THE ARMY FOR A TREATY, AND ACCOMMODATION: OR, Collections out of several Papers formerly published by the Army, containing their desires (grounded on solid reasons) of Peace by Accommodation with His Majesty and His Party, on terms very suitable to those now proposed by the Parliament. Whereunto is annexed, A Letter to His EXCELLENCY, and the Officers of the Army in council Assembled. And short Observations on the Collections. JAMES 1. 8. A double minded man is unstable in all his ways. Printed in the Year, 1648. In the representation of the Army, June 14. 1647. This is set down as the 8. proposal for PEACE. 8. THat (Public justice being first satisfied by some few examples to posterity out of the worst excepted persons, and other Delinquents, having made their Compositions) some course may be taken (by a general Act of Oblivion, or other ways,) whereby the seeds of future War, or feuds either to the present Age, or Posterity, may the better be taken away, by easing that sense of present, and satisfying those fears of future ruins, or undoing to person●, or Families, which may drive men into desperate ways, for self-preservation, or remedy; and by taking away the private remembrance and distinction of Parties, as far as may stand with safety to the Rights and Liberties we have hitherto fought for Pag. 45. In the humble Remonstrance from His Excellency Sir Tho: Fairfax, and the Army under His Command, presented to the Commissioners at S. Albans, June 23. 1647. is this passage. ANd whereas there has been scandalous informations presented to the Houses, and industriously published in Print, importing, as if His Majesty were kept as Prisoner amongst us, and barbarously, and uncivilly used. We cannot but declare, that the same, & all other suggestions of that sort, are most false, scandalous, and absolutely contrary, not only to our declared desires, but also to our Principles, which are most clearly, for a general Right, and just Freedom to all. And therefore, upon this occasion we cannot but declare particularly, that we desire the same for the King, and others of His Party, (so far as can consist with common Right and Freedom, & with the security of the same for future;) And we do further clearly profess, we do not see how there can be any peace to the kingdom firm or lasting, without a due consideration of, and provision for the Rights, quiet, and immunity of His majesty's royal Family, and His late partakers: and herein we think that tender and equitable dealing, (as supposing their cause had been ours) and a spirit of common love, and justice, diffusing itself to the good and preservation of all, will make up the most glorious Conquest over their hearts (if God in mercy see it good) to make them, and the whole people of the Land lasting Friends. Page 64. In a Letter from Sir Tho: Fairfax to both Houses of Parliament, giving an account of transactions between His Majesty, and the Army, there is this passage. IN general, we humbly conceive, that to avoid all harshness, and afford all kind usage to His majesty's Person, in things consisting with the peace and safety of the kingdom, is the most Christian, honourable, and prudent way: And in all things (as the representation and Remonstrance of the Army, doth express) we think that tender, equitable, and moderate dealing both towards His Majesty, His royal Family, and late Party (so far as may stand with the safety of the kingdom, and security to our common Rights and Liberties) is the most hopeful course to take away the seeds of War, or future feuds amongst us for Posterity, and to procure a lasting Peace, and a Government in this distracted Nation. Page 75. Reading, July 6. 1647. In the Proposals of the Army, 1 Aug. 1647. 14. That (things here before proposed, being provided for settling and securing the Rights, Liberties, and safety of the kingdom) His majesty's Person, Queen, and royal Issue, may be restored to a condition of Safety, Honour, and freedom in this Nation, without diminution of their personal Rights, or further limitation to the exercise of the regal Power, then according to the particulars aforegoing. 15. For the matter of Compositions. 1. That a lesser number out of the persons excepted in the two first qualifications (not exceeding five for the English) being nominated particularly by the Parliament, who (together with the persons in the Irish Rebellion included in the third qualificaon) may be reserved to the further judgement of the Parliament as they shall see cause: All other excepted persons may be remitted from the exception, and admitted to Compositions. 2. That the rates for all future Compositions may be lessened, and limited not to exceed the several proportions hereafter expressed respectively; that is to say, 1. For all persons formerly excepted, not above a third part. 2. For the late Members of Parliament under the first branch of the fourth qualification, a fourth Part. 3. For other Members of Parliament in the second, and third branch of the said qualification, a sixth Part. 4. For the persons nominated in the said four qualifications, and those included in the tenth qualification, an eighth Part. 5. For all others included in the sixt qualification, a tenth Part. And that real Debts, either upon record, or proved by witness, be considered, and abated in the valuation of their Estates in all the cases aforesaid. 3. That those, who shall hereafter come to compound, may not have the Covenant put upon them, as a condition without which they may not Compound. 16. That there may be a general Act of Oblivion to extend to all (except the persons to be continued (in exception as before) to absolve from all trespasses, misdeameaners, &c. done in prosecution of the war) and from all trouble or prejudice, for, or concerning the same. Page 116. 117. For his Excellency, THOMAS Lord FAIRFAX, and the Officers of the Army under his Command, in council Assembled. Right Honourable, UNderstanding by common fame that on Tuesday Novemb. 16. there is to be a general council of all the Officers of the Army, the result whereof may have a great influence on the affairs of this distracted kingdom. Out of a fervent desire of my Countries good; I have taken the boldness to represent to your Excellency, and the rest of that Honourable council, an abstract of some particulars out of your formerly Printed papers, containing your worthy expressions to promote, with the freedom, the Peace of this Nation, by tender respect to all Estates therein. How popular those expressions rendered your Excellency, and the Army under your Command, I need not now tell your Excellency, nor them: Nor need I express what contrary effects any recession from those expressions, and proposals may work, if in so hopeful a circumstance of affairs for Peace, there should be any interposition from you, to frustrate the present expectation of the closure of our breach upon any pretences contrariant to those expressions enclosed, so deliberately penned, and generally communicated to the eyes of all the Nation. Mutability in men of your places, is in itself a thing too unsuitable: but in a case of this nature, It cannot but be looked upon as the fruit of the turn of private interest (the public being still the same;) And for men that have done so much for the public, to move on the hinge of private interest, in a business of this concernment, how greatly it may obscure your present resplendent glory, I hope you will rather foresee in reason, than adventure to read it in the black letters of sad experience. Verbum sapienti. I will conclude with hope, and prayer, that God will so direct you, that you will promte the happy hoped for cloosure of our distractions, and crown all your former Victories over others, with this victory over all private interest in yourselves, to promote the public, which is most manifestly involved in a good Peace. Observations on the foregoing passages. REader, Thou Mayst Observe that the whole Army in their Remonstrance Declare: 1. That it is not only against their desires, but Principles, to imprison the King, or use Him uncivilly. And I hope their Principles are the same still. 2. They declare their belief; that there cannot be any Peace to the kingdom firm, or lasting, without a due consideration of, and provision for the rights, quiet, and immunities of His majesty's royal Family, and His late partakers. 3. That they come lower in moderating rigour to the King's Party than the Houses, bringing the parties exempted to five (the Parliament holds up to seven:) And the five not condemned to death, but reserved to the further judgement of the Parliament, as they shall see cause. 4. After all they move for a general Act of Oblivion in as full terms as may be, and very rationally, to prevent future disturbance of the State. Whence from their own pens it must inevitably follow, that if they (under pretence of Justice) shall disturb this present Treaty, or use (to say no worse) any uncivility to the King; They shall recede from their own Principles, render us uncapable of a peace firm and lasting; which the late experience since the Vote of No addresses may more clear unto us. And if such an attempt be not destructive to this poor kingdom; the world may, God will rightly judge. THE END.