are they not unfortunate enough to be Slaves, but they must also be beaten? Salden being extremely incensed, made answer, I will cudgel two or three of these ungrateful Traitors to death, I have suffered them to walk freely up and down the City, and yet not withstanding that kindness, they have caused my Companions to be put into the Masmora at Tituan, (though they had given good security) where they are at this present in misery, and these Dogs walk up and down the City where they please, and they have written a thousand lies to Tituan, to Trapan us out of our money by their malicious inventions, contrary to all right.  
Upon that the two Merchants spoke to the five Turks in their own language, and after their discourse was ended, they said to Saldens, Forbear beating these Slaves, and we will put in security here that your Companions shall come out of the Masmora, and be brought hither with the first Cafila. We will write to morrow for their delivery out of the Masmora. Saldens seemed to be satisfied with what was proposed, yet would fain have given them a beating. But upon the entreaties of some Captain's of the Garrison, he was persuaded to go along with the two Merchants to the Governor, who then was the marquis of Miranda, and Saldens and the two Turks alleged their reasons. After he had heard both parties, and brought them to an agreement, he write a Letter to this effect to the Governor of Tituan. Send me along with the first Cafila two Christians, named John Baptist Caloën, and Emanuel d' Aranda, and I promise you upon the word and faith of a Christian and Knight, that assoon as those Christians shall come to the gate of Ceuta, I will set at liberty the five Turks, named Mustapha Ingles, Hibraim Arrais, Alli Tagarino, Rhodes Mustapha, and Mustapha Oiga.  
There lived at Ceuta a Jew, a man of great reputation for his wealth, who undertook to accommodate (or rather overreach both sides) the difference between the Father's beforementioned and the Governor of Tituan, whether he was to go the next day. The Marquess' Letter was given to him, with order to deliver it to the Governor of Tituan himself, which he did the next day. In the evening, we were let out of the Masmora, with permission to walk within and without the City, as we pleased ourselves. We went immediately to our Chamber in the Jews Quarter, which had been kept during our absence by the Turk who had the oversight of us. What happened in the Masmora, during the time of our being confined there may be seen in the VII. and XIII. of the ensuing Relations.  
We walked up and down with the Turk who kept us, in expectation of the Cafila from Ceuta, having bought us each a white Cloak, such as in the Language of the Country are called Albornos, and a red Cap, garments befitting Christians who had newly recovered their Liberty. Most of the Christian Slaves gave us Letters to be sent to their Friends and Relations. The Jew who mediated between the Fathers for the Redemption of Captives, and the Governor of Tituan having composed the difference, (or to say better overreach both) was to return the next day, which was the 23 of March, 1642. We took two hackney Horses of a Moor who was to go with the same Cafila to Ceuta: And got a couple of Pullet's made ready, and a large bottle of Wine, to refresh ourselves by the way.  
We left Tituan, accompanied by the Knight Philip de Cherf, and some other Christian Slaves our friends to a place within a quarter of a league to the City, where all who went along with the Cafila were to meet. We took leave of such as came along with us, who were much dejected that they were still to continue in that miserable state of Slavery. We got that evening about two Leagues, all along a Champion Country, which from that place to Ceuta is neither cultivated nor inhabited, but absolutely desert, though the soil be fertile enough. We alighted in the open fields, and having unloaden the Mules, three or four Turks with their Cutlasses cut down good store of Wood, and made a fire. For the nights in that Country, as well as in Spain are very cold in March. All settled themselves about the fire, and eat what they brought with them. We entreated some of the chiefest Turks to participate of our provisions, but they would have excused themselves, saying that the Pullet's had been killed by some Christian, and that therefore they could not eat thereof. I was fain to swear that a Turk had killed them; which was true, for we had brought the Pullet's purposely to treat them by the way. Had they been Pirates of Algiers, they would not have been so scrupulous. Having supped well, we lay down by the fire to sleep.  
The next day an hour before Sunrising we took our way towards Ceuta, and from the place where we had quartered the night before to Ceuta, we met not with any person, nor any sign that men had ever inhabited that way, save only the ruins of a house. In our way, a Turk, who was on Horseback, having a firelock killed a wild Boar; but in regard the Turks are not permitted to eat thereof, M. Caloën promised them two Patacoons if they would bring him to the City for us; which they did, cutting it him into quarters, and putting them on the Mules. When the Cafila comes within a league of Ceuta, it must take a certain way that it may be discovered by the Sentinels of the City; and the very coming that way signifies friends. When we were got within two Musket-shots of the City, a Moor said to M. Caloën and me, Christians, stay here, I have order to keep you here, till the five Turks are come hither also. There was no reply to be made; I gave my Prayer-Book to a Jew, who was going to the City, to serve for a signal to Saldens, that he might know we were there, expecting admission into the City. This was about nine in the morning, and we continued there till three in the afternoon, there being no person with us but the Moor who guarded us, devoutly expecting the five Turks. We could not imagine what might be the reason of their stay. But between three and four we saw the gate opened, and the Draw-bridge let down; and there came out some thirty Horsemen armed with Lances and Bucklers of Leather, which in Spanish are called Adargas, and one of the party better mounted than the rest, road a good way into the Country, as it were to make a discovery. Then he put up his Bonnet on the top of the Lance, as a signal that there were no Ambuscadoes. Those of the party having seen that signal divided themselves into divers lesser parties, and planted themselves upon some of the avenues. The Leader of that Party wished us happiness with our Liberty, and told us, that our Companion was talking with the Governor concerning our entrance into the City. While I was speaking with the Captain, I saw coming out of the City a Company of Foot, about one hundred and fifty men in number, which Company drew up into a little Batallion, between the Horse and the City. After that I saw coming out about a hundred Slaves, Turks, and Moors, every one loaden with two heavy Iron Chains, with a great Pot on his Back, and they came between the Body of Foot and the City to fetch Spring-water in their Pots. And this was done twice or thrice a week with the same vigilance, as well out of a fear of being surprised by the Barbarians, as of losing their Slaves.  
Having observed all that passed, we wondered much that Saldens stayed so long. The reason was, that the Governor of Ceuta by his letter beforementioned had promised the Governor of Tituan, to set the five Turks at liberty as soon as we were come to the Gates of Ceuta, which he durst not do at that time, in regard it was publicly known at Ceuta, that a Ship was expected there from Tangiers. And if those five Turks had then been permitted to go for Tituan, no doubt they would have given notice of it to the Pirates of that City, and so the Ship might run the hazard of being taken. On the other side, we were in great hazard and danger, either to be forced to return to Tituan, or remain without the City to be a prey to the Barbarians, who many times come within reach of the Canon of the City. But our Companion Saldens managed the business so well with the assistance of Dom Martin de Pegnalosa, that the Governor having sent for the five Turks, said to them. 'Tis true, I have engaged my word to the Governor of Tituan, that I would set you five at liberty assoon as the two Christians should come to the gates of this City; and now that they are come, I neither can nor dare set you at liberty according to my promise, because you know there is expected here a Ship richly loaden from Tangiers. But to show you that I am a person tender of my word, the two Christians shall return back again to Tituan, or they shall remain without the City, till the said Ship be come in. But if you are content that the two Christians shall come into the City, I promise you upon the word of a Knight, that assoon as this Ship shall come in, I will permit you to depart, and in the mean time I declare you from this present free.  
The Turks accepted of this condition, confiding in the promises of the Governor, yet thought they fit to draw up a little writing of it. Whereupon about four in the afternoon Saldens sent us word that he would come and meet us, but that he was first to speak to the Governor. About half an hour after he came, accompanied by Dom Martin de Pegnalosa, who kindly assisted him in all his affairs. It is impossible to express the joy and satisfaction of his meeting with our Companion after whom we had languished so long. After mutual embraces, all present wished us happiness with our liberty. We made our entrance together into Ceuta, more content than the Roman Emperors when they returned in triumph to the City of Rome. We went to kiss the Governor's hand, presenting him with the head of the wild Boar which had been killed by the way; and as we came out of his Palace, the five Turks came to welcome us: They went along with us to our Inn, where we treated them, and we mutually related to each other our past adventures. Then was it that there passed among us three, the greatest satisfaction and enjoyments, that ever we had, or ever shall have in our lives.  
But, as I said several times before, an excessive mirth will soon meet with some check or other; our Companion Saldens begun to relate unto us, how that one of the five Turks being in prison at Bruges had embraced the Christian Religion. We fell into a consultation what we should do upon that conjuncture. For if we discovered that he was become a Christian, the Governor could not permit him to depart. And whereas he had engaged his word to the Governor of Tituan, that he would set them all at liberty, no doubt he would have sent us back thither. For he was a person understood himself very well, as to what he was obliged to, when he had passed his word to a Mahometan Governor; and he laughed at those, who taught, that a man is not obliged to keep his word with people of another Religion or Sect. To suffer him to go, knowing he was a Christian, went against our Conscience. We advised with an old Cavalier, who was better acquainted with the disposition of the Turks, than he, who, out of zeal without prudence, had converted that Turk. His advice was, that Saldens should speak alone to the Turk, and that his discourse should be to this purpose. Alli (so was his Name) you know that you embraced the Christian Religion in Flanders, what is now your intention? In case he reply, I am a Christian, and I will continue in the Christian Apostolic and Roman Faith: Then Saldens shall say to him, Go to the Governor, and tell him that you are a Christian, and that you will stay here; and go and say the same thing to your four Companions. Then the Governor, in the presence of his Companions, will ask him, whether he will return into his Country. If he answers, that he will not, and if he say that he is a Christian, he shall stay, and the Governor shall be discharged. Saldens put this advice in execution, but Alli made answer that he would return into his Country. Whereupon we engaged ourselves no further in the business.  
Mach 24. 1642. Was the day of our absolute liberty, whereupon one of my friends made these two Chronograms, whereof one shows the day of my being taken by the Turks, the other that of my Redemption.   

Chronicum Captivitatis. MensIs aVgVstI DIe XXII. CaptVs. Chronicum Redemptionis. MartII XXIIII. reDVCtVs fVIt.  
The day after our arrival we went all three to the great Church at Ceuta, to do our devotions. This Church is called, Our Lady's Church of afric, and it is the Metropolitan Church. We kissed the Bishop's hand, who was a devout old Man, and all his train consisted of one Negro-Slave. He asked us whether we were Christians (he meant Catholics) We answered that we were Roman Catholics, and subjects of his Majesty of Spain. Upon this answer the good Bishop gave us his benediction. We stayed at Ceuta eight days, intending to go to Gibraltar with a Brigantine well armed; for that passage is very dangerous. This Brigantine had fifteen banks, and on every bank two Soldiers to Row, who had their Arms lying ready by them. In four hours, we passed from afric to Europe, not without great fear of being once more taken by the Turks, for I knew those Soldiers were as good Seamen, as the English Master, when we were taken, showed himself a valiant Soldier.  
We came to Gibraltar, and stayed there three days, and went to do our devotions at a Chapel a quarter of a league without the City, and directly where the distance is least between afric and Europe, called Our Lady's Chapel of Europe, a place much frequented by all those who have friends and Relations in Slavery. We went from Gibraltar on Horseback for Cadiz, which is two days journey. M. Caloën and I were in our white cloaks and red caps; whence it came that in our way, and at all the Villages where we alighted, all those who had any friends in Slavery came to see us, to know whether we had any Letters or news from them. Being at Cadiz, we got us clothes made us after the Christian mode, and thence we went to Madrid, where we stayed two months all three together.  
Some days after, Saldens went away with his old Master, the Marquis of Solero, for the Army of Catalonia, and M. Caloën and I came to St. Sebastian's in Biscay, and travelled without any Pass through all France, trusting to an Attestation we had from the Fathers employed about the Redemption of Captives, certifying that we came out of Slavery. But where we had no occasion to show the Attestation, we pretended to be Hollanders. Being come to Paris, we were informed that at Dieppe, as also at Calais, the Governors very strictly examined Strangers, especially such as would cross over into England. To avoid this examination we took Shipping at Rouën in a Hamburgher, bound for Scotland. Being at Sea, we told the Master that we would gladly see England, and that if he would set us ashore near Dover, we would give the Boats-crue somewhat to drink. We were accordingly landed within half a league of Dover, whither we went afoot. And the next day we passed over with the Packet-boat to Dunkirk.  
Thus, after divers traverses of fortune and strange adventures, I came to Dunkirk, reflecting on the hardship, the dangers, the vain hopes, the happinesses, the misfortunes, and a thousand other accidents which I had run through, during the time of my unhappy travels, wherein I was much troubled in body, but much more afflicted in mind. I leave it to the Reader, to imagine what satisfaction it was to me, to see the Steeples and other Structures of my dear Country, where I had wished myself a thousand and a thousand times, representing to myself the delightful interview of my dear friends, and particularly my indulgent Mother, from whom, my Brothers and Sisters, for important reasons, had till that time concealed my Captivity, and other misfortunes, persuading her sometimes that I was sick, sometimes that other accidents, yet such as were probable, had happened to me. Amidst these reflections, on the 20. day of August 1642. I came to the City of Bruges, rendering most humble thanks to God, who had conducted me, through so many dangers by Sea and Land, to the gates of the City where I drew my first breath, and gave me the time and convenience to praise his glorious Mother the Virgin Mary, whom all Christians ought to invocate as the Comforter of the afflicted. But for my part, I shall, for many reasons, acknowledge all the days of my life, that I am particularly obliged to honour her, to serve her, and to render her all possible thanks, as a Christian ought to do to the common Mother of all Christians. And in the next place, according to the commandment of God, to honour my natural Mother, whom I found in health with my Brothers and Sisters. The content and joy we had at our meeting, I omit as being beyond expression. But what I have said elsewhere, to wit, that mourning and sorrow are the near attendants of joy and satisfaction, may be further seen here also; for some few days after my return, my Brother-in-law, and dear Mother ended their days, to whom I wish eternal rest; laying aside my Pen, to acknowledge the pains the Reader hath taken in perusing my Adventures.   

A SHORT ACCOUNT Of the ANTIQUITY Of the City of ALGIERS.  
THe City of Algiers is situated in a Province of afric, anciently called Mauritania Caesariensis, on the side of the Mediterranean Sea. Its elevation is at 37. degrees. It is not known who were the Founders of this City, for what is conjecturable seems fabulous. But whtas most certain, is, that Strabo, a creditable Author, speaking of Mauritania Caesariensis, says, that on the Mediterranean, there was a City called Jol, which was rebuilt by Juba, the Father of Ptolemy, who changed the name of Jol into Jol-Caesaria; affirming further, that the said City had a little Island before the Port, at the 37. degree of Elevation. Whence it may be inferred, that he speaks of Algiers; inasmuch as there is no City on the Coast of afric at the 37. degree, which hath a little Island before the Port, but this.  
It is to be observed, that we speak here of young Juba, Son of King Juba the first of that name, and Nephew or Grandchild to that great Boncho King of Mauritania. This Juba, of whom I speak, was taken in the Battle, wherein the forces of Pompey, being retreated out of afric, were defeated by the Caesarian Party. And this young Juba was carried to Rome, fastened to the Emperor's triumphal Chariot, according to the custom of the Romans. Being a young man, he was brought up at Rome, and proved so successful in his Studies, that the Emperor Augustus not only gave him his liberty, but also married him to a daughter of Mark Anthony's and Cleopatra, named Silen●, Queen of Egypt, as Suetonius affirms, lib. 1. and for dowry gave him his Father's Kingdom, to wit, all Mauritania, which at that time, comprehended the Kingdoms of Morocco, Tr●●ante, Fez, Tremesen, Oran, Tunis, Algiers, ●●gy, as far as Bona, which is a vast space of a very fertile and rich ground. Thence is it that Plutarch says, that Juba had a fortunate Slavery; and as Suetonius affirms, lib. 2. Juba in acknowledgement of the kindness he had received, and to continue in the Emperor's favour, gave that City the name of Jo●-Caesaria.  
Whence it may easily be conjectured, that this City was in that time a place of great account, since Juba made choice of it among all those of his Kingdom, to eternise the name of that glorious Prince Augustus Caesar, since he Rebuilt it, and kept his Court there, as Pliny affirms, lib. 5. ch. 2. After Juba's Death, Ptolomey, his Son, succeeded him in his Father's Kingdom: But the Emperor Caligula caused him to be Killed, and by that means, became Master of all those Kingdoms, dividing them into two Provinces, calling the one Mauritania Tingitensis, from the name of the City Tingis, now called Tangiers, according to Suetonius, lib. 2. making that City the Metropolis of Mauritania Tingitensis; and calling the other part Mauritania Caesariana, taking that name from Jol-Caesaria, inasmuch as that City was the Metropolis of that great Province. In that met the Assembly which the Romans called Conventus Provinciarum, and the Roman Governors kept their Residence there. The Emperor Claudius, who succeeded Caligula enriched that City with Roman Colonies, with the same freedom and privileges as the Citizens of Rome then had.  
In the year of our Lord 427. Guntario and Genserico Kings of the Vandals and Alans, having subdued Spain, passed into afric, destroyed and sacked the two Mauritania's, especially the two Metropolitan Cities. And in the year 697. the Alarbes, or Arabians, destroyed in a manner all Africa; but notwithstanding that second Destruction, that City was still Inhabited, and that by reason of its excellent Situation. For the Sea strikes against the Walls of it, and a little Island, distant from the City about a Bow-shot, serves for a Port to it. The Fortifications in that time were very good, and the Soil very fertile, by reason of a great many Springs which water the Gardens. Whence it came, that this City never wanted Citizens. The change of the name of Jol-Caesaria was caused by the Alarbes, who conquered afric; for they called it, as indeed they do at present, Algezir, which signifies an Island, inasmuch as there is a little Island before the City, as if they meant by Algezir, the City of the Island. But in regard Foreiners cannot well pronounce the word Algezir, the Italians and Spaniards call it Argil, the French Alger, and the English commonly Algiers.  
When the Alarbes were absolute Masters of afric, and had made a division of all the Provinces, Mauritania Caesariensis fell to the King of Tremesen, to whom those of Algiers paid tribute a long time, till one Albuferiz a very powerful King of Tunis became Master of the City of Bugy, forcing even the King of Tremesen to be his Tributary. The King of Bugy dying, divided his Territories among his three Children, and gave the youngest whose name was Habdulhaziz, the City of Bugy, making it as it were the Metropolis of that new Kingdom. This King Habdulhaziz engaged himself in a War against the King of Tremesen; those of Algiers finding themselves incommodated by the War, and considering that the King of Tremesen (to whom they paid a great Tribute) had no care of them, nor Fo●ces sufficient to defend them, were obliged to pay Tribute to the King of Bugy, and so they declared themselves enemies to the King of Tremesen. This subjection lasted till the Count Pedro Navarro in the year of our Lord 1509. got for the King of Spain the Cities of Oran and Bugy. Those of Algiers fearing the same success as Oran and Bugy, thought it their best course to put themselves under the protection of the great Prince of the Alarbes, named Selim Eutemi, who had always Lived in the Campagnes about Algiers. This Selim came and made his residence in the City of Algiers to defend it; which he did for some years, till the Turks, by Tyranny, became Masters of Algiers, as shall be seen in the subsequent discourse.  

How the City of Algiers came under the power of the Turks.  
THe ordinary exercise of the Citizens of Algiers, in that time, was to play the Pirates with their Barks with Oars; and this exercise increased daily. In the year 1592. in which King Ferdinand got the City of Granada, great numbers of Moors passed as well from Granada, as from Valentia and Arragon, into afric, who had been brought up in Spain; So that knowing the ways, the Language, and being versed in the business of War, all their work was, by perpetual Incursions, to infest the Coasts of Spain, Major●a, Minorca, Ivica, and the other Islands.  
The City of Oran being reduced in the year 1509. as we said before, King Ferdinand sent a powerful Fleet to destroy the City of Algiers, with all Pirates belonging to it, and to clear the Sea of that barbarous Nation. Those of Algiers seeing that Naval force ready to fall upon them, submitted to the King of Spain, obliging themselves to pay him an annual Tribute: And whereas the main design was to destroy the Pirates, the Spaniards made a Fort within the City▪ kept by a Captain and two hundred Soldiers. This place was always well furnished with Ammunitions, and Provisions, and kept both Pirates and Citizens in awe. As long as that great Monarch lived, those of Algiers paid their Tribute, and patiently endured the inconvenience of that Fort, not presuming so much as to Mutter, till the Death of that King, which happened in the year 1516.  
Upon his Death, they resolved to rid their hands of their Neighbours the Christians, as also of the Fort, that they might pay no more Tribute to the Spaniards. In order to the execution of their design, they sent to Aruch Barberossa, who was then at Higir, a place seated on the side of the Mediterranean Sea, distant from Algiers, Eastward, an hundred and eighty Italian miles, entreating him, as a valiant Soldier (for he was famous at that time for his Victories) to make all the haste he could to Algiers, with his Turks and Galleys, to deliver them out of the hands of the Christians, who much incommodated them by that Fort, promising to recompense him nobly for his p●ins. Barberossa having received this Embassy, was very glad of i●, looking on it as a fit opportunity to make himself Lord of Algiers, and by degrees reduce under his power great Territories in Barbary. He pretended to be much troubled that the Christians lay so heavy on those of Algiers, and made answer, that he wished nothing so much, as that he were able to deliver them out of that misery, and that within a short time he would come and relieve them. The Ambassadors glad of that promise returned to Algiers.  
In the interim Barberossa loses no time. He sends away eighteen Galleys, full of Turks, Ammunition and Artillery, and himself with his Turkish and Moorish forces comes by Land. Selim Eut●mi Lord of Algiers, and the chiefest Citizens were glad to see the ready assistance which Barberossa gave them; they went and met him a days journey short of the City, imagining he was coming straight to Algiers. But Barberossa excused himself, saying, that some affairs of great importance obliged him to go first to Sargil, sixty Italian miles from Algiers, on the Seaside, Westward, promising to return in a short time, and to do what they desired, if not more. Accordingly he went with his forces by Land towards Sargil, giving order to his Galleys, which were already at Algiers, to go immediately towards Sargil, where was Car-azan, one of his Captains, who had commanded some Picaroons of his own Squadron.  
But this Car-azan, thinking it more advantageous and more honourable to command then to be commanded, had debauched some of Barberossa's Ships, and was got to Sargil, enriching himself by his courses on the Coast of Spain, by the assistance of the Moors, who lived there, most Natives of Granada and Valentia, who retired thither when Dom Ferdinand conquered Granada in the year 1492. Car-azan astonished to find Barberossa so near, 〈…〉 to go and wait on him, and to restore him 〈◊〉 Ships and Turkish soldiers he had debauched from him, presuming Barberossa would think it sufficient satisfaction. But Barberossa not admitting any excuses, caused Car-azan's head to be struck off in his presence, took all his Ships, Slaves and Goods as a booty, and the Turkish Soldiers were listed among his own forces. This done, he forced the people to proclaim him their King and Master; and leaving a Garrison of his most trusty Soldiers in the place, he returned with his forces towards Algiers, and his Fleet did the like. Being come thither, all welcomed him, especially Selim Eutemi, who lodged him in his own Palace, doing him all the honour, and entertaining him after the best manner he could.  
This crafty Pirate desirous to persuade them that he had no other design in coming thither then to deliver them out of their subjection to the Christians, the next day after his arrival, drew a Trench, and raised a Battery against the Fort of the Christians in the Island. The Battery being raised, ere ever a Gun was discharged, he sent a Turk to the Captain who commanded the Fort to tell him, that if he would deliver it up, he should have Shipping to carry him and his Soldiers over into Spain▪ and in case they refused, they should be all cut to pieces. The Captain's answer to this summons was, that the proffer of Ships and menaces of death signified nothing to him, those overtures being to be made only to Cowards. Barberossa upon this answer, ordered that they should shoot continually, though the Island was not above three hundred paces distant from the City; yet was 〈…〉 great hurt done, in regard he had only 〈…〉 Field-pieces.  
Having played on the Fort twenty days and nights without intermission, to little purpose, the Citizens of Algiers began to mutiny, and to complain openly, th●t they had brought into the City so many Turks, who committed insupportable violences, and insolently threatened the Citizens. The Prince Selim Eutemi was troubled to see himself so slighted by Barberossa, as well in his own Palace as publicly, and Barberossa's thoughts were wholly taken up, how he should become absolute Master of that City, and the Territories belonging to it. At last, he reresolved (notwithstanding the kind treatment he received) to kill his Entertainer Selim Eutemi with his own hands, and by force of arms to get himself proclaimed King by his Soldiers, and in fine to make the Citizens of Algiers to acknowledge him for such.  
To compass this design without any popular tumult, one day about noon, as Selim Eutemi was going into the Bath of his Palace, to wash, before the saying of the Sala, or midday prayer (as the Turks and Moors, according to the Alcoran, are wont to do) Barberossa, who was lodged in the same Palace, entered secretly into the Bath, attended by some of his people; and finding the Prince alone, naked, and without any Arms, he strangled him, and retiring secretly out of the Bath, left the body on the place. A quarter of an hour after, returning publicly to the Bath, and seeming astonished to see the Corpse of his Entertainer, he called his Servants, and told them their Master had died in a Swoon. This was immediately divulged; but the Citizens having already had some experience of the cruel disposition of Barberossa, imagining him to be the Author of their Lord's death, went every one to his own house, fearing some tumult or massacre. On the other side, the Turks having already had notice of what had passed, appeared armed in the Streets, and with the assistance of some Moors conducted Barberossa on Horseback through the principal Streets of the City, and proclaimed him King of Algiers, without any opposition.  
Selim Eutemi's Son, fearing Barberossa's tyranny, assisted by his Menial Servants, retired to Oran, where he was received by the Christians. The Tyrant being thus proclaimed King by his Soldiers, summoned the wealthiest Citizens to appear before him, and promised them great privileges, if they would acknowledge him absolute King. Which they did, rather forced thereto, then otherwise. He immediately began to Coin money, to fortify the Alcazar (one of the Fortresse's of the City) where he put good store of Artillery, and Garrizoned it with a considerable number of Turks. Some days after, the Turks, finding themselves absolute Masters of Algiers, began to ill-intreat the Citizens, at first by injurious speeches, and afterwards by public plundering, so that now they clearly perceived it had been much better to be tributaries to the Christians than subjects to the Turks. The Government of the new King was so heavy, that the Citizens began secretly to entertain a correspondence with the Governor of the Island-Fort, declaring that their intention was to massacre all the Turks, and to renew the payment of their tribute to the King of Spain. The Captain promised them assistance. On the other side, the Moors of the Country of the deceased Prince Selim E●●●mi promised also assistance to the Algerians, as well out of a desire to be revenged for the death of their Lord, as to exempt themselves from the great tribute which that new Tyrant Barberossa forced them to pay.  
The disorders of this Pirate caused a confederacy between the Algerians, the Moors of Mutiia (the Country of Selim) and the Christians of the Fort. The design was laid, to wit, that a great number of those Moors should, on a day appointed, come into the City, with arms hid under their garments, under pretence of buying some Commodities, and that they should fire twenty two Galliots which lay aground on both sides of the City. And when the Turks went out to quench the fire, the Citizens should shut to the Gates of the City, and then the Christians of the Fort, should come in little Boats to the City, to assist the Citizens. But the design was discovered by the great vigilance of Barberossa, who craftily dissembled what he knew of it. And thereupon, he doubled his Guards, as well in the Galliots as at the City-gates, so that the Moors were so far from firing the Galliots, that they had not the confidence to come near them.  
On a certain day of their Juma, (that is the Friday, which is as it were the Sunday of the Turks) this new King came as he was wont to the great Moskey to say the Sala; and some of the wealthiest Algerians being also come in, the doors were shut of a sudden upon them, and a great number of Turks stood about the Mosquey, so that the Algerians were besieged, and made prisoners. Then Barberossa began to discover what he knew of their design, and commanded them to be bound hand and foot. That done, he caused the heads of twenty Citizens to be immediately chopped off, as those whom he conceived most guilty, and ordered the bodies and heads to be cast into the Streets, where after they had remained a certain time for a spectacle, they were buried in a dunghill. All this happened in the year 1517. And from that time to this present, the Algerians have suffered the Government of the Turks, either by force or fair means, without any contradiction, and consequently they are subject to the Turks.  
In the same year 1517. Selim Eutemi's Son, (who, as was said, retired to Oran) upon the entreaty of the Marquis of Comares, General of Oran, with the assistance of the Cardinal Francisco Ximenes, and all the Counsels of Spain, obtained a Naval Army of ten thousand men, to drive Barberossa and the Turks out of Algiers. For the Counsels of Spain thought it not rational that that Arch-Pyrat Barberossa should make Algiers a refuge for the Picaroons and Pirates, who infested the neighbouring Kingdoms. This Army under the conduct of a Knight named Dom Francisco de la Vexa, and Selim's Son, got near the City of Algiers, but it met with a misfortune, as there did afterwards to the Emperor Charles V. in the year 1541. for a great Tempest surprised them so, that some of the Ships fell foul one upon another, and the rest run aground. So that the greatest part of that Army was swallowed in the Sea, and the Soldiers drowned. Those who had escaped the dangers at Sea, were either killed by the Turks, or made Slaves, and very few returned into Spain.  
This misfortune of the Christians much heightened the courage of Barberossa, and made him more dreadful than before; for by that disaster, the forces of Salim Eutemi's Son, the right heir of the Kingdom of Algiers were lost, he out of all hope of restauration, and the Christian forces very much weakened. All these successes, on the other side, made Barberossa so proud, so insolent, and so insupportable, that the Alarbes, who lived in the flat Country, under the jurisdiction of that Kingdom, finding themselves so cruelly treated by the Government of the Turk, resolved to take for their Protector the King of Tunis (a Country distant from Algiers, about thirty miles Westward) and sent Ambassadors to treat with him about it. This King of Tunis, whose name was Hamidalabde, considering that Barberossa grew daily more and more powerful, and fearing that troublesome neighbour, promised the Alarbes assistance, conditionally they would engage in a joint war against that Pirate; and in case they might get him out of Algiers, that the Moors should bestow that Kingdom on him and his successors. This condition was accepted by the Moors.  
King Hamidalabde got together ten thousand Horse, as well his own Subjects, as from his friends and Allies, and marched with that Army towards Algiers, in June, in the year 1517. The Alarbes, who lived under the jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Algiers, seeing that Army, openly declared themselves enemies to the Tyrant. Whereupon the Army increased daily in both Horse and Foot. Barberossa having intelligence of what passed between Hamidalabde and the Alarbes prepared for War, not only for the defensive, but also for the offensive. All his confidence was in the Valour of his Turkish Arquebusiers, which his enemies wanted. He left the Government of Algiers to his Brother Cheredin, with a small Garrison. And to secure the City, he took along with him twenty of the richest Citizens. He began his march towards his enemies with a thousand Arquebusiers, Turks, and five hundred Moors of Granada and Valentia.  
Barberossa having marched twelve leagues Westward met with the enemy's Army, and the first charge was very desperate. The Turks and Moors being well skilled, with the excellent conduct of their chief Commander gave their enemies a defeat. The King of Tunis seeing the confusion, retreated faster than he came thither, and Barberossa pursued his victory, following him as far as Tunis, where the King durst not stay, for fear of being besieged. He went thence towards Mount Atlas, and Barberossa without any resistance took the City of Tunis, plundering all that unfortunate King had left in his Palace, and the Soldiers doing the like with the Citizen's houses. Barberossa stayed some days to refresh himself at Tunis, and within a short time after was proclaimed King of Tunis by the Citizens that were left behind. The fame of this victory spread over all Africa; and it happening at that time, that the Moors of the Kingdom of Tremesen (which is fifty leagues from Tunis Westward) had some difference with their King, they sent word to Barberossa, that if he would come thither with his Turks, they would make him Master of the City, and the whole Kingdom.  
Barberossa having heard this proposal, thought he should not let slip so fair an opportunity. He writ a letter to his Brother at Algiers, to send him immediately by Sea ten little Guns, with all things requisite for them; which his Brother did, sending him five Galliots loaden with Artillery, Powder, and other Ammunition. Barberossa having received them, took a good quantity of provisions, which he put upon Horses, and began his march towards Tremesen. Several Nations of Moors, through whose Countries he passed submitted to him, and some followed him, in hopes of good booty.  
But Aruch Barberossa finding himself got so far into the Country was afraid the King of Tunis, who was driven out of his Kingdom, might return with some Moors to recover it, and prevent his retreat, or that the General of Oran might come out with his forces, and hinder his return. All this hindered not his marching into the Country, commanding his third Brother Isaac Beniioub to keep the City of Tunis, with two hundred Musketters, Turks, and some Moors, He marched four leagues beyond Oran, where he met with Abuziien King of Tremesen, who knew nothing of the infidelity of his Subjects; but hearing of Barberossa's advance, he thought it fitter to meet him in the field with his forces then to expect him, and suffer himself to be shut up in a City, as not being over-confident of the Citizens of Tremesen. His Army consisted of six thousand Horse, and three thousand Foot.  
As soon as both Armies were in sight, they were set in order for an engagement. The place was very fit, for it was in the spacious Campagne about Aganel. The fight began very furiously on both sides; but Barberossa soon had the advantage, by reason of the great number he had of small Shot, and his small Guns; so that the King's best Troops were defeated, and himself forced to retreat to Tremesen, where the Citizens, his Subjects, took him Prisoner, and cut off his Head, before Barberossa got thither, to whom they sent the Head by their Deputies with the Keys of the City, promising him, as they had done before, submission. Two days after, he made his solemn entrance into Tremesen, confiscating the Goods of the deceased King, as well to pay his Soldiers, as to make some Fortifications about the City; for he conceived his Neighbourhood would not be well liked by those of Oran, and to secure himself, he immediately entered into a confederacy with Muley-hamet, King of Fez, promising him assistance against the King of Morocco, against whom Muley-hamet was in open War, conditionally that Muley-hamet would defend the Kingdom of Tremesen against their common enemies the Christians. Barberossa, to enjoy himself after his Victories, resided the remainder of the year 1517. at Tremesen, leaving for his Lieutenant at Algiers his second Brother Cheredin.  
But it was the pleasure of Divine Justice, at length, to give a check to these great Successes, for Barberossa's third Brother Isaac Benijoub, who commanded the new Conquests at Tunis, and other places, through his extraordinary Exactions and Tyrannies, become so odious to the Moors of the Country, that they revolted, and killed him with all his Turks, except forty, who, thinking to make an escape, were all cut to pieces. Barberossa was extremely troubled at the Death of his Brother, but deserted his revenge to a fitter opportunity. In September in the year 1517. came into Spain, King Charles, who afterwards was Emperor, with a powerful Naval Army. The Marquis of Comares, advertised of his Arrival, went in Person to wait on him, and give him an account of what had passed in afric. And the Pirate Barberossa growing daily more and more dreadful, he advised his Majesty to quench that spreading fire. And to animate his Majesty the more, he carried along with him Abuchen-men, King of Tremesen, who had taken refuge at Oran, and got of his Majesty ten thousand Soldiers, to engage against Barberossa and the Turks. Which the Pirate hearing of, sent for assistance to the King of Fez, according to their mutual confederacy. But seeing that the relief came not with the expedition he expected, and that the Marquis of Comares was already got to Oran, and marching with his Forces towards him, he thought it his best course, not depending on the relief from Fez, to come out of Tremesen with fifteen hundred Turks and Andalusians, Arquebusiers, and five thousand Moorish Horse.  
But considering that the said number of fifteen hundred Arquebusiers were not able to oppose ten thousand Christians, (for he had no great confidence of his Moorish Horse) he resolved to continue at Tremesen, expecting from day to day the relief from the King of Fez. But when the Marquis was come in sight of Tremesen, Barberossa observed that the Citizens began to flinch from him; whereupon he took a third resolution, which was, to get away with his Turks in the night time, without giving any notice thereof to the Citizens, and to make all the haste he could towards Algiers.  
This resolution was prosecuted; but, at the first halt he made, the Marquis having intelligence of it, so speedily pursued him with some Firelocks, that he overtook him about eight Leagues from Tremesen, at the passage of a River named Huexda. Barberossa finding himself pursued so closely, and his Turks killed, made use of this Stratagem, to gain time to cross the River. He caused to be strewed along the Highway great quantities of Money, Plate, and other things of great Value, thinking by that means to amuse the Christians, while he got over the River. But that valiant Marquis encouraged his Soldiers with so many urgent reasons, that they slighted all those rich Baits, to take Barberossa alive, who, as I said, was at the Riverside, ready to cross it, when the Christians furiously charged the retreating Turks. Which Barberossa perceiving, faced his Enemies, resolving to Die generously in Fight. The fifteen hundred Turks, and Barberossa among them defended themselves like Lions; but in a short time they were all Killed, and Barberossa also.  
Thus ended all the great designs of Barberossa, who first brought the Turks into Barbary, and taught them the way to get Wealth out of the Western parts of the World, laying the Foundations of what the Turks are to this Day possessed of in Barbary. The Marquis of Comares satisfied with this Victory returned to Tremesen, with the Head of the Tyrant on a Pike for a Trophy, and without any opposition of the people, put the King Abuchen-men in possession of his Kingdom. Fourteen days after this defeat, the King of Fez Abdeda came near Milta with twenty thousand Moorish Horse, to assist Barberossa. But hearing of the defeat of his Army, and his Death, fearing the like misfortune, he returned the same way he came; and the Marquis leaving the King of Tremesen re-established in his Kingdom, returned to Oran.  
Thus died Aruch Barberossa, after he had continued fourteen years in Barbary, committing incredible outrages on the Christians by Sea, and doing the Moors of Barbary much greater mischiefs by Land: For he was the first who reduced them into that condition, wherein they now are, of being Subjects, and as it were half Slaves to the Turks. The news of Barberossa's death was soon carried to his younger Brother Cheredin Barberossa, who Governed at Algiers. It troubled him very much upon a double account, both out of a consideration of the loss of his Brother, and a fear that the victorious Marquis might come and besiege him in the City of Algiers. Whereupon he was near resolving to leave the place, and to retire with twenty two Galliots towards the Levant. But some Pirates advised him to expect a while, to see which way the victorious Christians would take their march. And finding that the Marquis being returned to Oran, sent his Men aboard in order to their Transportion into Spain, the Turkish Soldiers with the Pirates chose Cheredin for their King, and Captain-General of the Kingdom of Algiers. And indeed he was a Person deserved to succeed his Brother.  
Being possessed of that Kingdom, the first thing he did, was to send a Galley with some Letters to the Grand-Seignor, acquainting him with his Brother's death, and desiring his protection and assistance against the Christians, promising either to pay Tribute, or put the Kingdom into his hands, together withal he was possessed of in Barbary. The Grand Seignor hearing this news, not only returned a favourable answer, but also sent him an assistance of two thousand Turks, accepting of the proffer he made him, that the City of Algiers with its Territories should be put into his hands. All these transactions happened about the beginning of the year 1519.  
The Reader may here see how and when the City of Algiers came into the hands of the Turks. I thought it not besides my purpose to bring in this short History, to undeceive those who imagined that Aruch Barberossa had made these acquests in Barbary, as a General of the Grand Seignor's. For what he did was upon his own account, without any other title then that of a Pirate by Sea, and a Tyrant by Land.  
In the year 1530. Cheredin finding himself incommodated by reason of the Fort which the Christians kept in the Island before the Port, resolved to beat it down with Canonshot, and afterwards to make a Port from the City to the Island, which very design Aruch Barberossa had in the year 1516. For by reason of that Fort, the Ships were obliged to secure themselves on one side of the City near the Gate called Babazon, where they lay in great danger to be cast away upon the least tempest.  
Cheredin Barberossa began his enterprise upon the Fort, with this stratagem. Two young Lads, Moors, by his secret order, went and delivered themselves to those of the Fort, saying they would embrace the Christian Religion. They were kindly entertained, and the Captain, who commanded the Fort, named Martin de Vargas, took them into the house, and caused them to be Catechised, that they might receive the holy Sacrament of Baptism. On Easter-day, when the Governor and all his Soldiers were at Church, these two Youths went up to the top of a little Tower, whence they gave the signal to those of the City by a Flagg; which being observed by a Servant-maid of the Governors, she immediately went and acquainted her Master with the treachery, who came presently out of the Church with all his Soldiers, and fearing the enemies, he put these two youths in prison, and a while after caused them to be both hanged up in an eminent place, whence those of the City might see the spectacle.  
Cheredin had soon notice of it, and was extremely incensed thereat, as if it had been done in derision of the Mahumetane Religion. He sent a Boat to the Fort with a Renagado, named Alcade Huali, to tell the Governor that if he would deliver up the place, he and his people should have good conditions, otherwise they were to expect no mercy. The Governor made answer, that he was astonished, that Cheredin Barberossa, a person so highly esteemed for his experience in military affairs, did not consider that he had to do with Spaniards, who value their honour above all things, and laugh at the menaces of their enemies; That he was further to know, that he was of the House of Vargas; that he gloried not so much in the Nobility, as his endeavours to imitate the Heroic virtues of his Ancestors, and that therefore he would expect the utmost attempts of Cheredin Barberossa, and do all he could to show himself faithful to his God and his Prince.  
Cheredin having received this answer, took some great Guns out of a French Galion, which chanced to lie before Algiers, and some other pieces which had been cast there some months before for that purpose. May 6. 1530. he raised a Battery, which played fifteen days and nights without any intermission, and the distance being but two hundred paces or thereabouts, the Musketeers also shot continually; so that the sixteenth of May, the Walls were almost broken down, and a great number of the besieged killed or wounded. Cheredin took one thousand three hundred Musketeers and Archers, Turks, in fourteen Galliots, and being come to the Fort, they landed without any obstacle. For the Governor was wounded with fifty three of the Soldiers, and the rest extremely tired out, as may be easily conjectured, having been sixteen days in continual alarms.  
The Captain Martin de Vargas yielded up the place on certain conditions, and after three months' imprisonment, he was without any reason, bastinadoed to death, in the presence of Cheredin. Thus died that valiant Captain, carrying along with him to heaven the crown of Martyrdom, and leaving to his Successors an example of valour and fidelity; which virtues are so deeply rooted in that illustrious family, that there are to this day in the Low-Countries, Knights, who are not only heirs of that Noble House, but also imitators of the Virtues of their Ancestors, and such as are looked upon all over the world, as examples of Valour and Fidelity. After the massacre of this brave Captain, he employed the Christian Slaves to make a Moal from the City to the Fortress, which was finished in two years.   

Of the Situation, Strength, and Government of the City of Algiers.  
THe situation of this famous Den of Pirates is on the ascent of a mountain, which rises by degrees from the Seaside up into the Country, representing to those who ●ail by it the several stories of a Theatre, the variety of the Structures, whereof a man hath as it were a full sight, makes the prospect the more delightful. Insomuch that there is no house, but all the rest may be seen from it, which way soever a man turns his eye, when he is upon the Terraces, wherewith they are covered. They have also all of them this convenience, that they have a prospect into the Sea, as far as eye can see. It is in a manner square, and about three thousand paces in compass. The Walls are of Brick built after the ancient way of fortification, with little square Towers. The Ditch about it is not above sixteen foot wide, and about the depth of a Pike, dry, full of filth, and ill kept, having no fortifications without. The whole City is commanded by the hills which encompass it; and the Inhabitants can make no advantage of the Walls, as to defence, in regard there is no Champion behind them, but the want of room in the City hath forced them to build houses on the Ramparts, which serves for one side of Walls. The streets are very narrow, and are chained up in the night time, save only the principal streets, which runs cross the City from the Po●t of Babaloet, between the Grand Mosquey and the Bassa's Palace, to the Gate of Babazon, which is not shut up. There are many Mosqueys. The Bassa's Palace is a public structure for those who are advanced to that charge, well built after the modern way of Architecture. Since the year 1650. part of the Garrison is lodged in five great public houses, built square, with a spacious Court in the midst, which may serve for an Armoury. They will contain each of them about six hundred Soldiers, each whereof hath a room to himself, not paying any thing for it. But some of the best accommodated take lodgings in other great houses, well built, which they call Fond●cas, and belong to private persons. The Castle called Alcazabar, is only that part of the City which lies Southward, divided by a Wall, which begins at the Rampart on the East-side, and reaches to that on the West. About three hundred paces from the City, there is, in the Sea, a little Island, which in the year 1530. was joined to the City by a Mole, made for the safety of Ships and Galleys, which about the beginning of the year 1662. was carried away by a Tempest with the loss of many Vessels and Galleys. There are also some inconsiderable Fortresses without the City, whereof the chiefest is that built by Asan Bassa in the year 1545. about one thousand and seven hundred paces from the City, on a Hill, at the same place, where the Emperor Charles V. had set up his Tent in the year 1541. Near that place is the source of the Spring which supplies the City with fresh water, which it does so plentifully, that they need no other besides that and the rain water, which is preserved in Cesterns. It is conveyed by Arches and Pipes under ground, which fill the Reservatories in divers places, as well in the upper as lower part of the City, even to the Gate at the waterside, where all the branches fall into one great Channel, which conveys the rest of the water into the Sea, and there the Galleys and other Vessels take in their provisions of water. At every Reservatory or Conduit there is a Cock, with a dish standing by, for the convenience of those who would drink. Those who come to these Conduits for water, take it in their Turns, save only the Jews, who are to give way to every Slave who comes after them, and to be served last of all. The water which falls to the ground is received into holes near those Conduits, and is conveyed into Common-shores' under ground, which carry away the filth of the Privyes about the City, all which fall into these Shores, and meet together in one near the three Gates of the Storehouses, where all falls into the Sea. The hundred thousand Souls which inhabit this City are divided into twelve thousand Soldiers, Turks, belonging to the ordinary Garrizon, thirty or forty thousand Slaves, of all Nations, and the rest Citizens of Algiers, Moors, Moriscoes, and Jews, and some Christian-Merchants. The chief Governor of all these is the Bassa, who takes it not unkindly to be flattered with the title of Sultan. He acknowledges a kind of subjection to the Grand-Seignor, in words, but makes little account of his orders, Passports, or the Treaties he hath concluded with other Sovereign Princes, if he hath not agreed to them himself. The Soldiery is more dreadful to him then the Grand-Seignor. Accordingly his greatest work is to see them punctually paid at every new Moon, for if he delay it three hours after it is due, he is in danger of being Massacred, or at least imprisoned. This is done out of the Tributes, which the Alarbes, and some petty Princes, Moors, about Algiers, pay him, as also out of the contributions of the people, and his proportion of the Prizes. The Bassa is also to be careful that he take no more than his due, for fear of incensing the Soldiery, which prognosticates certain death to him, as it did in the year 1661. in the month of September to Ramadan Bassa, whose throat, with twenty eight persons of his Council, were cut by the Soldiers, and their bodies cast to the Dogs in the Streets, for having caused to be adjudged to himself a greater proportion of a prize of Wheat, than was due to him. The rest of the Council being forced to the waterside, got into a Fisherboat, and put off from land, to avoid the fury of the mutinous Soldiery, but they were taken by the Malteses. After this exploit, the soldiers took out of prison another Bassa whom they had imprisoned some years before, because they were not punctually paid, and re-advanced him to the Government, exhorting him to do righteous things, which yet he forgot within three days after, thinking of nothing so much as to be revenged of an Aga, who had prosecuted his former imprisonment; and to execute his design, he promised ten thousand Patacoons to two soldiers to kill his enemy; which they undertook, and went with that resolution to the Aga's, and desired to speak with him. The Christian Slave, who spoke to them, judging by their countenances, and the Scimitars they had, contrary to the custom of Soldiers, who wear only long Skeenes, when they walk about the City, that they were engaged upon some lewd attempt, made answer that his Patron was gone abroad, though he were not, and went presently and gave his Master an account of all, who having discovered the Bassa's design, made his complaints to the Soldiers, who mutinyed, seized his person, and shut him up between four walls without any covering, where he had only room enough to sit down, with a hole to put him in some meat. The Aga thanked the soldiers for the speedy justice they had done, offering himself to be their Bassa, with a promise to augment their pay by a Double a month, which they accepted. The necessity of this punctual payment obliges the Bassa to endeavour the getting of money above all things, by hook or by crook, by breach of Treaties, or a wrong interpretation thereof. This last reason was the cause that his Majesty of Great Britain in August 1661. sent his Admiral the Earl of Sandwich with eighteen Men of War to lie before Algiers, to demand reparation, for that the Pirates had taken out of the Vessels of his Subjects some persons who were not English, with their Merchandise, contrary to the peace made with England. The Admiral came before the City August 22. 1661. sending ashore his Lieutenant with Credential Letters, to make his complaints to the Bassa and the Duana; but the Admiral had no other satisfaction, then that he got the English Consul out of the City, and battered some of the houses with his great shot. This Bassa does many time deceive his Confederates, and takes their Merchandise, forcing the Masters of Ships, by Cudgelling, to confess that the goods belong to other Nations; or if he forbea● that rigour, there is a stoppage set on the goods, and while they pretend to verify the fact, all is sold, and under some ill pretence, the prize is declared good. And to say truth, it is very hard for the Bassa to observe peace with any Nation whatsoever, if he will be beloved by his Soldiers, in as much as his proportion out of the prizes is the greatest part of his Revenue; which it would not be, if he exactly observed peace with any other Nations, which would have all the Trading, were there a freedom of Navigation, and consequently there would be but few prizes, and his Revenue arising from his proportion thereof, would come to little or nothing. The twelve thousand soldiers, which make the ordinary Forces of the Bassa, are most of them Renegadoes, dissolute persons, without Religion or Conscience, fugitives out of Christendom and Turkey for the enormity of their crimes. This place is a refuge to all such persons, nay, to such as have offended the Grand Seignor himself, as it happened in the year 1640. upon my arrival at Algiers, when some showed me Sigala, Son of that famous Admiral, a Renegado of Genua, of the same name, who had taken refuge in this City to avoid being strangled, as their custom is, upon this score, that in the year 1636. being commanded by the Grand Seignor to convey with a Squadron of Galleys, the Ships which brought home the yearly tribute of Egypt, and other wealth, that had joined with them, he had left his Galleys, and came ashore to spend away his time among women, and in entertainments, insomuch that during his absence, the Maltezes had an opportunity, to carry away that Ship which had the Tribute and the precious commodities in it. And this it was that had forced Sigala to get away with his Galley to Algiers, where he lived by what he got by Piracy, till the death of Sultan Amurat, soon after which he obtained his pardon of Sultan Hibraim, his Brother and Successor. The soldiers observe the Bassa's orders, if they approve of them, and they oblige him to change them, if they like them not, and so they rather command the Bassa, then are commanded by him.  
In the year 1642. a tributary King of Algiers refused to pay his Tribute, and came with an Army into the field, whereupon the Bassa Isouf being unwilling to go out against him, would have been excused upon his indisposition. But his excuse was not received, there was a necessity of his going, if he would preserve his life and charge; only the Soldiers were so kind as to permit him to go as far as he could in a Galley; but imagining the Bassa might take some occasion to leave them, they accompanied him with another Galley better furnished with both Rowers and Soldiers, with order, to force the Bassa to land at the place appointed, which he quietly did.  
There are Renegadoes of all Christian Nations, and in my time, I found there above three thousand French. Heretofore, the Renegadoes could not serve for Soldiers among the Turks and Janissaries, and the Turks and Janissaries could not go upon the account of Piracy? But Mahomet Bassa, to prevent the jealousies and quarrels happening thereby, reconciled the Renegadoes with the Turks, allowing, in the year 1568. to both the privilege of being Soldiers or Pirates, without any difference. The Moors, the Morisos, the Algerians, the Sons of Turks born at Algiers, Renegado Jews, are not admitted into the Soldiery; but the Jews who would serve, e●ting Swins flesh before they renounce, affirm, that by that means they are become Christians, and then they renounce with the same solemnities as are observed by the Christians.  
The pay of the Soldiery is eight Morisco Doubles a month, every Double is worth twelve Patars, (that is somewhat better than twelve pence Sterling) according to the number of the years they have been in service, the p●y is increased, and they receive a Double, a month, more than they had before. In like manner, if there be a Son born to the Grand-Seignor by the Sultaness, a Double; if any Soldier hath killed his enemy in a Skirmish, or hand to hand, and hath brought away his head, a Double; if they have had any remarkable engagement against the rebellious. Alarbes, the Bassa promises them an augmentation of a Double in the month; but all the monthly augmentations of Doubles are not to exceed the number of forty.  
The Batchelor-Soldiers have greater privileges than those who are married; the latter have no daily allowance of bread, the former have four loaves. The pay is to be exact and punctual, as I said before. 'Tis not out of any fear of the Christians, that the Bassa maintains so great a number of Soldiers, but that he might be the more dreaded by those of Algiers, the Alarbes, and the petty Princes, who pay him tribute, against whom they are sent, if they come not soon enough to prevent them. The soldiers keep little or no guard within the City, but a Watch, which they call Mesuart, walks round about it with twenty five persons. At the Gates there are but two or three men. In the Summer, Algiers is in a manner destitute of a Garrison, for some of the soldiers are dispersed to Tremesen, Bugy, Sargel, and other places under the jurisdiction of Algiers. They often change the Garrisons, and send that of one place to another. Another part of the soldiery is sent away by Bodies of five or six hundred, thirty or forty leagues into the Country, to quarter on the Alarbes, and to receive the Tribute; and the greatest part is employed at Sea in the Galleys.  
I observed in the Summer 1641. that the sixty five Pirates Ships and the four Galleys, which were then at Sea, every one for what could be gotten, were most of them manned by soldiers of the Garrison. The remainder, who are neither employed at Sea, nor sent to the Posts beforementioned, live at ease, and divert themselves at their Country-houses, two or three leagues out of the City. The Citizens, and the originary Inhabitants of the Country are irreconcilable enemies of the Garrison.  
There is but one Council, called the Duana, which with the Bassa resolves all matters of State, and what relate to the administration of Justice. This Council meets commonly thrice a week, in a Gallery of the Bassa's Palace. It consists of forty persons. The Bassa sits, as Tailors do, crosslegged, on a Table about two foot high, at a little distance from the Wall, covered with a shaggy-Carpet, and so long, that twelve of the chiefest may sit as the Bassa does, six on the right hand, and as many on the left; the rest of the Council stand at both ends of the Table, cross the Gallery, making, with the Arch, a kind of circle. This Bassa hath commonly a Fan of Feathers in his hand; he pronounces sentence, and the plurality of voices carries it, but they have this particulary remarkable, that they begin to gather the voices, while some one is alleging new reasons for or against the business under deliberation. All causes, wherein the soldiers are concerned are tried before this Council; but differences between Citizens are determined before the Caya, who is as it were the Bassa's Lieutenant. Every man is to prosecute and plead his own cause in person, without the assistance, of any Advocate, Lawyer, or Attorney. Great Robs, Murderers, and other eminent Criminals are put to death, if they be Moors or Jews; but the soldiers are supported by their Agas, who ever find excuses to get them off, unless the offence be against another soldier. An accusation proved by two witnesses, is sufficient in order to condemnation. He who hath the worst in any cause, receives a certain number of blows with a cudgel, besides what he is obliged to do by the Sentence. If the accusation be found malicious, the Accuser is to suffer a punishment suitable to the crime imposed. The sin of abomination is not punished among them. As to the grimaces of their Religion, they are the same with those used in most parts of Turkey. This is a short account of the State and Government of Algiers, where the miseries of Slavery have consumed the lives of six hundred thousand Christians, since the year 1536. at which time Cheredin Barberossa brought it under his own power. 'Tis hard to imagine a reason, why its Government being so ill administered, could endure so long, making that hole dreadful to all Europe, since its situation, strength, and Fortresses are no way considerable. I must confess Christian Princes will ever have cause to remember the enterprise of that great Monarch Charles V. made on this City in the year 1541. with an unfortunate issue; but I hope that will not divert their generous thoughts from promoting the advantages of Christendom. There was a concurrence of many accidents in the attempt of that great Emperor, which may be avoided, or are particular to that expedition: The season for the taking of Algiers was Autumn, at which time the Mediterranean Sea is no less rough than the other Seas, by reason of storms and tempests, which hindered the coming in of provisions to that Army, and occasioned the loss of the Baggage and Artillery. The Garrison was then returned, some from Sea, others from their expeditions against the Alarbes and the Tributaries. The dissension among the Emperor's Commanders contributed also somewhat thereto; and yet notwithstanding all these traverses, Asan Bassa, a generous Captain, a Renegado, born in Sardinia, brought up by Cheredin Barberossa, and all the people of Algiers were in distress for fresh water, the source whereof had been diverted another way. Nay, they never durst attribute their deliverance to their valour, but their opinion still is, that a Marabout, or Santon (that is a Saint) who then lived near the City, wrought a miracle, beating the Sea with his staff, which caused that dreadful tempest. They have accordingly erected to the memory of this Marabout a Chapel without Babaloët-gate, on the left hand, where he is interred, for which place the Turks have a reverence, as some Christians have for places of devotion, affirming, that if the Christian Army ever return thither, they will raise the greatest Tempest that ever was, by casting into the Sea the bones of that Marabout. In this persuasion consists the force they have to defend themselves against the Christians.  
I conceived myself obliged to give this short account of the antiquity and situation of Algiers, to remedy the deficiencies of other Chronologers, who confound the years, the names, and the Nations, taking the Turks for the Moors. As concerning a more ample description of the City and its Fortresses, the dispositions of the Inhabitants, the Pirates, Merchants, Tradesmen, their Clothing, the Marabouts or Santons, the Ceremonies, the exercises of the Women, their several Easters, their Vices and Virtues, and what was done there in the last Age, I thought them besides my design, and superfluous, as being common things related by divers Historians, who speak of the Turks in general. And so I pass forwards to those things, with I accounted worth my reducing into particular Relations, during the time of my Slavery.    

EMANVEL D' ARANDA'S Particular Relations, During the time of his SLAVERY.  

The first RELATION. The History of a Religious man, a Spaniard, a Slave at Algiers.  
A Spaniard, whom we shall here call Domingo, having entered into one of the principal Orders at Sevill, in the year 1626. and completed the year of his Novice-ship, took the three accustomed Vows, and some years after was advanced to Priesthood in the same Order.  
But Domingo grew weary of that kind of life, so that he left the Cloister, and retired in his Sacerdota habit into the Kingdom of Portugal, and plante● himself in a little Village, where, after he had sojourned some time, he made a shift to get a smal● Country living. That life after a while grew as tedious to him, as that of the Religious order had been to him before; so that he changed the habit of a Pries● into that of a Lay-person, and took up his residence at Lisbon, the Metropolis of Portugal, where he Married, and at the years end had a Son. Some time after his Wife proved with child of a second; whereupon Domingo finding himself burdened with children, and having not wherewithal to maintain them, he Listed himself a Soldier, to be Transported into ● Country newly conquered by the Portuguez, situate on the River of the Amazons, in the Indies, where he was to have a certain proportion of Land, and other allowances for himself, his Wife, Son, and what other children he should have in that Country.  
Upon these Overtures, Domingo embarks in the year 1639. and after they had been some hours at Sea, his Wife fell in Labour, and was delivered of a second Son, to whom the Captain of the Vessel (whom I know) was Godfather. Some days after, they came in sight of some Turkish Pirates, and after a short engagement, the Ship was taken, and brought to Algiers, where the Prisoners were sold.  
Domingo, to avoid the miseries of Slavery, goes to the Jews, and tells them that he was a Jew, entreating them to redeem him, his Wife and Children. The Jews, who are commonly more subject to avarice then prodigality, began to examine him; he immediately answered their questions in the Hebrew tongue; so that they believed what he said. In fine, they told him he should be redeemed if he could tell them what Tribe he was of, and in what Register were written the names of his Parents and other Relations. He replied with a wonderful confidence, In the Register of the Synagogue of Venice, where such a Rabbi (naming him) will give an attestation of all I have said. The Jews immediately writ to Venice, where, having examined all the Registers, there was nothing found concerning Domingo. The Jews of Algiers having received that answer from those of Venice, were very much astonished, and looked upon him as an Impostor.  
Domingo being out of all hopes of obtaining his Liberty by that means, bethought himself of another expedient. He made his applications to two of the Fathers employed about the Redemption of Captives, who were come from Valentia in Spain, and managed his business so well, that they redeemed his Wife and two Children, and carried them away with the other Slaves, whose ransom they had paid. In the mean time Domingo continued a Slave at the house of a considerable Officer of the Army, named Saban Gallan Aga.  
After the departure of his Wife and Children, he fell in love with an English-Slave, a very handsome Woman, in his Patron's house; but the Mistress was so watchful, that he could not have his desires of her. Yet so great was the affection he had for her, that he found out a way to deceive both his Mistress and the English-Slave. He told the Englishwoman, that his Wife was dead, and in case she would marry him, he would redeem her, and that there was an order come for him to receive three thousand Ducats, which sum would suffice for the ransoming of both. The Englishwoman, whether she were in love with him or not, accepts the proffer. Whereupon Domingo, to compass his design, went to an old Woman a Moor, one very well known for her Wealth and Covetousness, and says to her, Madam, the hope I have of receiving a good reward caused me to come hither, to give you notice of a Commodity, by which you may gain at least two thousand Ducats. The covetous Woman immediately asked him what kind of Commodity it was, promising him a great recompense. There is, said he, at my Master's house an English- woman Slave, well descended, which my Master knows nothing of; and besides, there is a secret order come to the City for her Redemption, though she should cost three thousand Ducats. If you can keep your own counsel, you may buy her of my Master for four or five hundred Ducats.  
This proposal pleased the covetous old Woman so well, that she went immediately to be further informed concerning the English-slave. She went to Saban Gallan's wife, and asked her, whether she would sell her English-slave; whereto Saban's wife making answer that she wanted not money, the old One replied, set what rate you please on her, I would fain have her. In fine, after a little hagling, they agreed at five hundred Ducats. The English-slave was delivered to the old Woman, who received her with great satisfaction. The poor Englishwoman finding herself sold and delivered, and the price paid, imagined that all was done with Domingoes money, and thence fond inferred, that she was already at Liberty, and thinking herself happy, that she had (as she thought) me● with so good fortune; but she was as far from it as ever. In the mean time Domingo was perpetually soliciting her, calling God and Heaven to witness, and swearing thousands of Oaths, to assure her of the sincerity of his affection. He ●●joll'd her so long, that she condescended to do any thing he would have her, impatiently expecting to be transported thence for some part of Christendom▪ and the old Woman on the other side being full of expectation of the three thousand Ducats.  
Domingo kept them a long time in blindness, so a● the one knew nothing of the other. At last the Englishwoman proved with Child, and, when her time came, was delivered of two Children at a birth, a good booty for the covetous old Woman, instead of three thousand Ducats. Th●n were Domingoes Impostures discovered, and what was worse, his Master coming to hear of the business would have disposed him into the Galleys, as an absolute Rogue and an Impostor, for he had promised his Master a considerable ransom. Domingo, to avoid the mischief threatened him by his Master, found out a new expedient. He came to one of the Baths, where the Churches of the Catholics are, desiring to say Mass, that he might live upon Alms, as those Priests who are Slaves commonly do. The Spaniards and Portugu●z, who knew Domingo and his Wife, opposed it, saying he was a Rascal, and married. I must acknowledge, said he, that I am Married, but that Marriage is Null, because I am and was a Religious man, and a Priest before I married; affirming, that, notwithstanding all that had passed, he was still a Priest. Those who had the oversight of the Church and Altars, thought fit to write concerning this business to the Bishop of Ceuta, for Algiers is comprehended within his Diocese. The Bishop having received that account of him, forbade Domingo to celebrate, upon pain of Excommunication. Which being told Domingo, he replied, I am a Religious man, and under my Provincial, subject to his command, and therefore the Bishop hath no power over me.  
The difficulty was too great to be decided by the Christian Slaves. 'Twas sent to Rome, and not long after there came to Algiers a Capucine, sent express from Rome, an Italian born, in a Ship of Marseilles, under pretence of redeeming some Christians, having also some Letters from the King of France concerning some private business. This honest Father heard the reasons of Domingo on the one side, and on the other, what the Christians said of him, and he thereupon ordered that Domingo could not say Mass, but that he might frequent the Churches, which the Portuguez would not have permitted. I afterwards saw him singing in that Church, as he still did at my departure thence.   

RELATION II. Of the Gallantry of a Dutch Captain, who with one Ship engaged against five Turkish Galleys and two Brigantines, and worsted them.  
IN September 1641. the Caja (or Lieutenant) of the Bassa of Tripoli came to Algiers with a Galley set out with Standards, Flags, and Streamers of Silk, embroidered with Ottoman Crescents, some Trumpets, and other Naval Music. The Soldiers were all Turks, culled Men, or Renegadoes, well clad, and better armed, according to their mode. The Slaves, who Rowed in the said Galley were most of them Russians and Muscovites, who seem naturally to be designed for labour.  
The Caja's business at Algiers was to buy two hundred and fifty Slaves all Spaniards or Italians, whom the Viceroy of Tripoli would send as a present to the Grand-Seignor at Constantinople. This Galley had lain some days before Algiers, during which, Alli Pegelin, Captain General of the Galleys, was preparing four to make their last Salley for that year. The Caja, commanding this Wedding Galley, (I call it so, because it was fitter for the Waftage of a Bride, than to engage with an Enemy) told Pegelin he would go with him, and participate of his fortune, in hopes of some good booty. He goes away from Algiers along with Pegelin, and having been four days abroad, they met with an English Ship of forty Guns. Pegelin, as General, proposed it to the Captains of the other Galleys, that they should engage that Ship, but the Captains thought it not convenient, partly out of a fear of losing the Slaves that rowed, and partly out of a consideration of the uncertainty of Victory. In the mean time, the English Ship, while they were in consultation got away, so that, night coming on, the Turks lost sight of her.  
Having missed that booty, the five Galleys with the two Brigantines which accompanied them began to c●use up and down, and coming near Majorca they met a small Frigate, wherein were a Councillor and his family outward-bound from Barcelona. Pegelin perceiving the booty was of little importance began to jeer the other Captains, saying to them, You should have engaged the English Ship. The Captains vexed to find themselves laughed at, resolved to set upon the first Ship they met with, whatever she were. This resolution pleased Pegelin, and two days after they discovered a Dutch Bottom of twenty eight Guns, and forty men. The weather was very calm, so that the Dutchman could make no advantage of her sails. Pegelin ordered the Galleys to draw ●p within Canon-shot of the Ship, and perceiving she had Dutch colours, he sent one of the Brigantines with a Renegado, a Zelander, towards it, with a white Flagg, who coming near the Dutch Captain, he asked him what he would have, The Captain General Alli Pegelin, replied the Renegado, sent me to tell you, that if you will yield without fight, he will set you and all your people on Christian ground; which he hath sworn by the Grand Seignor's head that he will do. Therefore I advise you to accept of the proffer I make you from him, while it is time, otherwise I fear me you will repent it too late. The Dutchman weary to hear such proposals, very confidently replied, I know Alli Pegelin very well, (for he had been a Slave) the Ship belongs to those who were at the charge of setting it out, and the goods to the Merchants, and therefore I cannot give what is not my own. But if he be desirous to have the Ship, as he seems to be, let him come aboard, and he shall see whether we can satisfy him.  
The Renegado immediately returned with this answer. Whereupon Pegelin being extremely impatient and incensed to hear the bravadoes of the Dutchman, ordered his Galleys to draw up in the form of a Halfmoon, and in that order to make towards the Poop of the Ship, and to discharge all together▪ as it were by a c●oss-battery. Their Guns carried Bullets of forty eight pound weight, but ordinarily they shoot only stones. His command was executed, but being ready to give fire, the Dutch Captain, a man of extraordinary experience in Sea-affairs, by the advantage of a little wind which God sent him, without losing time, turned his Ship on the other side. By that motion he put the enemies into a confusion, and broke their design; for the five Galleys making all the sail they could, and strength of Oars upon the Ship, instead of continuing in the form of a Half moon, at the Poop of the Ship, as they had resolved, they 〈◊〉 foul one upon the other, yet so as that Pegelin's Galley came up close to her, and seventy Turks and Renegadoes got into it, with their Cutlasses in their hands, beginning to cut the Ropes, and cast in Granades to fire the Ship. But the Dutch Captain, who had all his men within, discharged some pieces loaden with Musket Bullet from the Poop and the Prow, which made a great slaughter among the Turks. In the mean time the Galley which was come up close to the Ship, durst not stay there any longer, in regard the Ship being heavy loaden, the Guns lay so low, that they were even with the edge of the Galley. Which Pegelin observing (for fear began to seize him) immediately commanded the Galleys to retreat. The Turks who at the beginning of the engagement were got into the Ship, were much astonished to see that the Galleys had forsaken them, leaving them at the mercy of their enemies. They began to be discouraged; those who could swim cast themselves into the Sea, the wounded, and those who could not swim, remained on the Deck of the Ship, as spectators of the engagement. The Dutch Captain commanded a Broadside to be given on that side where the Guns were loaden with Nails, Musket-bullets, and pieces of Iron which directed at the Galleys, there were killed in less than a quarter of an hour above two hundred men, Turks, Renegadoes, and Christian Slaves. But what made the business the more deplorable, the Galleys having received this treatment without seeing any enemies (for the Dutchman, as I said fought within Decks, and could not be seen) drew off as fast as they could. The Captain perceiving the Galleys were got out of the reach of his Guns, commanded the Turks that were left behind in the Ship to be killed. They finding it too hot staying on the Deck, were got up into the Shrowds; but the Dutch Captain and his people coming on the Deck shot at them as they hung in the Shrowds and about the Mast, as if they had been so many Parrots or Monkeys. This was a recreation to the Dutch; but a sad Tragedy for the five Galleys, wherein there were two Captains killed, and the Caja of Tripoli had lost an arm, and was wounded in the belly. These Galleys which went out so gallantly some few days before, and seemed to frighten all the Mediterranean were perceived at a great distance as they were returning to the Port.  
There was a general curiosity to know what news they brought, and the waterside was immediately as full as it could throng with people, among whom I also chanced to be. As the Galleys came nearer and nearer to the Port, it was observed that there were two of them without Flags, and it was conjectured they were two Spanish Galleys that had been taken; but soon after they were of another opinion, when they saw they were Turkish Galleys, and that their being without Flags, was because their Captains were killed.  
All the rejoicing and great hopes were turned into mourning and sadness; the Galleys came in slowly, for want of Rowers. All the wounded were immediately brought ashore▪ and among the rest the Caja of Tripoli, who had for his Surgeon a Christian Slave, born at Marseilles, one very expert in his profession; but the wound in his belly was incurable, and past remedy. He promised his Surgeon, if he cured him, his liberty, and a hundred Patacoons; but finding there was no likelihood of it, he caused his Will to be made. By the first article, he ordered that all the Slaves who had agreed with him about their ransom, should be set at liberty, at the several sums specified in his Will. Secondly, that all his Renegado Slaves should be free▪ and thirdly, that the Christian Slave his Surgeon should be set at liberty after his death.  
Some time after the Caja died, his funeral was according to the Turkish Ceremonies, the dead body being carried with a covering of Silk over it on one side of the Church, and it was left there during the midday Sala (a prayer of theirs) and afterwards it was carried to be buried. Before it marched the Renegado-Slaves, who had obtained their liberty. After it followed the Christian Surgeon, who had in his hand a cleft Cane, with a Letter in the cleft, which contained an attestation of his liberty obtained with the goodwill of his deceased Patron. He wept most bitterly ● which if he had not, the Turks would have accounted him unworthy his liberty: But it is to be imagined, that, for his part, he wept for joy, and the generous Dutch Captain had reason to laugh heartily, that he had obtained so noble a Victory with forty then, against five Galleys and two Brigantines.   

RELATION. III. The Constancy and perseverance of a Christian Slave in her Religion.  
IN the year 1641. a Pirate of Algiers having a Spanish Bark in chase, those who were in it seeing no way to avoid the danger leapt into the Sea, hoping they might get to 〈◊〉 by swimming. There remained in the Bark 〈…〉 old man, a Spaniard, about seventy years of 〈◊〉, and a Concubine of the Master's. These two were brought before the Bassa, according to the custom. The Bassa's Lady having seen the woman at some window, sent one of her Eunuches to tell him, that she would gladly have that woman. The Bassa sent her along with the Eunuch as a present to his L●dy▪ who was very well pleased with her, and presently gave her some work to do. About five days after, the Bassa's wife took notice that that Christian Slave was an excellent Needle-woman, good at embroidery, and other things of that kind▪ so that she was much in her Mistress' favour, who promised her mountains of Gold, if she would renounce her Faith, and embrace the Turkish Religion. But all her temptations proved ineffectual, for she said to her; Though I have forgot myself as a frail wom●n, yet is my confidence so great in the goodness of God, that I believe he will out of his infinite mercy pardon my sin●; assuring you that all my hope is in my Faith, which I will never forsake or renounce. The Mistress hearing this answer was at a loss between astonishment and indignation; so that she gave order that the poor Slave should receive three hundred blows with a Cudgel. And perceiving that she still continued firm and constant as a Rock, they stripped her of all her clothes, and gave her others after the Turkish mode; which she put on, but protested publicly in the presence of God, that she took them only to cover her nakedness, and not upon any change of Religion. This I thought worthy my observation, to show the constancy and faith of that second Magdalen.   

RELATION. IU. Ignorant persons imagine strange things.  
DUring the time of my abode at my Patron's Mahomet Celibi Oiga, one night after my Patron was gone to bed, and the doors locked, my Chamber being above the Stable (which was at a little distance from the house) I was wont to go and talk away the time with four Christian Slaves of the Neighbourhood, three whereof were Spaniards, and the fourth was a Hamburgher, who knew not a word of the Spanish Language. It happened as we were smoking a Pipe of Tobacco, the Spaniards began, as it is ordinary with them, to talk of the Government of the Crown of Spain, and their discourse held about three hours. The Hamburgher, who said not a word▪ but observed their gestures, and the motions of their hands, imagined we had talked of some attempt to make an escape about midnight. I took leave of the Spaniards, wishing them liberty, as it is the custom among the slaves; but as I was going away, the Hamburgher, without any further enquiry, cast himself at my feet, and began to swore in Dutch, and to say, You shall not go without me, and wherever you hazard your lives, I will hazard mine; I have often put my life in danger for a smaller matter. The three Spaniards, who saw his exclamations, but understood not a word of what he said, imagined the Hamburgher was grown distracted. I told him we had not talked of any such thing; he answered, I have sufficiently discovered your design, continuing firm in his opinion. Whereupon I told the Spaniards what he said, and how desirous he was of his liberty. We were all extremely troubled to see what a pitiful posture the poor Hamburgher was in, as being sick of the same disease. At last I told him the Spaniards were very glad to see his resolution, and that in case they attempted any thing, they would take him for their Companion. Having comforted him with such promises, I went to my lodging, considering the strange impressions of those who comprehend not what they hear.  
During the time of my being in the Mas●ora at Tituan, some Malefactors being in the City●prison had broke open a door, thinking by that means to make their escape. The Governor (or King as some call him) by his Officers took one of those who had got away, and without admitting any plea, ordered him two hundred bangs with a cudgel▪ and so treated he was sent to the Masmora with the Christian slaves. He lay all along on the ground, seeming rather a sponge full of blood than a man. This happened on the first Friday in Lent, in the evening, at which time, according to the custom, every one kneeled down, to the number of a hundred and seventy persons, with a Religious Dominican●▪ who said the Litanies, and all the Slaves answered. That done, the lights were put out, and the Religious Man said the Miserere, and all the Slaves, being either Spaniards or Portuguez, began to discipline themselves very cruelly. Which exercise having continued a certain time, the Religious Man gave the signal, that it was enough, whereupon the Lamps were lighted again, and every one disposed himself to sleep. The next day, the Magistrates of the City sent for the prisoner who had made his escape, to be examined. He began to tell the Judges, that it concerned them to be watchful, for that the Christians who were in the Masmora had made some attempt the night before to get away. They put out all the Lamps, said he, and after a long silence, they all fell a breaking the Wall with certain instruments. The story was presently carried to the Governor, who sent four Gentlemen, Moors, of his retinue, to the Masmora. They visited all the Walls, and found not the least rupture; which done, they searched what things the Christians had, but they met with no instrument, nor the least appearance of what had been laid to their charge. Whereupon one of the Gentlemen, who spoke Spanish, said to a slave of his acquaintance, Friend, tell 〈◊〉, what noise was heard last night in the Masmora, which went 〈◊〉, tic, without a word spoken. The Spaniard wondering at the question, replied, Sir, You 〈◊〉 to know that yesterday was the first Friday in Lent, upon which account some disciplined themselves. The Gentleman being a Morisco, born in Spain, understood the business, and fell a laughing, saying, Our prisoner hath discovered a notable piece of treason. By these instances it may be seen, how that ignorant persons are apt to imagine extravagant things.   

RELATION V. Of five Turkish-Slaves who made a strange escape by meeting a Dunkirk-Pyrate.  
IN the year 1640. a Pirate of Dunkirk took another of Algiers with about a hundred Turks aboard him. M. Caloën's Friends and mine prevailed so far with his most Serene Highness the Prince Cardinal, that he gave seven Turkish-Slaves to be exchanged for us three Christians. The Turks, who were in Spain, were sent to row in the Galleys, and every time that some Ships were bound for Spain, there were five or six Turks sent along with them. Which number being so inconsiderable, they were permitted to work with the other Seamen up and down the Ship, there being no danger that five Turks should make an escape from among a hundred and fifty men. In the year 1641. five of those Turks were sent away in a Ship of Dunkirk, and one night, as the Ship was passing through the straight of Gibraltar, it ran foul upon a Turkish Galley. The Dunkirkers thought the Galley had been but a Brigantine, and the Turks took the other for a Merchantman, so that they immediately fired one upon another, with such a noise that thunder would not have been heard. But after a short engagement, those of the Galley and those of the Ship, considering there was no booty to be gotten, parted one from the other, and kept on their course. During the confusion of the fight, the five Turks who were aboard the Ship made a shift to get into the Galley; how they did it, I cannot comprehend, and should never have believed it, had I not been an eye-witness hereof. When the Galley came home, the report was all over Algiers, that five Turks who had been slaves at Dunkirk, had made their escape into that Galley. I was extremely troubled that the five Turks who had escaped were not those five whom my Companion Saldens had under his charge to be exchanged for us. I went to the waterside, and by chance met with one of the five escaped Turks. I asked him whether he were one of those who were to be changed for us three Dunkirkers. He answered, not, but that those five Turks were in the custody of my Companion Saldens, and that he thought they would soon be in Spain. Those five Turks made an excellent advantage of the engagement between the Ship and the Galley.   

RELATION VI A strange effect of an abominable Love.  
WHile I lived in the Fonduca with my Patron Catalorn Mustapha, I saw a Turk, by Religion a Cherebin, that is, a Heretic in their judgement, coming to his Lodging drunk and mad as a Beast, occasioned by his having eaten Opium. He called his Slave, who was an Irishman, and commanded him to bring a Chasing-dish of coals, which the Slave did. Then he took a knife in his right hand, and leaning with his left hand on a Pillar, with his arm naked, he commanded his slave upon pain of present death, to put a burning-coal on his left arm. The slave did so; he afterwards bid him blow the coal, which he did, so that the coal burnt within the flesh. And yet the brutish Turk endured that pain with a wonderful constancy. I was astonished to see him exercise such cruelty on himself, and asked the other Turks and Christian slaves who were present, why that Turk would be his own Executioner in that manner. They answered me, that that afternoon he had endeavoured to satisfy his abominable lust, and that being enraged at the miscarriadge of his enterprise, he burned himself. He gave himself the chastisement he justly deserved, for the action he would have done well deserved the fire.   

RELATION VII. Of two unfortunate Slaves who were put into the Masmora at Tituan.  
WHile I was a prisoner in the Masmora of Tituan, two new slaves were brought in th●●ther. Some desirous to know why, asked them whenc● they came, and after a little examination, I could hear them called Dogs, Rogues, Lutherans, etc. I asked a Spanish slave of my acquaintance why the Spaniards abused those two wretches who were their Countrymen; he told me they deserved to be cudgelled to death, for the discredit they did their Nation. The business stood thus. They had been soldiers at Pe●on de Veles, a Fortress on the Mediterranean, some leagues from Tituan under the jurisdiction of the King of Spain. Now those that are in that place, the officers only excepted, are for the most part Malefactors condemned by their Judges. And it happens many times that persons of eminent quality, who have committed some offence are condemned to serve there, and to find so many Horse at their own charge. This place receives it provisions from Spain; and whereas it happens many times, either through the inconveniences of sending by Sea, or the negligence of those who are to send, that the Ships come not in at the time expected, they are always in want of something or other. These two soldiers growing desperate by reason of their poverty, and the little hope they had of ever returning into their Country, (for they were condemned to that exile during life) thought it better to trust to the mercy of the Moors their enemies, renounce the Christian faith, and be Slaves as long as they lived, then to suffer any longer in that Fortress, out of which they made an escape, and delivered themselves up to their enemies; saying, they would embrace the Mahometan Religion, and continue Slaves. But they spissed of their aim; for the Moors having them in ●heir power, would not suffer them to change their Religion, because a Christian slave is worth much more than a Renegado; for the former are employed to Row in the Galleys, and the latter are not. These two Renegadoes-would-be were brought into the Masmora, to be kept their till Summer, and then to be sold to the Galleys of Algiers. I had much compassion for the two wretches, for most of the slaves in the Masmora being Spaniards, they were continually reproaching them, that they had come of their own accord into slavery. Now, as I said in the precedent discourse, we lay on the floor, as close as could be one to another, because the room was narrow, and no body would have these two Rascals lie near them; and there being no house of office in the prison, every two or three had a pot, as they have in Spain, and when these two wretches were necessitated to e●se themselves, they were extremely put to it; for to do any thing on the floor was not permitted, because it was our bed, and no body would lend them a pot, so that they were forced to beg that kindness, and endure all the reproaches imaginable into the bargain. Once a day their Master cast them a little bread at the grate without any thing else; for that prison is under ground; nay they were forced to beg the water they drunk of the other slaves.  
I cannot imagine any people could be more poo●, and in a more wretched condition than those two men were, nay it would have been impossible for them to endure it, had not God of his goodness augmented their forces, by setting it before their eyes, that every one ought patiently to suffer the just punishments he is pleased to inflict on them▪  
In like manner, being at Algiers, ● Venetian slave told me one day, how that having been heretofore a Public Notary at Venice, he had given a false attestation, to get a sum of money; and that that fraud being discovered, he was condemned for certain years to the Galleys, and was accordingly sent; but that some months after, upon the presenting of a chain of Gold to the Captain of the Galley he was set at liberty. 'Twas given out that he had made his escape. Having thus avoided the miseries of a Galley-life, he durst not well return to Venice, in regard he was too well known there. He resolved to go and sojourn some time in the Island of Corsica; but as he was in his way thither, he was taken by the Turks, and sold at Algiers to the General of the Galleys Alli Pegelin. This slave, among other discourses that passed between us, one time said thus to me; I thought to avoid the Venetian Galleys, to which I had been by a just sentence condemned for a few years, and I am fallen out of the Frying-pan into the fire, that is, I am come to a place, whence I shall never get away while I live. Oh how just are the judgements of God I believe the two Soldiers beforementioned comforted themselves much after the same manner. These two Relations may be advertisements to men, patiently to suffer the miseries and tribulations which come from the hand of God, without kicking against the pricks, for fear of exchanging their present misfortunes for greater.   

RELATION VIII. Of a Portuguez Gentleman taken and brought to Algiers.  
DOm Francisco de Mascarenhas, a Portuguez Gentleman, had in the year 1638. fought a duel in the City of Lisbon, and having had the better he was afraid of falling into the hands of the Magistrate. Hoping therefore that time would accommodate the business, by the advice of his friends, he went along with the first Ships bound for Brasil, listing himself a soldier in the forces of the Viceroy, in the Baja de todos los Santos. He continued there till the year 1641. that is, till news came that his affairs at Lisbon were accommodated. Whereupon he took the first opportunity of Shipping to return to Portugal, having the company of divers Captains and other Officers. But Fortune owed them an ill turn, for the Ship was taken by the Pirates of Algiers. The new slaves were brought before the Bassa, that he might take his proportion, which is the eighth. The Bassa took Dom Francisco, and three others, who me-thought by their countenances should have been Captains.  
These new slaves were brought to that room in the Bassa's Palace, where M. Caloën and I were then under restraint. I saluted Dom Francisco, ask him whence he came, and what news he brought out of Christendom. Ere he could return me any answer, the Bassa sent for Dom Francisco, who coming into the Hall of Audience, the Bassa said to him, Who are you? Dom Francisco replied, I am Dom Francisco de Mascarenas Nephew to Dom Bernardo de Mascarenas, who was heretofore General in Brasil. Whereupon the Bassa, who was a crafty Fox, the Son of a Renegado of Genna, said to him, Nobility and Slavery will not do well together; what will you give for your liberty, conditionally it be paid within eight or ten months, and in the mean time you shall take your pleasure, walk up and down the City, a●d not be put to any work?  
Dom Francisco was very well pleased with that proposal, and said to the Bassa, What does your Highness require for my ransom? Four thousand Ducats, replies the Bassa. Dom Francisco kissing the Bassa's garment (a Turkish compliment) said to him, I will pay them, and I call to witness of our agreement these Gentlemen Turks here present.  
That done, D. Francisco returned to the place where we were, and said to us, Thanks be God, I am no longer a slave, for I have made my agreement with the Bassa at four thousand Ducats. Whereupon I made him answer, Sir, I am not so happy as to be acquainted with you; but if you had had the patience to stay four or five days, you would have purchased your liberty for fifteen hundred, or at the worst at two thousand Ducats. He replied, To what end should a man have money? to work like a dog, or to procure his liberty? You are in the right, Sir, said I, 'Tis likely you may be rich; but the Bassa will have as much of each of your Companions; for you have said that you were all soldiers of Fortune.  
Dom Francisco stayed two days among us, and then a Portuguez Merchant resident at Algiers took him to his own house, upon security, and leaving withal at the Bassa's a servant of his about thirteen years of age, who proffered the Bassa three hundred Ducats, but the Bassa would have more. Dom Francisco's Companions were conducted to the Bath, the ordinary Quarters of the slaves intended for the Galleys. The young Lad at last renounced the Christian faith, having been debauched by a Portuguez-Renegado for the sum of forty Asper's, notwithstanding Dom Francisco had promised to redeem him.  
The Portuguez Renegado, who had debauched the Lad, brought him to the public Hall before the Bassa, and said, This Christian is desirous to renounce his Religion. The Bassa was not well pleased with that news; for he preferred three hundred Ducats before the doing of that good work to his Prophet Mahomet; but there being some Turks of quality present, he smothered his sentiments, and the Lad was made a Turk with the ordinary solemnities. Some days after, the business, upon which we were confined, was taken up; so that we got out, and I often afterwards met and discoursed with Dom Francisco.  
Some months after I was brought to Tituan, where I went immediately to salute one of the Fathers employed about the redemption of Captives, who was newly come out of Spain, and lodged at the French Consul's. As I was going in, I met with Dom Francisco coming out of the house, and asked him what fortune had brought him thither. He told me, that, after my departure from Algiers he had received the four thousand Ducats, and paid the Bassa. But having no convenience to return into Portugal, without passing through Spain (which he was loath to do, as well by reason of the war, as for that he would avoid seeing the Spaniards) or going a great way about, and so being in danger to be taken once more by the Turks, to avoid these hazards, he had agreed with a Pirate, to set him ashore on the Coast of Portugal.  
Dom Francisco embarked, and his Pirate having a good wind within two days got to the altitude of Penon de Veles, where there were at that time some French Ships, which began to chase the Turkish Pirate. Who perceiving that his Sails must save him and not his Guns, did all he could to avoid the danger, and all last finding no other expedient, he turned his Ship towards the Coast, and with all the sail she could bear run her aground, not far from the place where we had made the like wrack, as I have said elsewhere. As he was relating his adventures to me, there passed by us a Gentleman about twenty years of age (as near as I could guests) in a civil garb, according to the Dutch mode. Dom Francisco and he looking very earnestly one upon the other, at last D. Francisco said to him, Are not you such a one? The young man replied, I am so. What do you here then, says Dom Francisco, clad as you are? My business here, said he, is to follow my profession, and exercise my Religion. Whereupon Dom Francisco said, With your favour, I pray what Religion are you of? I am a Jew, replies he, And did not you, says D. Francisco, live about a year since, in the Baja de todos los Santos, and did you not there go to Mass every day, and frequented the holy Sacraments, as other Catholics did? He acknowledged it, but said he was a Jew, and that then he had counterfeited himself a Christian. This discourse discovers the divers events of things, and the odd accidents that happen in the world.   

RELATION IX. A new Slave ought to be distrustful of all people.  
I Would not affirm that a new slave should look on all that speak to him as Traitors, no, that were too great a distrust, but that he is to consider they may be deceivers. It is therefore necessary he should dissemble a while, till he be sufficiently informed whether they be impostors, or may be trusted.  
During the time of my Slavery at Algiers, there was a very rich Jew, named Ciscas, who to find out what Christian Slaves could pay considerable ransoms, was wont to circumvent them in this manner. He had got a Turk of his acquaintance to buy a Christian Slave upon his account, for the Jews are not permitted to have any Christian Slaves; and the Turk gave out that the Slave was his, and that he only lent him to the Jew to wait on him at his house. But the greatest service he did him was, that when there came any Letters directed to the Christian Slaves, the superscriptions whereof were in Dutch, or Flemish, he read and interpreted them to his Master; and whereas all commerce in a manner in Barbary, is managed by the Jews, all the Merchant's Letters fall into their hands. By this means, the said Jew, found out the secret, by the interposition of some Turks friends of his, to make the Christians pay the utmost penny they could raise for their ransom.  
This treacherous slave would always be on the waterside when there were any prizes from Hamborough or the Low-Countries brought in; and when the new slaves came ashore, he fell into discourse with them, saying, Whence come you my Friends and Companions; assure yourselves I am extremely troubled at your misfortune. However, pray be of good courage, and do me the kindness to accept of a glass of wine which I will bestow on you. The others would haply make answer, We have no money, and if we had, we cannot get hence without leave. As for leave, replied he, let me alone to get it, I am sufficiently known; and for money, God be thanked, I have yet enough to entertain a friend or two. The Turks who were agreed with his Master, gave him leave to go and treat them some where.  
Having carried them to a Tavern, he made them drink plentifully, and when they began to be drunk, he thought it time to lay his snares, in order to the advancement of his affairs, telling them that he had assisted many Slaves to get their liberty, and that he still had the same power to oblige others.  
The poor besotted fools having their hearts full of grief, their bellies of Wine, and their heads warm, believed all the trapanning rascal said to them. Whereupon finding them more and more tractable, he would say to them, Are you able to give four or five hundred Patacoons for your liberty? Some answered they were, nay, haply if need were, they could advance a thousand, for they had such and such friends, who would not suffer them to continue long in that miserable condition. Others would say, we have yet a House or Tenement of Land, which should be sold rather than they would stay long in Slavery, etc.  
When the dissembling Villain had pumped out all he could get, he paid the reckoning, and brought back the new slaves to the place, where they were to remain till they were sold.  
Having lodged them there, he went to give the Jew an account of what the Christian slaves had said to him, and when they came to be sold in the Market, some Turk, who was in league with the Jew, bought them, and then the Traitor went again to them, saying, Thanks be to God, you have got a good Patron, he is a great friend of the Jew's with whom I live; if you are desirous to make some agreement concerning your Ransom, it is in my power to do you a kindness. These new slaves were very glad that they had met such a friend, as they thought him, but the Jew had most reason to think him such, for he was grown so expert in circumventing, that many times, the Jew with two or three thousand Patacoons got a thousand and more, insomuch that he was thought to be worth a hundred thousand Patacoons, and yet all the goods in his house were not worth fifty shillings. When this treacherous Christian had compassed some enterprise with success, he received a considerable recompense. But it was God's pleasure that his impostures should be discovered, and he was so cried down among the slaves, that not one would treat with him; and the new slaves were soon advertized that they should beware that Traitor.  
When we were brought in, he addressed himself to us, for upon our arrival he made his accustomed compliments to us; but we had received a character of him before hand, as I have said elsewhere. When a man is by misfortune fallen into slavery, if he be over-earnest in the prosecution of his liberty, the issue of it proves somewhat like that of ignorant Swimmers, who being fallen into the water, out of a fear of being drowned, strive so much with their arms, that they are presently tired, and so their excessive diligence occasions their miscarriage.   

RELATION X. Of a new-married couple taken by the Turks and brought to Algiers.  
IN the year 1641. at Nantz in Brittany there was a Master of a Ship, who stayed there only for a fair wind to set sail for Canada. While he stayed for the wind, he fell in love with a rich Merchant's daughter, whose Father perceiving that she as much affected him as he her, would by no means consent to their marriage, considering the first fair wind would carry him away, and with him the love he had for his daughter. But the Master seeing on the other-side, that it would be a greater advantage to him, to marry his Mistress, than he could expect from his going to Sea as long as he lived, carried his business on so successfully, that they were secretly married, and before her friends had any notice of it, he was gone with his spouse towards Canada, hoping that before his return all things would be accommodated, by the mediation of his friend's. But Fortune intended to dispose otherwise of them; for ere he had been four and twenty hours at Sea, he was taken by a Pirate of Algiers. The amorous Master minding more the caresses of his Mistress, than the exercises of Mars, delivered up his Ship, without any resistance.  
Some days after, the French Gentlewoman with her Husband, and the other slaves were brought to the Market at Algiers, where the Christians are wont to be sold. The Turks, Moors, Greeks, and Spaniards, who were not wont to see the fashions of the French-woman, with their hair powdered, and their heads neatly dressed, looked on her with much admiration. She said to some Christians who discoursed with her, and comforted her, My only fear is, that they will make me renounce my Religion. It seems God was pleased with the fear of that woman; for the French Consul prevailed so far with the Bassa, that the selling of her was suspended, under pretence of some league with the French. But the true cause proceeded from the avarice of the Bassa (as will be seen anon) who made no account of the peace; but in regard the French-Master had made no opposition, the Consul alleged that the Ship was no lawful prize.  
This in my judgement was an invention of the Bassa's, who agreed well enough with the Consul, to declare the Ship free, and so to defraud the Pirate and the soldiers, and thereupon it was concluded, that the Master and his wife should have their liberty, leaving the Ship and its loading to be disposed of to the advantage of the Bassa. While these things were in agitation, the Gentlewoman was sent to the house of a Turkish Lady, where she was well entertained, save that she and her Husband were not permitted to talk together alone. I knew not what was the issue of this business, for soon after I left Algiers.   

RELATION XI. Of the ingratitude of a Portuguez Slave.  
I Knew at Algiers a famous Pirate named the Grand Moro, by country a Mosabi, which is a Nation of poor Alarbes, of little account, upon this score, that they love the Kitchen much better than the Camp. They commonly deal in Tripes, and are very deformed in their countenances; for they are neither Blacks nor White, but look as if their faces were perpetually Oiled.  
The Grand Moro came to Algiers, being about twelve years of Age, and growing weary of the Tripe-trade, he struck in among the Pirates, in the quality of a Boy belonging to one of the Captains; and by continual being abroad at Sea, and in divers engagements, he came to be an able Seaman, and a good Soldier, and so got into such repute, that they who put out the Galleys made him Captain of a small Ship, afterwards of a greater of thirty Guns, till at last he came to be Captain of a Galley.  
This same Grand Moro was a terror to all the Christian Ships, which came into the Mediterranean, and was by all the Turks accounted a second, God Mars. I believe that if the Grand Seignor had given him the absolute command of the Sea, as Sultan Solyman gave it to the Arch-pyrat Barberossa in the last Age, his. Victories would have surpassed those of all the Ottoman Generals. For he was a Lion in engagements, and a Lamb in his victories, treating his subdued Enemies with extraordinary mildness.  
Among many other Slaves which the Grand Moro had, there was one Portuguez, who, when he was ashore waited on him in his Chamber, and at Sea as a Secretary. This Portuguez had served his Patron very faithfully for some years, both at Sea and Ashore. One day the Grand Moro was crusing with his Ship near the Coast of Portugal; he called his Slave, and said to him, You have served me faithfully so many years, I now set you at Liberty. Whereupon he ordered the Shallop to be made ready to set him Ashore. While the Ship was Sailing towards the Land, he went secretly to the stern of the Ship, and opened his Patron's chest (for he had the Keys) and took out some Shirts, and for fear of being discovered, put them about him under his clothes: The Shallop was let down, and the Portuguez delivering up the Keys of the Chest, took his last leave of his Patron. He was set Ashore, the Shallop returned, and the Ship kept on her course. Some days after, the Grand Moro would change his Linen; but he was disappointed, for it was carried away by that ungrateful Slave. He fell into such a passion, that he said, I swear by the Grand Seignor's life, that if that ungrateful Christian ever come into my hands again, he shall be chained to the Oar as long as he lives.  
Much about the same time there happened a very remarkable accident. The General Alli Pegelin having lost a Diamond of great Value, ordered his Slaves to look every where for it, and among others, one of them, a Spaniard, found it. He presented the Diamond to Pegelin, who gladly receiving it gave the Slave for his reward half a Patacoon, saying to him, Here take this, brute Beast without judgement, and buy a Halter to hang thyself withal; thou hadst gotten thy Liberty, and thou couldst not keep it. Pegelin was as ungrateful towards his Spanish Slave, as the Portuguez had been towards the Grand Moro.   

RELATION XII. The Custom of bewailing the Dead at Algiers.  
IN one of my precedent Relations, I made mention of the War made by a Barbarian King, Bennali, against the Bassa of Algiers. Many Turks and Renegadoes were killed in that War. Among others there was killed a Bulcebas, that is, a Captain of Foot. This Bulcebas was a Renegado, and had been a Slave of my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga's, and lived in the same street with Mahomet Celibi.  
Upon the news of the death of this Bulcebas, my Patroness accompanied by two Women-Negroes, her Slaves, and with all the Women in the Neighbourhood, went into the Widow's house, and as soon as they were got in, they began to weep, lament, cry out, and torment themselves as people out of their wits, and one of her Women was employed in continual striking with an Iron bar upon a Table, which made such a horrid noise, that a Man would have said the street was full of distracted people. I knew well enough it was the manner of bewailing the Dead in afric. But when my Patroness came home, I made as if I knew not the reason of all those Exclamations, and asked her why she had wept, and how her face came to be all scratched and bloody. She replied, it was the custom of the Country, and that they so bewailed the Death of Friends and Relations. It does very well, as for your part, said I, who were acquainted with the Deceased person, but why should your Woman-slave here be scratched and bloody as you are, she, who had no acquaintance with him, for she is newly come to you, and is yet Savage? My Patroness replied, she did as she saw others do, without any other reason.  
As to the word Savage, it is to be observed, that the Kingdom of Algiers hath many little Tributary Kings belonging to it, and some of them, for want of Money, pay their annual Tribute in Men. These men are either Arabian Prisoners, commonly called Errand Arabians; or for want of Prisoners they pay in their own Subjects. These people, at Algiers are called Savages, because they have not the common Language of the Country, neither the Arabian, nor the Moorish.   

RELATION XIII. Of the inconsiderate Zeal, and the prudent.  
WHile I was in the Masmora at Tituan, a Moorish Pirate came thither with an Image of our Lady's, carved in Wood, which he had taken out of some Christian Ship, and proffered it to sell. All the Spanish Slaves got about him, and proffered a Chequine of Gold for it, that the Image might not be exposed to contempt, or receive any injury. The Moor observing the zeal of the Christians, told them they must give four times as much for it, or if they would not give it, he would burn the Image.  
The devout Spaniards were extremely troubled at the threats of the Moor, and were upon resolving to give what he demanded. And to make up the sum, most of the Spaniards would contribute all they had; for in the Masmora, he who can spend a Patacoon a month is not to be accounted poor.  
I looked on what passed without saying a word; at last I concerned myself in the business, and said to the Spaniards; Gentlemen, this Image is not worth so much. They immediately answered, We do not buy the Image for its value, but that it may not receive any injury. I told them, Your zeal is to be commended; but do you not consider, that if this Moor should carry hence four Chequines of Gold for an Image, which is not worth four rials, he will go and report it all ●ver the City, that the Christians are Idolaters. The zealous Spaniards would hardly hear my reason, and I was in some danger of being accounted a Lutheran among them. But I was relieved by a Reverend Father, a Dominican, who was also a Slave in the Masmora, a Man of a good Life, and great Learning. I acquainted him with what had passed between the Spaniards and the Moor. The good Father, out of a Zeal grounded on prudence went straight to the Moor, and said to him, Will you take a Patacoon for that Image? if you are so pleased, you shall have it, if not, do what you will with the Image, and get you gone hence, or the Christian Slaves will beat you out of doors. The Moor seeing the Religious man so resolute, said nothing of burning the Image, and forbearing all further insolency, was glad to get a Patacoon for it. If the Spaniards had given four Chequines for it, they had lost their money, the Moor would have laughed at them, and the Catholic Religion would have been slighted and derided: But the prudent Zeal of that Religious man saved the money of those poor Slaves, frighted the Barbarous Moor, and satisfied the mahometans, that the honour which Catholics render to Images consists not in the materials whereof they are made, as Pagans, Heretics, and ignorant persons do imagine.   

RELATION XIV. Two Examples of Liberality and Gratitude.  
SAban Gallan Aga, whom I have often mentioned, was a Spaniard born, near the frontiers of Portugal, and the Son of a common Seaman. He fell very young into Slavery among the Turks, who had persuaded him to renounce the Christian Faith, which it was easy for them to do with a child.  
This Saban, for his noble Demeanour towards all the World had the military name of Gallan bestowed on him. He was very rich, and he always employed himself in War both by Sea and Land, by which means he came to be Aga, that is, a Field-Officer. Saban passing one day through the Market where the Christians are sold, fell into discourse with some Slave●, and by chance met with one of his Countrymen, whom he bought at a low rate, for he was a Fisherman, and so no great ransom could be expected from him. He brought the Slave to his own House, and said to him; I have paid a hundred and fifty Patacoons for you, if you will promise me to pay the like sum in your Country to such a one who is my Kinsman, and poor, I will order you to be set ashore in your Country by the first Pirate that shall go hence. The Fisherman was well pleased with the proposal, and promised to do what his Patron desired. Saban accordingly sent him away with the first Ship bound into the Ocean, and ordered him to be set ashore on the Coast of Portugal, which was done. The Inhabitants of the Village where he Lived wondered to see him returned so soon out of Slavery. He acquainted them with his adventures, and all that had passed between him and Saban Gallan.  
He sold all he had, and, according to his promise, paid him who was to have the hundred and fifty Patacoons, who having received the money, writ a Letter of thanks to his Kinsman Saban Gallan. Afterwards, the honest Man returning to his Profession, to get his Livelihood, 'twas his misfortune to be taken again by the Pirates, and to be brought to Algiers. He sent notice of his misfortune to Saban, who bought him again, and having treated him some days in his House, and furnished him with what clothes and Linen he stood in need of, said to him, Since you have shown yourself an honest Man, and performed your promise, you shall return once more to your Country, and pay what you cost to the same person within such a time. The Fisherman replied, I am not able to do it, for I sold all I had in the World to pay my former Ransom, and therefore I will rather continue a Slave then promise what I cannot perform. Saban hearing his reasons, said to him, Pay it then at your own convenience (the time before was six months) within two years. The Fisherman accepted of that condition, and with the first opportunity, he was set ashore in his Country.  
He went immediately to Saban's Kinsman, and promised to pay him the sum agreed upon within two years, and so returned to his Trade. But his Boat and all things else requisite thereto being either sold to pay his former Ransom, or lost, when he was taken the second time, he was forced to become a Servant to other Fishermen, so that he could not get so much as when he was upon his own account; but yet out of the little he got, he laid somewhat aside towards the payment of his Ransom.  
The two years were passed, and he had paid but a third part of the Sum he ought. To make good his promise's, he bethought himself of an expedient, which was, to buy a hundred weight of Tobacco, and went along with a Portuguez Ship bound for Algiers, (where Tobacco was then very dear) with the Bassa's Passport, to redeem certain Slaves. Being come to Algiers, he went straight to Saban's house, who was astonished to see him. The Fisherman said to him, Patron, I have paid but the third part of what I ought you, as may be seen by this Acquittance, and for the remainder, having no other way to satisfy, I have brought hither a hundred weight of Tobacco, and if I can sell it with the advantage I am told it will yield, I will pay you; if not, I will return to be your Slave, rather than give your Lordship, of whom I have received so great kindness, any occasion to think me ungrateful. Saban heard the Fisher-man's reasons, extremely wondering at his Fidelity and Gratitude; and thereupon made him this answer: You are an honest Man, faithful, and grateful, but over-harmless to live in this World; Go sell your Tobacco, and return into your Country, and make the best advantage you can of both the Money and your Liberty. He allowed him meat and drink at his house, till the same Ship which brought him to Algiers returned homewards, leaving at Algiers a perpetual Memory of his fidelity and gratitude, and carrying along with him into Portugal an eternal commendation of the Liberality of Saban Gallan.   

RELATION XV. Of the celebration of Marriage at Algiers.  
MY Companion M. Caloën lived with an Old woman, Grandmother to Mustapha Ingles, one of the five Turks who were to be exchanged for us. This Mustapha had a Brother, named Amet Ingles, about two and twenty years of Age, but a very debauched Person, an excessive Lover of Wine and Wenches, insomuch that it was impossible he should Live long at the rate he did.  
His Mother and Grandmother prevailed so far with him, that he promised to leave Drinking and Wenching, and live thence-forwards as an honest Mahometan, of good repute, and to assure them he would do so, he said to them, I am content to Marry. That proposal extremely pleased both Mother and Grandmother, who recommended to Amet several young Maids of his Quality, and among others, one whom he fancied much, by reason of her great Wealth. To compass this Marriage, Amet's Grandmother proposed the business to the Maid's friends, and Amet employed for a Spy and Ambassadress an Old woman who carried silk Stuffs to be sold at great Houses.  
The old Woman managed her business so well, that within a few days the young Maid engaged her word to her; and she also gave Amet such an account of the Beauty, Virtues, and Fortunes of his Mistress, that he was extremely in love with her, upon the old Woman's discourse; and in fine, the friends on both sides approved the marriage. The Wedding-day was appointed; the future Bridegroom sent his Mistress a present of Ribbons, and such toys, and to make the present with the requisite solemnities, Amet got together twenty slaves of his Friends and Relations, among whom I was one.  
We marched one after another, every one with a dish covered, wherein the presents were. Amet brought the slaves to his Mistress' door, where being come, he stayed in the street, and the slaves went into the house, which was built after the Italian way of Architecture, with a Quadrangle and Galleries all about it. The future Bride sat on a cushion of red Velvet wrought all over with Silver-lace, at the entrance of a low room. Every one of the slaves set down his dish on a place prepared for the receiving of it, making a low reverence to the future Bride.  
The other slaves had taught M. Caloën and me these words, Ay lafoy a, Ay lafoy a, which we were to pronounce as loud as ere we could, after we had set all the dishes on the ground; which was done. And presently after the slaves belonging to the House, both men and women, answered in the same Music. That done, we all made a low reverence, and went out of the house.  
Amet stayed fo● us at the door, and as I passed by him, he said to me in Spanish, Dunkirker, Is she handsome? Very handsome, replied I, taking beauty according to the opinion of the Africans; for they think the women beautiful, when they are somewhat inclined to fatness. That news pleased Amet well, for he had never seen his Mistress' face, in regard it is the custom of the Country, that the women, when they go along the streets, should have two veils over their faces, one which covers the forehead to the eyes, the other coming down over the nose. When they are at home, they are not so shy of the Christian slaves; for they say the Christians are blind; but if a Mahometan should see their faces uncovered, 'twere a great sin; and it is not permitted that a young man should speak with a Maid who stands upon her honesty, in her Father's or other Relations houses.  
Methinks this kind of demeanour seems very strange; but it is requisite in that Country, by reason of the lewd inclinations of the Women. For notwithstanding all the caution of the Men to keep their Daughter's and Wives at home, they find out a hundred inventions to get abroad, sometimes upon visits, sometimes to Bathe themselves, and sometimes under pretence of devotion (an invention sufficiently known also in Europe) to go to such a Marabout or Santon; and so they prostitute themselves, if they have any convenience, to all they meet, though they be common Rogues, Sodomites, and the meanest sort of people.   

RELATION XVI. Necessity is the Mother of Diligence and Industry.  
WHen I lived at Alli Pegelin's Bath, we were five hundred and fifty Christian slaves, who were to get our daily bread by our industry. 'Tis indeed a thing worthy admiration, to consider how every one made his advantage of his industry in that necessity. The most common exercise of that School was Theft. There was in the Bath an Italian Slave, whose military name was Fontimama; he presumed so much on his Art of Stealing, that he would often invite some of his companions to dine with him at noon, on what he should get between that time and the hour appointed to set their Jawbones a-grinding.  
One day about ten in the morning, he invited my Companion R. Saldens to dine with him, conditionally he would take a turn with him about the City. Fontimama carried Saldens among some Jews, changers of money, whereof there are many at Algiers, taking up their stand in the Streets with a little Table, where they change Patacoons, and half-Patacoons into Asper's, making some small gain by that exchange. Fontimama asked for Asper's for a half-Patacoon, showing a piece which was good; he helped the Jew to tell them, and after they had done he proffered the Jew a counterfeit piece. The Jew, who knew money well enough, would have his Asper's again, which he could not so get, but that some stuck to the hands of that crafty thief. From him they went to another Jew, and so to another, till at last he had done his work so well, that about noon Fontimama returned to the Bath with a couple of Pullet's, and money enough to procure their skins full of Wine.  
Another time being in our Patron's Galley on the Coast of Barbary, before a place called Terrevecchia, Fontimama with some other slaves were sent ashore to take in fresh water for the Galley. The Alarbes, Inhabitants of the Country, came presently about the Slaves, ask them whether they had any Iron to sell (for it is very dear about that place) and the slaves sometimes sold them Nails and such pieces of old Iron. Fontimama's Companions having sold all they had, the buyers told their Neighbours that they had bought Iron of the slaves of the Galley.  
Two Alarbes hearing there was Iron to be had pretty cheap, 〈◊〉 to the Seaside to buy some, and addressed themselves 〈◊〉 Fontimama, who told them he had some to sell, and thereupon sold them the Anchor of the Galley for five Patacoons. He received the money, and said to them, Friends, it is impossible for you two to carry so heavy a burden, go and call some of your neighbours, and I will help you also. The innocent Alarbes went to get the assistance of their Neighbours; in the mean time Fontimama got into the Galley, and put a Plaster over one of his eyes. Th● two Merchants returned, accompanied by twenty Alarbes, to carry away the Anchor, and began to undo the Cable; for it was the greatest Anchor of all, and then aboard the Galley. Alli Pegelin, who was laid down to rest himself at the Poop, saw those Alarbes at the Prow of his Galley quarrelling with the Turkish soldiers, who would not suffer them to carry away the Anchor. One told Pegelin the story, how that Fontimama had sold the Anchor. He gave order in the first place that that crew of Alarbes should be sent packing out of the Galley, which was immediately put in execution with good Bulls-pizzles. The Alarbes being sent away with good store of bangs instead of the Anchor, Pegelin asked Fontimama, why he had sold the Anchor of the Galley being not his to dispose of. Fontimama replied, that he thought the Galley would go better being discharged of that weight. All the Galley could not forbear laughing at that answer; and Fontimama kept the five Patacoons.  
There was in the same Bath a Brabander, named Fr●ncis de Vos, but he was otherwise called the Student. He did not belong to Pegelin, but by order from his Patron, and Pegelin's permission, he lived in the Bath, having an Iron chain 〈◊〉 hundred weight at his legs, that he might not stir thence; which was done, to hasten the payment of his ransom. This man was a kind of Secretary to the slaves of the Low-Countries, Dunkirk, and Hamborough, being always employed in writing of Letters for them, without any other reward, save that he would accept of a dish of drink. And whereas he was, by reason of his Letters always accompanied by Flemings and Dutchmen, who came to him, and made him drink for his pains, when he had done, he made a shift to subsist by that means. For the Taverner, at whose Lodge he wrote, found him meat all that day, in requital of the advantage he made by selling his Wine to those who employed him.  
There was also a French Cavalier, who had been six years in slavery, yet had not received a penny out of his Country. He was always well clad, for a slave; did eat and drink of the best; and many times invited his Companions to dine with him. He had great acquaintances among the French-Renegadoes, who lent him money at interest, he being obliged to repay it at a certain time: But to pay some, he took up money of others upon the same terms. Now all the Renegadoes being soldiers, and always abroad in the wars by Sea and Land, it happened that some of his Creditors died every year; and they having no Relations, Wives, or Children, the Debt was paid at their deaths. And though there were some obligation in writing, it signified nothing, for the Cavalier being a slave, the obligation was of no force.  
I knew a Spaniard, whom I shall here call Rodrigo, a person, who though far from being valiant, yet lived by the reputation of his sword, that is, a kind of a Hector. These people in Spanish are called Vendevuidas. This Rodrigo got his livelihood by composing differences between the Slaves, bringing them to drink together after they were reconciled, and making good cheer among them. But it was his main business to set the Spaniards together by the ears, and afterwards to mediate between them, and take his share of the drink at their argeement.  
Rodrigo would be always haunting the Taverns of the Bath, where he thought the greatest Drunkards resorted; for commonly, when the reckoning came to be paid, there was some dispute between the drunken Turks, and the Christian Taverner. Rodrigo composed those differences with a Spanish gravity, saying, Gentlemen, it is sufficient, that a person of my rank and quality says it. And when the Turks would not pay the Taverner, Rodrigo gave notice of it to the Guardian, who presently locked up the Bath; and when the drunken Turks drew their Knives, Rodrigo came behind them with a Ladder, and getting the Turks head between the rounds, laid him all along (which he might do to part them, for a Christian is not to strike a Turk upon pain of death) and then the Guardian came in, and caused the Turk to pay, or made him leave something in pawn. For such services as these was Rodrigo much esteemed among the Taverners of the Bath, having for his reward a good supper.  
There was a Muscovite among us, about fourscore years of age, not able to do any thing of hard labour, as having been bruised. He made clean the necessary house of the Bath, and every week went a begging of alms of the Slaves for his pains. With what was given him he made a shift to subsist.  
There was also a young Lad, a Hamburgher, who at his being taken had lost an arm, and so could not do much for his livelihood, and yet the Patron allowed him nothing. But a Countryman of his having given him half a Patacoon, he bought with it a pair of Ninepins, and Pidgeon-holes. He went out of the City, near the gate, hired out his Pins, and the Holes to the children who were playing there, and so made a shift to live pretty well. The Spaniards, who could keep Taverns lived like Princes among the slaves, and in a short time got as much as paid their ransom. For those who can get in a Pipe of wine in September, which costs them sixteen Patacoons, will, by retail, make forty or fifty of it.  
There were also among us six Surgeons, who got much money, for they were sent for by the Citizens. But whereas some men are ordinarily lost by money and good cheer, these came to their destruction by Women and Wine.  
There were some employed themselves in footing stockings, and others got their livelihood by some kind of Games. But the profession most used was stealing. Every night there was publicly sold what ever had been stolen the day before, as I have related more at large in the discourse of my Captivity. The Priests lived on the alms of the Christian slaves.  
In fine, all of all Nations made some shift to live, save only the English, who it seems are not so shiftfull as others, and it seems also they have no great kindness one for another. The Winter I was in the Bath, I observed there died above twenty of them out of pure want. Nor are they therefore much esteemed by the Turks; for an Englishman is sold at sixty or seventy Patacoons, when a Spaniard or Italian is valued at one hundred and fifty, or two hundred. My meaning is, when the value is set according to the body, and not according to the ransom that may be gotten.  
There were other slave's 〈◊〉 frequented certain houses, where they daily carried water, and fetched away the dirt, and lived on the salary they had for their pains. But you are to know, that th●●e ways of getting one's livelihood were allowed only when the Patron's work was done. I was so satisfied with the consideration of what passed among the slaves of the B●th, that when I lived with Mahomet Celibi Oiga, to divert myself, I went to discourse with the Student, about whom there would always be some Dunkirk-slaves, relating their adventures at Sea; the Dutch, what passed in the East-Indies, Japan, and China; the Danes, and Hamburghers, at the Whale-fishing in Green-land, what time of the year the Sun appears in Iseland, and when their six months●night is at an end. Or if such conversation pleased not, I went among the Spaniards, who governed the Dominions of their King as they pleased, or talked of the delicaces of Mexico, or the wealth of Peru. Or if I went among the French, we had news from New-France, Canada, Virginia; for most of the slaves are people some way related to the Sea.  
By this account of the slaves may be seen what a Mistress Necessity is, and that there can be no better University to teach men to shift for their livelihood, than one of the Baths at Algiers.   

RELATION XVII. Of a Religious-Man of the Order of the Discalceate Carmelites, a Slave, and his Patron Alli Pegelin.  
IN the year 1641. there was at Algiers a Discalceate Carmelite, in whose conversation it might be clearly seen, that a good life and prudence accompanied his doctrine. This reverend man was known by the name of Father Angeli, by Country a Genovese. He had made his residence some years in Persia, by order from his Superior, as he often told me himself. Intending to return to Italy through Turkey with a Passport from the Grand Seignor, he and his Companion, a Portuguez, were taken by the Pirates. These two Religious men being brought before the Bassa, showed their Passport, but to no purpose, for the Bassa said to them, Write to Constantinople, and make your complaints of me, if you think good; if you are unjustly dealt with, you must bear it patiently. Being to be sold, Pegelin bought them, and sent them to the Bath with the other slaves.  
Father Angeli said Mass every day, and performed all other Ecclesiastical Functions, and in a short time, I know not by what secret inclination people had for his Virtues, he was beloved of all, not only Catholics, but also Lutherans, Calvinists, Puritan, Schismatics, and Nicolaitans; for the Bath was furnished with all these sorts of Religions.  
When this good Father came near the places where any slaves were eating, they desired him to participate of what they had, even the Russians and Muscovites, who by a natural antipathy seem to be absolute strangers to kindness and civility. If there happened any difference among the slaves, what nation soever they were of, he persuaded them to a reconciliation: Which endeavours of his brought down a blessing on all his other actions. If any slave were sick, Father Angeli took care to get some good thing made for him; and if any slave who came to Confession, made any discovery of his wants, Father Angeli gave him an alms, and he was never without money, by the means of some devout slaves, who entrusted him with the distribution of their Alms; so that the virtues of this Religious man gained him the reputation of a Saint even among the Turks.  
Pegelin having heard of him, sent for him one day to his house. He went, and submissively asked what service he had to command him. Pegelin said to him, Papas (so the Turks call the Priests) I have heard, that you are a virtuous and learned man, and that you are able to satisfy any question is put to you; you must now give me satisfaction in one thing I shall ask you. The good Father Angeli made answer, I am your Excellency's slave, 'tis my duty to obey. Then Pegelin said to him; What will become of me? pray tell me what you think at least. The Father replies, Your Excellency is Captain General of the Galleys, and I am but a poor Religious man; your Excellency is my Patron, and I am your slave; methinks it were a breach of the respect I ●ow your Excellency, for me to give my judgement. This Compliment pleased Pegelin very much, for the Turks expect submissions; whereupon Pegelin said to him, Speak your mind freely, I shall not take it ill, commanding him once more to tell him what he thought of him. Father Angeli seeing himself so pressed, confidently replied, Relying on your Excellency's promise, I will tell you what I think of you; I am of an absolute persuasion, that the Devil will have you. Pegelin asked him, Why? The Religious man answered, In the first place you are a person of no Religion, and all your thoughts are bend on the robbing and ruining of the Christians. Next, you never do any works of piety, much less any of mercy; you live as if there were no just God, nay, you laugh at the Alcoran, and whatever it commands the mahometans to do; you never go into the Mosquey, nor ever read your Assala. Nay, he not only neglected the reading of the Assala, but, what is more, when he was at the Bassa's Palace, in the Hall of Audience, I was told, that when the Moor made an outcry (which was the signal for praying, as among Christians the ringing of a Bell) he covered his face with his Handkerchief, and I believe he did it that he might the better forbear laughing at their Ceremonies. In fine, the Father anatomised his whole life, showing clearly that Pegelin had no other Religion than an insatiable Avarice, and never so much as thought of the salvation of his soul.  
The Father having ended his discourse, Pegelin said to him smiling, Papas, when do you think the Devil will have me? Father Angeli replied, When you die, that is, when your soul shall leave that miserable body. Pegelin made answer, As to my death, it may yet be at a great distance, and therefore as long as I shall live, I will endeavour my enjoyments as much as I can, and when I am once dead, let the Devil do what he will with me. With that he commanded the Religious man to return to the Bath.  
By this story it is apparent, that truth may be told to great Persons, though transcendently impious, without any danger, when Prudence hath made choice of a convenient time to do it.   

RELATION. XVIII. The use of Poison is very common in afric.  
THe Poisoning of people is a crime very common in afric. While I was at Algiers the Pirates took a Frigate which had been made at Dunkirk. The building of it pleased all the Captains of the Galleys, insomuch that there was a certain emulation who should have her. But the Bassa's proportion of the slaves being one of every eight, and of every Ship the one half, the Bassa's Brother, who was Captain of a Pirateer, had the Frigate. The Grand Moro, a famous Captain, was so much troubled at it, that he said publicly he had been injured, the Frigate had been denied at the rate he had proffered for it, and that the Bassa's Brother was good only to divide the booty, after himself had taken the pains to get it.  
That discourse was related to the Bassa's Brother, who was much incensed thereat, and bethought himself how he should be revenged. He could not send him a Challenge, because it was not the custom, and besides, he was no match for such an enemy as the Grand Moro. He therefore dissembled his indignation, and some days after, invited the Grand Moro with some other Captains to dine with him, entertaining them after the best manner he could, the better to cloak his malicious design.  
Dinner being ende●, and the Grand Moro come to his own house, he found himself very much indisposed. Whereupon calling a slave of his who was a Surgeon, he said to him, You must immediately give me some remedy, for methinks I am poisoned. The Surgeon, a man very expert in his profession, gave him presently a good draught of milk, and finding that the milk stayed with him, he caused his head to be hung downwards, and at last the Milk came ou●, bringing the poison along with it, and by that means the Grand Moro was cured, and the Bassa's Brother laughed at by the Turks, for his ignorance in preparing the poison after the African way, which is, to make the composition so, as that it shall not do its effect till some time after it is administered. This slow operation of the poison causes many Spaniards, and Italians to renounce the Christian Faith. The reason is, that many Turks are addicted to the abominable sin, and the women are easily debauched by their slaves. Whence it comes, that having continued in their lewdness sometime, the women say to them, If you will renounce your Religion, I will marry you, and▪ of a poor slave, make you Master of this house and all I have. These promises are tempting, and most of the slaves, being ordinary Seamen, and poor in their own Country, and consequently obliged to get their livelihood by hard labour, they are inveigled by these taking appearances of liberty and wealth, strengthened by the solicitations of a handsome woman, and so prefer the temporal before eternal happiness. Being thus agreed, the women give their husbands a slow poison, so that the husband dying some months after, the widow marries the Renegado slave. There is no great inquisition made into these crimes by the Magistrate; insomuch that there are many who boast of their excellence in that Art.  
It comes into my mind, that I once overheard two French Renegadoes discoursing to this purpose. One of them said to the other, Do you still visit your Wench? The other answered, I have seen her lately, but am weary of her, I have a dose in my Chest to send her going into the other world. I also observed, while I was a slave at Pegelin's, that our Patron made a great feast at a Country house of his, and for greater pomp, the meat was carried thither by two hundred and fifty slaves (among whom I carried a dish of Nuts) who marched all in a file, there being a certain distance between every twenty, and there was one who carried a Basket covered with a piece of Silk, wherein I suppose there was some kind of Pastry. The Guests were the most famous Captains, and the richest Setters out of Galleys. The Bassa also was invited, with some of his principal Favourites; but twenty of his own slaves brought his meat and drink thither, for he would not trust Pegelin; yet was it not taken amiss. 'Twere better sometimes to eat with a poor Alarbe, in afric, then to be invited to the entertainments of such great Persons.   

RELATION XIX. The Turks keep their words.  
IN one of my precedent Relations I made it appear that Pegelin had no other God nor Religion then his Interest. Which I here hint again to heighten the Reader's astonishment, when he finds a person so destitute of Religion, to be so Religious an observer of his word.  
Having been five months his slave, I went to speak with him concerning my ransom; and to move him to compassion, I kissed the sleeve of his Garment which hung down to the ground (an African compliment) and said to him, May it please your Excellency, I have been five months your slave; I question not but your excellency is by this time sufficiently informed what I am, to wit, a poor soldier, and not a person of wealth and quality, as your Excellency said you knew well enough when you bought me. (For the Turks are very liberal in giving titles to the new slaves, calling one a Cavalier, another, a Count's Son, and saying the others are very rich, by that means to get a greater ransom out of them.) Pegelin made answer, I know not yet who you are, but if I agree with you about your ransom, though I should afterwards come to know that you are much richer than I took you to be, I shall keep my word, as I have done with several other persons, naming to me among others a Merchant of Genua, called Marco Antonio Falconi. But as I have said elsewhere, the treaty concerning my ransom was put off for some days, and I returned to the Bath. The same night I enquired of some slaves of my acquaintance, whether our Patron had kept his word with his slaves, when they had agreed with him, and what was the story of Marco Antonio Falconi, of whom he had spoken to me. They told me that they had been Eye-witnesses of it against their wills; for they then rowed in the Galley; and they told me the whole story, to this effect.  
A Genua-Merchant, who had resided long at Cadiz in Spain, where he had carried on a great Trade, being grown very rich, and having but one child, a Daughter, thought it time to give over trading, and return into his Country. He set all things in order, and embarked himself with his Daughter, who was about nine years of age, in a Brigantine. They always kept in sight of land, for fear of meeting with the Turkish Pirates. Being on the coast of Valentia, Pegelin, whose Galleys were thereabouts, discovers the Brigantine at a great distance, and gave order for the chase of her. Those of the Brigantine, endeavoured all they could with the help of Sails and Oars to get to land; but the Galleys, by reason of their abundance of Rowers, being come within Musket-shot of the Brigantine, the Genua Merchant and the Mariners cast themselves into the Sea, and made a shift to swim a shore; and the young Girl was only left in the Brigantine. Some Turks by Pegelin's order went into the Brigantine, to bring it away.  
The Merchant being got ashore, and seeing his Daughter in the hands of the Turks, went as far as he could into the Sea, and holding up his Handkerchief, made a sign to the Galleys to come and take him in. The Turks were astonished to see such a thing, and Pegelin himself, who sent out the Boat for him. The Voluntary-prisoner was brought before the General Alli Pegelin; who, jeering him, asked, why, having so fortunately escaped, he would of his own accord come into slavery, which makes the most confident to tremble.  
The Merchant, perceiving that he who spoke to him was the General, began this speech in the Italian Language, which Pegelin understood very well. Your Excellency is astonished to see me voluntarily render myself up a slave, a condition, which men, by a natural instinct, have all the reason in the world to fear. But the reason I shall give your Excellency will take away that astonishment. I am a Merchant of G●nua, I have traded some years in Spain, and I thought to retire with this Daughter, my only child into my Country. Your Excellency hath made her your prisoner, and you have taken me with her; for though it seemed that I had escaped, yet was I more a Prisoner than she, by my Fatherly affection. And therefore I thought fit to render myself to you, and if your Excellency will set me at a ransom, I will pay it if I can, if not, the satisfaction of having done what I ought for my daughter, will make me the more easily support the difficulties and inconvencies of slavery.  
Pegelin, having attentively hearkened to his discourse, said to him, You shall pay for the ransom of yourself and your Daughter six thousand Patacoons. The Genoese immediately replied, I will do it. There was in the Galley a Genoese slave, who desired to speak with the General, which being told Pegelin, he was admitted, and said to him, I know this prisoner very well, he is my Countryman, I have heard that he pays your Excellency six thousand Patacoons, but he is able to pay four times as much. Pegelin replied, Parola de mi e parola de mi; that is, My word i● my word. This shows, that Turks and Infidels keep their words, to the shame of Christians, who many times take occasion to break theirs.   

RELATION. XX. None so cautious but Wine and Women may betray.  
A Gentleman of one of the most illustrious families of Portugal, whom we shall here call Dom Oenophilo, had been engaged in many Duels and differences. But every one being blind in his own passion, he must needs have committed many great miscarriages; for notwithstanding his great quality, he had been twice sentenced to death at Lisbon, and yet by the intercession of that powerful Advocate Mr. Money, which sometimes interprets the Laws as he pleases; and with the assistance of his Friends, D. Oenophilo was twice pardoned. In the year 1637. he was further accused of some Murder, and to avoid the rigour of the Law, he embarked in the nigh-time with his wife to go for the Indies, the common Sanctuary of the Portuguez Malefactors. Having been some days at Sea, the Ship was taken by the Turkish Pirates; and Dom Oenophilo and his Wife were sold to a Moor named Cagarino. This new slave agreed with his Patron for the ransoming of himself and his wife, conditionally that he should remain as a Hostage, and that his wife should return home at liberty to send over the ransom. His wife was sent away, and he devoutly expected the money; and being not obliged to work as the other slaves were, Idleness found him somewhat to do; for he fell in love with his Patroness, and not daring at first to discover his affection, he sat down in hopes of a convenient time to do it. It happened that he made acquaintance with two Knights of Malta, who were Frenchmen, and slaves. These observing in Dom Oenophilo a great judgement, noble education, and an extraordinary natural eloquence, it so far heightened their friendship, that the two Knights invited Dom Oenophilo to drink a glass of wine, and pressed him to take a greater dose of it, than he was wont to do in Portugal. Having his head full of wine, and his mind of Love, he returned home, and began to court his Patroness. His Patron coming in, and surprising him at it fell upon the Gallant, and gave him two or three good cuffs o'th' ear. Dom Oenophilo, who was no more circumspect in his slavery than he had been when he was at liberty, returned the blows in the same coin, together with the interest. His Patron incensed upon a double account, as well for the blows he had received, as for what had passed between him and his wife, being mad to be revenged for that double affront, ran straight to the Bassa's Palace, and made his complaints, requiring, that, according to the Turkish Laws▪ he should be burnt alive▪ Order was given to the Sauses (who are the Officers of Justice) to bring the Criminal before the Tribunal to answer for himself. Dom Oenophilo being brought before the Bassa, he said to him; You are accused for having beaten a Turk, and which is worse, your Patron, and according to the Laws of this Country, you are either to renounce the Christian Religion, or to be burnt alive. Dom Oenophilo denied the fact, alleging that he had only defended himself from the blows, and he brought in a Turk for a witness, who spoke on his behalf. But the Bassa would not admit of his excuses, accounting the Patron's accusation a sufficient proof. He pronounced the sentence without any further solemnity, that Oenophilo should take his choice, either to renounce, or be burnt alive. The unfortunate man finding himself so put to it, answered, as a good Christian, and resolute Knight, that he would not renounce. Whereupon the sentence was pronounced, that Dom Oenophilo should be burnt alive. All things were prepared, and the Sauses conducted the Criminal to his punishment; but the Bassa commanded the execution to be suspended till further order. The Bassa minding his own concerns above all things, found a way to make his advantage of that offence, and proposed this reason to those of his Council, who had given their voices for the sentence. If this Offender, said he to them, had killed another slave, his Patron would have been obliged to make satisfaction for the dead slave, or to resign the Delinquent to be disposed of to the advantage of the deceased Slave's Patron. This Offender hath beaten a Turk, which is a greater crime then to have killed a Christian; and upon the prosecution of his own Patron, we have condemned him to death, by which condemnation, his Patron hath lost the propriety he had in him, and it is devolved to me, as representing the person of the Grand Seignor. Having therefore the power to pardon such as are condemned, I give that slave his life, and so it is consequent that he belongs to me.  
This reason was approved by all the Agas, who are of his Council. Dom Oenophilo is declared the Bassa's slave by the Council of the Agas. And the Patron having lost the propriety of his slave, and received blows, got also the reputation of being Cuckolded by him. Dom Oenophilo was sent among the slaves of the Bassa, having at each leg a Garter of a hundred weight of Iron. When I came to Algiers, he lived in the Bassa's Stables, where I was intimately acquainted with him, and found him a person full of Moral Virtues. And in that miserable slavery, by his prudence and noble Demeanour, he knew so well how to oblige all people, that he was continually visited, and his Countrymen supplied him with all things necessary. When I left Algiers in the year 1642. I left him in the same condition, loaden with Irons, and know not what became of him since.   

RELATION XXI. A way to cure the Pox at Algiers without the help of either Doctor or Surgeon.  
MY Patron Alli Pegelin had among his slaves one named John Motoza, who was as deeply as man could be in that which some call the Neapolitan, others the French disease, insomuch that he was thought incapable of doing any service whatsoever, as a slave. The Spring was coming on, and the Galleys were to go out. John Motoza was commanded to go aboard, where his employment was to row. This command troubled him extremely, for he was of opinion that a good sweating●tub would agree better with his body then the hard labour of a Galley, a hardship not easily imaginable by those who have not had the trial of it. He goes to his Patron, and says to him, Your excellency hath given command that I should go aboard the Galleys, which labour I am absolutely unable to perform, as having not the use of either arms or legs. What ails you, says Pegelin to him? He confidently replied, I have got the Pox. Pegelin said to him smiling, Go get you aboard the Galley, it will contribute more to your health, then if you did sweat in Spain, or endure the other tortures necessary for the cure of your disease. There was no appeal from what was positively said by Pegelin. Motoza goes aboard, is chained by the leg as the other slaves who were to row, and with the help of a Bull's pizzle made to work as the rest. His constant Commons was old and dry Biscuit, his drink fair water. At the end of forty days (I was Eye-witness of it) Motoza was absolutely cured. The reason is, that through extraordinary pains taking he had sweated extremely, and had withal fed on dry meat. If any are troubled with the Pox, and loath to venture on those chargeable yet dangerous cures now practised, they may make use of the aforesaid remedy, which will prove so effectual, that after trial made of it, they may give it their Probatum est.   

RELATION XXII. Of a Frenchman who would have turned Turk, but continued a Christian inspite of his teeth.  
A French-sla●e belonging to Alli Pegelin had rowed several Voyages in the Galleys; but not able to brook that kind of life, he desired Pegelin's permission to renounce the Christian Religion, and to embrace the Turkish, which Pegelin would not suffer him to do, because the Renegadoes are worth much less than the Christians; for being once turned Turks, they are not obliged to row as the Christians are. This Frenchman was laughed at by his Companions, and to avoid being abused, as also to force his Patron to permit him to renounce, he addressed himself to some Renegadoes, and got a Turkish habit of them; which having put on, and shaved himself after the Turkish mode, he gave himself the name of Mustapha. Being so accoutred he went to a Garden of his Patron's without the City. Those who kept the house knew him well enough, and thought he had renounced his Religion, with the consent of his Patron. When the crafty Pegelin heard that the Frenchman was in his Garden, he went thither, where being come he called for John, which was the name of the Frenchman. John came and appeared before Pegelin, answering resolutely, My name is Mustapha and not John. Pegelin seeing him in that equipage, called four slaves, who having laid him all along on the ground, cudgelled him so long till at last he cried out; My name is John, and not Mustapha; I am a Christian, and not a Turk, I will put on my Christian habit. Thus it may be said that Pegelin cudgelled a Christian into his Christianity, which he would have renounced.   

RELATION XXIII. Of the simplicity of a young Jewess.  
AFter I had got out of the Masmora at Tituan, M. Caloën, a Turk who had the oversight of us, and I took a Chamber in that Quarter of the City where the Jews inhabit. Our Chamber was unfurnished; for, according to our manner of life, we had no need of furniture; and when we had a desire to buy any thing, the Jews accommodated us for a small piece of money. It happened that a young Jewess having brought us something, she took occasion to fall into discourse with me in the Portuguez language, which I could make a shift to understand, and I answered her in French, which she understood well enough. She was about sixteen or eighteen years of age, as simple as one could have wished a woman. I asked her whether she were married: She answered, she was not. Methinks, said I, it should be much more troublesome to you to live without a husband, then to abstain from the eating of Swins-flesh, which is so rigorously forbidden by the Law of Moses. Whereto she made answer, Now that you talk of Marriage, pray tell me, is it celebrated all one in your Country, the Kingdom of Dunkirk, as it is here? I said it was. I would fain know, said she, whether a man may have as many wives there, as he pleases himself? I answered, No, marriage is there quite contrary to what is here; for it is lawful for one woman to have seven husbands, and all those husbands are in subjection to the wife. She asked me, which of the seven lay with her. I replied, That they took their turns, but that he who gave the woman most satisfaction had her oftenest. This discourse pleased the young Jewess so well, that she took her leave with a sigh, saying, God's blessing light on such a Country.   

RELATION XXIV. Of the prudent retirement of a Pirate.  
IN the year 1639. there was at Algiers a Turkish Soldier, who had been engaged in many courses at Sea as a private Soldier, and with much thrift having got together the sum of two hundred Patacoons, he thought himself rich enough to have the command of a little Vessel. He bought such a one as his stock could purchase, that is an open one, without any Deck, and set up a flag as a signal for such as would venture to Sea along with him, that they should come aboard. Having got together sixteen soldiers, Turks and Renegadoes, they began to cruse up and down towards the Coast of Spain, between Santaluz and Cadiz. Some Merchants of Cadiz had a design to send aboard an English Ship, which lay in the Port of Santaluz, sixty bars of Silver. To avoid discovery (for to send silver out of the Country without the King's permission was a capital crime) the Merchants had agreed with a certain person, who gave in security for the delivery of the sixty bars of Silver into the English Ship. According to their contract, he came in the night time to the place where the Silver was, accompanied by eighteen Adventurers, armed with Swords, little Bucklers, and four Muskets, Arms sufficient to defend themselves against the Officers of Justice. They put the Silver into a small Bark, to be carried aboard the English Ship. The little Picaroon beforementioned, perceiving it, came near them, which the Spaniards seeing, expect him, with a resolution, in case they came up close to them, to leap in with their Swords drawn into the Turkish Vessel, and to kill all the Turks. The Turks began to fire, and the Spaniards making but a cold return with their Muskets, the Turkish Captain, who understood the work he had in hand very well, presently inferred that the Christians wanted fire-armes, and so ordered that his Vessel should not come nearer, but fire continually at a distance; which they did, and after an hours engagement, wherein there were four of the Adventurers killed, and as many wounded, the rest rendered themselves up to the Turks, who took the prisoners and the silver into their Vessel, leaving the Spanish Bark with the four dead bodies to the Mercy of the Sea. Three days after, the Bark with the four dead bodies was cast ashore near Santaluz, where I than chanced to be. The Turkish Captain being returned to Algiers, he divided the Booty according to the custom, or rather the order of the Bassa, to wit, the one half to him, because he had set out the Vessel at his own charge, and the other to be divided among the soldiers. Now after the eighth part had been deducted for the Bassa, and other charges, the Captain's part was thirty bars of silver valued at thirty thousand Patacoons. This good fortune got the Captain many Friends, insomuch that he was proffered the command of the best Ships belonging to Algiers. But he as a prudent man made them this answer; I have endangered my life many times ere I could get together the sum of two hundred Patacoons, which was not enough to make an end of me, but I must run myself into further hazards. Now that I have enough to maintain myself as long as I live, I will enjoy my pleasure ashore, and laugh at the dangers of the Sea. He married the Daughter of a rich Tagarin, and lived very happily, according to his quality.   

RELATION XXV. How God provides for such as intend well.  
IN the year 1641. being at Alli Pegelin's Bath, we had, among other Guardians (who are they that oversee the slaves at work) a Spanish Renegado, a Native of Castilia la Vicia, named Amet. It happened that we were to work abroad in the Country, and Amet had the oversight of thirty or forty Christians, and when the Christians were at a little distance, so as that they could not be seen by the other Guardians, he suffered them to work at their own discretion; and assoon as he perceived any Turk in sight, he cried out like one enraged; Work, you dogs, work, or I will cudgel your bones out of your skins. Yet would he not touch any one, whispering to them; Do not wonder that I keep such a stir on you, and therefore you need not over-work yourselves, I do it only that the other Guardians may not think I neglect my duty. It happened that Summer, that our Patron Pegelin commanded Amet aboard his own Galley, to have a care of the Christians, and twice a day to see the Irons were fast about their legs; as also to distribute the Biscuit among the slaves, and do some other services about the Galley. It chanced, that touching at the Coast of Valentia in Spain, at a place not much peopled, they cast Anchor, and a great number of the Turks went ashore, to seek for booty, and not meeting with any near the Seaside, they made a fire and dressed meat ashore, as they are wont to do, when the soldiers of the Galley refresh themselves. In the mean time Pegelin gave order that fifty Christian slaves should be set ashore, fastened together by five, to fetch water in little Runlets from a Spring about a quarter of a league thence, and that, to guard them, there should be twenty-five Musketters, and Amet with a cudgel in his hand, to drive the slaves. As they began to march, Pegelin cried out of his Galley to him who commanded the Musketeers; Have a care of the Christians, and look also to Amet that he run not away, for I have no confidence of him. With that order they went straight to the Spring, and having filled their Runlets were returning towards the Galley. The Musketeers followed them, with Amet, who discoursing with the soldiers, got into the Rear, and talking with him who brought it up, he said to him, Pray stay a little, I have occasion to ease nature. The other replied, Uncivil fellow, do your business alone, is it fit I should stay to see it done? and so followed the company. Amet in the mean time makes as if he would let down his breeches, and perceiving they were got about a Musket-shot from him, he turned his back, and made such haste away, that he got to a little Castle not far thence. The Turks discharged some of their Muskets, but he was out of their reach. The rest being returned with the water to the Galley, Pegelin asked where Amet was? Hearing that he had made his escape, he was very angry with the soldiers, who excused themselves, saying, that the Castle was so near that he had got into it.  
A young lad about fourteen years of age, a Renegado also, born at Marseilles, named Mustapha (whom I knew very well) waited on Pegelin in the Galley, as a Page, hearing their discourse concerning Amet, not saying a word, went ashore with the soldiers, who were busy about the dressing of their meat, and talking with them, observed the way which led towards the Castle. He returned into the Galley, went down into the place where his clothes were, put on a clean shirt, and his best Waistcoat, and went again out of the Galley, no body minding him, and finding an opportunity, followed Amet to the Castle with the like success.   

RELATION XXVI. A pleasant piece of simplicity of a Dunkirker, a Slave.  
IN the year 1641. there was among us a Dunkirk slave, named John Bellinck, Brother to Cornelius Bellinck, Master of a Merchantman which was taken by the Turkish Pirates and brought to Algiers. Cornelius Bellinck as a resolute Dunkirker, lost his life in defending his Ship, and his Brother John was brought a slave to Algiers. He fell to the Bassa's share, who employed him as a Mariner in his Ships, for it was his profession. He had also made several courses in the Galleys as a Rower, and in the Ships as an ordinary Seaman. It happened that having some business with a Jew, named Pharette, concerning a Bill of exchange, the Jew asked me whether I knew not a Dunkirk-slave named John Bellinck? whereto replying that I did, the Jew said to me. Pray bring me where he is, I would fain speak with him, for I have order to redeem him, and send him home to his Country. I was very glad to bring this good news to Bellinck, and do that service to the Jew, (for I stood in need of his Drug) and so I brought the Jew to the Bassa's Bath, where meeting with Bellinck, I said to him, Bellinck, I bring you good news, this Jew hath order to pay your ransom, and send you home to your Country. He was so surprised at those words, that he cast himself at the feet of the Jew, saying to him in Dutch, Ah good Master Jew, redeem me for the death and passion-sake of Jesus Christ. I could not forbear laughing at that compliment, which the Jew observing, asked me the reason of it. I told him in Spanish what charms Bellinck used to obtain his favour. The Jew also laughed at it, and said to me, Tell him in your language, that what I intent to do for him shall be upon no other account then his own.   

RELATION XXVII. The odd traverses of Fortune that happen to Slaves.  
IN the discourse of my unfortunate voyage, I related, how that sailing from S. Sebastian's in Biscay towards England, our Ship with its loading, and sixteen Passengers were taken by the Turkish Pirates. Among these sixteen, there were two young men, Biscayans, one named Turineo, the other John, who came aboard us with a design to go to Dunkirk, to their Uncle Dom Turineo de Fustament, Pagador of the naval Armado of Flanders. These two young men, by our common misfortune, fell into slavery among the Turks. They had never been out of their Country before, and that new course of life, amidst so many inconveniences and miseries, went extremely against the hair with them. But there being many Biscayans among Pegelin's slaves, and they (as I often observed) very ready to assist their Countrymen, John and Turineo received some relief of them, and so made a shift to rub out pretty well. They had not been there long ere I observed, that a Renegado, a Biscayan, under pretence of being their Countryman, came every day to the Bath, to discourse with the two young men. And whereas that place is dangerous for young persons brought up in a Country, where the abominable sin of Sodomy is unknown, I was afraid the Renegado's kindness proceeded from some design he had to debauch them, and so gave them notice that they should take heed of him. They thanked me for my care of them, telling me, that the Renegado gave them shirts, shoes, and some money, and that he did it only upon the account of charity towards them, as Countrymen, and that he never spoke to them of renouncing their Religion, nor of any debauchedness, and that they were in hopes by the assistance they received from him, to drive on some little trade as many other slaves did. Which I found afterwards that they did; for with the money they had of the Renegado, they now and then bought a bottle of Brandy, which they sold by retail, and within the space of three months, they made such gains, that they were partners with others in a Tavern of the Bath; so that they lived very well for slaves. I left them driving on the same trade in January 1642. when I returned for Christendom. I brought a letter from them to their Uncle, Dom Turineo de Fustament, whom I acquainted in what condition I had left his Nephews, and showed him the easiest way for their redemption.  
About a year after Dom Turineo sent to me to Bruges, the place of my residence, an Officer of his named Juan Baptista Terris, to tell me, that I should do him a great kindness, if I would come over to Dunkirk, to inquire among some Turkish Prisoners taken by the Pirates, whether there were any fit to be exchanged for his Nephews. Being come to Dunkirk, I went, upon D. Turineo's desire, to the prison, where I found about a hundred Turkish slaves, kept in a Cellar, and no better treated then the Christians in Barbary. Having called for the Arrais, that is the Captain, I asked him whether there were any one among his people, who would undertake, to get over two Christian slaves from Algiers in exchange for some of them. And after I had examined that Captain, and other Turks whom I knew, and among others an English Renegado, who had been a Gunner in one of the Pirates who had taken us, and finding no likelihood of making an exchange, (for they were all poor) I was just come to the door to be gone, when one of them said to me, What, do you not know me? I answered, No, Friend, I do not. Whereupon the other replied, When I saw you last, you were a poor slave, as you see me now. Why, who are you, said I? I am, said he, that Biscayan Renegado, who relieved your Companions John and Turineo, my Countrymen. I went to give Dom Turineo de Fustament an account of what had past; but dinner being on the Table, Let us sit down, says Dom Turineo, and you may tell us at dinner, what you have done with the Turks. I gave him a short account of all, not omitting the story of the Biscayan Renegado who was in prison. Dom Turineo being a person of great Authority at Dunkirk, g●ve order that the Renegado should be brought in to the room where we dined. The Biscayan was brought in, and falling on his knees he took a pair of Beads out of his pocket, and then said in the Spanish language; Assoon as I was taken, I endeavoured all I could to get a Psalter, that I might pray to our Blessed Lady, to make it known to the Christians, that though I have been a Renegado, yet have they never been injured or ill-treated by me, but that I have always relieved them to the utmost of my power. My misfortune in renouncing my Religion is to be attributed to the cruelty of my Patron, and here is a man (pointing to me) who can testify how I behaved myself towards the Christian slaves. The words of the Renegado were so prevalant, that Madam Malquarto (who was the Mistress of the house, for Dom Turineo tabled with her) rose up, and gave the Renegado a shirt, and a good piece of money. The next day D. Turineo had him reconciled to the Catholic Church, by a Jesuit, named Father Carion, and afterwards got him set at liberty. They bought him Sea-man's clothes and put him into the Armado, and so he escaped rowing all his life in the Spanish Galleys, as his other Renegado-companions were forced to do.  
This happened in the year 1643. and three years after, walking on the Burgh, at Bruges with some Friends, we saw coming out at the great Gate two Spanish Captains, marching very fiercely with their Canes in their hands, upon which we were saying among ourselves, Those Gentlemen are not a little proud of their Captainships. Coming nearer us, I knew one of them to be the forementioned John, to whom I said, Pray Sir, is not your name Don John? whereto he answering it was; And were you not a slave at Algiers? And did you not know there a Christian slave, named James Zeveren, a Dunkirker, (which was my name in Barbary?) Then he quitted his gravity and embraced me. I entreated him to dine with me, but he being on a hasty march, we only took a glass of wine together. I told him the story of the Renegado, which he was glad to hear; and he told me, how he had rowed in the Galleys, and suffered much; but that than his friends had procured him the command of a Company, though he had not served for it, and that he was in hopes of some better fortune. The next year he was killed in his Majesty's service.   

RELATION XXVIII. A Slave makes use of any thing for his livelihood.  
BEing newly come to Pegelin's Bath, there were four hundred slaves commanded out to work at a Country house of our Patron's two Italian miles out of the City, and to level a little hill. The order was given the night before, and at Sunrising next morning, the Guardians conducted us to our work. As we went along, I fell into discourse with one who had been a slave a long time, a Frenchman. Having an empty bag hanging over his shoulders, I asked him what he would do with it? He made answer, You are yet but an Apprentice in the profession of slavery, and I am a Crafts-Master in this kind of life, and I will show you by evident reasons, that a slave going to work in the Country, is to be furnished with three things, a bag, a piece of bread, and a spoon. As to the bread, said I, 'twill do very well, for the Guardian commands you to go which way he pleases, and if the Biscuit be distributed in your absence, you may have nothing to eat. And as to the spoon, it does well also, for yesterday, there was a distribution of Barley-broath, and for want of a spoon, I was forced ●o make use of my hand, (when we are at work out of the City, there is a small allowance of Galley-Bisket, and Barley-Broath) but as to the bag, I cannot conceive what advantage can be made of it. He made me the same answer, Time and experience will teach you, that a Bag is a necessary thing for a slave. We came to the Country house, and having wrought till within two hours of night, we returned to the City in small companies of ten and twelve together, for the Guardians see that the slaves when they go to work, hide not themselves, and get out of the way to avoid working. As we returned to the City, a Spaniard who was with us (one much respected among the slaves, and who might well be a Graduate in the University of Thiefs) said, See, there's a poor Alarbe with a flock of Sheep before him, it shall go hard but I will have one of them without money. Having done his work with the help of a cord, which being put about the Sheep's neck kept it from bleating; But how, said he, shall we get in at the Gate without being examined? The Frenchman, lends the Spaniard his bag, and said to me, Do you now see, Dunkirker, what use may be made of a bag? This passage taught me, that every one is to be believed in his own profession.   

RELATION XXIX. Of the fidelity of a husband, and the unfaithfulness of his wife.  
IN the year 1638. the Galleys of Algiers landed some Turks on Christian land, who being conducted by a treacherous Renegado, a Native of the Country, took many Christians, who were afterwards sold at Algiers. Among these slaves, there was a man whom we will call Joseph, with his wife, named Vipra, both bought by Mahomet Celibi Oiga; Joseph's work was to dress the Horses and the Mules, and Vipra waited on Mahomet's wife. In the year 1639. Mahomet Celibi said one night to Joseph, To morrow morning at break of day, take the Mule, and go to Babazon-Gate, and there you will find some Christian slaves with Horses and Mules going two leagues hence for coals, go along with them, and bring a load. The next day, Joseph goes to the Gate, but finding no body there, he goes forwards, thinking the other slaves had been before. Having gone about an hours riding, all along the Seaside, he sees a Bark, goes as near it as he could, to discover the men, and perceives they were Christians; whereupon he turns the Mule loose, and runs to the Bark. The Mariners received him, and told him they came from Majorca, with order to carry away some slaves of that Country, and whereas the slaves came not, those of the Bark were afraid they had not received the letter, whereby notice was sent them, and that themselves might be discovered, in regard it was day. They proffered Joseph a hundred Patacoons, and promised to carry him along with them, if he would return to the City, and give notice to those slaves of Majorca. But Joseph would not leave a certainty for an uncertainty, and said, I am now confident of my liberty, whereas if I return to the City, it may be your design will be discovered, and I shall be made more a slave then ever, and if it ever come to be known, that I have had any hand in the business, three hundred blows with a cudgel will hardly excuse me. Joseph had hardly made an end of excusing himself, ere some Turks passed by that way, who seeing that those of the Bark were habited after the Christian mode, (wherein I conceive those undertakers had mistaken themselves, that they had not been habited like Africans) began to raise an alarm. Those of the Bark fearing they might be surprised by some Brigantine, made all the hast they could to Sea, having Joseph along with them. The Bark soon got out of sight, and the alarm ceased. The Christian slaves whom Joseph thought to be before him, were but come thither when the alarm ceased, so that finding the Mule, they said among themselves, This is Mahomet Celibi's Mule, let us take her home with us; his slave hath either been killed or taken by the Alarbes. The Mule was brought home, and Joseph given over for a dead man by his Patron, and lamented by his wife Vipra. But in a short time, her sorrow ceased, for she fell in love with a Renegado, named Assan, who had been a slave of the same Patron Mahomet's.  
In the mean time, Joseph got to Majorca, and thence to his own Country, where he related at lea●sure, what had happened to him, as well during th● time of his slavery, as at his deliverance, yet wit● extraordinary discoveries of the trouble he was in f●● the absence of his beloved Vipra. Joseph sold al● he had, and, with the relief of some good people, he got together the sum of five hundred Patacoons. Five months were now passed away since Joseph was numbered among the dead; at the end of which term Mahomet Oiga received a letter, to this effect. Sir, by the great mercy of God, I recovered my liberty the day you sent me for coals, by means of a Bark of Majorca. I cannot imagine you will charge me with any unfaithfulness for doing what I have done, for every man endeavours the retrival of his Liberty. While I was your slave, you demanded of me five hundred Patacoons for the ransom of my wife and myself, I send herewith order for the payment of the said sum, accounting myself still a slave, as long as my wife shall continue without her liberty. I have such a confidence of your kindness, that I presume this proffer will not be unacceptable to you. This Letter was shown to Vipra, who was not well pleased at it, for the affection she bore the Renegado Assan had smothered all the conjugal love she should have had for her husband; so that she said publicly that she would not return into her Country. That resolution of hers troubled the good man Mahomet Celibi, for he would rather have received the five hundred Patacoons, and set Vipra at liberty. But his wife told him, Vipra is desirous to embrace the Mahumetane Religion, and will you for five hundred Patacoons hinder a work so acceptable to our Prophet? Besides, all the neighbourhood knows her design, and if you send her away, you will be looked upon as a favourer of the Christians. Upon these representations of his wife, he thought fit to leave the business in suspense.  
About that time I came to be slave to the same Patron Mahomet, and having heard the story of Vipra and her husband, I stood one day at the door with her, who said to me, Why are you so melancholy? I answered, Because I am not so happy as you are. She asked me why? I replied, Because you may be set at liberty when you please, for I hear your Husband hath sent five hundred Patacoons for your ransom, and I wonder to find you so unwilling to return into your Country, to your Husband who is so kind, and so faithful to you, as also to exercise the Catholic Religion among your friends and Relations. She roundly made answer, A Turkish Garment will become me as well as a Spanish Petticoat. And with those words she left me and went into the house; whence it might easily be inferred, that the love she had for her Gallant, was greater then what she had for her Religion, Country, Husband, and Relations.   

RELATION XXX. A Scuffle between the Spanish and Portuguez Slaves.  
IN one of my former Relations I made mention of a Christian Church at Algiers, which is in the Bath of the Duana, and that some Portuguez slaves had the keeping of the Altar in it. Aug. 15. 1641. being the Feast of the Assumption of our Blessed Lady, the Altar was richly dressed, and among other Ornaments, there was upon the Altar the Arms of Portugal, with these words, Exaltat humiles, & deponit superbos. Service being ended, and most of the Christians gone out, two Spanish slaves came into the Church, either to pray, or out of curiosity, to see the Ornaments, and coming up to the Altar, one of them, who understood two or three words of Latin begin to read what was written on the Arms of Portugal, and said to his Companion, who asked him what it meant; This signifies, God exalts the humble and pulls down the proud; this is spoken in contempt of our the Spanish Nation, for that year the Kingdom of Portugal had revolted. Whereupon, without any more ado, one of the Spaniards tears the Arms with the Inscription, and cast the pieces all about the place. This was no sooner perceived by a Portuguez slave, but the Spaniard had three or four good blows over the face ere he could get to the Church-door. The Spaniards defending themselves made a shift to get out of the Church, through a certain part of the Bath, and though the place was full of Portuguezes, yet having made their way into the Street, all that were thereabouts at first made a ring about the Combatants. Afterwards, those who were affected to the King of Spain▪ relieved the Spaniards; yet wanted there not great numbers of Portuguezes, who came in to the assistance of their Countrymen; so that in less than half an hours time they seemed to be two Armies of Christian slaves engaged, but having no other weapons, than their fists, some stones, and staves. The Turks seeing this tumult of the slaves, enquired what the reason of it might be; which having understood, they said to the slaves, You despicable crew of Dogs and Savages, in the first place get your liberty, and you may afterwards at leisure dispute the differences of your Kings, in the Field, and not here. Whereupon, with ropes-ends, Bulls-pizzles, and cudgels, they parted the Combatants, and sent them every one to his quarters.   

RELATION XXXI. A Slave ought to be distrustful of the great kindness of his Patron.  
IN the year 1641. the Duke of Braganza coming to be King of Portugal, sent Envoys to all the Governors of Islands and Garrizons to draw them to his party, before the King of Spain had taken order for the contrary. Among other Envoys, there was one a Religious man, who ere he was got far from Lisborn, was taken by the Turkish Pirates, and brought to Algiers. I happened to be at the waterside, and the good Father coming ashore I saluted him in Latin, telling him I was troubled at his misfortune, and that he was the first Religious man of his Order that I had seen in that Country. He gravely answered without looking on me, Pray God I may be the last. Two days after, he was sold in the Market with some other slaves. My Master Alli Pegelin bought him at twelve thousand Patacoons, and from the Marketplace, before he came to the Bath, (the ordinary Quarters of the slaves) he went to his new Patron's, to make him a proffer of his service. Alli Pegelin, who was extremely subtle in discovering the humours and quality of his slaves, that he might make his advantage thereof when they came to treat about their ransom, entertained the Religious man very kindly, and said to him, being bareheaded, Be covered I pray, I see you are a considerable person, and will not be able to brook the miseries of the Sea. 'Tis very true, replies the Friar, and the Soldiers have taken away all I had. Whereto Pegelin made answer, Those Soldiers were ill-bred Rascals, not to have a respect for persons of your worth, and if you want clothes, or linen, or money, I will order you what shall be requisite. The Religious man answered, that he stood in need of all those things. Whereupon Pegelin gave order to a Jew who stood by, to deliver him so much clothe as would serve him, six shirts, and fifteen Patacoons, and so sent the Religious man to the Bath where we were. That night the Father came and walked upon the Terrace of the Bath; some of us asked him what news from Christendom, and what he thought of our common Patron Alli Pegelin. He told us that our Patron was a very courteous and reasonable man. He would needs have me to be covered, said he, and hath comforted me very much, and what is more, hath given me shirts, cloth, and money. Believe me, there are not many Princes in Christendom, who would show so much kindness to a slave, and not know him. We made answer, Assure yourself, these kindnesses and respects will cost you very dear one time or other. But he laughed at us. He said Mass every day in the Church of our Bath, and all the Portuguez came to hear it, and that ended, they conducted the Religious man to the door of the Bath, he coming last of all; and then with many Baiso las manos, every one went his ways. This life was well enough for a slave; but after he had continued there some years, Pegelin demanding twelve thousand Patacoons for his ransom, he was so astonished thereat, that he fell into a grief, and died within a few days after. He was a very virtuous man, as I shall have occasion to show in another Relation. The excessive kindness of Alli Pegelin occasioned his miscarriage.   

RELATION XXXII. Of a Religious Man, a Slave at Algiers, who out of weakness renounced the Christian Religion, and afterwards repenting suffered Martyrdom.  
FAther Joseph, a Dominican Friar, having lived some years in the West-Indies, and returning to his Country (Valentia in Spain) was taken by the Pirates of Algiers, where being sold, his Patron told him, that if he would pay a good ransom, he would set him at liberty. Father Joseph, being a person of a cheerful humour, and a pleasing disposition, (as shall be seen anon) made answer that he would, conditionally that he should be kindly treated, fare well, lie on a Matress, and not work; upon which terms he would pay six thousand Ducats for his ransom. The Patron, thinking he had the 6000. Ducats already in his Chest, treated Father Joseph according to the agreement. Having thus fared well, and had all things requisite for the space of a year, the Patron seeing there was no likelihood of receiving the Ransom-mony, commanded another slave of his, a Spaniard, to bestow a hundred blows with a cudgel (an ordinary punishment in Barbary) on the soles of Father Joseph's feet. The poor man was fastened in an Instrument fit for that purpose, which in the Turkish language is called Falaca. Father Joseph seeing the Spaniard coming towards him, said to him, Have a care Christian, consider what you do; you know that I am a Priest, and if you touch me, you will be excommunicated. Whereupon the honest Spaniard said to his Patron, I am a Christian, and your slave, beat me as much as you please, I will not be excommunicated. The Patron called out another of his slaves, a Portuguez, who was glad to execute such a Commission upon a Spaniard, laughing at the excommunication. When Father Joseph had recovered of those blows, and came abroad into the Streets, some other slaves his friends taking occasion to bewail his misfortune, he would say to them laughing, Is there any one among you who would not endure a hundred bangs with a cudgel, to far well a whole year, and to deceive a dog of a Turk? His Patron despairing of his ransom, sold him very much to his loss; for he was looked upon as a cheat. His new Patron sent him to quarter at the Bath of the Duana, where there is one of the four Christian Churches which are at Algiers. Most of the Priests live at the Baths where the Christian Churches are, and are maintained by the Alms they receive from the slaves. And so paying their Patron's ordinarily three Patacoons a month, they are exempted from working. In the year 1640. I found him in that Bath of the Duana; but most of the slaves there being Portuguezes, there always happened some difference between them and Father Joseph, who was a Spaniard; insomuch that his Patron was forced to permit him to come and live at Alli Pegelin's Bath, where I came to be intimately acquainted with him. Every Sunday, when I was exempted from working, I heard his Sermons, which were full of learning and eloquence. He was a lover of good cheer, and had a great veneration for the Patriarch Noah, for his excellent invention of Planting the Vine. One day we took him to the Tavern, where, for want of Wineglasses, we made use of a Church-Lamp, which was of Glass, and Father Joseph thinking the wine so much the better out of that, took off three Lamps of it, each containing a quart or better, and so loaden, went his way very much our friend. Shortly after I was set at liberty, and Father Joseph continued there till the year 1645. so that seeing no likelihood of recovering his liberty, or haply drawn in by the licentious life allowed by the Alcoran, he forgot himself so far as to renounce the Christian Faith, turning a Mahumetane, with extraordinary acclamations of the Moors and Turks, who set him on horseback with a Dart in his hand, and so conducted him through all the Streets of the City, as it were in triumph. And abusing the Christians, they said to them as he went along, Behold your great Papas, (so the Turks call the Christian Priests) whom you esteemed so highly. This accident extremely troubled the Christians, both Catholics and Protestants. It happened through God's permission, that at that time there were at Algiers two Fathers, one a Jesuit, the other a Discalceate Carmelite, a Genoese named Frater Angeli, a man of exemplary virtue. These two Fathers were extremely troubled at the miscarriage of Father Joseph, as also for the scandal which the Christians had received thereby, and resolved to remonstrate unto him, how highly he had scandalised so many Christian slaves, who had endured a thousand times more misery than he had, and yet persevered with so much constancy and patience in the Christian Faith. By these and the like remonstrances, Father Joseph (who was now called Isouf) was so stirred, that he promised the two Fathers that he would forsake the pernicious Mahumetane Religion, and be reconciled to the holy Church, and to that end he desired to make his Confession, and to receive the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar. Which he did the same night very secretly, for if the Turks had known that those two Fathers had concerned themselves in the conversion of a Renegado, they would hardly have escaped being burnt alive. The next day Isouf appears in the Streets, clothed as a Christian, whereat the whole City was astonished. He was taken, and carried before the Duana, that is, the Tribunal. They asked him why he had changed the habit of his Religion? He resolutely answered that he was a Christian, a Priest, and of a Religious Order, and that he would die a Christian. And as to what had passed, that he had done it by the suggestion of the Devil. Upon this answer, the Judges thought fit to order him to be cudgelled on the soles of the feet, to drive those scruples out of his mind.  
That sentence was executed, but to no purpose, for he presevered, and said he would die a Christian. They threatened him with death, and seeing at last, that all their menaces prevailed nought upon him, they condemned him to be burnt alive with a gentle fire. The Sauses (the Officers of Justice) let him out of the Baboloet-Gate, and got an Anchor, and having set it with the teeth into the ground, tied Father Joseph to it. He made the best advantage he could of the short remainder of his life; for he begged pardon of God, and the Christians, who were present in great numbers, exhorting them to continue constant in the Christian Faith. In the mean time Wood was brought, which was set at five foot distance all about him. Being set on fire, the flame augmented the courage of that holy Martyr, who louder and louder begged forgiveness of God for the scandal he had given to the Christians, exhorting them to perseverance in the Christian Religion. At last, smothered by the smoke, he fell down, leaving to all the Christian slaves an example of a true Religious man, and a most penitent Christian.   

RELATION XXXIII. Of the design we had to render ourselves Masters of the Ship which brought us to Tituan.  
IN the discourse of my Voyage, I mentioned how twenty four Christians of us had resolved to master the Turkish Ship, wherein we had twice embarked for Tituan, and by reason of contrary winds were twice forced back to Algiers. Being at Sea in the said Ship, we had observed the Master understood not his charge very well, and that the Guard he set for the securing of us, was not sufficient, nor well disposed, and that the least part of the Turks belonging to the Ship were soldiers, and the greatest Merchants, and these so curious about their Arms, that all their Muskets and Cuttelasses were packed up in bags of cloth, and well corded, that the air might not hurt them. We had also observed, that there was a Box full of half-pikes in the Pilot's Cabin, at the Stern, where the Master and his Mate lay. Being ashore the second time, the chief actor in the enterprise proposed to us one after another, how, at our next embarking, we might destroy those Turks, become Masters of the Ship, and, with our liberty, get very great wealth; for there were among us twenty four Jews, most of them Lapidaries; which double hope much augmented our courage. The principal undertaker we shall here call Bottemond.  
M. Caloën and I needed not to have run ourselves into any danger, as being already assured of our liberty, and engaging ourselves in that business, we might be killed, or at least receive a hundred blows with a cord on the belly, if it had been discovered; yet to procure the liberty of the other slaves our Friends, we promised to run the same hazard with them. Going aboard the third time, the Undertaker hid a Dagger, two great Turkish Knives, and two pound of powder in a bag of Biscuit, which was carried to the Prow, where the Christians lay, for the Biscuit was for them. The wind having brought us in a few hours, a good distance from the Coast of Algiers, we began to consult, how, and when our enterprise should be put in execution, and every one gave his advice. The result was, that we who lay at the Prow, should have the two Knives and the Dagger, and that we should make use of a Cramp-Iron, and twelve Shovels, wherewith they took in and cast out the Ballast. The other eight Christian slaves lay on the Deck, for day and night, they were to have a care of the sails; for the Turks have Christian slaves for their Seamen; those had for their Arms each of them two great Bullets of six pound weight, wherewith they undertook to kill the Master and his Mate, in their Cabin, and to cast down the half-pikes beforementioned. At the same time the twelve others were to kill three or four Turks who kept a guard at the Stern, and to enter into the room where the rest of the Turks lay with their arms engaged, as I said, and to dispatch them. And that the four Turks who guarded at the Stern might not observe when the sixteen Christians who lay in the Prow, came out, the eight Christians who lay on the deck, came four or five nights one after another, to take Tobacco before the Hatch, under which we were, that at the hour of the enterprise they might be all together on the Deck, without any notice taken by the guard. And in case the Turks at the Stern should make too great resistance, the order was, that we should retreat to the Prow, where we were to leave four of our companions, who were Gunners, and they should have turned two Guns from the Prow towards the Poop, charging them with a little bag like a Cartridge, full of small stones; those two Guns, which were ready, being enough to clear the Stern of the Turks, and send them into the other world. As for the Jews, there was no fear of them, for they lay all below in the Hold, whence they could not get out but one by one, so that one Christian with an Iron-bar was enough to secure them all. The day appointed was the last of January, an hour before day. We were at the Prow all night, with hope, fear, and silence, expecting the signal, which was three knocks with the hand on the Hatch, which we with the assistance of our Companions above could make a shift to open. We had also an Hourglass, that when the time were come every one should be ready; but there was no signal given, and after Sunrising, the Hatch being opened by the Master's order, the Undertaker came into our room, and made this excuse, that the Turks had kept too strong a watch that night; but I think, he should rather have said, that his heart had failed him in the prosecution of his enterprise.   

RELATION XXXIV. Curiosity is satisfied by Time and Patience.  
IN the year 1639. being bound from England to St. Lucre's in Spain, and having been thirteen days at Sea, and not seen land, our Master took the height of the Sun with his Astrolabe, and found that we were at the altitude of Portugal, and that before night we should see two Islands called Las illas Berlingas. Coming accordingly near the said Islands, we perceived two Ships crusing up and down. Our Master, named Vincent Arris, a man of great experience in Sea-affairs, imagined that the two Ships were Turkish Pirates, whereupon he commanded the Guns to be unloaden, and, instead of Bullets, to be charged with bars of Irons, saying, that if those two Ships had any design to engage us, they would come on in the night, and that being near, the bars would do them more mischief than the bullets. Night came on, and the two Ships were out of sight. We Passengers were afraid, we should be forced to engage in the night; but the Master said he was not of that opinion; whereupon we took each of us a draught of Sack, and with that went to bed. The Master set the accustomed Watch, but sailing with a forewind, the Sentinel at the Prow could not see before him. It happened that e'er we had slept much above an hour, a Boy who was with the Watch on the Prow perceived two Ships, and began to cry out Alarm. Those two Ships were then got so near, that no body durst stay on the Deck, to put the long boat overboard; for when the boat is on the Deck, the Ship cannot without inconvenience be so well defended, nor the enemy be kept from boarding. All the Seamen, who were about sixty in number, were presently in a posture of fight, every man in his Station, and three at every Gun. The Master commanded all the Portholes to be shut, the lights to be kept close, and that all should be silent. He further ordered the Gunners on one side of the Ship, that when he stamped thrice with his foot, they should take it for a signal, to open the Portholes, put out the Guns, and give fire. He had also ordered eight Trumpeters to sound with the discharging of the Guns. In the mean time, the two Pirates were got so near, that there wanted only their coming aboard our Ship with their swords drawn. Whereupon the Master gave the signal, and his orders were so punctually observed, that in a moment, the Portholes were opened, and the Guns fired. At the same time the Trumpets began to sound, and silence was converted into noise, and the two Ships being very near us, we clearly heard the Iron-bars shot out of our pieces, making their way through their Ships, and the cries of those who were in them. After discharging, the Guns were drawn in, and the Trumpets continued the alarm. This dreadful din made in the nighttime, might well put the most confident among us into a little fright. The two Ships having found, and what is more, felt, notwithstanding the silence, that we were not asleep, passed by without making any return. Our Master perceiving it, came on the Deck, caused the Boat to be put overboard, furled up the mainsail, and uncovered the Hatches. Which last was indeed the most necessary; for all the windows being shut, and the Hatches of the Deck covered, the smoke of the powder caused a thick obscurity.  
All things being put into a posture of defence, the Master doubled the Watches, and gave order that every one should be ready against the break of day. The next morning before Sunrising we discovered the two Ships which came strait towards ours. The Master commanded all his people to come upon the Deck, encouraging them in few words, showing the Colours of the two Ships, which were Turks, and telling them that the only way to avoid slavery was to fight valiantly. That done, he ordered some prayers to be said, according to their way, and we Passengers, who were Catholics, prayed in ours. Every man had two glasses of wine, and the main sail was furled up, as a signal, that we had no mind to run away. The Targuet-fences were hung all about the Ship, and the red Flag set up at the stern. In this posture we expected about an hour; but the two Pirates observing the bulk of our Ship, so many people on the Deck, and those resolved to fight, durst not come too near us. Which our Master perceiving, ordered a Gun to be discharged as it were to defy them, and finding they had no stomach to the business, we prosecuted our voyage. I was extremely desirous to know what had passed in the two Turkish Ships after we had fired upon them, in regard the men in them had cried out extremely; and having seen the Turkish Flags I would have known from what Port in Barbary they came, and what number of men and Guns they had, and the reason was, that being so near our Ships, and seeing none on the Deck to defend it, they had not cast out the Cramp-Irons, and made some return to our shot.  
In the year 1641. while I lived with Cataborn Mustapha, (as I have related elsewhere) I oftened discoursed with some other Christian slaves of several Nations, who were also lodged in the same Fonduca. One night they were talking of accidents at Sea, and telling how that many times, through the conduct of the Commander, a Ship might escape great dangers, and that when there is any dissension between the Captain, his Officers, and Soldiers, they never do any thing to purpose, especially in Pirates. Whereupon a French-slave related how that some two years before being with a Pirate of Algiers on the Coast of Portugal, one night, two Pyrateers thought to set on an English Ship, and that by reason of some difference that happened between the Captain and his Officeers, the Englishman was not engaged as they had intended. I told him that I was then aboard the English-Ship, and desired him to tell me how it came to pass that being so near us as they were, when we discharged our Guns, they did not board us, and why they did not so much as fire a Gun at us? He made this answer, They thought they had not been perceived, and it happening that the greater of the two Ships, in which I was, ere there had been any noise heard, received of a sudden same Iron-bars through her sides, and with that we heard so many Trumpets, there was such an astonishment, fear, and confusion among them, that the Officers and Soldiers told the Captain plainly, they would not fight but by day. And the next morning when the Turks saw the bigness of your Ship, and observed the courage of your Commander, they had no maw to fight. I understood after a strange manner what I was so desirous to know; and it had been better for me I had never known it that way I came to know it.   

RELATION. XXXV. The Innocent accused.  
MY Companion M. Caloën's old Patroness had two grandchildren, of a Daughter, one named Mustapha, one of the five Turks often mentioned before, the other Amet, who for the most part lived at a Countryhouse three leagues from Algiers. This Grandmother was a peevish old Woman, who could not endure M. Caloën in her house, and to rid herself handsomely of him, she sent him to her Grandson Amet, to the Countryhouse, and I lived with my Patron Mahomet Celibi Oiga. During M. Caloën's absence, I had treated with a Jew, who was to furnish us with seventy five Patacoons, conditionally that the Knight Philip de Cherf, M. Caloën and I should give him a Bill of Exchange, as if we had received a hundred. The Knight and I had signed the Bill, but the Jew would have M. Caloën to sign also, and the Ship it was to be sent with, was ready to set sail; and besides, within two days after the Easter of the Jews was to be celebrated, during which Feast they do not tell out any money. To send the Bill to M. Caloën to be signed we thought it not fit; for if it had been known that we had any credit, it would have prejudiced us much, and retarded our liberty. To conceal my design, I went to the old Patroness, and desired her to order her slave M. Caloën to be in Town the next day by Noon, to write to his Friends, for the Ship was ready to set sail. She conceiving that Letter might advance the liberty of her Grandson Mustapha, who was in Flanders, one of those who were to be exchanged for us, sent one express to Amet to bid him send away the slave the next day to the City. Amet had also a French-slave at the same Countryhouse, who looked to the Vines and Tobacco he had planted there. Now whereas the meaner sort of the Inhabitants thereabouts is naturally addicted to thieving, they came in the nighttime and stole the Grapes and Tobacco. To prevent those robberies, Amet having an old rusty sword gave it to M. Caloën to be made clean at Algiers, and brought back again to the Countryhouse, that the French-slave might have it to keep away the Thiefs. M. Caloën brought the sword along with him to the City, and just as he was coming into Algiers, there was a discovery made of an enterprise of some Dutch-slaves, who had buried certain arms, a sail, and some oars, out of a design to seize a Bark, and make their escape. The enterprise being discovered, those who were taken, were condemned to have each of them two hundred blows with a cudgel. The execution of that sentence divulged the enterprise among the people, so that M. Caloën's Patroness hearing that the persons engaged in it were Dutch-slaves, who are accounted to be of the same Country with the Dunkirke●s, and that the enterprise was discovered about the time of M. Caloën's coming into the City, and that upon my entreaty, she maliciously inferred that we were of it. She went and accused us, and grounded her accusation on his coming with the sword; whereupon, without hearing what we had to say for ourselves, we had fourscore weight of Iron fastened to our legs. And if her Grandson Mustapha had not been at the disposal of our Friends in Flanders, we had been served the same sauce with the others, who were cudgelled, notwithstanding our innocence.   

RELATION XXXVI. Fidelity, Constancy, Recompense and Gratitude.  
IN the year 1640. the Turkish Pirates took in a Ship some Dutch-men-slaves, among whom there was a Captain who had a Lackey, whom we shall here call Morin. The Dutchmen, before they fell into the hands of the Turks, used all the persuasions they could to induce Morin not to tell who they were, promising that if he kept their council in that particular, they would redeem him. The new slaves were brought to Algiers and sold, and so Master and Servant were equal as to quality, respect, and riches. And whereas Avarice is the soul of a Turk, while they were at Sea, the Captain of the Ship had ordered Morin to receive fifty blows with a cudgel on the belly, to make him confess the name and quality of his Master, and his Companions. Morin had made answer that he knew not the name of his Master, not yet of the others, and that he never heard his Master and his Companions use any other appellation one towards the other, then that of Sir. This constancy of the young lad pleased his Master very much, as also the others who had been taken in the Ship, among whom there was one, whom we shall here call Tiberius, descended of wealthy friends, who said to Morin, Continue faithful and constant, and assoon as I shall recover my liberty, I will redeem thee. Soon after, Tiberius got his liberty, with one of his Companions, and being returned into his Country, he acquainted his friends with the constancy and fidelity of Morin; which they considering declared Tiberius' promise to redeem him, obligatory; so that they gave order to some Merchants of Legorn for his Redemption, and that he should be sent away with the first Ships bound for England or Holland. Morin was redeemed by the Jews, and delivered into the hands of those Merchants, who according to their order, would have sent him away, in a Dutch-ship; but Morin absolutely refused to go, saying he would rather die on Christian land, then run the hazard of being made a slave again by the Turks. Whereupon the Merchants put him into the company of some Dutchmen▪ who had been redeemed at Legorn, and intended to return home by Land. Morin being come into the Low-Countries met with one of Tiberius' Companions named Carel, who had much promoted his redemption, and though it were in the Street fell down and kissed his feet. Carel was ashamed (for the people began to flock about him) to see those ceremonies, and bid him rise, and he would bring him to Tiberius' house. Assoon as he came in sight of Tiberius, the faithful, the grateful, and harmless Youth took out of his Pocket, six Asper's, Turkish money, and the steel of a Tinderbox, and made him this compliment, Sir, you have redeemed me, in requital whereof I give you all I have in the world, and shall pray for you as long as I live. This compliment proceeded from so great sincerity, that all present, of whom I was one, were extremely satisfied at the fidelity and gratitude of Morin; whereby Tiberius conceiving himself obliged afresh, bestowed clothes and Linen on him, and put him into a condition fit to wait on some person of quality.   

RELATION XXXVII. A Wrack in the Haven.  
BEing at the Bassa's Palace, I was acquainted there with a Spanish slave named John de Silua, who had served the King of Spain some years as a soldier in the City of Oran, in afric, five days journey from Algiers, the Citizens of which place speak the Moorish language, in regard it was recovered from the Moors, in the time of King Ferdinand, as also by reason of the great commerce there is to this day between it and the Moors▪ This de Silua spoke the Moorish-language perfectly well. Having been a long time a slave at Algiers, without any hope of redemption, he resolved to make an escape, encouraged thereto by his perfect speaking of the language. To compass his design, he put on his Patron's clothes, and so was in the Turkish mode, got on horseback with a Lance in his hand, a Turban on his head, and a Cimitar by his side. Thus accoutred he began his journey very fortunately. Having travelled four days, he came to a Village of Mostaga, just at noon, and it being the custom of all the Mosqueyes of Barbary to give at noon the signal, to put the people in mind of praising God, with the ordinary prayer, called in their Language Sala, which is done with many gestures, and strange postures of the face, and several motions of the arms and hands, kneeling and looking towards the East and West. De Silua, to take away all suspicion from the Moors, alighted, and fell a making of gestures as they did, and pretended to be a Mahumetane. But the Moors soon observed that our Cavalier was not perfect in his Ceremonies, and not regarding that he spoke their language, and was in Turkish habit, they stopped him, took away his clothes, and finding he was no Mahumetane, sent him bound, with a Guard, to Algiers, where he received three hundred blows with a cudgel, just when he thought to have enjoyed his liberty. So that he may well be said to have been cast away in the very Haven.   

RELATION XXXVIII. The Adventures of Philip de Cherf of Ulamertingue, Knight of the Order of Saint James.  
THough the hardships and misfortunes which slaves are to endure, be common to all reduced to that miserable condition, yet some have a greater portion thereof then others. Among the former may be numbered the Knight de Cherf, whom I have mentioned in the discourse of my Captivity, as will be seen by the ensuing Relation.  
After we fell into the hands of the Turks, the Pyrate-ships, which brought us to slavery, cast Anchor before the City of Algiers, discharging their Guns to give notice of their arrival. The news of the rich prize was presently spread abroad, as well among the Turks of the Garrison, as the people; and as it commonly happens, that news increases by going from mouth to mouth, so it was reported, that, besides thirty thousand Patacoons, which were found in the prizes, there was among the slaves a Lord of great Quality, meaning the foresaid Knight. Some said he was a General; others, an Ambassador, and all imagined that the rest were his Servants, which was no small happiness for us, and that the money which they gave out was found, belonged to him. This news was partly forged by the Pirates themselves, as they are wont to invent new stratagems to enhance the price of slaves newly brought in, loading them with titles and wealth, to draw in the Buyers to make greater proffers, in hopes of a better ransom. The Bassa hearing this news took the Knight for his proportion, which is of eight one, at his own choice, as I have said elsewhere. The Knight was conducted to a Stable of the Bassa's, where he found other slaves, and among those some Spanish Captains and Officers, whom he durst not frequent, nor so much as speak to in the day time, lest there should be notice taken of his demeanour among those Officers-slaves, with whom he would not be familiar, to take off the suspicion of his being a person of high quality, which had been augmented by the least conversation, accompanied by mutual expressions of respect, the consequences of acquaintance. And to beat it out of the Bassa's head, that he was neither General, nor Ambassador, he kept seven or eight days all alone, and had nought to eat but a crust of dry bread; which being observed by the Bassa's Cook, he ordered him the remainder of some Rice, which is the ordinary food of the Turks: nay, finding him so submissive and serviceable, he suffered him to creep into the Kitchen, to help the Skullions, in bringing in Wood, Coals, turning the Spit, and the like Offices, which he could not do, but only with his right arm, having lost the use of the left by a Musket-shot he had received in his Catholic Majesty's service in the year 1639. at the siege of Salses. In requital of the good services which the Knight did in the Kitchen, the Cook suffered him to eat with the Skullions, who were Moor, and took it ill that a Christian should put his fingers into the same dish with them. No doubt the Knight thought himself at an entertainment in Hell with the Pages of Lucifer, whose Livery and mien those boys had, being about fifteen or sixteen years of age, having their clothes all black with grease and nastiness, and so suiting excellently well with their dark hue. And yet the Knight endeavoured all he could to put himself into the same posture, that he might be thought the fitter for that company and employment. Three months passed away in that miserable course of life, whereof the Knight made this advantage, that he made the Bassa quit the opinion he had of his being a General or Ambassador, and consequently the hope of getting much money out of him; which put him upon a resolution to sell his slave, as he did, to the General of the Galleys Alli Pegelin. He acted his part well enough so far; but the new Master, who had observed what was reported concerning his slave, began to be very round with him, ask him in the Language commonly spoken between the Turks and the slaves, who he was, and of what Country? The Knight being obliged to make answer, said he was a poor Youth, born at Ostend, the Son of a mean Irish-Officer, giving himself out to be of that Nation, as well because he had the looks of one of it, as for that the said Nation is little known and not much esteemed at Algiers, those of it yielding but ordinary ransoms. The Knight was in hopes by this invention to come off the easier, when he came to treat about his ransom: But Alli Pegelin, who was a person not so easily overreached, having heard his answer, said jeeringly to him, A man may indeed see by your looks that your Father was a Cobbler; you have acted your part very well in the Bassa's Kitchen, but I shall make my advantage of it. I know you are an Ambassador, and one of the King of Spain's Generals, and what is more, that you are a Knight. This last title he gave him, to make the matter worse than it was, inasmuch as the Turks know, that the Knights of the Military Orders in Spain, have Commanderies and Pensions conditionally to wage war against the Turks and Moors. Afterwards, the General sending away his slave, said to him, Go, go, write home, that they may sell your Lands, and send me Patacoons, and you shall return to your Country. This first proposal of his new Master, was very unacceptable to the Knight, as being again obliged to strive against a false and Chimerical opinion, which was enough to defeat him of all hopes of ever breathing the air of his Native soil. The General had a house at a little distance from his own, wherein, during the time of my being there, he lodged five hundred and fifty slaves, which place was called Banno, or the Bath, and it might well be taken for a representation of Babylon, or an epitome of Hell. The different Nations, the confusion of Languages, the miseries and inconveniences endured, and all the several kinds of crimes that are committed there, would force the lewdest person in the world to pass that judgement of it.  
To this place was our Knight-slave brought, where he was received by M. Caloën, Saldens, and myself, having only this to congratulate, that we were all together; and whereas the Knight was lame of one arm, and so was not obliged to go to work out of the Bath, we made him our Caterer, to provide our meat for us, and to dress it, which employment he continued in, to our great convenience, for the space of six months, at the end whereof, the General thinking he might have received an answer from his Country, sent for him to come to some agreement about his ransom. The Knight proffered five hundred Patacoons, whereat the General being incensed, as looking on the proffer extremely below what he expected, ordered the Knight to have a chain of sixty pound weight fastened to his leg, to induce him to come somewhat near the sum of thirty thousand Patacoons, at which he had set the Knight's ransom. Nine months together he had the chain at his leg, and for the space of fifteen days was forced to drag it after him to some place near the Seaside, to work, where he was to help some sawyer's of Marble, which the General had brought away with his Galleys from the City of Bona, anciently called Hippona, seated on the Mediterranean, and sufficiently known by this, that it had been the Metropolis of afric in Saint Austin's time, where those stones had served for the Tombs of Christians. The Knight's work was to mingle the sand and water to be used in the sawing of the Marble. While he was at his work, the General would come sometimes to see what he did, proffering to send him to Legorn with a Vessel then ready to set sail, if he would agree with him at thrity thousand Patacoons, which he had demanded of him for his ransom. Whereto the Knight made answer that he had no money. The General having made such proffers several times to him, without prevailing any thing with him, was so vexed, that he said to him in Lingua-Franca, La Cane ty far garziva, ty tener fantasia, à fè de Dio my congar bueno por ti. That is, Go you Dog, you think yourself cunning, and show yourself humour some, but by the faith of God I will take another course with you. The General Alli Pegelin was then accompanied by some Jews, who in all likelihood had a share in that slave, yet concealed their interest under the name of Alli Pegelin, as they are wont, that they may not offend against the prohibitions made them to buy Christian slaves. This suspicion was afterwards confirmed, in that the Knight was some time after sent for to the General's house, at the request of those very Jews, where Pegelin, accompanied by them and some Captains of his Galleys, asked him once more whether he would promise thirty thousand Patacoons for his liberty? To which demand the Knight making answer that he had nothing to say, the General immediately replied, Pila baso cane, porta Falaca. Which is commonly said, when they would punish any one, and signifies, Lie down on the ground, you Dog, and bring hither the Falaca, which is a piece of wood about four or five foot in length, having a hole in the middle, through which by a small cord the feet are fastened to it. The patient lies down on his back, having the soles of his feet raised up towards the sky; two men hold up both ends of the piece of wood, two others hold down his arms, to prevent all agitations of his body, and a fifth begins the exercise, laying on the foals of his feet as hard as he can, with a Bulls-pizzle four or five foot long, round at the end by which he holds it, but widening by degrees towards the other end where it is near half a foot in breadth. Instead of a pizzle, the sometimes make use of a ropes-end. The Falaca was presently brought, and the Knight received two hundred blows in the posture you see represented in the Figure. In the midst of that cruel punishment, the General commanded the executioner to hold his hand, and asked the Knight, whether he had any desire to change his Religion, and to embrace the Mahumetane, which if he would, he promised to make him Captain of a Galley, to go out against the Christians. Whereto the Knight replied, that he was not as yet resolved to do so, and that he would rather die a Christian, but that he would pay a thousand Patacoons for his ransom. Upon that answer, the General commanded the Executioner to give him a hundred blows more; which was done. This proposal of Alli Pegelin's, would make some believe that he was a person who endeavoured the propogation of his Religion; but those who are acquainted with the avarice of the Turks, will easily comprehend, that Alli Pegelin had no design to advance Mahumetism, but only made his advantage of that pretence, to get more money out of the soles of the Knight's feet. Those blows being given, the Knight was taken off the Instrument, with his feet all black by reason of the blows, and being threatened by the General that he should have as much more assoon as he were recovered of that, or that he would send him to the Grand Seignor, to be employed in the Seraglio, where he must first have been made an Eunuch. The blows had not troubled him so much as those menaces did, after which the Knight was carried by the slaves to his quarter in the Bath, for it was impossible for him, I will not say to go, but so much as to touch the ground with his feet. His Friends among the slaves endeavoured all they could to give him ease; some brought wine to wash his feet, another, who was a Surgeon, opened the dead flesh, and dressed him, but what was most remarkable was the charitable action of a Discalceate Carmelite Friar, a slave, named Father Angeli, a Genoese, who with his mouth sucked the corrupt blood to get it out of his feet. He was six weeks in his recovery, at the end whereof, a Jew coming to treat with him about his ransom, with many menaces told him, that Alli Pegelin had sworn by the Grand Seignor's head (an inviolable oath) that the Knight should never have his liberty unless he gave fifteen hundred Patacoons. He was persuaded to promise the said sum, and thereupon his chain was taken off, and he had the freedom to walk up and down the City, as they commonly do who have agreed with their Patroness, till such time as they have a convenience to transport themselves. We had haply been treated after the same manner, had not Alli Pegelin been fully persuaded, that the said Knight was some public Minister of the King of Spain's, and that we were his Servants, and so there was no great account made of us, which proved our happiness. All things being agreed upon, it was proposed, that the Knight should take shipping for Legorn in Italy, to be there kept in prison till the ransom were paid, which was to be made to some Jews there, who held a correspondence with Alli Pegelin. But the Knight excused himself, desiring that he might be sent over into Spain, where he might take Duplicates of the Grants and Rewards which his Catholic Majesty had made him, in regard the Originals were cast overboard when we were taken. These excuses occasioned the Knights not being delivered without payment of his ransom, which had been done, had he followed the Patron's resolution. For the Vessel bound for Legorn, assoon as it was got to Sea, met with a Tempest, which ran it aground on the Coast of Spain, where the Ship was taken, and all the slaves had their liberty without paying any thing, by means of that happy tempest escaping imprisonment at Legorn, where they were to have continued till the return of their ransoms. This is punctually observed there, but not by other Christian Princes, who holding not so strict a correspondence with those of Algiers, set at liberty the slaves assoon as they come within their jurisdiction, not regarding whether they be redeemed or not. According therefore to the resolution of returning by the way of Spain, the Knight de Cherf, took shipping with us and the other Christian slaves for Tituan, whether we got, with the inconveniences before-related, and were all put into the Masmora, (a prison under ground) expecting the money of our ransom, save only the Knight, who informed of that custom, had caused it to be inserted into the agreement, that he should not be put in there, which was observed. In the discourse of my Captivity, I gave an account of the three Tempests we weathered through, the design we had to kill the Turks, and become Masters of the Ship, and how we got to Tituan, after being wracked, and went thence to Ceuta, leaving the Knight behind us at Tituan, expecting the return of his money from Legorn to Cadiz, and thence to Ceuta.  
During the time of this expectation the Knight bethought himself of some means to get off without money, visits the places about the City, and flatters himself with hopes of making an escape; but whereas that could not be done without assistance, it was necessary he should have the help of those of Ceuta. He seeks out and finds the means of making a correspondence by letters with a Captain of the Garrison of Ceuta, (a City in afric under the Jurisdiction of the King of Spain) with whom he had been a slave at Algiers. He carefully sent his Letters by the Casilas, (which consist of Merchants travelling every week from Ceuta to Tituan, and so back, with the permission, and Passport of the two Governors) and agrees with that Captain to make him a present of a thousand Patacoons for the Seamen, who should come with a boat to a certain place within two thousand and six hundred paces of Tituan, there to take in the Knight and three of his companions, who had agreed with Alli Pegelin, upon the same terms as the said de Cherf, and had afterwards been lodged together in a remote quarter of the City, expecting also the return of their money. These were engaged in the said design, and contributed towards the charge. The time appointed for the execution of the design was the 25. of July, in the year 1643. at midnight, and the Knight prepared for each of them two or three pieces of Canes, enclosed one within the other like fishing-rods, to be taken asunder, and hid under their clothes, so as that being set at length, and a knife fastened at the top, they might be taken for pikes. They got without any trouble about a quarter of a league out of Tituan, and took up their quarters in a dry ditch fenced on both sides with reeds and thorns, expecting night for the completing of their enterprise. Having continued a while in the Ditch, the Knight thought it time for them to go towards the Seaside; but one of the three Companions, named Hans Maurus, a person accounted well experienced in Sea-matters, (as may be seen in the description of our wrack on the 11. of Feburary 1642.) maintained it was not late enough, adding that if they were obliged to stay, there would be some danger of being surprised, and treated with the Falaca, putting the Knight in mind of his chastisement at Algiers. This apprehension of beating occasioned the mistake of Hans Maurus; yet after a little stay, they went forwards, fitting their pieces of Canes one upon another, with a knife at the top, making a kind of half-pike, to defend themselves against the Alarbes, who live by robbing, and in the Summer time lie abroad in the fields. As they went along, the Knight took a Cross out of his pocket, that of the Order of Saint James, which he had saved when he was made a slave, and presented it to be kissed by his Companions, saying that he was in hopes JESUS crucified would give them their liberty, and that they should have for their Intercessor the Apostle Saint James, whose Feast it then was. But Hans Maurus being a Lutheran refused to do it. Being come to the Seaside, they perceived a boat hard by the shore, out of which some called, Ho, ho, for Tituan; and it was the same which had been sent to receive them. Hans Maurus, notwithstanding all his experience and skill in Sea-matters, was seized by a Panic fear, and said to his Companions, Lie down on the ground, they are Fishermen of Tituan, we shall be secured and beaten. In the mean time the boat had crossed two or three times by the place appointed, and reiterated the aforesaid cry, striking on a Steel, the signal agreed upon between them, whereto those ashore were to answer with the like noise. But those in the boat seeing no body appear, and considering that it was within an hour of day, as also that the watch on the Coast of Tituan had perceived them, and given the signal to the City by a fire, resolved to be gone. The going away of the boat, satisfied the Knight and Hans Maurus, that those of Ceuta had made the appointed signal, whereupon they began to strike with the Steel, and to call upon them, but all to no purpose, and too late, so that perceiving their design was discovered, they made their retreat without any noise towards Tituan, getting into the City at several Gates, where they understood that that night there had been an alarm in the City, and that a party of horse had been commanded out into the Country, by reason of a fire which had been made by the watch on the Seaside. This body of Horse consists of Citizens, who, to enjoy some privileges, and the title of imaginary soldiers, oblige themselves upon any alarm to ride out into the Country, and engage any enemy they meet with. All this had passed, yet so as that those of Tituan knew nothing of the occasion of it, nor did they much inquire after it, in regard the alarms are very frequent there, by reason they are so near neighbours to the City of Ceuta. Yet were the Undertakers still in some fear of being discovered, and could not forbear quarrelling at Hans Maurus, who had occasioned the miscarriadge of their design, whereat he was so troubled, and became so melancholy, to think that, by his mistake, himself and his Companions had missed so fair an opportunity of recovering their liberty, that he fell sick. Yet did his Companions assist him all they could, and concerned themselves as much as might be in the recovery of his health; but perceiving he grew every day worse and worse, and that whatsoever was administered to him did little good, they bethought themselves of endeavouring the welfare of his soul. To that end, the Knight, who knew that Hans Maurus had led a morally good life, and that he feared God, made it his business to exhort him to renounce Lutheranism, and to embrace the Roman-Catholick Religion, discoursing with him concerning the difference of those persuasions, as he had done several times before. Hans Maurus being a person not much acquainted with Letters, and the Knight no great Divine, he took occasion to remonstrate to him, that being born in Norway he had followed the Lutheran Religion, without any enquiry into the Romane-Catholick; that the former was a new, and the other the ancient way, surpassing the inventions of Luther by fifteen ages, and that the latter had been followed by his Ancestors, whom it would be impious for him to believe damned for that, and that they were rather wiser than he, that he had often said while he was in health, that he would do better, if he knew what were better, that it now concerned him to think seriously of his conscience, and that to that end he would bring him a Priest, who would tell him more, and that more effectually. This discourse made to him in the extremity of his sickness, wrought this effect on Hans Maurus, that he acknowledged to the Knight that it was true he had been exhorted to follow the steps of his Ancestors, but that he thought there was so little difference between both Religions, that he conceived he might safely enough persevere in his own; but since he was now in treated by his friends, whom he knew to be real & sincere, to consider seriously of it, he desired that a Priest might come to him, to give him satisfaction in some doubts. The Knight immediately sent for a Religious Dominican, a Spaniard, and a slave, who satisfied the doubts of Hans Maurus, and undeceived him, so that he became a Roman-Catholick, made his Confession, and communicated with great fervency, to the great satisfaction of the Christian slaves who were present, and the second day after his conversion he died. In this conversion may be seen the goodness of God, who gave Maurus the grace to profess the Catholic Faith, in recompense of his moral Virtues and good life, by a strange accident, whereby he was deprized of his experience and skill, on Saint James' day, which made him lose his corporal liberty, to give him the incomparable liberty of enjoying the sight of God. Eight days after Maurus' death, the Knight paid his ransom, and went to Ceuta, and thence by the way of Gibraltar to Madrid, where having received rewards from his Catholic Majesty, he went thence to the Low-Countries, having suffered greater miseries than any of us, though we had been made slaves at the same time. And he who shall attentively consider all our Knight did, will find, that humane Prudence is subject to strange oversights, and miscarriages, and that God only is the disposer and director of all human actions.   

RELATION XXXIX. What happened between my Companion in slavery M. Caloen, and his old Patroness.  
THe condition of slaves implies in itself a necessity of their suffering of somewhat from the hands of their Patrons, but, on the contrary M. Caloën made his Patroness endure many inconveniences. I have said elsewhere that an old Moorish Dame had bought him at fourteen hundred Patacoons, to be exchanged for her Grandson Mustapha, who was in the power of Caloën's friends. The payment of that sum troubled the old woman, as if it had been so many drops of blood got out of her dried carcase, never considering that it was for the redemption of one so nearly related to her. The covetous woman thought to ease herself of some part of the grief by finding out some invention to make M. Caloën to pay seven hundred Patacoons, besides the exchange of her Grandson; and this busied her brains day and night. One while she resolved to use violence, but fearing her Mustapha might receive the same treatment, she forbore it; another, she imagined, that to represent to him how much he had cost her, would be a more likely way to compass her design, since that it was indeed done as much for M. Caloën's liberty as for her Mustapha's, so that it was but just he should pay his proportion; but the fear of being laughed at, and making him more obstinate, after she should acquaint him with her intention, made her resolve rather to be silent. While she was troubled with this diversity of resolutions, an Edict was published, that all the Christian slaves who went about the streets should have Irons at their feet, instead of the ordinary Manacles, or Hand-fetters, and that upon this occasion, that the King of C●●ques, Benali, was got into the Field with an Army, and that the Bassa with the Forces of Algiers was gone 〈◊〉 to meet with him. Upon this, the old Woman caused to be fastened to M. Caloën's leg a chain of fifty pound weight, imagining it might induce him to proffer some hundreds of Patacoons; but he suspecting her design, complained of the injury done him, in loading him with forty pound weight more than the other slaves, threatening her Mustapha should have the same treatment. However, he made a shift to go abroad every afternoon, and came home at night, so well freighted with the juice of the Grape, that his Patroness was afraid he would come to some mischief, and so she should lose all her fourteen hundred Patacoons. To prevent that, she forbade him to go abroad, and lest he might forget that prohibition, he was furnished with more chain than he was able to carry, so that he was forced to keep his Chamber, sitting, or lying on a Mattress. I went every day to see him, carrying along with me some Dunkirkers and Dutch-slaves, such as I could meet with, to keep him company, and they followed me, as the Iron does the Loadstone, in hopes of somewhat to eat and drink, out of the seventy five Patacoons, which a certain Jew had lent us. It may be easily imagined, that such good company having their Tinderboxes fixed, could not forbear Tobacco, and singing as Seamen are wont to do, so that the room was full of smoke, and the house of noise. The old Patroness could not endure they should drink wine in her house, and that the Christian-slaves should, forgetting the respect they ought her, make such a horrid noise. This demeanour of theirs made her stark mad, yet the more she scolded, the less they seemed to take notice of any thing she said, or did, which enraged her so, that she fell a railing at M. Caloën, in Lingua Franca, intermixed with some of the Moorish language, or Arabian, whereto he replied in Dutch. She being desirous to know what he said, This I say, replied he, get thee gone, old witch, and speak the language of thy mother, and show not thyself a beast in the Moorish, which thou understandest not. We know thou wert driven out of Spain, since which time thou hast learned a few words of the Moorish language, and now thou comest to plague us with thy canting. Thou wouldst fain have studied witchcraft, but thou knowest as little of it as of the Moorish language. What witchcraft didst thou see me do? Said she to him, foaming with rage. Have I not seen thee use all the devilish ceremonies, and fooleries used by the Moors of this Country, to find out what was become of thy Grandson Mustapha? But all to no purpose, go thy ways ignorant and impudent old woman. During this Dialogue, the rest of the Company plied the business of the Bottles, which being emptied, they went to their several quarters.  
The next day after these debauches the old Woman would make kind remonstrances to him, thinking by her sober Lectures to bring him to some reformation; but he grew worse and worse. One day she took occasion to tell him, with all the kind expressions she could invent, that he could not live after that rate without being guilty of insolence, and incivility towards her, inasmuch as he was a slave, and consequently ought her all manner of respect, as his Patroness. It is but reasonable also, replied Caloën, that you should acknowledge me to be the Patron of your Grandson, and that he is my slave, and that as such, you should honour me, and respect me; but I treat my slave better than you do his Patron. Insolence, said she to him, I will make you bow, and you shall pay me the one moiety of the fourteen hundred Patacoons, or you shall burst ere you go hence. If I die here, replied he, you● Grandson will rot in Christian land, and your fourteen hundred Patacoons will be utterly last. These replies, the continual drinking of wine in her house, the smoking of Tobacco, and the horrid noise of four drunken fellows, roaring and singing as loud as they could, was an insupportable torment to the old Lady. She thought to have kept him within bounds, and disappointed his Companions, by shutting him up in a Cellar, which had no light but what came in at a little hole, about a foot square, from the Court of her house, charging her Servants that they should not suffer any to speak with him: I came to see him as I was wont to do, and the old woman seeing me just entering into the Court, cried out from one of the upper windows, Go your ways Christian, your Companion is not here. What a damned lying old witch is this? Replies M. Caloën, who heard her, she hath shut me up here in this Cellar, putting out his hand at the hole. I made as if I went away, but returning a while after without being observed by any, I brought him a little bottle of Brandy, as he had desired to drive away melancholy thoughts, whereof he drank so much that he was grown in a manner distracted, which happened by reason of the sweetness of that liquor, which in those parts is made of Figs. His dreadful out-cries, and the noise he made in endeavouring to break open the door, put the old Woman into a fright, imagining that he was grown mad, or would have killed himself, for she never suspected that he had been so well drenched as he was. Upon these apprehensions he was removed to his own Chamber, where the Patroness coming to him the next day, told him that of all the slaves at Algiers he was the lewdst, that he had deserved the Galleys a hundred times, and that she was resolved to make him try how he could brook that kind of life; but if he would promise her the reimbursement of the seven hundred Patacoons, she would forbear; that there was no reason she should pay fourteen hundred Patacoons for him, since his Friends had paid nothing for her Grandson Mustapha, and that notwithstanding all this he gave his Patroness all the trouble he could by his continual insolences. It is then thy greediness to get the seven hundred Patacoons, said he to her, that causes all my misery? Be not so fond, wretched woman, as to think I have opened thy Cellar-door with a key of seven hundred Patacoons, or that I will promise such a sum to avoid the Galleys; I will not give thee a farthing, and assure thyself, that whatever thou makest me endure, I will make thy Grandson Mustapha endure the same, do thy worst, and in the mean time get thee hence. The old woman knew not how to demean herself towards her slave, for fear of losing her fourteen hundred Patacoons. She thought him not safe enough in the company of his Comrades, and much less when he was alone; so that she thought it her best course to send him into the Country with her Grandson Amet, Mustapha's Brother, to one of her Country-houses, three leagues from Algiers, sending along to wait on them a French slave named la Roche, born at deep. There they made much of themselves, and lived merrily with the help of a great earthen pot of wine which contained near fifty Gallons, and to complete their enjoyments, Amet sold his horse to get money, and sent to Algiers for a Wench, whose throat he would afterwards have cut, had he not been diverted from his purpose by la Roche, who out of honesty or gentility persuaded him to be more merciful towards the poor whore. But Amet would have made no scruple to have dispatched her, for it is ordinary at Algiers to find young Maids dead in the streets every morning, who are all accounted naught, so as that there is no further enquiry made concerning them. The old Woman hears of her Grandson and his Companions house-keeping in the Country, and orders them to return to the City, where M. Caloën was loaden with a chain of five branches, that he might not stir abroad; but that hindered him not; for, putting up the chain in a little Basket, and carrying it on his back, he went along with me to a Christian Tavern, without giving notice thereof to his Patroness. He was soon found out by other slaves of his acquaintance, Dunkirkers, Spaniards, and French, who waited on him to participate of his liberality. I left my Companion in the Tavern in a fair way to be mellow ere ●e got thence, and went about four in the afternoon to dress my Patron's horse. In the mean time the old woman was extremely troubled that the pawn of her dear Grandson had given her the slip, and sends Amet to all the Christian Baths to find out her Dunkinker, on whose welfare depended the liberty of her Mustapha. Amet goes from Bath to Bath, and at last finding him, he told him his Grandmother was extremely troubled at his absence, Your Grandmother, says Caloën, is a simple old woman, whereat Amet was so angry, that he gave him a box o'th' ear, which M. Caloën not able to take at his hands, not minding time and place, gave him a kick with the foot that was free, in the groin, such as might have spoilt him for ever. In that place, a man needs but strike a Turk or Moor, to be burnt alive; and Amet was so enraged, that he could do no less than threaten him with it. But he was threatened on the other side, that his Brother should in like manner be burnt; and so one knife kept the other in the sheaf. In fine, the old woman perceiving that neither artifice, nor kindness, nor cruelty advantaged her any thing, was forced to suffer M. Caloën to do what he pleased himself, not concerning herself about him, to the time of our departure thence.   

RELATION XL. Revenge, Malice, and Industry.  
THere are two ways whereby men compass their designs, to wit, that of the Lion, and that of the Fox. A French Gentleman, for want of the former, very industriously made use of the Latter, as may be seen by the ensuing Relation.  
The King of France is possessed of a place in afric, named Le Bastion de France. That Plantation was established about fifty years since on the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Algiers, forty leagues from the Metropolis thereof, and not far from Bona, for the fishing of Coral. There are ordinarily in that place about four hundred French, who employ themselves in that exercise, and withal drive a certain trade in Wheat and other provisions of Barbary. That trade is of great importance to the Merchants of Marseilles, who, in exchange for the commodities of Barbary, send those of France, which are transported thence to Algiers, and other adjacent places. The better to carry on that commerce, the King of France hath erected at Algiers, a Chamber of Justice, consisting of S●rintendent, a Chansellour, a Consul, and other necessary Officers, who are commonly ruined Merchants, and there make a shift to live, rather by their damnable industry, than the profits accrueing by their employments. During the time of my slavery, there came thither one of Marseilles, about thirty years of age, well clothed, and of a goodly presence, who was to be one of the chiefest Ministers of that Chamber. We shall here give him the name of Cassidorus. There was also at the same time among the French slaves, who rowed in the Galleys, a Gentleman of Provence, who shall here go under the name of Pysander. Notwithstanding the condition of a slave, whereto he was reduced yet upon the account of his birth, his carriage, and industry, he was much respected by all the Renegadoes of his Nation, who at that time exceeded the number of three thousand. A Captain of a Ship, a Renegado, having taken a Prize of importance, made a treatment for divers Pyrate-Officers, Owners of Privateers, and those of the Chamber of Justice, inviting also thereto Pysander, with whom he was intimately acquainted. It was Pysander's chance to sit at table next to Cassidorus; whereat the latter was not well pleased, expressing his dissatisfaction in the sadness and melancholy of his countenance. After the treatment, the Captain thought fit to inquire of Cassidorus what was the reason of his being sad and out of humour, and whether he had given him any offence. Only this, replied Cassidorus, that you have expressed the little esteem you had for my person, by placing me at the table next to Pysander, who is a slave, and hath ●ugg'd at the Oars, never considering that I am one of the principal Officers of the Chamber. The Captain made his excuses to him, saying, that, as to his being a slave, it was through misfortune, and yet that he was acknowledged by all to be a Gentleman of great worth. Cassidorus was not satisfied with that Apology, which the Captain observing, would have taken occasion to make him sensible of his resentment of it, had he not considered, that the insolent fellow was under the protection of the Bassa, and consequently that it had been imprudence, to engage himself in a quarrel upon the account of a Christian slave. Yet could he not forbear acquainting Pysander with that vanity of Cassidorus, whereat the other being justly incensed, that such a worthless person had slighted him after that manner, My misfortune, said he, hath not brought me so low, but I shall find out a way to be revenged of that impudent fellow. I have bethought myself of an invention, which shall prove a greater Torment to him then haply would be the enduring of the Strappado, half a dozen times together, a punishment I should be likely enough to give him, were I restored to my own. Accordingly Pysander, who was an ingenious and subtle person, watches all occasions to compass the design he had to be revenged, and discovers, that Cassidorus secretly cajoled a Turkish Courtesan, upon whom he had near spent the two hundred Patacoons, which he had brought from Marseilles, to carry on some small trade. Pysander was patient till he had squandered away all his money, which once consumed, it might be easily guessed, that the kindness of his Mistress would soon be at a period, and that his credit was such as should not easily recover it. Upon this discovery Pysander lays his design, addressing himself to a French Renegado, a person extremely addicted to women, and well Peppered with the disease of his Nation. He tells him of an extraordinary handsome woman, whom he would have courted, had she been a Christian, and he had had money to carry on his addresses to her. The vicious inclinations of that Renegado, soon made his teeth to water to be acquainted with that unknown Beauty, to whom he got access, by the good instructions of Pysander, and a present of some Patacoons, which made him looked upon as a great Favourite. The Renegado continues his visits to the new Mistress for the space of three weeks or a month, at the end whereof he leaves her, having spent his disease as well as his money upon her. This happened according to the expectation of Pysander, who knowing that such venereal embraces are contagious, thinks it time to contrive a renewing of the correspondence between Cassidorus and his old Mistress. To do that, he goes to a Renegado of the same Country with Cassidorus, telling him that his Friend Cassidorus was in great want, and that it would be a singular favour to supply him with fifty Patacoons, till he received a Bill of Exchange, which he daily expected, and that for his further security, he would be bound for the repayment of the said sum. The Renegado not mistrusting any thing, believed Pysander, and thereupon going to Cassidorus told him that he understood his necessities, proffering him fifty Patacoons, provided he would be obliged to return them with the first convenience, which upon that condition were received by Cassidorus. In the mean time Pysander sent notice of it to the Wench, who sent a Love-summons to Cassidorus, and soon renewing their old acquaintance, she charmed him so home, that he needed the exorcisation of a good Physician. But being far from his own Country, mony-less, and friendless, all the remedy he had, was to complain of a running pain through all his joints, and indeed plainly to confess, that he had got the Pox. At first he could only rai● at the Courtesan, and bid that take her a thousand times, whereof she had given him enough at once▪ but his impatience was exasperated into rage and distraction, when Pysander sent him word, that he was to thank him for what he had received from his Turkish Beauty, and that he had done it, in requital of his slighting a Gentleman of his Nation, upon no other account then that he was a slave. This revenge was subtly contrived, but too harsh and malicious.   

RELATION XLI. The Renegado-Engineer.  
LIbertinism makes some persons indifferent whether they serve God or the Devil, provided they gain either advantage or esteem thereby. Of this number was a certain Engineer, a Frenchman, whom the States of the United Provinces sent with their aids to the Duke of Braganza, declared King of Portugal in the year 1641. This man being taken by the Pirates of Algiers was discovered by the Captain to be a Master-Engineer, employed about fireworks, and particularly that he was excellent at the composition of that kind of wildfire, which is so much used in engagements at Sea. The Captain conceiving that Frenchman would do him great service buys him in the Marketplace, where the prisoners are sold. The brags which this Engineer made of his skill in firing of Ships and burning sails and rackling, gained him the favour of his Patron, who intending to Sea, gives him money to buy what things were necessary for his compositions, with promises of great rewards if he were as good as his word, and on the contrary, threats, if he deceived him. The Engineer prepares his inventions, and goes abroad with his Patron, accompanied by other Pyrate-Ships, and having cruzed some days up and down the Mediterranean, they discovered two Ships of Malaga, sufficiently well armed, at which they discharged their Guns, whereto the two Ships answered in the same language. But making no advantage thereby, the Captain ordered them to make up to the Christian Ships, and to fasten the grappling Irons. They did so, but the Turks being afraid to board, the French-Engineer was called to make trial of his skill. He made ready his fireworks, and having cast some on the Poop of the Christian Ship, it proved so effectual, that the Christians were reduced to a necessity of either yielding themselves, or burning alive. This victory was attributed to the dexterity of the Engineer-slave, who conceived such a pride thereat, that he complained he was not recompensed according to his deserts. Those who had been at the charge of putting out the Pyrate-ships came to understand, that the Engineer was discontented, and imagined that he would do greater miracles, if he were permitted to renounce his Religion, and had his liberty given him. Upon these presumptions they went to the Captain, the Engineer's Patron, and promised to give him the value of his slave, on condition he would suffer him to renounce, as he was desirous to do. The Captain was content to gratify his Masters, and the Engineer embraced the Turkish Religion, out of no other motive than vainglory and inconstancy, as not being forced to that Apostasy by any harsh treatment, or despair of redemption. About two months after his first entrance into slavery, he put on the Turkish habit, and would not so much as look on the Christians, even those of his own Nation. Which a slave of his acquaintance observing, took the freedom to tell him, that he wondered to see him in that equipage. Come, come, I know what you would be at, says the Engineer to him, interrupting his discourse, you know me, I have served the King of France my natural Prince, the King of Spain, the States of the United Provinces, as long as they paid me well, I shall do the like here, and then I will go and seek my fortune elsewhere; and with those words turns his back on his Countryman. Some days after, the Captain, who had been his Patron, went to Sea again, with his Engineer, and not meeting with any thing on the Mediterranean, they passed the Straight, and came into the Ocean, where they gave chase to an English-Ship, which they found sufficiently well provided to deal with them, and so they thought it their safest course to engage her at a distance. In the mean time, the Captain consults with his Officers and the Engineer, how they might engage the enemy at a nearer distance, he proposed to them that his invention would be the most likely means to take the prize. The vessel, said he, which we are to engage against is very high, both at the stern and the Prow, and their Guns are greater than ours, and consequently, there is some danger of being sunk, if we make any attempt to board her; open force will not do the business, she must be carried by some subtle invention. I know an expedient how she may be taken, without the l●ss of a man; the advantage we have of the wind drives the smoke of our Guns towards the enemy, I will go into the boat, and being covered by the smoke, I will get close to the Christian ship, and fasten my fireworks thereto, which when they have wrought their effect, the flame will give you notice how and when to approach. His advice was approved, and thereupon the Engineer with his inventions was put into the boat, with two Christian slaves, to whom the Captain added four Turks, and they fire the Guns, as the Engineer stood in need of being covered by the smoke. But the Engineers thoughts ran upon something else, much different from what the Captain imagined; for being come somewhat near the English Ship, he persuaded the four Turks, that he stood in need of the two Christian slaves, to assist him, and so busied the Turks in rowing, and went to the forepart of the boat behind their backs, making as if he prepared his fireworks. But instead of that, he draws out a Turkish Cu●elass, and kills the two Turks that were next him, with two thrusts through the back, and passing over those was ready to fall on the other two when they began to perceive the sad accident that had befallen their Companions, whereat they were so frighted that they begged their lives, which he granted them, as being the stronger party seconded by the two slaves, who had seized the arms of those that were killed, commanding them to make up to the English Ship, into which they were received upon the signal of his Handketcher, leaving the boat with the two Turks that were killed to the mercy of the waves, to satisfy the Pirate, that his Engineer had deceived him. Whereupon making all the sail he could, he hastened to get out of their reach, whom he thought he had had within his own, repenting himself that he had reposed too great confidence in a man, who had broken his faith to his God and his Prince, and would have served the Devil himself for money.   

RELATION XLII. The Disappointment.  
IN the year 1639. a young man about eighteen years of age born at Ceuta in afric, named Francisco Mendez, having been a Page to Dom Francisco de Villegas, a Spanish-Knight, who lived at Gibraltar, and was his Godfather, was put into the King's service by his Master in a Company of Recruits, for the reinforcing of the Garrizon at Naples, with particular recommendations to the Captain. The Recruits were put aboard a Hamborough Vessel, pressed for the transportation of them, for want of other, as it is ordinary in Spain, when the King's service requires it. They set sail at Cadiz, and went into the Mediterranean through the straight of Gibraltar, where being opposite to Majorca, the wind turned contrary which occasioned the Captain and some others to go ashore, with a design to return to the Ship, assoon as the wind should sit right for the prosecution of their voyage. In the mean time, the soldiers, who were forced to serve, and in number, exceeded the Volunteers, persuaded the latter to mutiny, upon occasion that their Officers enjoyed themselves ashore, while they endured the hardships of the Sea. They plotted together to render themselves masters of the Ship, and to return for Spain. The Seamen, who were Hamburghers, knowing nothing of their design were of a sudden secured in the hold, with a guard set upon them, and as if they had taken a considerable prize, they rifled all in the stern, choosing to govern the Vessel two soldiers, who, having been in the Indies, thought themselves the most expert among them, and consequently fit to undertake that employment. All went very well, while they had no adversary; but having sailed some hours, they discovered a Ship with green colours on the topmast. There was not any so ignorant among them but knew it to be a Pirate of Algiers, so that perceiving it made straight towards them, they put themselves into a posture of defence, disposing eighty men on the Decks armed with Muskets and Half-pikes, and sending the rest under Decks to manage the Guns. The subtle Pirate gets the wind of them, and gives them a volley of sixteen Guns, which killed two or three men, and somewhat prejudiced the sails and tackling. The Spaniards who were between Decks answered him with twelve, but to no effect, for they knew not how to take their aim, and which was worse, having discharged, they knew not how to charge them again, and to fasten them, so that the carriadges and the Guns roll'd-up and down with the motion of the Ship. The two Commanders were busy at the stern, whence they gave order what was to be done, but their people not understanding the Sea-terms, did many times contrary to what was commanded. The Pirate seeing so many people on the Deck, thought it not safe to board, but observing that the enemy made no further use of their Guns, imagined it was for want of Powder, and so hoping to get the better of them, he fired at them as fast as he could. Then the Fresh-water-men began to see that they had undertaken the government of the Vessel, as Phaeton did that of the Sun's Chariot, and thereupon minding their safety, they resolved to deliver the Seamen out of their Irons, and to employ them about the Guns, while they made good the Deck, and so sent an Ambassador, who made this speech to them; gentlemans Lutherans, the Vessel is set upon by the Turks, you have your liberty granted you, on condition that you assist us against the Common enemy. He thought this news would have been acceptable to the Prisoners, and that they would have been glad of that favour, but he was much astonished to hear them bluntly making answer, That they should make an end of what they had begun, and that they were resolved to be slaves to their enemies, to be revenged of the affront done them by those pretended Friends, by whom they had been treated like beasts. The Ambassador makes a report of his Negotiation to his Companions, who were at such a loss, that they knew not what to do or say. In the mean time the Pirate loses no time, and gives them a volley, the Guns loaden with Iron-bars, whereby the tackling was shattered, the sails torn, a mast broken, the deck covered with wounded and dead, the orders of the Commanders ill-given, and on the other side less understood and executed, which c●us'd disorder and confusion amidst the dreadful outcries of the wounded, who could not be dressed, in regard the Surgeon was one of those who were in chains; so that the rest began to flag and be out of courage. The Pirate perceiving what condition they were in cried out Ame●na, which those poor Desperadoes understood not, though they wished nothing so much as to yield, which yet the Pirate would have them to acknowledge by letting down the main-sail-yard upon the Deck, and taking away the Colours from the Stern. The Pirate took their ignorance for contempt; and drew near to give them a double charge; but perceiving they laid down their arms, and made signs with their handkerchiefs fastened to their hats, he sent the boat to them with fifteen Turks in it, who getting on the Deck, understood what posture the Vessel was in, pillaged it, and out of compassion sent for the Turkish Surgeon to dress the wounded, casting into the Sea the dead and such as they though irrecoverable, and making the rest slaves. The Spaniards were chained in the Pirates Vessel, and the Hamburghers continued where they were, with six Turks to guard them. The Pirate returned to Algiers, where those slaves were sold, among whom was Francisco Mendez, who sent an account of his misfortune to his Mother, a poor widow living at Ceuta, who, passing up and down Spain to gather what alms she could, got together two hundred and fifty Patacoons, and writ to her Son, that his Patron should send him to Tituan, where she would pay his ransom. Having received this news Francisco was embarked with us, transported with joy for the recovery of his liberty, which he despaired of, by reason of the poverty of his Mother, and the little likelihood there was to get money otherwise. We came together to Tituan, and were there put into the Masmora, where I received letters from my Companion Saldens, dated at Ceuta, at the bottom whereof he writ, that there was with me a Christian slave, named Francisco Mendez, to whom he desired me to give a Patacoon or two, if he stood in need thereof, that his old Master D. Francisco Villegas, would give the fifty Patacoons which were behind of his ransom, and that his Mother was going from Ceuta to Gibraltar to receive them. These tidings transported Francisco with joy, but it lasted not long; for while we were talking concerning his liberty, we heard a voice calling at the grate above, for Francisco Mendez, who lifting up his eyes sees his Mother, who had been made a slave that day, being taken in the Brigantine, which ordinarily goes from Ceuta to Gibraltar, the Portuguez Soldiers having neglected their duty through drunkenness. That sad accident put both mother and son into a despair of ever recovering their liberty, the same day they expected to have embraced one the other out of slavery.   

RELATION XLIII. Of the impious dutifulness of an Iseland-Slave.  
THough the Inhabitants of Iseland thought they had had no other enemies than Poverty and Ice, the one whereof lies perpetually, the other, for eight months of the year very heavy upon them; yet Algiers, through a detestable avarice, envied them, that which no other Nation did, the only happiness they had, liberty. At my departure from Algiers, in the year 1642. a young man in Turkish habit came to me, having heard that I was a Dunkirk-slave, and intended to pass through Madrid, and gave me a Petition handsomely write in Latin, desiring me to present it to the Ambassador of Denmark, than Resident with the King of Spain. I wondered much at that conjunction of circumstances, that a Turk should desire something in Latin, of a person of the Danish Nation, and could not imagine by the language wherein he spoke to me, which was Lingua Franca, that he was such as I afterwards understood him to be. It is in your power, says the young man to me, to do the greatest act of charity that ever one Christian did to another. So proceeding in his discourse, he related to me all the accidents of his life, to assure me of the justice of his pretensions. It had happened some years since, said he, that an Iseland- Renegado having been a long time abroad with the Pirate of this City, without taking any prize, proposed to the Captain, vexed that nothing fell in his way, to make towards Iseland, and landing there, to take Iselanders, who suspected not that there were such barbarous people in the world. The proposal was liked by the Captain, and the management of the enterprise was committed to that perfidious Iselander. Soon after, the Turks came to a secure place known by the Undertaker, near that Island, and sent fifty soldiers ashore, who brought away about eight hundred men, women, and children, and afterwards sold them in this City for slaves, the manner whereof you know. Many died by the change of air, others, out of a despair of being redeemed, renounced their Religion, and some few of them do still patiently endure the heavy yoke of slavery, hoping that Christian IV. King of Denmark, whose subjects they are, will have compassion on them, whereto they believe he will be moved upon the mediation of his Ambassador at Madrid. And as to what concerns me, wonder not that I concern myself so much in this business; know that though you see me in Turkish habit, I was born in Iseland, and brought away thence with my Mother, and those I told you off before. Having continued two years a slave, my Patron dies, and gives me my liberty, on condition I should renounce, which I did, to procure the liberty of my Mother, who suffered extremely, by being put to painful work, and unmercifully beaten. Being free I entered into the Bassa's pay, and went out to Sea, and having got together about a hundred Patacoons, I was in hopes to redeem my Mother, of a Moor, whose slave she was; but the Dog, having seen my proffer, treated her worse than before, to make me give two hundred Patacoons, and I could not rest till I had made a shift for the other hundred Patacoons, which an honest Turk lent me, on condition he should have my Mother for the security of his reimbursement. She is tolerably well treated where she is now, but if I should die, she would be reduced to the same condition she was in before, and would never recover her liberty while she lived. This discourse having moved me to compassion, I gave the young man all the assurances I could of my readiness to serve him in the delivery of his Petition. Being afterwards come to Madrid, I went to the Ambassador of Denmark the Sieur Hilarius Ulefelt, a Knight of noble extraction, to whom I gave an account of what was contained in the Petition, which I had lost when we were cast away. He promised me to acquaint the King of Denmark with the business. Being afterwards returned to Flanders, the Sieur Bernard d' Aranda, my Brother, passing that way upon some affairs of the King of Denmark, and of Cornificio Ulefelt, Brother to the said Ambassador, and Grand-Master of the Kingdom, to whom he was related as a Gentleman, assured me, that the King of Denmark, upon the account given by his Ambassador, had, by the way of Legorn, ordered the redemption of those poor Iselanders, and among others that Mother, whose Son had by an impious undutifulness hazarded the loss of his own Soul, to procure the liberty of her body.   

RELATION XLIV. The Unfortunate Adventurers.  
THose who engage themselves in great erterprises are esteemed according to the good or bad success thereof; if fortune prove favourable, they get the reputation of courageous and prudent; if unkind, their misfortune is accounted a punishment of their temerity and extravagance. Some, of Pirates and Robbers, have come to be Generals at Sea, and powerful Monarches, and gained honour by those courses, which brought others to the Galleys and the Gibbet. Four younger Brothers, Frenchmen, shall confirm this assertion, not that I mean they were Pirates or Robbers, but Freebooters upon a double Commission. Their birth had not furnished them with any great conveniences, and therefore what was wanting that way was to be supplied by their courage. In the year 1636. they resolved upon a way, which was to seek their fortunes at Sea, getting together about fifteen thousand Livers, wherewith they equipped a Frigate of ten Guns. Two among them, who were Knights of Malta, got a Commission from that Order, against the common enemy of the Christians; the others, one from the King of France. The noise of this expedition, the preparations whereof were carried on at Rochel, brought together fourscore younger Brothers, who, with their Officers, a good Master, and thirty six Seamen, were able and likely to attempt great matters. All things being ready, they hoist sail, designing to cruse up and down the Spanish-Sea between Cadiz and Saint Lucre's, and so set a man ashore there, habited like a Spaniard, who understood the language of the Country, to see what Ships were bound thence, and to put up the Colours of France, as the most likely to do their work thereabouts. The Colours of France, as the most likely to do their work thereabouts. The Colours of the Order of Malta was to serve against the Crescent, and particularly against those of Algiers and Tunis, between which places and France there was a Peace, though ill observed on both sides. The sixth day after their departure, they set a man ashore in the night time near Cadiz, who returned the night following, bringing intelligence that a Ship loaden with wine was ready to set sail. Being come out, they gave it chase, and two days after having taken it, they rid themselves of the trouble of the Prisoners, setting them all ashore. This prize of wine heightened the courage of our young Blades, and raised them to a higher conceit of their valour. The third day after this good fortune, they discovered two Pirates of Algiers, to whom they gave chase under the Colours of the Order of Malta. The Pirates relying on their own strength, and imagining that of our Younger-Brothers not to be extraordinary expect them with their sails furled up. In the mean time the Adventurers consult about the Attack, and resolved to board the greater of the two Pirates, and to abandon their own Frigate, which could not have the advantage of the Pirate furnished with twenty four Brass Guns. Order was given, according to the resolution taken; but the Pirate, who was well skilled in his profession, perceived their design by the animosity of their approach, and seeing them come up near enough to him, let down his sails, to avoid grappling. This unexpected disappointment, put the attempters into a little distraction, yet not so much, but that as they passed by they gave the enemy a volley with their ten Guns, brought all of one side, receiving the like salute from the Turk. They several times attempted to board, as being the only way to gain the victory, but the Pirates avoided it, and so the great Guns played on both sides, till by misfortune at last a Bullet of six pound weight took the Mast of the Frigate, which made them furl up their sail, lest the wind might break the Mast, which had been cleft by that unhappy shot. They still courageously stood upon the defensive, and they had defeated the mahometans, if the noise of their shot had not brought thither five other Pirates of Algiers, which with the two already engaged made a squadron of seven disposed into the form of a halfmoon, by which that unhappy Frigate was peppered of all sides. Yet did not the courage of our Younger-Brothers fail them, for they gallantly made their party good for the space of nine hours, during which they fired six hundred shot with their ten Guns. But as the number of the dog's occasion the death of the Hare; so at last the Frigate shattered of all sides, above and below, the water began to come in at the bottom, unhappily depriving those gallant Gentlemen of the means rather than of the earnestness they had to fight. The seven Pirates sent their Boats to save those unfortunate persons, most of whom were forced to betake themselves to swimming, to avoid sinking with the Vessel, and so yielded themselves. They were divided among the seven Pirates, who having also received some prejudice returned to Algiers, where these new slaves had been sold at a low rate, upon this account, that they had the repute of being poor and discontented, if a perfidious Christian, an Officer belonging to the Chamber of the French Trade, to ingratiate himself with the Bassa, and General Pegelin, had not betrayed them, sharing secretly with them in the buying of the four principal Adventurers, who were at the charge of the whole Expedition, and maliciously advising, that they should be beaten, and threatened with the Galleys, and that they should not be redeemed on without the other; which was done after seven years' slavery and extraordinary hardship, at the end of the year 1642. for the sum of six thousand Ducats, they having acquired no reputation by their generous resolution and courageous conduct, because the issue of their enterprise proved unfortunate.   

RELATION. XLV. Superstitious Piety.  
THe ensuing Relation may in some measure serve for an Advertisement, to show that Heaven is not to be gained by fond wishes, and that those only are to expect to be triumphant there, who have been courageously militant here.  
General Pegelin cruzing up and down the Mediterranean in the year 1641. notice was given him that the Galleys wanted fresh water, and being near Tremesen, he ordered them to touch at a place between that City and that of Oran, where he knew there was a Spring. He set ashore thereabouts a hundred slaves, chained five and five together, every one with a runlet on his back, conveyed by fifty Musketeers, to fetch water from that Spring, which was about a quarter of a league from the Seaside. In the mean time the General, took the air ashore, walking along the Seaside, whither the Alarbes soon brought refreshments to sell, as they are wont to do. They were followed by a Moorish Gentleman, who living thereabouts came to kiss the General's hands, making him a present of Grapes, Figs, Lemons, Poultry, and the like refreshments, which his servants brought along with him. The General thanked him, and so they fell into discourse. The Moor, who had never been out of his own Village, nor conversed with any but half-savage Alarbes, nor studied but with some Cherif or Marabout, who had simply explicated the fooleries of the Alcoran to him, was accordingly very simple, and wholly addicted to their Religion, which made him complain to Pegelin of his fortune, which had indeed sufficiently supplied him with Camels, Sheep, Oxen, and Servants, but all hindered not his being unhappy in one thing, which concerned him more than all the rest. The General was desirous to know what it might be; This, replied the Moor, that I am not so great a Friend of our Prophet Mahomet's as you are. The General, who laughed in his sleeve at Mahomet, and all his superstitions, dissembling the conceit he had of the Moors persuasion, seriously asked him, why he was not so great a Friend of the Prophets? Because, replied the Moor, you have sacrificed with your Cimitar so many Christians, which is the most acceptable sacrifice that can be made to the Prophet, and I have all my life killed nothing but wild B●ars, which is a service indeed, but no way comparable to yours. I should be extremely obliged to your Excellency, if you would do me the favour, as to suffer me to kill one of your Christian slaves, whereof you have so great a number, and I should be happy in doing a thing so acceptable to the Prophet. The General, who was of a divertive humour, granted his request, provided he went behind a little hill, which he showed him about a hundred paces thence, promising to send him a slave of what Nation he pleased. The Moor pitched upon a Spaniard, That is the sacrifice, said he, which the Prophet is most pleased withal, because those of that Nation are his greatest enemies. With that he goes to the hill. The General immediately caused the chain to be taken off the Espalier, who is the most skilful slave of any at the Oar, and commonly the strongest; for he begins the work of rowing, and gives the measure which is to be observed by all the rest. That slave was a Spaniard, and could speak the Arabian and Moorish Language, as having been a soldier at Oran. The General gave him a sword, and a dagger, and acquainted him with the discourse that had passed between him and the Moor, sending him to meet the other behind the hill, with express order, not to do him any hurt, but only to frighten him. Assoon as the Moor perceived the Spanish-slave, thinking he came to have his throat cut, he kneeled down, beginning to say the Assala, which is their prayer, that his sacrifice might be the more acceptable to the Prophet, but rising up he finds standing before him a sturdy fellow, armed, contrary to what he expected, which put him into a cold sweat, yet perceiving he was obliged to fight instead of sacrificing, he took courage and draws his Cimitar, to secure himself against the sword and dagger of his Adversary, who soon made a shift to disarm the Moor, which done, he suffered him to steal away. He comes all in a Fright to Alli Pegelin, making his complaint to him, that the Christian, whom he had sent came armed. The General laughing at the simplicity of the fellow, said to him, Thus it is that you are to please the Prophet, if you will deserve his favour as I do; for after this manner are Christians to be sacrificed, the Prophet thinks it no service to kill a man who is not able to defend himself. Mahomet was a generous and valiant man; go and bid your Cherif (That is a Turkish Priest) furnish you with a better explication of the Alcoran. And so he shamefully dismissed the Moor, laughing at his superstitious piety.   

RELATION XLVI. Avarice masked.  
THe Turks veil their avarice towards the Christians under the cloak of cruelty and Religion; but in regard these pretences cannot avail them against those of their own persuasion, they make the same advantage of their power. In the year 1640. there was but one or two Priests at Algiers, whereby the slaves of General Pegelin suffered much inconvenience in their Church at the Bath. To remedy themselves they sent as an Ambassador to Alli Pegelin the Espalder, who is the sturdiest among the Slaves, and upon that account the chiefest and most respected both aboard the Galleys and in the Bath, and who only hath the privilege to speak to the Patron when he pleases, and to represent to him, what concerns the generality of the slaves. This Espalder, named Juan Sanches (the same who was sent out to the Moor, as may be seen in the precedent Relation) went to the General, remonstrating to his Excellency, that some weeks before, it had pleased him to put his Catholic slaves in hope, that he would buy the first Priest that should come to be sold. Having understood that there was one newly brought in, they were humble suitors to his Excellency, that he would be pleased now to do that favour to his most humble Slaves. The General promised to do it, and accordingly he went to the Market, where there was exposed a Priest of the Order of Saint Dominick, a Conventuel of Malaga, Licentiate in Theology, named Father Bartholomeo de Ledesma. The General took occasion to tell all he met, that his Slaves were in such want of a Priest, that they would not suffer him to be at rest till they had one. This he said purposely, that none might presume to outbid him. The Priest came to be exposed to sale, and the Officer cried Arrache, Arrache, that is, Who gives most? Pegelin proffered four hundred Patacoons for him, and another Turk outbid him by twenty Patacoons, whereat the General was so incensed, that he would have killed that Turk, had he not got out of the way, and said, four hundred Patacoons more, with this menace, Is there yet any one so insolent as to proffer beyond me? This startled all that were present, so much, that in all Markets afterwards, none durst proffer more than he did, whereof he made no small advantage, buying in a manner at what rates he pleased. This Priest performed his Function among us, to the great satisfaction of all, for the space of fifteen months, at the end whereof, he went to Pegelin, who demanded of him fifteen hundred Patacoons for his ransom; whereto the Father replying, that his Excellency had bought him in a frolic, and that he was not worth so much. You are in the right, says Alli, I have made this advantage by the buying of you, that no Turk dares overbid me, but your person caused the frolic, you must either pay for it with interest, or perish here. The Father could get no other answer, so that he was forced to importune his Friends and Relations to get together the fifteen hundred Patacoons, which paid, he was set at liberty.   

RELATION XLVII. The imaginary slavery.  
IT happens sometimes that some Christians under the power of the Turks are less Slaves of their Masters, than Men are of their passions, and it may be affirmed, that their Slavery may be ranked among those things which the Spanish Satirist Quevedo calls Imaginary. In the year 1641. the Pirates brought in certain persons taken in a Brigantine bound for Gen●a, and exposed them to sale on the Market at Algiers. It was my chance to pass by as they were under Sale, and I perceived that among those new Slaves there was one clad in red Plush, wrought over with black Flowers, rather torn then worn out, who was sold at four hundred Patacoons. I imagined then that that habit had served under the Cassock of some Clergyman of quality. Some days after, going to the Bath of the Duana, (which is that of the City, where the slaves are employed upon some public works) I found that slave, who had exchanged his Plush-coat for the habit of a Priest according to the mode of Algiers, made after the fashion of a short Coat, or Cassock, reaching to the knees, of cloth, of the same colour as that worn by the Capucins in some Countries, especially in Flanders, very carelessly cut out, and ill-fitted to the body, the party who wore it having not been trimmed of a great while, out of shoes, in a word, very poorly accoutred, leaning against the Church-door of the said Bath. Finding him in that posture, I made a low reverence to him, wishing him his liberty. These compliments begat an acquaintance between us, and that some discourse, and that bred a familiarity, whereby I made this observation, that he avoided the conversation of both Spaniards and Italians, for fear of being discovered, having to that purpose concealed his quality under the assumed name of Francisco Talls. September 7. 1641. the Slaves of the Duana represented in the nighttime, within the Bath, a Comedy in Spanish, tolerably well written, upon the story of Belizarius, to which I was invited by that good Priest, going thither with permission to lie out of my Patron's house. Coming to the Bath, I found all the Drinking●places full of Slaves, drinking and smoking, in expectation of the Play. The Priest brought me into a little room opposite to the Stage, where he called for some Wine and a Collation. The great respect which the Christian slave, who sold the Wine, expressed towards the Priest, raised in me the curiosity to ask him, how they came to be so intimately acquainted, since he was a Slave of small standing. He whom you take to be the Master, said he, is but the Servant, the Slave of Majorca, whom you know, is the Master of this Drinking place and two others, wherein he keeps three Christian slaves, to look to them, who give him an account every week of the Wine and other things he sends in. I am here under him, and whatever he entrusts me with I give him an account of. He afterwards told me that the Majorcan had been made a Slave some years before, and had at the beginning suffered the miseries of his condition, but that having afterwards made a shift by his industry to get together the sum of a Patacoon, he had so advantaged himself thereby, that he was able to keep those three Drinking-places, which brought him in great profit. This discourse satisfied me how it came to pass that that Majorcan walked up and down, and was well clad. And finding that the Priest was so intimately acquainted with the Majorcan, I asked him what he had done with the Horse I had seen him buy in the Market not long before. He presented it to his Patron, replied the Priest. Whereupon I desirous to be further satisfied why he did not ransom himself with that present, he told me, that he had some years since agreed with his Patron at four hundred Patacoons, which sum he had paid to thirty, which he purposely left unsatisfied, that he might go under the name of a Slave, and enjoy the protection of his Patron, who was a person of great authority, with whom he lived in a good correspondence, by means of his presents. He also persuaded his Patron to buy the new Slaves of Majorca or Italy of his acquaintance, for whom he reimbursed him what they cost, and sent them back to their Countries, not losing the interest of his money, as it was but reason he should not. Some days after, he did the same favour for that Priest, who continued there some time a Slave only by name. These advantages made the Majorcane the less desirous to return into his Country, and the King of Spain, coming to hear of these services, sent him a secret order to continue there in the same quality, to help the Spanish slaves, and with his advice to assist the Fathers employed about the redemption of Captives, when they should come thither, with promises of an honourable reward; which order he faithfully observed, till he died an Imaginary Slave, two years after my departure from Algiers.   

RELATION XLVIII. The Execrable Revenge.  
EVery Vice is encouraged either by profit or pleasure, and balances the sin by some apparent good, only Revenge is absolutely unhappy, inasmuch as it is some times forced to compass another's ruin with its own. While we were confined to the Bassa's Palace, as may be seen in the discourse of my Captivity, I took notice of a Renegado-youth, about twelve or thirteen years of Age, clad in red Silk, having a Turban very neatly interwoven; I saw he had the privilege to enter into the Bassa's lodgings, and those of his Wife, when he pleased, which is no small favour in that Country. The Eunuches belonging to the Bassa's wife respected him, and gave him the title of Celibi, that is to say, Lord. The marks he had about him of a Renegado, and the gracefulness of his person raised in me a curiosity to inquire whence it came, that Amet (so he was called) had that privilege above all the other Renegadoes of the house. I was acquainted with a French Renegado, Caterer to the Bassa, who gave me an account of the Youth, and his relation acquainted me with a strange effect of an extravagant passion. Wonder not, said he to me, that Amet Celibi is in greater favour than any of the rest, his noble Extraction deserves it. But imagine not his Friends have been wanting in their endeavours to recover him, they did all they could to have him again, but all to no purpose. That young Lad never was a Slave, as all the other Renegadoes were. And so proceeding in his discourse, he told me, that the Lad was a Spaniard born, of a house well known, and had been spirited away from his Friends, and brought to Algiers, the manner thus.  
The King of Spain hath seated on the Mediterranean, and the Ocean, some places of the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, which serve for a banishment to some, and sanctuary to others. For that Prince being obliged to keep Garrizons there, he is so favourable towards some Delinquents as only to condemn them to serve there, whereas other Criminels are sent to the Galleys. Such as are Grandees of Spain, or of more than ordinary quality, to expiate their crimes, are banished into those places, with obligation to maintain on their own charge such a number of Horse, according to the exigency of the case, and the ability of the person. To one of those Fortresses were sent two Brothers, of a considerable house in Spain, who upon some occasion or other had some difference. The elder thinking himself injured in point of honour, insulted over his younger Brother, who on the other side being not able to smother his resentments of the affront, fell to study how he might be revenged, but all his attempts were rendered ineffectual by the Governor of the place, who was a very prudent Gentleman. Whereupon finding that he would not be permitted to fight his Brother, and having resolved to prosecute his revenge, whatever it cost him, he bethought himself of a design which brought him to his own irrecoverable ruin.  
One day having observed that his Brother's only Son was gone out into the plain, which is before the City, to play, he gets on Horseback, and making as if he intended to take the air, he kindly calls his Nephew to him, and takes him up before him, and so riding on gently, till he got out of sight, he put spurs to his Horse, so that he soon got into the Country of the Turks, where having called for a Guide, he came in a few days to Algiers, desiring audience of the Bassa, whom he told, that he was come to present his service to his Excellency, with a design to renounce his Religion, and that as assurance of his fidelity, he presented him with a lovely Child, who was his Nephew. The Bassa accepted of the proffer, and ordered his Eunuches to cause him to renounce, and to bring him up in the Mahumetane Religion, giving him the name of Amet. The younger Brother also renounced the Christian Religion, and embraced the Turkish, and came afterwards to a wretched end. After my return out of slavery, I related this strange adventure to a certain Officer of our Army, who told me, that he had been well acquainted with the Brothers and the young Lad, and was troubled, that their names and habitations were known.   

RELATION XLIX. That the Turks prefer Money before Love.  
MY Patron Alli Pegelin returning from his courses in the year 1641. bethought himself of the Loves there had passed between him, some two or three years before, and a Grecian Mistress, insomuch that he was desirous to give her a visit. He ordered some of his Galleys to make towards Bona, otherwise Hippona, where he landed. The woman, having had notice of it, came to meet him, and presented him with a lovely child about two years of age, whom she had born him. The General was so much taken with the child, that for his sake, he married the mother, expressing an extraordinary affection towards her, and that the greater, in regard he had by that woman one to inherit his wealth, a happiness which he could not have by her whom he had left at Algiers. In fine he would needs bring her along with him; but assoon as his wife whom he left at home heard of their arrival, she conceived such a jealousy against her husband and his second Spouse, that not able to smother her passion, though she was above fifty years of age, she sent two Turks of quality to him, to tell him from her, that he was very welcome, and that she knew well enough he had not offended against the Alcoran by marrying a second Wife, but that she understood also the permission she had by the same Law to dissolve their marriage, and to go from him, with above a hundred thousand Ducats, which she had brought him in dower, ordering him, if he had a mind to keep her, immediately to dispose the Grecian Lady in marriage to some other, so to take away the cause of her passion. Though Alli Pegelin was a man of great wealth, yet was he a little startled at the sudden and bold resolution of his Wife, and had some thoughts to send back those pleasant Ambassadors with as round an answer, but reflecting on the hundred thousand Ducats, his avarice made him change his design, so that immediately, ere he came ashore, he bestowed his second wife on one of the Captains of his Galleys, yet kept the child, who was brought up by the former Wife, and she had so great a kindness for him, that she gave him all her wealth, by which means he afterwards came to great charges and employments, though all his Father's estate had been confiscated for some Rebellion wherein he was engaged. That Son of his lived in great repute without any check of Fortune, till the year 1661. at which time his throat was cut by the rebellious soldiers, upon this account, that he had sided with Ramadan Bassa, as I have related in the description of Algiers.   

RELATION L. The counterfeit Hypocrisy.  
IT is a hard thing to know the design of Religious actions, some have a different tendency to God, others to some concernment of honour or advantage. And this intention lies so deep in the heart, that it is the hardest thing in the world to dive into it, before the effect come to light. In the year 1636. the Pirates of Algiers, contrary to all right had surprised a Vessel of Marseilles, not regarding the peace concluded between the King of France and the Bassa of that City, and the particular safe-conduct of the same Bassa. Complaint is made at the Duana, but not admitted, and under pretence that the Commodities belonged to other Nations, they are secured, and the Seamen were sold under hand and put into the Galleys. Two of those Frenchmen renounced their Religion, and listed themselves among the soldiery, who are employed in the Galleys against the Christians. They made some voyages in a Bark belonging to a Moor, to Bona, there putting off and buying certain Commodities, by which trading they got about an hundred Patacoons, wherewith they purchased a part in the Bark, and so went as Partners with the Moor, both as to Merchandise and the Provisions. While they were at Algiers, they went every day to the Mosquey, to say their Assala, which they did with great fervency. Being in company with the Renegadoes of their Nation, they made a difficulty to drink wine, as they did. And being one day invited by a French Gentleman, a slave, among others of his friends, both Renegadoes and slaves, some Pork being brought to the table for the Christians, they rose up railing at him who had invited them, and saying it was done in contempt of their Prophet Mahomet, and that he had put an affront upon them, swearing they would call him to an account for it. They scattered every where the expressions of their indignation, reviling their Renegado-Companions, for having suffered the Pork to be eaten in their presence, and charging them to be ill observers of the Alcoran. This deportment, with their continual frequenting of the Mosqueys, and their exact observance of all their superstitious fooleries, got them the reputation of being perfect Turks. In the mean time they continued their trading to Bona, and having got another sum of Patacoons, they bought the whole Bark of the Moor, so that they were the sole masters of it; and now it was that Hypocrisy began to produce the designs, it had concealed in the souls of those Renegado-soldiers. They made ready their Bark for their accustomed voyage to Bona, hiring four Fishermen, Alarbes, to serve them as Seamen, weigh anchor, and within two hours came over against Montefon, which is a mountain three leagues from Algiers. One of our Renegadoes pretended that they had forgotten to fill their barrel with freshwater, and that it might be some inconvenience to them, if the wind should prove contrary: The Alarbes proffered to go and fill the Vessel, at a Spring, which lies at the foot of the mountain, bringing the Bark close to the shore, whereupon the herbs went out to fill it. They were not above a hundred pace● from the Bark, busy in filling the 〈◊〉, when the two Renegadoes discharged each of them a Musket, which served for a sig●●● to ten Christian slaves, who being thereabouts, got into the Bark, as they had agreed among themselves. The discharging of the Muskets made the Alarbes imagine that they were commanded to return to the Bark, by reason of some accident, and thereupon leaving their barrel, they came immediately to the Seaside. But they had reason to suspect something, when they saw the Ship make to Sea, and heard the Renegadoes crying to them, that they bestowed their liberty on 〈◊〉, which they might have taken from them, that they might acquaint the Turks and Renegadoes with the success of their enterprise. The third day after 〈◊〉 were kindly received by the Inhabitants of 〈◊〉, who made one of those soldiers ●●lot of 〈…〉.   
FINIS.