THE army's VINDICATION, Wherein these five things are proved: 

First, That there is a supreme and sovereign power always residing in the People, over and above Kings.  
Secondly, That all Kings have been, and still are, subject to, and under Law.  
Thirdly, That the People have power, not only to convent, but to censure, depose and punish their Kings for their Tyranny and misgovernment.  
Fourthly, That no Nation is so strictly tied to any one form of civil Government or Law, but it is lawful for the People to alter the same to another form or kind upon occasion.  
Fiftly, Amongst all forms of civil Government, Aristocratical or Popular is best and safest for the People.    
Besides, Here is showed, that to claim any Crown by an hereditary or successive title, is upon a false and unjust ground.  
In reply to Mr. William Sedgwick.  
Published for the kingdom's satisfaction By Eleutherius Philodemius.  1 Cor. 7.21. 
But if thou mayest be made free, use it rather.  
Printed for Peter Cole, at the sign of the printing press, in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange. Anno 1649.   

To his Excellency, Thomas Lord Fairfax, Lord General of the Parliaments forces, and the General council of War.  
My Lord and Gentlemen,  
HAving spent some time in looking over the histories of Nations, our own Records, and Statutes, with several other works of Statists, Politians Lawyers, I found that saying truly verified of Solomon▪ In much wisdom is much grief, and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow; and what he afterward concludes of all his own works and labour, I observed to be most true in them, touching Polities and civil government, Behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit, and there was no profit under the sun. For indeed men have acted and written either in reference to Princes, to humour and please their lusts and will, or like the unwise builder (the blind leading the blind) have built upon the sand, upon unsound bottoms and false principles. And therefore as Christ in the controversy between him and the Pharisees touching divorce, sends them back to the original and first institution of marriage, and to the Fathers of the first age of the world, as being the first and best pattern; and Paul to reform the abuses in the Lord's Supper, calls them Corinthians to the first institution. So there is no better way to have a commonwealth settled in peace and righteousness, then to look back at the beginning, when men walked by the exact and even rules of equity, justice, conscience, and kept the clear and plain principles of reason and nature: this is the Land-measure and Standard whereby the faulty measures coming after are to be corrected and amended.  
How this light first came to be lessened, and then by degrees afterwards upon the matter quite extinguished in some kingdoms, and darkness to break in, as sovereignties, Monarchies, Kings prerogatives, arbitrary power, regal immunities, crowns hereditary and successive, &c. (all bloody and black Characters of Tyrants and conquest) it is easy to be seen, and I shall shortly (by the good hand of God assisting me) give you and the whole Nation good satisfaction.  
In the mean time I have thought good to publish this small Treatise, and howsoever I question not, but your present work and way is clear to you, yet to the nation generally it may serve in some good stead, as to satisfy the weaker, confirm the stronger, inform the ignorant, and leave the wilful and obstinate without excuse.  
For the man with whom I deal, I have nothing here to say, neither indeed would I have said any thing to his work, considering what for a man he is, but that I perceived it was in the mouth of some, much cried up, people it seems, that are not able to put a distinction between wind and words, nor know any difference between railing and reason.  
And now my Lord and Gentlemen, upon you at the present is the eye of the nation: you are as a city set upon a hill, all Kingdoms about us, are looking on you, and great things are hoped for, and expected from you, and this I must needs tell you, the cause of Christ lies much now upon your actings, if you do the work of the Lord negligently, unfaithfully, fearfully, oh my bowels do yearn, and I tremble to think what dishonour will come to God's great name, what scandal and proach to the glorious Gospel, what sadness and sorrow too the souls of the righteous, and what triumph and joy there will be in the tents of wicked men. But I hope better things of you, though I thus speak, I need not tell you how much you have seen of God, and how his powerful presence hath gone all along with you to this present time, neither need I tell you by what a strong arm and a strange providence you have been brought up to this work. But if you should now ask of me (as the young man did of Christ) what lack we yet? I would say, constancy and faithfulness to the end will crown, not only this, but all your former actions.  
Methinks I could say more to you, than Mordecai did to Hester, Who knows whether thou art come to the Kingdom for such a time as this? We know, (and blessed be God for it) the Lord hath made you his Israel's Saviours, and by you hath wrought deliverance for his people, he hath put much glory already upon you, now therefore stand fast, quit yourselves like men, you have the prayers of the Saints with you and for you; and for the enemies their defence is departed from them; and the Lord is with you, fear them not.  
But seeing the Treatise is short, I shall not make too large a forespeech: I well remember your expression in the Remonstrance, calling upon every man to contribute what help he can; and truly there is all the reason in the world for it, that every one now should lay himself out to further so honourable and good a work. And for my part according to the small portion I have received I shall not be wanting in your vindication, but for the things by you proposed, and your prosecuting of them; to wit, that the King may be brought to his trial, the enemies of our peace punished, hurtful Laws nullified the people's grievances and oppressions removed, freedom and liberty of conscience (without danger to the State) granted, & a better form of Government settled, as I shall undertake the just defence thereof, so I shall shortly make it more manifest to the whole nation, that there is nothing in all things desired of you, nor prosecuted by you, but what is according to justice, reason, nature conscience, and what the Lord himself doth allow and call for: In the mean time my prayer shall be for the blessing of God to be upon your labour, and his powerful protection over your Persons: Sirs I am  
Your honour's devoted servant, E. P.   

To the Reader.  
Friendly Reader,  
HOwsoever the Proverb be true, he shall find work enough, that hath to do with the multitude, and 'tis a hard thing to please all; nevertheless I have undertaken this work, in hope to satisfy all such, who are not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} absurd and unreasonable, but knowing men, moderate and impartial. And confident I am, didst thou know how free I am, and disengaged in respect of any private interest, thou wouldst consider the more seriously what is here written, and reap the more profit by it. For my name, had I intended to have made it known, I could have set it down, and so have told it thee myself, but thou mayest perceive my meaning is to conceal it, and therefore thou needst not to inquire further; only thus much for thy satisfaction, I have purposely forborn it, that in reading thou mayest not have thy mind taken up with any thing but about the matter.  
I make account I shall save Mr. Sedgwick the labour, and all other royalists of replying, because I have in part done that myself namely collected all such Objections as I conceive carry any show of contradiction to the particulars here asserted, and shall very shortly set them forth with a full refutation. Reader, the main business is Liberty.  
Liber captivus avi fere similis est,  
Semel fugiendi si data est occasio,  
Satis est: nunquam post illum possis prendere  
A thing desired of all living creatures, and therefore much unbeseeming man to strive for bondage. Me thinks when i consider how the world hath been befooled by Kings, i could even weep and laugh, to see what tame asses men have been, to be ridden and beaten by them. But the Lord is now risen up and doing his great work, throwing down and breaking to pieces the proud powers of the earth both civil and eclesiastical. It is good therefore thou consider where thou art, and what the place of thy standing is, he that hides himself under straw or chaff will have small relief thereby when fire shall be put thereto and consume it. All powers and places in opposition to Christ are but as dry stubble, which the Lord is now about to destroy with the brightness of his coming.  
But I shall not hold thee up with any longer discourse, only one thing I shall acquaint thee with, there are some faults escaped which I have observed since it was printed, and in some places greater than i wish they were, the which i could not help being out of town when it was done, and the badness of my hand may in part excuse the printer. And so i bid farewell till thou do hear again from me.   

The army's vindication, in answer to Mr. Sedgwick's calumniation.  
WHAT moves Mr. Sedgwick to show himself such a bitter and cruel enemy to the Army, and at this time to heat the furnace of his tongue seven times more than it was wont to be heat, may in part be gathered from the Scripture set down in the Title page: 2 Timot. 3 9 But they shall proceed no further, &c. but more clearly a little after, where he speaks of his sermon at Windsor, Overturn, overturn, overturn: mentioning withal Mr. Saltmarsh his message, depart from the tents of these unrighteous men: and Mr Pinnels admonition. The thing is thus, he hath deeply engaged himself concerning the army's ruin, and the safe return of the King and his Posterity to their glory and greatness: and having with much confidence and boldness a long time thus affirmed, he begins now to fear, lest this should be added to his doomsday-prophesy, and so whilst he is lifting up himself, and intruding into those things which he hath not seen, his folly be made manifest to all men: to use his own words. Hence he grows angry, and flies in the face of the Army, calls them dogs and devils, that their ways are beastly, cruel, absurd, monstrous: men led by a dark and foul Spirit, enemies to the Spirit and to the cross of Christ, and much more to this purpose; as if they would at his calumniations and slanders fall down before him, and give all up to him; that so it might not come to pass, which he foresees already is at the door, and shortly will be in all men's mouths, Sedgwick, the false prophet: God hath not spoken to him in these things, but he hath prophesied a lie in his Name.  
Oh that Mr. Sedgwick could take notice of the visible and senceable reproof of God upon him, that blindness hath happened to him in part, and professing himself to be wise becomes a fool, if the thoughts of the snare which he is fallen into, lay upon his heart, he would give glory to God, and with Job humbly say, behold I am vile, what shall I answer th●e? I will lay my hand upon my mouth. Once have I spoken, but I will not answer; yea, twice but I will speak no further. Iob. 40, 4, 5.  
The Epistle Dedicatory is as the rest of the Pamphlet, invective and slanderous: Thus he begins, You drive furiously over the necks of KING and Parliament, Laws Covenants, Loyalty, privileges, and no human thing can stand before you. Here Solomon's words are verified, Eccles. 10.13. The beginning of the words of his mouth as foolishness, and the end of his talk is mischievous madness. You found not any thing in the Remonstrance looking this way, but expressions often to the contrary, and were you as charitably minded towards His EXCELLENCY, and the general council of WAR, as you are to the Malignant Party, you had ground sufficient to judge otherwise: But howsoever God will ere long clear their innocency, and bring forth their righteousness as the light, and their judgement as the noon day, when by his gracious hand assisting them, our laws, Liberties, and privileges shall be recovered, the which by KING and PARLIAMENT have been trodden under foot.  
But he tells them, The Lord is here upbraiding your unbelief: and after pag. 13. The Holy GOD will no longer suffer you to wear the name of Saints and godly, but will discover you to be white sepulchres, and cause your rottenness to come forth. But how may we know that the Lord hath called Mr. Will Sedgwick to this work, and that it is the spirit of Christ speaking in him, and he the man appointed to pour contempt upon the Army, and to trample upon them as mortar: Must we take it as granted, because he says it: What if the Army should say in the words of Nehemiah, And lo I perceived that God had not sent him, but that he pronounced this prophecy against me, for Tobiah and Sanballat had hired him. Therefore was he hired that I should be afraid, and do so, and sin, and that they might have matter for an evil report, that they might reproach me. My God think thou upon Tobiah and Sanballat according to these their works, and on the prophetess Noadiah and the rest of the Prophets that would have put me in fear. Neh 6.12, 13, 14.  
Is there no ground for them to think, that the Malignant spirit drives on his old design here in Mr. Sedgwick, namely, to have the Army disbanded: this hath been a long time sought after, and several ways attempted to effect it: But it seems seeing all other means fails him, he now studies to make the Army fly by a false prophecy, as if our worthy Nehemiah and the rest, would give over the building through a needless and foolish fear.  
And indeed they have all the reason in the world to think that God hath not sent him: for the statutes of the Lord are perfect, right, pure, clean, true, and righteous altogether: Out of the mouth of the most high proceedeth not evil and good. Where we find (as in his writing is abundance) contradiction, falsehood, flattery, the wicked justified, the righteous condemned, evil called good, and good evil, darkness put for light, and light for darkness, bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter, gospel Truths and Ordinances are scorned and derided, &c. there we may groundedly conclude, that such a one was never thereto called of God.  
But it seems here to be Mr. Sedgwick's case, as it once happined to Antonius, when he angled some dived under water, & put fish upon his hook, which he cast up and thought he had taken them. If I should lay his fish together in a heap, a man would soon perceive by the kind who put them upon the hook. For instance, look here good Reader, out of what water is this fish taken, and what fish is it? speaking to His EXCELLENCY and the general council of WAR, he tells them, It pleases me to pour contempt upon you, to be shod with scorn and indignation, and so trample upon Princes as mortar: If this be not the spirit of Antichrist, then was it never in any man. But let us see how Pope-like he sets his foot upon the neck of Princes: Destruction your practice, 'tis your work, 'tis your end, you cannot see beyond it, your faith understanding, God (may I use your own words pag. 22. you lie grossly) is sunk into your bellies, and your rule your strength, your confidence is only in sensual and brutish things, you act against God, and God against you, your souls loathe him, and his soul loathes you.  
And of the whole Army he saith, Never were men caught in such a snare of the devil as you are: you are true to nothing, neither God nor man: your ways are beastly, cruel, absurd, monstrous: you continue in arms against command of God and men, you are a company of deceivers and mountebanks, that talk of curing, saving, delivering, but all wast, spoil and destroy the people. You are gone from all principles of goodness, from the Lord to the world: you are become through blindness and ignorance enemies to the spirit, you love not the life of Christ, you know not the mind of God, neither have any communion with God: Amongst you is the greatest enmity and malignity to the spirit of God, and the greatest pride, hypocrisy, self confidence, and spiritual wickedness: you are manifestly guilty of the present oppression upon the poor people, and the intolerable burden of freequarter, and unreasonable taxes, you expect the King should turn, not to God, but to your form of Religion and Government, and cannot count any thing a change, but yielding to your way, which if he should, he should be seven times more the child of the devil. You are tugging and pulling down the Kingdom in pieces to satisfy yourself with dominion: you hope for nothing, but for deceit, falsehood and treachery: you speak evil, but cannot speak good: you never spoke any good of the King or any other but in scorn.  
Here is some of the fish which Mr. Sedgwick hath cast up: we need not to describe them, they show themselves what they are, and the black lake out which they are taken. But is this Mr: Sedgwick's voice, oh poor man, truly I pity thee; and howsoever no Rabshekeh, Ishmaelite, or Shimei, could hardly have uttered greater slander and more falsehood, yet considering the temptation thou liest under, and what a depth of delusion God hath suffered thee to fall into, thou art rather to be pitied then punished. Michael the Archangel durst not bring against the devil a railing accusation; but you durst rail at the people of God, and charge them with notorious untruths, but take heed, lest the strength of that prayer reach you." Let the lying lips be put to silence which speaks grievous things proudly and" contemptuously against the righteous. Psal. 31.18. Because I am willing that the Army should take notice what Mr. Sedgwick writes, as well for them, as against them: Thus he charitably expresseth himself at first: Your eternal state is sure, 'tis your present wanderings that are here condemned. Here is some comfort for you soldiers: but will he stand to this? not all, for presently with the same mouth (not minding what he had said) he puts them all out of Heaven, and out of all hope of salvation, and shuts them up in the bottomless pit; and this with as much confidence and certainty, as if God had revealed to him what their future state should be: let's hear the sentence against the Army. The Lord (saith he) appoints you a portion with hypocrites and unbelievers, where shall be weeping & knashing of teeth. Again, pag. 11. If you adhere to that you have proposed, you forsake your own interest, and espouse the devil, the God of this world, the destroyer, and will perish with him. What their eternal salvation sure, and yet may perish with the devil? this is no true light, the Spirit of God witnesseth otherwise. But again, pag. 18. You are cursing, dividing, and so are in the kingdom of darkness, and of the devil: and often, You are no Saints. pag. 23.24. And in pag. 35. he passeth a final doom, where he saith;" You are reserved to be punished from the presence of" the Lord, this is your second death. As this vain and rash judging of his, shows by what spirit he is led, so it is not worth the answering; only it betrays great weakness and darkness in him, and that he is not himself: For who but Mr. Sedgwick, or a man under such distempers, would write so vehemently as he hath done, against the Army (of which more in its place) for rash judging of others, whereas I dare clearly affirm, there is hardly a precedent of any one man that fell so foully and grossly in this very thing as he himself hath done.  Turpe est doctori cum culpa redarguat ipsi. 
For his perverting of the Scripture Phil 3.18.19. scandalously applying it to the Army, I mind it a thing in him neither new nor strange: for the rest of his works show what a proper gift he hath to wrest and abuse the sacred word of God▪ Yet not to pass over the place altogether silent, there seems to be something here which is close and hid: wherefore is Phil. 3.18 19 quoted, and commented upon? it is to make the Army contemptible and odious: Paul saith many are enemies to the cross of Christ, &c. ergo, the Army. It was a cunning device of Nero when he hurled the Christians to dogs, seeing the mastiffs would not touch them, to clad them in bear's skin, to kindle the fury of the dogs that they might take them to be beasts and not men. I will not say it is a studied plot of Mr. Sedgwick, but outwardly he doth Nero like: he sees there are no swords drawn against the Army, God's former power and presence with them (howsoever he often jeers at it) hath by this time convinced the enemy, so that he hath no mind unto any new engagement: But what doth he now? seeing the mastiffs will not touch them, he will clad them in bear's skins, make them vile and odious, say, they are rebels, traitors, thieves, murderers, even the vilest and worst of men; and thus he will kindle the fury of the dogs, that is, have the Army to be taken not for men, but beasts, and so they shall do God good service, whosoever destroys them. But this will not do it, nor help to bring about your prophecy. Thou shalt hide them in the secret of thy presence from the pride of man, thou shalt keep them secretly in a pavilion from the strife of tongues. Psa. 31.20.  
Let us hear what follows. 'tis not only men that suffer from your violence, but the Lord: You are gone so far in dissolving the foundations of government that you reach to the Lord. These miserable broken powers are now the Lord. A man that wants distinction, thrusts all things confusedly together.  
But to answer, First, Is the punishing of bad governors a dissolving the foundations of Government? doth a physician destroy the body by removing of corrupt and filthy humours from it?  
Secondly, Howsoever there is no power but of God, yet may people change the kind of powers, nullify some laws and Ordinances, and take others up; and not come near the bowels of the Lord, neither act any thing that is unlawful. It is an unquestionable truth, that Monarchy, democraty, and aristocraty, are the powers of God, each in is self a lawful form of government: and it is as unquestionable, that so the case may be, as the use of one may be laid aside, and another set up, and God much seen and honoured in the change. In saying, these broken powers are now the Lord: not the Lord's power: we understand your phrase, and your godding of all things, but it is a matter out of our way, and therefore I will not turn to it.  
Howsoever Mr. Sedgwick in speaking against the Army, his teeth are spears, and arrows, and his tongue a sharp sword, yet for the King and his party, th' words of his mouth are smother than butter, and softer than oil: oh, he is careful to deal gently with the young man, and no marvel, he sees much beauty in Absolom.  
The King and Parliament (saith he) cry unto God in their distress: and quotes Isa. 63.16. to be the words of their prayer, and presuming that he knows the mind of God, peremptory concludes, that The Lord owns them, and will hear" their cry and deliver them.  
Here Reader thou art given to understand, that by the Parliament he means such Members as are now in the hand of justice for raising a new war, and other treacherous plots tending to the ruin of the whole kingdom: the owning of the King and them, is as much to say, that God will countenance and justify all their falsehood, unfaithfulness, murders, or what else it be that the Army hath to object and prove against them. But Mr. Sedgwick's prophecies are not yet received amongst us above Scripture. We believe in our hearts, and confess with our mouths, Thou art of purer eyes then to behold evil, and canst not look on iniquity. Thou art not a God that hath pleasure in wickedness, neither shall evil dwell with thee. Vain glorious fools shall not stand in thy sight, thou hatest all workers of iniquity: Thou wilt bring to perdition them that speak a lie: The man of bloods and of deceits Jehovah doth abhor. What you lay to the Armies charge pag. 1. I know no man to whom the words more truly may be applied then to yourself. In this work you manifestly show, that you have deeply revolted, and that after you had escaped the pollutions of the world, you are again entangled therein and overcome: and with the dog returned to your own vomit: you have been exalted to heaven, and are brought down to hell. Doth it not bewray a man greatly fallen from God, and what he had is taken from him, even his wisdom, largeness, goodness: having been formerly zealously earnest against sin, and a professed enemy to all unrighteousness of men, should afterward undertake to defend the grossest and vilest wickedness, plead for it, yea, rail at such, and reproach them as do appear against the same, that it may have a just and condign punishment. I hope the Lord by this means will open their eyes, whom you have bewitched, giving out that yourself is some great one, The great power of God. Truly unless there be a strong delusion {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the strength of delusion, or strongest impressions of error fastened upon their minds: if there be not (I say) an infatuation and besottedness upon them, joined with such a pertinacy and stiffness, that howsoever Mr. Sedgwick's doctrines are palpable errors, and such as may be felt, yet they will adhere to him, there is enough in this (we will not mention his other good works) to let them see, what he calls light, is darkness itself, and speaks against the mind of God, as clear as the sun that shines at noon day: for that bold assertion God will deliver them, the time shortly will show it, but howsoever for you to be found an untrue speaker, it is a thing now so common and usual with you, as it is not admired at, such is the hand of God now against you.  
Having ended with the Epistle Dedicatory, we come now to the book, which hardly admits of any division, or laying out into parts, because the whole contains little else but bitter invectives and grievous accusations against the Army; and howsoever there is scarce a leaf but some charges or other against the Army are in it, yet all is one thing often repeated.  
The matter of charge in one word is apostasy, that His EXCELLENCY and the General council of War in their present acting are deeply revolted, with this he begins pag 1. But let us see the ground work upon which he builds, the reason wherefore he chargeth them with backssl●ding; it is because the Army Remonstrance calls for justice and judgement, to have the land purged of innocent blood, and that there may be such a peace settled on earth amongst men, as may be to the glory of God on high: at these proposals he takes exception, blots much paper with foul aspersions against the Army for framing them, seeks with great swelling words to affright them, and to hinder them from prosecuting so just and necessary a work. I confess if the Army were turned Royalists, so basely revolted as he acknowledgeth himself to be pag. 31. and were cast back into such blindness, as to make" the" King glad with their wickedness, and the Princes with their lies, as he doth, (to his shame be it spoken) they had no need (following such a cursed principle) to carry forth the work of the Lord any farther: but they dare not show themselves such broken reeds, wandering stars, light and unconstant, neither frame their tongues to such flattery, might they gain the whole world. Besides it appears by his writing, that outwardly he can be any thing, and every thing, apply himself every way, and so cares not what oppressions be laid upon men's persons, state, consciences, nothing can reach him: But others truly fearing God, abhor such crooked ways, and know that by the Law of God, nature, and nations, they are bound to seek freedom in a just and fair way for their bodies and souls: and therefore the apostasy falls on himself, and he is become like one of the foxes, in the Prophet, who hath seen a vain vision, a lying divination, saying, the Lord saith, albeit he hath not spoken: with lies making sad the hearts of the righteous, whom the Lord hath not made sad; and strengthened the hands of the wicked, that he should not return from his wicked way, promising him life. But mark, Mr. Sedgwick, what the Lord speaketh concerning such Prophets. My hand shall be upon the Prophets that see vanity & divine lies, they shall not be in the assembly of my people, neither shall they be written in the writing of the house of Israel, neither shall they enter into the land of Israel.  
In pag. 2. having laid some disgrace upon the Remonstrance, he proceedeth to show them the evil, and folly of their principles, and with such plainness as the wise and soberer sort of them shall be convinced, the rest condemned in themselves; and to satisfy the Readers expectation, he takes in hand, the first part of their preamble (as he calls it) which is the Armies tender regard to the freedom and liberty of Parliament: his answer to it is this, that they deal deceitfully with the world, conceal their own principle, which is, that the powers of the world are to be broken, the Parliament is one of the powers of the world, and that they are called to break it in pieces, and upon this ground they know they act.  
Cocks feeding on garlic overcome others; but how? with rankness of breath not strength, If a man should here fly, it must be for the smell, not the matter:  
For First, It is untrue that they hold such a Principle, neither do they act upon, the ground he mentioneth.  
Secondly, Their former practice is a clear proof to justify what they say, for had they not been tender this way, they might have prevented a great deal of their own sufferings, and not been so long under several grievances.  
Thirdly, At this time there lay a necessity upon them to move, for otherwise they had not been faithful to God for the power put into their hands, neither had answered the trust of the people, who continually besought them in all parts of the land to prevent their slavery and bondage which was ready to break in, and so all their former expenses of blood and goods, vainly spent and wasted.  
Fourthly, It is so far from their thoughtt to break the power of Parliament, or to think they are called thereto, as their greatest study and endeavour is, how the Parliaments Power may be best improved for the common good of the people, and every ones interest.  
Whereas in the Remonstrance it is declared, that things are brought to the utmost Crisis of danger, and also showed how, and by whom: his answer is, 'tis true but you make an ill use of it. For the rest, he tells us his dream of two in the kingdom, the one our life, and a wicked one, which is wrath. As there is nothing in it, so there needs no answer, only because I guess what he would have said, a word thus: The more we depend upon a wise physician, the more will we observe his directions, and be the carefuller to use what he prescribeth: so every godly man the more his trust and dependence is upon God, the more he will serve God's providence in the use of means, and not only the ordinary, but as the Remonstrance well notes it, upon public necessity or extremity go further, yet so, as good cautions be duly observed. This point is excellently set forth in the Remonstrance, pag. 4.5.6. and Mr. Sedgwick was so wise as seeing the strength thereof, to let it alone.  
Next, he chargeth the arm, with woeful fears, and why? because they say the public affairs calls upon every man to contribute what help he can. It doth not not always argue fear to call for help in danger, neither is all fear simply unlawful. But his answer indeed is woeful. Vain is the help of man: it is to offer help to a wicked world, cease ye foolish men, &c. We have not only precepts for the lawfulness to call for others help, but the Saints in all ages have practised it before us: for howsoever man's help is vain rested in, yet God gives in Power to the creature, whereby succour and deliverance is obtained▪ Again the worse the world is, the more need there is of help, that enormities and abuses may redressed, and righteousness, truth, and peace restored. But Mr. Sedgwicke council is if a man see his house a fire, not to move or seek to quench it, but leave it alone till it be burnt down to the ground: because they say in the Remonstrance, and seeing no effectual help from else where to appear, he takes them sharply up, your curse is not to see when good comes, we see salvation is nigh, God a present help, &c. and afterward (but somewhat closely) we have the salvation and help told us, what it is, to wit the Treaty.  
First, That which he calls good we know to be evil: it was as the forbidden fruit, pleasant to the eye of some, and a thing to be desired, but death went along with it: for the Treaty, we know the bottom of it, and its rise, in what shop is was forged, the dependences upon it, the drift and scope thereof, namely to bring about a malignant plot, to destroy the useful power of Parliament, the right and privileges of the Subject, to exempt the Grand Incendiaties from punishment, to suppress the free exercise of true Religion and power of godliness, and to subject men's consciences to human Ordinances. For the good therefore of the Treaty it's only extended to him, and such royalists as should enslave themselves to the will and lust of Princes, as for conscientious of men, it was to deprive them of peace, comfort, and safety.  
Secondly, Whereas he saith, You are blind and cannot see the Lord an effectual Saviour. This is not so, for they do see God to go all along with them, and in every undertaking have large experience of his power and presence.  
Lastly, For the curse you may take it home, it is yours not theirs, for were you not blind, you would see God, where he appears, and powerfully shows himself in his administrations, and not publish such vain and ridiculous visions concerning the King, as gives occasion to some of laughter, to others of tears, and to all, of pit●ying and bewailing your folly and blindness: But I spare you.  
It follows in the Remonstrance, In conscience and duty to God and men, we hold ourselves obliged, &c. In answer to this he saith many words, the sum in short is this, that they are not upon a sure foundation, nor dare they come to a strict examination of their own ground: kn●w not which of these two to take, for their principal God or man, with several other reproaches.  
The beast Bonosus not being able to defend himself with his horn, poisoneth the dogs with his dung. Nothing have we yet met withal in his writing, but either unsavoury meat, or swelling words, and large accusations without proof.  
I answer, First, They are upon a sound foundation, and for the ground of their undertaking this work, they did examine it, and find it to have a sound bottom: not hurried blindly upon weak passions of fear, jealousy, necessity, &c. but grounded on a clear call from God and men. Have ye not read what David did when he was an hungered, and they that were with him? If David and his followers in necessity, and to save their lives, did that which was not according to the letter of the Law. Exod. 29.32.33. Levit. 8.31. & 24.9. yet according to the intent of the Law: for the ceremonial rites were to give place to moral precepts. Without all doubt, then in greater necessity and extremity, as when it is not only to save men's lives, liberties, privileges, but Religion and the true worship of God: if men act not in some things according to the letter of human law, yet the intent of the law is observed, which is the safety and good of the people. If a man have maliciously set his house on fire, I may lawfully break in and quench it, if I can; if not cast it down: duty and conscience puts me upon it (yea, though I have no leave or permission) if myself and others otherwise should suffer.  
2. As we are to do good to them that hate us, love our enemies &c. So also to endeavour that justice and judgement may be executed on evil doers, and so doing we are not the less godly and spiritual men.  
3. What some of the Army have told him it comes not here into consideration: nevertheless, if nothing were told him but what he relates, there is nothing in it to the matter he brings it for.  
4. It is his mistake to think that it is to decline the perfect way of Christ to go the ways of the Heathen: for so far as the Gentiles were righteous, just, sober, faithful, we may and aught to walk the same way with them.  
5. Though we must live under law, submit to governors and be subject to them, nevertheless we know that all governors likewise are under the same law, and some laws of men are prejudicial and hurtful to the people, and therefore when God by providence, puts in a fair opportunity for the suppressing of evil Magistrates, and redress of bad laws, the mercy should be improved with thankfulness.  
6. For the example of Phinehas, you did well only to name it and let it pass: for indeed 'tis beyond your measure to take off the strength of it. This we learn from it. 1. Zeal of justice in the cause of God, is a means to procure God's mercy to man. 2. The Lord justifieth and rewards men, for the zeal of his glory, though in the carrying on of the work there be some breach of rule or order: Phinehas was but a Priest's son, no ordinary Magistrate, nor proceeded he with the Malefactors judicially, neverthelsse (carried forth by the mighty power and presence of God) thrust them through suddenly, and because this might seem blame-worthy in the eyes of men, and might procure much ill will, considering the persons whom he killed, the man being a Prince in Israel, and the other a Prince's daughter of Median: therefore God himself gives witness, saying Phinehas hath turned my wrath away from the children of Israel, while he was zealous for my sake among them, that I consumed not the children of Israel in my jealousy.  
In the last place, Reader thou art to take notice how Mr Sedgwick hath not yet forgotten his mother Romish tongue; I pray thee ask of him where he learned to say Saint Paul, what! Mr. Sedgwick to speak in the speech of Ashdod, not the Names of Baalim yet out of his mouth; I verily thought the power of God in the new Covenant had taught him to say Ishi, no more Baali; we will therefore only leave out the word Saint, and Paul's words may well be applied to him, you walk as a man, are you not carnal? Speaking in the Remonstrance, how that rule of, Salus populi suprema lex, is of all others most apt to be abused: he puts it off with a few bad words, calling them, a company of deceivers, and mountebanks, adding God is only the salvation of the people, the which thing howsoever true, yet impertinatly brought in: unless he means that men should neither eat, drink, labour, &c. because the Lord is their salvation.  
Next he finds fault with them for two or three pages, telling them, you are triming your way to seek love; his answer to these 2. or 3. pages is, abusing the words of Solomon Pro. 30.19, 20. to vent out a great deal of wrath and rage against the Army, you are gone from all solid principles of goodness: fly from one secret place to another to hide yourselves from shame: you eat up King, Parliament and People to satisfy your carnal love of safety; while you think to make yourselves more vendible, you make yourselves more abominable: this is all, and what thinkest Reader, hath he not reached home to these otht other pages? A thing looked upon under water, howbeit straight, smooth and fair, yet standing so it, seems crooked, rough, and deformed: So when a man looks upon another through the water of ill-will and prejudice, his wisdom shall be taken for folly, zeal for madness, sincerity for hypocrisy, justice in him called cruelty, in a word, whatsoever he says or does, spider-like it is turned to poison.  
Now follows No more Addresses to the King, and how the Parliament turned to the course of a Personal Treaty. Concerning this, First he saith, You do in favour to yourselves, abuse the Parliament, and in most things accuse others of those things that you yourselves are guilty of: It is a full Charge; but where is his proof for this? how doth he make it good? Here he useth the common practice of false accusers, but I shall leave that to some other pen: and why not the falsehood as well?  
2. Whereas in the Remonstrance the instability of the Parliament is showed, and the evil practices of the King's party: Here he saith, they are too harsh and without any mollifying oil, &c. First, 'tis clear to every man that hath sense, that Mr. Sedgwick is not sometimes at home to take an account of his own soul; he taxes the Army as over harsh & too large in opening the faults of others, whereas, he (pitiful man) hath written six or seven sheets and all for the most part are accusations against the Army, and the grossest and vilest that can be, aggravated to the highest.  
2. That the Parliament for their sins are scattered and broken: This in part is true, to wit, such Members as turned aside to their crooked ways; the Lord hath led them forth with the workers of iniquity: but peace shall be upon the rest.  
3. That the whole Kingdom is full of discontent against them. I believe 'tis so, and more discontented will they be when they shall more clearly understand, their particular treasons, and bloody designs, in joining with Malignants, & their underhand plottings to raise up farraign and domestic forces to destroy the Army and the well-affected through the Kingdom.  
4. That the King's party are struggling to get from under their intolerable afflictions, but cannot. No marvel, seeing they grow worse and worse, and like mastiffs are the fiercer for their chain: and you Mr. Sedgwick seek to increase their misery, by your daubing with untempered mortar, prophesying peace and safety to them, and that their deliverance is at hand, (and you know who did so Ezek. 13.) by which means they are hardened, and so fatted for destruction.  
5. To that which you say of the Army, that they are not like the good Samaritan, but are as flesh flies, or the man possessed with Devils, seek the lands ruin to the furthest. As the Lord hath hitherto spoken for them, cleared their innocency in spite of Hell, and maugre all the powers of darkness; so he will in this present work be a witness for them, and make it manifest to the world (by settling a well-grounded peace) what they have desired, fought for, and sought after, and what hard things they have suffered for the good of the Nation: The Righteous shall see it and rejoice, and all iniquity shall stop her mouth.  
We have next, his Story, and 'tis a woeful one. First he saith, Once our King and Parliament, or people, lived quietly and lovingly together, embraced in the arms of Divine Goodness, prospered together as husband and wife. When was this once? It is so known an untruth what he speaks, as I need not say any thing to it, only wish him hereafter to pray with David, set a watch (O Lord) before my mouth, keep the door of my lips. I could multiply instances of the continual dissensions and differences between King and Parliament, from the beginning of his Reign down all along to this present Parliament: and for the People, such as were most sincere and pious lived not quietly and lovingly together with him, but suffered extremely under him, even to the spoiling of their goods, imprisonment, banishment, and some loss of life: and this only for the truth sake.  
2. In calling the King husband, and the Parliament wife: as the former was false, so this is foolish.  
And 3ly Is that true, that the Army have always lusted after the royal bed: What? always, how are they then deeply revolted and turned back to the world? In pag. 43. you say, they have been led up into the high things of God, and did all things in the Spirit of God. But I shall not press it further.  
4. I perceive you are a stranger to the groundwork of the Treaty, 'tis too wonderful for you, and therefore have stated the thing amiss; it was to advance the King's party, stop the course of Justice against Capital offenders, that such as had notoriosly cheated the kingdom might not be questioned, the people brought again into their former bondage, such as would not, nor could in conscience submit to their Church-government and other forms might be suppressed, and under the name of Sectaries banished the Kingdom.  
Lastly you say, There is a blessing in this Treaty, destroy it not: & tell us how the Lord will come in as a thief in the night, and steal away the evil. I answer, You may see the Lord is already come in, not in the night, but at noonday, and hath discovered the deceitfulness of it, the snare is broken and we are escaped, and blessed be the Lord who hath not given us as a prey to their teeth.  
Mr. Sedgwick is now come to examine their Reasons given in against the Treaty, and here he finds sundry faults; First, Because they would make their own and the puplick interest to be one.  
Answ. 1. Howsoever such as have engaged for the public, are in some things to be considered apart, and so their particular safety to be provided for: yet doth it not follow that they have therefore no interest in the public, or what is offered to us by them is not the public, but their own particular interest?  
2. I do not well know what he means by generally the people of the Land; if he intends the King's party, all Papists and other malignant's, I confess they go not with the Remonstrance, but desire rather to see all things in the condition they were in before these wars began: but for others (and this is properly the public interest) they are one with the Army, holding fast to their first principles, namely, To be free from all arbitrary and tyrannical power, whether in King or Parliament, to enjoy all their rights, privileges, and liberties, to have all hurtful laws and customs removed, not to have their consciences lorded over by any; to have justice done impartially upon offenders, and such a Government to be established as most tends to a public peace and safety: And therefore whereas he saith, These devised things you propose, the people know them not, affect them less than they know them: Unless by people he mean royalists, Delinquents, Malignants, and other treacherous plotters and their adherents, it is not true: for the public do desire them, call for them, and have a long time contributed their estates and engaged their persons in hope that these things would at last be procured.  
His Second Exception is, Because the Remonstrance propounds, That all power should be in the hands of the Parliament, and that to be certain and in the hands of a subordinate officer to call &c. There is a great deal here left out, which makes the matter more full and clear, but I let it pass, let us consider his reasons against this: It is to throw down a King and lords, and to set up the people.  
Ans. 1. The exorbitances and abuses of Kings and Lords may be taken off, and yet their persons remain, and as much power left them as is their due. 2. The rights and liberties of the people are above the places of Princes: for Kings (if duly chosen) were set by the people for the better enjoying of their rights &c. and therefore there is still in the people a standing power to alter their former choice, and course of choosing if they see another way to be better for them. 3. If by setting up of the people, he mean the exercising of that power which God hath given them, in changing one kind of government and setting another more safe and profitable for them, it is well proposed: As he that helps a man (being unjustly thrust out of his possessions) to set him into his own again, is no way blame-worthy.  
2. He saith, should you not rather propose, that all power, dominion and reign should be given to the Lord? I must ingeniously profess here is a riddle, and I understand it not: But good Sir, in your next, tell us what power or dominion is taken from the Lord, in seeking to have good laws established, righteous judgement executed, enormities removed, righteousness and peace practised amongst men. We have nothing more in his answer, but much harsh and bitter language. It is said of jews the Eleventh, he had a conceit, that every thing did stink about him, all the odoriferous perfumes and fragrant savours they could get could not ease him, but still he smelled a filthy stinch. It much grieves me, that Mr. Sedgwick hath so ill an opinion of the Army, that how precious and sweet soever their Proposals are, yet all to his thinking is dung and trash.  
A Third Exception is, and a fault which he finds in them, That they all along carry the interest of the public in opposition to the King's. Here he makes a tedious and long discourse, and multiplieth words without knowledge: First he saith, The public hath its interest in the King, and the King his interest in the public. There is so much said in the Remonstrance, from page 16. to 35. that if he had duly weighed and considered the same, he would not have written as he doth. It is not the Army as swordmen that have cut the knot in pieces and divided them, but indeed (as it is there abundantly proved) the King's ill courses, it is of himself that the union is dissolved, and he wholly lost his interest in the public: for further satisfaction herein, I refer the Reader to the Book; and Mr. Prin's Charge against the King: and the several Remonstrances and Declarations of Parliament to the same purpose.  
2. To omit his godding again of the creature, he tells us, how God is the God of Kings more than of common men, assuming their titles: kingliness agrees with all Christians: It is a bastardly religion that is inconsistent with the majesty and greatness of the most absolute Monarch.  
Ans. 1. Take notice Reader that in all this, there is not one word which relates to the matter in hand. 2. As the Lord honoureth good Kings, so he is terrible to wicked ones, cuts them off and powers out cuntempt upon them. 3. Howsoever we grant that true religion is not inconsistent with monarchy, yet we know, and experienee shows it, that there is no kind of civil government more averse and opposite to the Kingdom of Christ and less helpful to it than monarchy. For the rest, which is the gathering all into one God and man into one person, God and the King into one person: to mention it, is conviction enough.  
A Fourth fault which he finds with them is, In putting all the enmity against godliness and the power of it on the King's part, and charging it upon him as his interest, and assuming all religion and godliness to themselves. Here first of all, he makes a large discourse in praise of himself, and speaks much in his own behalf as the like I never observed in a man truly fearing God: It is personal and therefore I pass it over: yet so, as I wish him hereafter to remember that counsel of Solomon, Let another man praise thee, and not thine own mouth, a stranger and not thine own lips. It was their custom at the Olympic games, that the winner should not put the garland on himself, but some other was to do it for him.  
Now to the Answer, which is very large, but summarily thus: A justifying of the wicked, and condemning the righteous. Touching the Army he saith, Their ways are dark and slippery, crying up the Lord the Lord, when they do the works of the Devil, they have not the power of godliness: And for the King's party, They do not oppose them for purity, and are in their principles more righteous than they, and many of their persons more sober, patient, loving, gentle, yea, more knowing in the things of God than they. He further tells them they are led to the destroying of others, as righteous as themselves, and are kept off from the sight of their own iniquity: Next he mentioneth Rom. 2.1, 2. and Matt. 7.1. and hereupon sharply reproves them for accusing of others, and whilst he is speaking it, accuseth them to go besides all law and right, to set up will and power, that they shed the true innocent blood of Christ, spoil the temple of God, harden their hearts to pride, malice, and wicked insulting over their brethren, and much more to this purpose: then speaking of the King, he saith, They persecute him whom the Lord hath smitten, and he is the apple of God's eye, and that God hath declared (and so much they know) rich mercy to the King and his party in his book called The Leaves of the Tree of life. Thus Reader I have in brief given thee a true account of all that he hath written from page 12. to page the 20. I shall here only in short take some few observations and so go on.  
1. What a bold challenge that is, page 12. where he challengeth the whole earth to accuse him of any injustice to God or man: Now can there be greater injustice, than to charge God's people with manifest falsehood and untruth: Thine own mouth condemneth thee, and not I, yea, thine own lips testify against thee. I hope I may without exception or offence use his own words, page 50. You may read your description excellently penned long ago, 1 Tim. 4. speaking lies in hypocrisy.  
2. Is it not also great injustice to God (if not to prefer, yet) to equalise Satan's working in wicked men, with the Spirits working upon the souls of the Saints.  
3. What sober, considerate, or wise man, as he is reproving another for rash judging and uncharitableness, would at the same time show himself so uncharitable and rash in the very same thing, as there is scarce a precedent or example before of the like.  
4. Is this Mr. Sedgwick's Justice upon the army's Remonstrance; when there is a true report made of the King's grievous crimes and miscarriages with his party, not having any thing at all to gainsay the truth of the relation, to vilify and reproach the reporters?  
5. In sending us to his book, we take good notic of it, and what he there saith of the rich mercy to the King and his party: and from it do observe, how extremely he is carried away with vain fancies, and publishing idle dreams to the world: The Spirit speaketh expressly clearly and with fullness of certainty, which evidently demonstrates that in these things he speaks not by the Spirit of God, seeing his words fall to the ground. In page 19 he begins to take into consideration some grounds laid down in the Remonstrance why the King is not to be received again to peace, nor restored to his Office and dignity, and promiseth to let them see how much their injustice is against God and themselves in that which they profess for justice.  
1. Saith he, you insist upon this pag. 24. God hath given him so clearly into your hands to do justice, and afterward God hath given a double judgement against him &c. and pag. 5. God makes haste to judgement and hath appeared at a severe avendger. To this his answer is, The King is the greatest sufferer in the kingdom; hath God judged him? and why will you not submit to his judgement? will ye take it out of God's hand? when did God chasten or judge men, then give him to men to chasten again? or when did God's people fall upon punishing after God hath done it? is God weary or remiss, that you would have men take it into their hands?  
Ans. 1 It is a bad consequence because a man hath been a great sufferer, therefore, no more should be inflicted: God punished Phaeraoh many ways and greatly too, yet he hardening his heart had afterward, heavier sorer and deeper plagues.  
2. Men in the execution of justice upon offenders, take not judgement out of God's hand, but rather indeed are God's hand in the work.  
3. When God gave in a witness against Acan, that he had troubled Israel, howsoever that was a Divine punishment upon him, yet did the people afterwards stone him to death, and so the Lord turned from the fierceness of his anger.  
4. What weariness or remissness in executing judgement do men impute to God, who having by his providence cast into their hands a principal offender, if they according to his desert proceed to justice against him. The truth is, in his Answer there is not one word that comes directly home to the matter for which he brings it.  
Secondly (he saith) You argue page 24. no remorse appearing proportionable to the offence: if that could be seen, you would regard it with a proportionable tenderness towards him. Again you say, There is no change of heart, no repentance, no free nor full yielding to all the parts of a public and religious interest. This he refutes thus, Herein you destroy and deny that free mercy of God upon which you have lived a long while, manifest that your profession of the Gospel was indeed but in letter, not in power: God loves first before we can, but you must receive good before you can give, you know not the heart, nor can you judge of the King's principles, they are too high for you, If he should turn to you he should be but seven times more the child of the Devil.  
Howsoever Mr. Sedgwick for his own turn, takes some broken pieces of the Remonstrance and toucheth not the strength of the matter, yet so much he takes out as he cannot answer. But to the point, 1. It is agreeable to Gospel truth, and walking in the power thereof, for Saints upon just occasion to lay open the unrighteousness of men, and to endeavour that punishment▪ may be inflicted, whether it be in an eclesiastical or civil way. 2. Observe the looseness of his arguing, God loves first. What's the inference? therefore offenders, as murderers, thieves &c. ought not to be punished. 3. If I see and taste the fruit I can easily discern what the tree is, without digging to the root. He tells us page 31. The speech showeth what is within, and citys Matth. 12.34, 35. hence we may undoubtedly conclude, that men apparently and visibly wicked, are corrupt and unfound within. 4. What the King's principles are, which are so mysterious and deep we search not after them, his known principles are known to be dangerous and destructive to the Nation, & he holds them without change or amendment. 5. Is Mr. Sedgwick in good earnest and speaks as he thinks; that the King should be seven times more the child of the Devil if he should turn to the Army? What! in a condition better than they? yea, seven times better: surely then they are very bad. In pag. 12. he saith, He understands not the utmost of the religion they walk in. This seems to make the accusation the more probable, but many others less prejudiced against the Army, and better principled in religion, know 'tis false, and that they are as holy and pure in conversation as he himself, howbeit, with less noise, sound not a trumpet before them as the hypocrites do.  
Thirdly, He brings in the Remonstrance arguing against the accommodation, because there is no equal balance of affairs, page 24. your meaning is (saith he) as you often express, the King's forces are wholly subdued. Here he is short, Noble enemies require no more but to get their enemies into their power, than they show mercy; for this he brings Elisha's example, 2 King. 6.22. and add how the Lord never brings us down, but that he might restore us and lift us up again.  
Ans. 1. It is sometimes so far from commendation, to spare an enemy gotten into our hands, as that not to do justice upon him, exceedingly displeaseth God. To omit many instances, 'tis memorable in Ahab's case, what sad tidings the Prophet brought him for letting Benhadad to escape, Thus saith the Lord, Because thou hast let go out of thy hand a man whom I appointed to utter destruction: therefore thy life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people: 1 King, 20.24. So Saul, his sparing of Agag when he was in his hands, was one cause that the Lord did rend the Kingdom of Israel from him. Again, what hath been more frequently practised by noble enemies than severity and justice upon such as they have gotten into their power? who of all the Kings of Canaan taken in war by Joshua, were not afterwards by his appointment put to death? So Samuel did Agag: and Jehu Ahaziah King of Judah. 3. Touching Elisha's example in sparing the Syrians, it teacheth us thus much, that in our own cause we must render good for evil, and if our enemy hunger, feed him: and from his words to the King of Israel we may gather, that men used not to kill such as in the field were taken captives, and stood not out in hostility: But there is nothing from the place to be collected, that justice may not be executed upon some offenders for special and notorious crimes, whether subdued in war or taken any other way.  
Fourthly. The often caused war to maintain his interest against the public interest this constantly and unweariedly; So the Remonstrance. At this Mr. Sedgwick grows angry, and falls into passion: You lie grossly saith he: But wherein? These things which you propound were never thought of in the beginning of the quarrel. The Parliament always professed never to alter the Government, to protect the King's Person &c. Afterwards we have something said in scorn of their present form of government, with his fiction and dream touching the King.  
Ans. 1. Touching the time when some things are to be proposed, it is the necessary occasion which must always be considered: In civil affairs we see what at one time may be born, others afterwards upon just and good ground may abolish and take away; or otherwise we should deny men the use of their sense and reason.  
Secondly, We know it is no Parliament principle that their votes and agreement should be taken as the laws of the Medes and Persians which altereth not: their constant practice is to alter and change as they see reason for it, and therefore it is the weakest reasoning that can be, to argue the Parliament voted so and so, therefore it must stand: For instance, the Prelates with their courts, cannons, service-book, and other dependences are abolished, and that by vote of Parliament, now put case they should be (which God forbid) again re-established, ask of a royalist if there might not be enough said to justify the Parliament in this latter act. Thirdly, For the odium and disgrace which he puts upon their present form of government, calling it a headless monster, a hoddy-doddy, an all-breach, able to affright solid and serious men to their arms, and if he should fight against any thing, he should fight against it, and pag. 12. brats of their own brain. in reading this, it makes me think how Nichomachus in Plutarch very fitly answered an idiot, that could see no beauty in the famous Helena painted by Zeuxis, take my eyes said Nichomacus and you shall think her to be a goddess. I will not here speak how treasonable his words are, as moving strongly to rebellion, and to raise a new war, and to cause commotions again in the land: But i see 'tis true, In the multitude of words there wanteth not sin, and he that refraineth his lips is wise.  
Fourthly, He should have cleared the King of the things laid to his charge, as to have been the author and contriver of a most unjust war, and is consequently guilty of all the innocent blood rapine, spoil, and mischief to the kingdom, as in the Remonstrance, pag. 24. add the loss of Rochel in France, by his lending ships to the French King; and the Isle of Ree and Cales voyage, and the ground and reason of the quarrel. How he endeavoured to stir up factions and differences between the honest party in England and Scotland, that he might take advantage by such division: his open declaring in Parliament, that he owes no account of his actions to none, but to God alone. What hath been reported about his father's death, and Marquis Hambleton, his design in bringing up the Northern Army, and his large offers to the Scots Army to be brought up to London to awe the Parliament, his usual breaking of his promises, protestations, oaths, as in many particulars might be named, his sending over the Jewels of the crown to be pawned by the Queen for powder and ammunition, to fight against the Parliament, and the privileges, rights, and liberties of the subject. How he made 1500 widows in one morning as Mr. Henderson told him. And concerning Ireland, how clear it is by many several passages, and by the examination of Mar-carte, and Macquire, &c. that the pretence of men for the King of Spain's service a year or two before the rebellion in Jreland was but a colour to keep some in arms for a foundation of that rebellion: how the Irish rebels call themselves, the kings and Queen's Army, the first clause in the oath enjoined by the supreme Catholic council at Kelkenny in Jreland, was to maintain his royal prerogative against the puritants in the Parliament of England. In one of his letters taken at Nazeby he commanded the Earl of Ormond to give particular thanks to Mustarre and Planket the two archrebels in Jreland: so divers of the Irish rebels had private passes from the King for the heading of the rebels there. I jet pass loans, shipmoney, monopolies, Knighthood, enlarging of forests, enclosing of commons, engrossing of gunpowder, his unparrell uxoriousness and affections to the Queen, and compliance with the Pope, &c. Now all these things Mr. Sedgwick should first have answered, before he should have affirmed, if there be any, reason for a Prince to take up arms against his subject: he hath, and why so? because there attempt is to destroy the King, and overthrow the very foundations of Government, and a little before, the life of the King and his posterity is aimed at. Answ. The premises granted to put him by, is a thing lawful and necessary (of which more hereafter.) And this may be done without destroying the very foundations of government, unless by foundations he means some particular form or kind of government, but that is not proper to say, for the foundations of government, is indeed that absolute entire and independent power residing always in the people, and this foundation cannot be destroyed, i mean the right and habit of it: though the use and exercise may be wrunged from them: so that to change and alter in respect of the form or kind of governments by virtue of the said power it is in the people's liberty whensoever they see just cause and reason for it.  
Fiftly, For the rest, which is, first reproaching the Army, as to be their design only to attain their end, malice, ambition, and revenge. And secondly, That the King shall put all into God's hand, and shall receive it again in the life and glory of God. This is capable of no other answer but reproof and pity.  
To follow Mr. Sedgwick in his own order, next he comes to answer pag 26.27. &c. which is the second part of the question, and a second reason against accommodation: The safety of an agreement, here he takes some words out of the Remonstrance, That the King hath forfeited all his power into your hands; that the people are free to make the best advantages, and pag. 27. having him and his party captivated, and in their power. Reader, I profess unto thee in the word of truth, here I have read over some leaves, and have done my best to see what is in his answer, but for several pages together, as 23, 24, 25, 26, &c. I find nothing therein, for I esteem not his calumniations, rash-judging, self-praise as any thing; and for this be thou thyself a witness.  
Saith he, We have all this while to justify ourselves in this war, said, that our war was but defensive, and if it prove otherwise, we must repent of it. Answ. It is not always a fault to change from a defensive to an offensive way and course. A man being set upon by a highway-robber, or pirate at sea, may at first resolve only his own safety, and yet afterward seek to wound and kill the enemy, and justly too▪ To apply this, when the war first began between the King and Parliament it was unknown to us, what murders, massacres, and spoils, he would commit, in and upon the land, and people. Again his former perfidiousness, treacheries, and destroying plots, were not then so publicly and clearly understood as since; and therefore no marvel there is a change from defensive to offensive, seeing he hath given the cause, and so no argument of lightness, hypocrisy, self-ends, in persons thus changed.  
Secondly, He is large in giving out what was in their minds when they began the war, That the King and His party were wicked men, not fit for the places and power they had, they were Saints, and nobody fit to rule but they: glad when the parliament took arms, think themselves the only true Lords, and except the King would become one of their Saints, &c. Answ. It was a reason which Elias laid down, why he was willing to die, I am no better than my fathers; for men eminent in grace, gifts, office, &c. to have things laid to their charge, which they never knew it, hath been practised in all ages, Mr. Sedgwick is not the first, that hath bent his tongue like a bow against the godly this way. Tiberius on a time hearing certain persons speaking unreverently of Augustus, acquainted him therewith, to whom Augustus answered, let it not trouble you Tiberius that any man speaketh ill of us, it is sufficient that no man is able to hurt us: God's presence with and protection for the Army is such, as bad tongues cannot hurt them, neither darken their splendour and beauty in the eyes of honest and godly people.  
3. Next he blames them in saying, This miserable inconvenience of a Treaty, this ensnaring Treaty, and because they call it a preposterous and self-deserting way. pag. 27. And hence he takes occasion to tell them that they have defiled their cause, count all their own because they have fought for it, they are no Saints, yet he scorns that cause that is subject to ruin and destruction.  
Answ. 1. What is said in the Remonstrance touching this last personal Treaty, is true enough, for who but Malignants and Papists were the first contrivers and abetters thereof. The Lord Goring in his former intercepted letters could tell us so much, that if the King could cudgel the Parliament into a Treaty the King had brought his design to perfection: and 'tis reported of the King Himself that he should say, if such a thing could be brought about, than it should not be in the power of men or devils to hinder him from bringing all his designs to his own hearts desire.  
Secondly, For men to act for public rights, and to hinder wicked designs is no base and accursed way, but an approved path, walked in by the Saints in all former ages.  
Thirdly, It is not faith but fancy, when God gives in means and ways of preservation and safety, not to observe the providence in the careful use of them.  
Fourthly, He chargeth them to be of a base and poor spirit, and unbecoming Christian soldiers, to speak of persons engaged, the party adhering, and to think the King will be revenged on them, for their eminent activity against him. It is (saith he) a principle very destructive to continue the disturbance of a nation, to save our lives: afterward he shows what he would do himself in such a case.  
Answ. 1. It is easily observed what is the main drift and scope of his whole discourse in many pages here together, namely a direct crossing and contradiction of Christ's counsel, Be ye wise as serpents and harmless as doves: but according to his principle, a man cannot be a sheep, unless he run himself into the lion's mouth: nor a dove, without falling purposely into the snare. Because the Army, to the doves innocency join the serpent's prudence, that is, seek to avoid danger so far as lawfully they may, hence he cries out, fear a snare, and the pit have taken hold of you. I laugh at your destruction, and mock when your fear comes, you are no Saints, you live not in God, &c. as if a provident care of safety, stood not with the fear of God.  
Demosthenes' upbraiding the Athenians with improvidence and incircumspection, presented to them an innocent fool, who being struck on the one cheek, laid his hand on the place where he received the blow, and being smitten on the other did the like, never using either of his hands to defend himself from further blows. Such idiots and blocks Mr. Sedgwick would persuade men to be, take blows and stand still, and never seek to avoid the stroke, though God have put means into their hands, and may lawfully escape the danger.  
But Secondly, It is a great mistake of Mr. Sedgwick, to think that continuance of the Army is destructive to the Kingdom, and that their disbanding would be for the people's peace, good welfare, he harps often upon this string, whereas there is nothing more clear than the contrary.  
Thirdly, For the rest of the answer, 'tis only what he hath, and what he can do, propounded in four heads: and I pass it over, if any man can make use of it much good may it do him.  
From pag. 27. to 37. we have a tyresome discourse of two things, The army's badness, and his goodness: their fear, his faith.  
1. Whereas it is in the Remonstrance, We might challenge all story for one instance in the like case: howsoever he grants a good use of story, yet in them it is a dull thing &c.  
Ans. 1. I never observed this principle before, Because men profess the Kingdom of Christ, and have a light of truth and justice, that therefore they should be uncapable of the use of former story: doth Religion take off from a Christian, because a Christian? what is proper to every man, as a man moral, civil, natural? 2. If there be a good use of story as he grants, than might they at this time well challenge it reasoning the greater to the less, as thus: If all Nations keeping their interest, and proceeding according to equity and justice, have upon fewer and lesser crimes refused personal treaties with their Kings, and called them to an account and done justice upon them according to their facts: there is all the reason in the world, that the like be done to this King whose exorbitances and enormities are beyond most parrellel instances:  
Inquire (saith Bildad) of the former age, and prepare thyself to the search of the fathers; for we are but of yesterday. Sundry Histories and Authors might be produced to manifest that Emperors and Kings not only have been restrained for their Tyranny and misgovernment, yea, for not committing the evil which this king hath done: Take for instance (his name sake) Charles the Ninth King of France four or five several conclusions of Peace were solemnly made and ratified between the King and the Protestants, but no sooner made and proclaimed, but presently violated of the King and the popish party, by massacres and and new treacherous plots to extirpate the Protestant party; so that every accommodation proved but a seminary of a new and more bloody war almost to the utter ruin of France. In the year 1592. when a public peace was made, and all differences to outward appearences, buried in eternal oblivion, the King contrary to his faith and Oath caused the Admiral of France (the Protestants chief pillar) as he departed from the Counsel to dinner, to he shot with a harquebus, which carried away the forefinger of his right hand and wounded him in the left arm. The King to colour his treachery, swears with an excreation to the King of Navarre and others who complained of this outrage, to take such exemplary justice on the offenders, as the Admiral and his friends should have cause to rest satisfied, command them to be pursued, appoints three of the Parliament to make Information against them, protests after this again and again, to be exceedingly sorry, that this Act touching His honour, that He will be revenged for it, so as the memory of it should remain for ever, writes to Governors of the provinces, chief towns, and Magistrates, that He would take such order as the Authors of so wicked an Act should be known and punished. And to His Ambassadors to foreign Princes, That they should make it known to all the world, that this Outrage did displease Him. And for the Admiral's safety He commands the Captains of His Guard to give him as many of His Guard as he pleased; to suffer no Papists to enter his lodging; and adviseth all the Gentlemen Protestants than in Paris to lodge about the admiral's lodging. But all this Court holywater was only to keep every bird within his own nest, and a pitfal to entrap the chief of the Protestants: for the same day after dinner, the King and Queen mother, the Duke of Guise, and others, take counsel to murder the Admiral, and all the chief Protestants, the night ensuing, not only in Paris, but thorough out all France, whilst they were sleeping in their beds. Which most tyrannical barbarous Tradgedy was accordingly acted, the Admiral slain in his lodging, and his head cut off, carried to the King and Queen mother, who causing it to be embalmed, sent it to the Pope and Cardinal of Lorraine for an assurance of the death of their most capital enemy: all the Protestants, Noblemen and Gentlemen, lodging in the admiral's quarters undergo the like Butchery, the streets of Paris are strewed with Carkeises, the pavements, market-places, and river died with Protestant blood, about ten thousand of them being thus treacherously massacred in their beds, at such a season when they thought themselves most safe, and that on the Lord's own sacred Day, a very unsutabe time for such a bloody profane, infernal sacrifice. No sooner was this matchless treachery of this King against his own natural subjects executed, but He avows and justifies that which he but the day before so solemnly and openly disclaimed, as a means to cut off all commotions for time to come: of which we shall say more in its proper place.  
2. He brings forth their main evil surmisings (as he calls them) as how apt Princes are to break such accommodations, and how easy it is for them. Page 29. his answer hereunto is, that they are pursued with fear and wrath on every side.  
Answ.. The simple believeth every word, but the prudent man looketh well to hi● going. Do they in the Remonstrance manifest a jealousy and fear? what have they now done? is there not a cause? for who knows not that it hath been the continual practice, of all such Kings when they have quieted the people by an hypocritical and feigned yielding to their proposals, and gotten themselves into the Throne again, to pick quarrels, make breaches and commit greater outrage and insolences, than ever they did before, without regard of faith or oath.  
Hear what Mr. Prinne saith to this thing in his sovereign power of Parliaments. Part 2. page 34. It hath been (saith he) the constant practice of most of our Kings (as John, Henry the 3. Edward and Richard the 2. with others, who after war and differences with their Parliaments, Lords and Commons, upon ACCOMMODATIONS made between them, as soon as ever they got possession of their castles Ships Ammunition seized by their Subjects, break all vows, oaths, Covenants made unto them, oppressing them more than ever, enlarging their own prerogatives and diminshing the subjects' liberties, (yea taking away many of their lives against law, oaths, promises pardons) on purpose to enthrall them, which still occasioned new Commotions. And a little after brings in this Observation, Well then might the Royal Prophet give us this Divine caution, Oh put not your trust in Princes: Surely men of high degree are already laid in the balance, they are altogether lighter than vanity, both in their oath and promises.  
Again, This same Mr. Prinne in the Appendix pag, 74. Commends it as a maxim held by the Nobles of Alphonso King of Castille, a cruel and treacherous Prince, That a Tyrant being offended will at some time revenge himself, and therefore they MUST NOT TRUST HIM UPON ANY RECONCILIATION.  
Thirdly, For the rest, 'tis only his prophecy touching the restitution of the King to His ancient rights. How his suffering hath made him a Royalist that never cared for him, (mark it Reader who taught him that) the poor suffering oppressed King and His party shall have his compassion, and for the Army they are upon foolish ways, hope for nothing but deceit and falsehood and treachery: fear compasseth them about on every side like Cain: safety flies from them, God looked upon them every way with sadness and wrath: and much more of this language. But I have metwithit so often as I am now quite tired out: I am glad that His Excellency and the council of war can so patiently bear it, 'tis a great addition to their goodness and largeness of spirit.  
The Eagle being provoked by the night-crow with her clamorous noise and screeching to fight yet will not stir up to battle, howsoever the crow be too weak for her.  
And ti is attributed to a Horse as his praise and acting argueth great courage and mettle to him, when dogs bark at him and run after him, he will not turn against them but runs forward as if he neither saw them nor heard them, although he can easily trample them under his feet·  
For the other particular which is a large praising of himself, I shall say very little to it, seeing it relates not to the public cause for which I have engaged: neither is it material to set down his words, for howsoever they are a heap, and a huge one too. (see page 32, 33, 34, 35.) yet in short it all amounts to this much: He dwells in that mountain where there is no hurtful thing, fears no surprises being in a state not apprehensive of danger, sees no evil, knows no evil, he lives where there is no more curse, death, nor sorrow, &c. He can bind Kings, yea, the devil, and cast him into the bottomless pit, dissolve all his works, and secure him within his own bounds, that he shall no longer destroy the earth.  
Christ saith, If I bear witness of myself my witness is not true. But leaving that question whither he speaks the truth: this is a truth without question, that in this boasting practice, he walks contrary to all sober, meek, humble, and self-denying Christians both past and present. If this do not argue a man to be a boaster, proud, heady, high-minded, than I know not what doth: we judge the emptiness of the vessel by the loudness of the sound, brass tinckleth more than gold, and a bladder is soon blown up, but when it is most swollen there is nothing in it, but a little air. The tree Alpina brings forth the fairest blossoms of all trees, but the bee suspects it to be venomous, because it is so glorious, and therefore neither tasteth it, nor cometh near it. If self praising may be admitted as a ground or reason to suspect a person so doing not to be sound, Mr. Sedgwick surely more than any man I know, gives cause of such a suspicion, in making himself so glorious with his own mouth.  
Two things I shall here commend to the Readers observation. 1. In page 49. speaking of the Army, he saith, Your condition is well-expressed, Esay. 65.4, 5. which say, stand by thyself, come not near me, for I am holier than thou: and often he taxeth them for counting themselves Saints, righteous, holy, &c. and judging the King and his party otherwise: whereas in the mean time, in 8 or 9 pages together, he hath little else but calling the Army, dogs and devils, and himself a Saint; they in Satan, darkness, hell; he in God, light, heaven; they all fear, himself all faith; they deceivers, hypocrites, liars, but he righteous, sincere, true; speak out Reader, hast thou ever seen more palpable grossness?  
2. In pag. 34. he expresseth himself thus: if you find any world in me, you shall do me right to afflict it, break it, let it suffer, &c. 'tis the best thing i find in all his book, and it gives me the more encouragement to speak to him of his error and failing, and the greater hope I have of his amendment: now if the tree may be known by the fruit, and the speech shows what he is within, as a stinking breath argues rotten lungs, and filthy innards, then without doubt this follows, to wit, that there is a great deal of world in you, many sinful lusts, and vile affections, which need afflicting and breaking: look upon these words, they are your own, page 36. and specially applied to his Excellency and the general counsel of War, You are cast out and gone out, and live out the blessed and glorous presence of God, and so are Dogs rated by God into a filthy kennel of base things, and are as fearful as dogs.  
I do not set this down as if in other places there were not the like words, but to lay it before you (as a glass) that you may see there is world in you, and what an unruly tongue you have to pour out evil things. If any man seem religious, and bridleth not his tongue, but deceiveth his own heart, that man's religion is vain. Likewise your boasting and glorying, it is a thing altogether unbeseeming a Child of God: The Saints have scorned and loathed it, 'tis no song of Zion; Paradise excludes it, in the new Jerusalem are no self-praisers, but all praisers of God: 'tis the spirit of Antichrist to say, I am, & none else besides me: the dialect and tongue of a Pharisee and hypocrite, to say, I am not as other men. But specially I must tell you of a world and wickedness in you, (I say not a word of wickedness) which is your idle fancies and dreams, Lord, what a deal of froth and foolery is there forth in the world under the name of William Sedgwick: and that late nonsense, The Spiritual madman, shows how more & more Satan beguiles you and carries you on with stronger delusions. Now the good God for his Christ's sake heal your error and restore you to sobriety, truth, and the spirit of meekness.  
Having ended with his Answer to the Armies exceptions against the Treaty: next he leads it unto two Objections mentioned in the Remonstrance  
1. Their former declaring for the King and compliance with Him, And here he repeats some of their words, 1. Partly necessitating us for the present prevention of that mischief to the public they were running into in that kind as we apprehended. 2. That moderation was but hypocritical. 3. We aimed not at the strengthening ourselves to the ruin of any person, but to prevent &c. And afterwards you repeat and say, 'Twas error, unbelief and carnal counsels.  
To let pass how he says, There's no kind of men can be such complete and neat knaves as a Jesuit, a Pharisee, an old well-studied-Professor of religion: And also his bold speech, That he knows their ways and hearts.  
His answer contains a threatening, to shame them for iniquity of holy things, and to show the abomination of their Reformation.  
1. He saith," It was not their sin to carry out principles of" goodness and tenderness to all.  
I answer, It was Jehoshaphat's failing, and the Lord blames him for it, saying, shouldst thou help the ungodly? Which shows that aid and assistance yielded to some may be unwarrantable as the case stands.  
2. For his saying, In your turning, now you turn not to God. The answer is, If God justify, who can condemn? His heaping up reproachful words proves nothing, only argues an ill governed tongue.  
3. Is the fight of sin and godly sorrow for it, a miserable and dark principle and a very wicked practice? We know better: The Apostle saith, If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. And therefore in the Remonstrance, they speak as Saints and true Christians, when they say, we find matter of acknowledgement before the Lord concerning our error, frailty, unbelief. For indeed, the days of faith, are as the days of the year, some fair sometimes foul, one while a sunshine summer, another while a long and tedious winter: A Christian soul between faith and fear, is like a piece of Iron between two lodestones the one drawing one way the other drawing another way. Gal. 5.17. As a valiant man may startle at the sudden discharge of a piece of Ordnance behind his back, who otherwise having time to collect and summon his spirits would not fear to stand at the mouth of a charged Cannon in a good cause: Thus it is with the godly and so it seems to be the army's case, a sudden gust or storm coming unawares startled them: But since the Lord having drawn up their spirits, filled what was empty, and laid in promises on their hearts of his presence and protection: Now they fear not what man can do, but in the strength of God are resolved to break through all difficulties, go forward in spite of all opposition, hold their own, and stand fast in the work, making this use and advantage of their former slip, to look the better to their steps and walkings, and seek in their actings God's glory the more.  
The Second thing is, The Covenant, which obliges to the preservation of the King's Person and Authority. Here (as his manner is) he takes out of the Remonstrance some pieces and broken sentences, as that clause page 55. In the preservation of true Religion and Liberty of the Kingdom: so page 57 If it have an evil sense it calls for repentance: 'twas betwixt man and man. Page 59 And after (saith he) you would exclude God from being any thing but a witness.  
Before I come to his answer, I shall propound some few things to the Readers consideration:  
1. A Covenant though lawfully made, yet if afterwards it cannot be performed without sin, in such case it binds not, neither may it be kept: For it is a truth without dispute, we may not do evil that good may come thereof.  
2. That Covenant is not binding where the condition or thing is not performed upon which the promise or tye was made. For instance, the people oblieging themselves, to preserve the Person of the King and His Authority, intended withal their own Safety, Liberties, Rights: upon this ground, I say, they Covenanted, namely, the public safety: seeing therefore the public good is inconsistent with the preservation of his person and authority, that covenant binds not, for when something is promised for such a cause, and afterward is found not to be, that promise is void. so Amesius.  
3. If men either implicitly or knowingly bind themselves to break any Law of God or rule of justice, in such a case the engagement holds not; specially in that particular, and so far as that clause extendeth. To apply it, if men oblige themselves to preserve the King's Person and Authority, &c. and God in the mean time calls for justice, their obligation must give place to his commandment.  
But it will be objected how Joshua and the Elders of the Jews, kept covenant with the Gibeonites, Joshua 9 howsoever devoted to destruction. I answer, that covenant was lawful: see Deut. 2.26. Josh. 11.19, 23. Judg. 2.12.14. 2 Sam. 21.1, 2.29, 14. Deut. 20.10. By all which places it appeareth that they only of the Canaanites were devoted to destruction, who did not seek for peace; for if they would sue for it upon these conditions, to wit, abjure their idolatry, embrace the true religion of the Jews, and submit themselves, their land, good, and all they had to their dominion it was to be granted them.  
Fourthly, It is no binding oath when either there wants power and right in the administrator, or the persons taking it are not capable of the thing put upon them: and here to speak my mind freely, I have not yet seen a clear ground either for the one or other touching that covenant.  
Fifthly, Take notice when persons enter into covenant about things, out of their power and right, such covenants are neither lawful nor to be kept. I would willingly know what was meant by the preservation of the King's person and authority; whether notwithstanding all the tyranny and oppression he should commit, it was yet intended to preserve him from justice, and to keep him in his place of government; if so, than it was an unlawful covenant, protestation, oath, because they had no right or power to do such a thing: it being a thing against the Law of God, nature, and nations, and so went beyond their bounds. But if in taking it, it was intended, by preserving the person of the King, his authority, &c. so far as it should be agreeable to justice, law, conscience, it was tolerable, and no otherwise.  
These things premised, the less will serve in reply to his answer. 1. To that he saith, God put the preservation of the King's life and authority into the covenant on purpose to save him after all his sufferings. Answ. 1. This is only his saying, and we may deny it with as much reason, truth and authority.  
2. If God save him not (he means a temporal salvation, or else speaks impertinently) than he put him not into the covenant for such a purpose; for God's counsel and purpose shall stand.  
But 3. Charity thinks no evil; it is the rule of love when speeches or actions are doubtful in themselves, and in their report; and may be taken either well or ill, always to interpret them in the best part. The preservation of the King's person is in the covenant, but how? if we will judge charitably (seeing nothing is explained) it is thus, the covenanters intended the glory of God in the King's preservation, that is, obliged themselves so far as it be lawful and honourable.  
Secondly, That oaths and covenants should be the main pillars of human societies, we grant, but there is one thing which you still want, and that makes you to err, namely distinctions: do you mean all covenants and oaths, I desire to think better of you; and that your meaning is only just ones; but howsoever hereafter learn to make distinction, and it will prevent much stumbling in you.  
3. That these are the last and perilous times spoken of 2 Tim. 3 1. we will take it so; and do observe your Greek {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} accusers, you speak also of applying that text; you need not go far to make application: for certain, if your pamphlet were divided into ten parts nine of the ten would be found vile slanders, and false accusations. It may be the Lord will smite you, and make your heart tender for it.  
Mr. Sedgwick by this time is near come to the proposals, that the Person of the King may be brought▪ to justice: but before he takes of that, he tells us, This is a strange remedy against civil wars, to lay aside treating. Answ. 1. We may well desire to have that laid aside, which we assuredly know was devised and carried on to the prejudice and hurt of the public, and so a remedy worse than the disease. 2. You mistake yourself to say, treating is laid aside, for 'tis neither so nor so: unless you will say, that a sick man lays aside the means and remedy of health, when he refuseth bloody and murderous mountebanks and quacksalvers, and make choice of honest able and faithful physicians.  
Secondly, Speaking to the Army, you say of the King, pag. 41. if he were in power you would shrink out of the Kingdom. Answ. 1. In this you show much lightness and contradiction, say and unsay, and indeed know not what you say: sometimes in your prophetical fooleries you cry up the King, that when he comes again to be in power, he shall be meek, merciful, full of divine goodness, and in particular do assure the soldiers that he will forget the wrong they have done him; and here you threaten them, if he were in power they would shrink out of the kingdom. But 2. I verily believe (howsoever like Caiaphas, probably he knew not what he said, yet) in this he speaks the very truth, that is, if he were in power, honest men would shrink out of the kingdom. For as a lion at liberty, after some restraint, is more fierce, cruel, bloody then he was before; so he, following the steps of former tyrants, would exercise more cruelty outrage and oppression then ever he did before he was hunted, taken, and shut up. That is a remarkable passage in the seventh book of the Remembrances of Monluc one of the Marshals of France, and a professed Papist, speaking of the massacre at Paris, The King, (saith he) never forgot the chase that the Admiral gave him from Meaux to Paris, swifter than ordinary, kings sooner forget a good piece of service then any offence. Afterwards he saith, i wonder how a man so wise as the admiral in worldly matters, could trust the King, but he paid well for it, for it cost him his life and many more. This witness is true, and this thing well to be thought of by his Excellency, Lieut. Gen. Cromwell, and such men: for confident i am, were this King again in his power, notwithstanding all his promises, protestations, oaths, he would not forget how they chased him in such a place, made him run for it at such a time; and they should be served just as the Admiral of France was, if he could not be revenged on them some other way.  
George Bucanan (King James his own tutor) records a memorable story to show the falsehood and dissimulation of Princes in their treaties with the people. Durstus the eleventh king of Scotland, giving himself to all deboistness, first▪ banished his father's friends from him, as the troublesome reprehenders of his pleasures, and sending for the most vicious young men to be his companions, gave himself to luxury and venery; he prostituted his wife (daughter to the King of Britain) to his companions, and banished her. At last the Nobles conspiring against him, he awaking as it were out of sleep, considering that he should find no place of safety, neither at home nor abroad, being equally hated of strangers and subjects, thought best to counterfeit repentance of his former life, for so he might retain his Crown, and afflict punishments on his enemies. Wherefore recalling his wife from exile, he first of all endeavoured to reconcile himself to the Britains: then calling the chiefest of his subjects to him, he ratified with a most solemn oath the oblivion of his former courses, he committed every most wicked person to prison, as if he reserved them for punishment, and religiously promised, that he would do nothing hereafter, but by the advice of his Nobles. When by these things he had given assurance of his sincere mind, he celebrated the agreement with pastimes, banquets, and other signs of public gladness: and now all men's minds being taken up with joy, he called most of the Nobility to a Supper; where, when he had shut them up (improvident and unarmed) in one room, sending in his assasnates, he slew them every one. But what follwed, this inhuman action so incensed and exasperated the rest with new flames of wrath and revenge, as (ad muisum portentum tollendum, eonjurantibus) all agreeing together to take away this detested monster; gathered a great army and slew him in battle with his wicked confederates.  
The like falsehood and dissimulation he sets down of James the Third King of Scotland, upon promise of reformation, the Nobles dismissed him, but he immediately falsified his oath, & thought upon nothing but revenge, blood, and slaughter: whereupon, knowing him to be so false and perfidious, they would yield to no terms of peace, but slew him in battle as a common enemy. I shall close this point with Bodins Observation, If a Tyrant (saith he) he but shaken and not quite overthrown, he will commit horrible murders of the best Citizens, to satisfy and settle his tyranny: For a tyrant that hath esaped the hands of such as had conspired against him, he becomes mad and furious like a wild beast, that sees his own blood. Lib. 6.  
3. He makes much ado, about offering to God the blood of men as a sacrifice to appease his displeasure &c. This he calls an unparrelled wickedness.  
Ans. As God maketh inquisition for blood, so the standing law is, He that sheddeth man's blood by man shall his blood be shed. 'Tis who so, whether Kings, Lords and Commons, the commandment takes all in indiffinitly without respect of persons: Ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death, but he shall surely be put to death, Numb.. 35.31. Thine eye shall not pity him, but thou shalt put away the guilt of innocent blood from Israel, that it may go well with thee, Deut. 19.13. Signifying that the rooting out of sinners turneth away God's wrath from a people: according to Solomon, to do justice and judgement is more acceptable to the Lord than sacrifice, Prov. 21.3. Thus Solomon took away the innocent blood which Joab shed from him and the house of his father. Thus the fierce wrath and anger of the Lord was turned away from Israel when they took the heads of the people and hanged them up before the Lord against the sun, Numb. 5.4. Thus when seven of the sons of Saul were hanged up in Gibeath of Saul, after that the Lord was entreated for the land. 2 Sam. 21.6.14. Thus we see what God's will is to appease wrath, and what the people of God have formerly done, and therein pleased the Lord. To say therefore as he doth, 'Tis such u sacrifice as was never yet by the darkest heathens invented. It shows his ignorance, not only in human history, but his great contradiction and opposition to sacred truth, and his seeking to have the land remain defiled and full of blood and other pollutions, that God may yet plague us yet seven times more: Besides, there is nothing here propounded and desired by the Army, but what the Parliament hath resolved long since in the Declaration of August 18. 1642. in these positive words: The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament, do declare, That all such persons as shall upon any pretence whatsoever, assist His majesty in this war with Horse, Arms, Plate, or Money are traitors to His majesty, the Parliament, and Kingdom, and shall be brought to condign punishment for so great an Offence. And this they have since seconded in sundry other Declarations and Impeachments. Fourthly. For that most notorious falsehood of his (because his Excellency and the council of war crave that justice may be done) to say, It is the foul and black design of a few unbelieving people. I let it pass, the Lord I know will rebuke him for it, For as in this, so in all the rest he manifests himself to be one of that number, who have said with our tongue, we will prevail, our lips are our own, who is Lord over us? But for the persons upon whom you have laid so grievous an aspersion, this is their comfort and rejoicing in the Lord, that as God knows their hearts so he knows the sincerity and singleness of them, that they look at his glory in seeking after the public good. As the clouds can neither lessen the light of the sun, nor let the course thereof, because at the last they are scattered by the heat of the sun which shineth out most comfortable: So the innocency of their persons and justness of their cause, shall disperse and drive away all black clouds of calumniations, and the mouth of him that speaketh lies shall be stopped.  
Now we come to the great work propounded in the Remonstrance, That that capital and grand author of our troubles, the Person of the King may be brought to Justice, for the Treason, Blood, and Mischief, he is there guilty of.  
Here I find Mr. Sedgwick in his answer to say very little to it. But 1. That no Law takes hold of the King. 2. The crown is his birthright and inheritance: for the rest it is either a justification of the King, as to be better than they: or bitter reproaches.  
Because this is a high subject, and a business a foot, I shall therefore speak the more largely to it, not de facto but de jure: for the Treason, Blood, &c. laid to the King: I shall leave that charge to others more concerned in it, only I shall show what justly and lawfully may be done in such a case.  
And for the Readers clearer information and better understanding of the point, I shall here assert 5. things.  
First, That there is a supreme and sovereign power always residing in the people above Kings.  
Secondly, That all Kings, in all places, and at all times, have been, and still are subject to, and under Law.  
Thirdly, That the people have the power, not only to call their Kings to an account, but to censure and remove them for their tyranny and misgovernment.  
Fourthly, That no nation is so tied to any form of civil government, but that it is lawful for the people to alter it into another form or kind upon occasion.  
Fifthly, That amongst all the forms of civil Government, aristocratical or popular is best and safest for the people.  
For the first, That every Magistrate, (be he Emperor or King) is inferior to the whole kingdom and people, it may plainly be demonstrated.  
1. Because he is not only their servant, but creature too, being originally created by, and for them: now as every creator is of greater power and authority than its creature, and every cause greater than its effect, so the authority and power of the people, which creates the Prince and his princely power, and enlargeth, limits, or restrains it, as there is cause, must needs be greater than the Prince or royal power. And though principalities, (as generally considered) be of God, yet the constitution of Princes and their several degrees of power are merely from men: hence it is that Peter speaking of Kings and their supremacy, calls them {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} every creature or ordinance of man. 1 Pet. 2.13. because originally instituted, limited, and continued, by, and for the use and service of the people, whose creatures (as we said) ministers and servants they are, and aught to be, and from them receive their whole jurisdiction, power, and authority.  
Besides howbeit principalities as generally considered, be indeed of God, yet the constitution of all Princes and their several degrees of power are merely from men: and this cannot with any show of reason be denied. For if the regal authority of Princes were merely from the Law of God and nature, it should be the same, and like itself in all kingdoms; but 'tis not the same and like itself in all kingdoms, but as every people please and make a free choice of: nevertheless every form and kind of government is equally lawful, and good in itself (whether Monarchy, aristocraty or democraty) as all, on all sides do acknowledge.  
2ly. It is a thing neither probable nor credible, that any free people, when they voluntarily incorporated themselves into kingdoms, of their own accord set up an elective King over them, that there was such stupidity and madness in them, as absolutely to resign up their sovereign and popular power, authority & right to Kings and their heirs for ever, & to give them an entire, full, and incontroulable supremacy over them, and so to make the creature inferior to the creator, the derivative greater than the primitive, the servants more potent than themselves, and thus of free men to make themselves slaves, and for their more safety to be more enslaved. But the contrary appears by the people's constant practice in all ages, as we shall manifest hereafter.  
But admit (which with sense cannot be imagined) that such a thing had been so, yet the Fathers could not take in their posterity with them: neither oblige them any way in point of equity and conscience, to confirm and observe what they foolishly had done: but their children afterwards might lawfully; yea, and aught to stand fast in the liberty which the law of God, nature and nations had made them free, and not be entangled in the slavish yoke and bondage of their forefathers. Hence Amesius in his cases of Conscience, lib 5. cap. 22. Qu. 2. resolves, that all fatherly power is in procuring the good of children, and shows in the next cha. That liberty in natural estimation is next to life itself, and of many preferred before it.  
3. Common reason, Law, and experience manifests that the whole or greatest part in all public or natural bodies is of greater excellency, power, and jurisdiction than any one particular member. Thus in all corporations the court of Aldermen and common-council is of greater power than the Major alone, though the chief officer: so the whole bench then the Lord chief Justice; and the whole council than the precedent. And it is Aristotle's express determination, Polit. lib. 1. cap. 2. & lib. 3. cap. 8. & lib. 4. cap. 8. what form of government soever it be; whatsoever seems good to the major part of the people, that is more excellent, and to be preferred before any part or member thereof; and that it is unfit the part should be before the whole: and he gives for it his reason thus, The people know what is profitable, necessary, and good for them, better than their Kings, who are their public ministers: and thus concluding, itaque majorum rerum potestas jure populo tribuitur. Therefore power of the greater things is by right the peoples.  
4. This may also appear by the histories and records of all Kingdoms in the world, where Tyrants forced not in by conquest and held not possession afterwards by force. In the Roman state both under their Kings and Emperors, the chief power in all things of highest concernment, was always in the Senate and people; and so much Bodin grants, That the people hadt he chief sovereign power of enacting and confirming laws, the senate's decrees being of no validity, unless the people ratified them, and if any of their Kings, Consuls, Emperors, or Generals did things without their consent (as making war, concluding peace, &c.) it did not bind but was merely void, unless the Senate and people together in a great assembly ratified the same by a public Law.  
But to let pass foreign examples, our ancestors in this kingdom, (which shows what power was invested in the whole body of the people) have not only constrained our Kings by threats yea, force of arms to summon and continue Parliament▪ but likewise compelled them to give their royal assents to Magna Charta, Charta de Foresta, Confirmatio Chartarum, Articuli super Chart as, with sundry other public statutes of right and justice for common good, and the subjects safety; and to ratify them with their hands, seals, oaths, proclamations, against their will and liking, which forced assents have been afterward justified, and held good in law, to bind these kings and their followers to the due observation thereof; for where the laws are convenient, necessary, or essential for the kingdom's welfare, the Subjects just liberty, and safety, and such as the King by duty and oath is bound to assent to, there if they compel the King to give his assent in case of denial the assent is binding, and shall not be void by Duresse, because the King doth no more than he is obliged by oath law and duty to condescend unto, and the people (whose power is above him) may justly require.  
5. And now in answer to Mr. Sedgwick affirming the Crown to be the King's birthright, a thing which I utterly deny, and have clear reasons against it.  
For 1. Howsoever here in England the Crown hath gone often by descent, yet never was it granted absolute successive, and heretary but arbitrary and elective. Hence many of our Kings have come to the crown without any hereditary title by the people's free election, and afterward obeyed as lawful Kings.  
Thus Anno. 975. after Edgar's disease not Ethelred the heir to the former King but Edward crowned. So Edmund heir to King Ethelred refused, and Canutus a stranger elected, and crowned. So Edmund and Alfred both heirs, set a side, and Harald and Hardiknute elected and crowned Kings. I might also show how upon the death of King Harald it was enacted by the English Nobility That none of the Danish blood should any more reign after them. So after William the first, not Robert the elder brother but Rufus the younger brother chosen: So after the disease of Richard the first, John Earl of Morton was crowned and Arthur the right heir refused.  
The like might be manifested of other nations how their kings did not reign heretarily and by succession from father to son, but those were chosen Kings amongst them which were held worthy, which election was made by the people, and revokable by them at any time: and whensoever the Crown went now and then by succession, it was by usurpation rather than right. From human Histories we might come to the holy Scriptures, and show that the original creation and constitution of the Israelites Kingdoms proceeded only from the authority and power of the people, and that solely by Divine permission rather than institution, as is apparent by Deut. 11.14, 15.  
And howsoever the Lord did sometimes immediately nominate the persons of those that should reign over them, as Saul, David, Jehu, Jeroboam &c. yet the people did constantly confirm and make them Kings, and gave them their royal authority, none being made Kings by Divine appointment, but such as they willingly accepted, approved, and confirmed to be kings; God's previous designation being but a preparative to their voluntary and free election.  
Moreover, It is very clear that the kings of Judah and Israel were subordinate in power to the people, and not only counselled but usually overruled by them, in all matters of public concernment; for though they asked a king, yet they reserved sufficient authority to themselves, to restrain him, and to order and dispose of the public affairs as they thought good. But these things we have reserved to a larger treatise.  
2. Howsoever, Bodin contrary to Aristotle, Tacitus, Lipsius, Toloso, Machavel, Kirchnerus and the greatest politicians prefers succession before election of Kings and instanceth several nations to be heretary; yet this I say, quo jure? from the beginning it was not so, for every heretary Crown, is through custom not of right, howsoever people have let it pass, and admitted them in such a way, yet this hath been still in the people a free act, and it was in their liberty and power to have chosen any other.  
3. Whereas some Kings require an oath of their subjects, that their heirs and successors shall enjoy the Crown after them, and the grounds of taking this oath, is, upon an opinion that the Crown goes by succession from father to child (so that in their understanding they give not any thing away from themselves, but only acknowledge what they conceive the person already is) Now this oath being given, and taken upon a false ground cannot bind in point of conscience, because if they knew it was not the others right they would not swear, neither meant they in the least to pass away any thing of their own right, for they thought it was the others properly before.  
And here by the way, observe how vain and groundless that common question (pro and con) is amongst politicians, Statists, Civilians, and some Divines, whether succession or election be the better, as if truly and rightly there were some such thing as succession, whereas it is neither so nor so. I confess after a King's disease, the people may elect and crown the son and his son's son, but that any such thing can be claimed or challenged as a birthright, it is altogether untrue, there is no Kingdom in the world where the crown descends from the father to the son by any true and proper succession: the most that can be is not simple succession, but a succession limitable and conditional, that is a promise on the people's part (for some considerable causes) that the son shall be crowned after the father's death if he be fit to govern, and they see it is for their good. But that any people should absolutely bind themselves to have the son reign over them after the father's death should he be a fool, a knave, a madman, a tyrant, either such a thing was never meant, or if it were ever so, such people therein showed themselves either to be fools, knaves, madmen, or children, as doing a thing against all reason, all right, the manifest law of God, and very light of nature.  
And this we further add, That whatsoever covenants or contracts have been between former Kings and our Ancestors about succession, and what acts of Parliament, laws, statutes they have made about it, they are no way binding to us, neither are we thereto related or concerned in the same. If two men make a contract together, that the son of the one shall marry the others' daughter, if these children be under age, they have liberty and power (especially their father's being dead) to do as they think good being come to age, neither doth that precontract bind them, but they are still free, and may dispose of themselves as they see good, that is, they have liberty and power to marry any other if they see it more convenient and necessary. So I confidently affirm, whatsoever Crown Contract hath been made by our forefathers in our nonage, pitch where you will touching this succession, we have our liberty to take or refuse and are in point of conscience no more bound to crown the heir of William the conqueror, Henry the Eight, James the Sixt of Scotland, or this King Charles than any other man: but if we will (to be like other nations) still have a King, such than is our liberty and freedom now, that we may (yea and aught) to elect and crown such a one whom we shall find to be best qualified and fittest for us.  
Now we come to the next general Head, That Kings are, and aught to be bound by laws, and are not to be exempted from them. I shall not at this time show the flattery and vanity of some Sycophants and Parasites, who affirm, that people may not prescribe any law to their Prince: that Kings are above law: Now touching that senseless distinction of Bodin and others, who hold that the supreme Magistrate, howsoever bound to the laws of God, of Nature, and Nations, yet are free from all Civil laws prescribed by themselves: nor that Court distinction between Law directive, and coactive, what Kings should do; and what Kings may do: This I say with Pareus, Superior Magistratus est subjectus legibus divinis & suae republicae: The supreme Magistrate is subject to God's laws, and to the laws of his own commonwealth. Comment: in Rom. C. 13. dub. 6. yea, more strictly obliged to observe his own laws than subjects, and departing from the law becomes a Tyrant: and therefore the whole kingdom which is above the King, may not only bind him by laws, but question him, and punish him for the breach of them: And this is a most certain truth (howsoever by some slavish pens opposed) that all Kings are so far bound to the laws and customs of their kingdoms, that if they violate and alter them at their pleasure, they may truly be called Tyrants according to Aristotle, and herein absolve their people from their allegiance which they have made unto them. Take for instance, the united netherlands provinces, who for this very cause did declare Philip King of Spain to have fallen and cut himself off from the signory of the Netherlands, and caused a new form of an oath to be drawn in manner of an abjuration of the King of Spain, every one swearing duty and obedience unto the Estates by the public officers and magistrates of every town and province, the which thing was, and still is by all Protestants and reformed Churches justified and approved lawful.  
I could here set down many such examples of other Nations, who by their laws required their Kings to be subject to their laws as well as any other, yea all nations (except where tyrants have reigned) have always had some law to restrain their kings from excesses and abusive courses. Besides all good Emperors and Kings in all ages have professed and practised the same. Trajan acknowledged that the Prince was not above law: and giving the Sword to any Praetor or Commander, he would say, Hoc gladio contra me utitur, si in rempublicam peccavero. The like said Theodosius, and Valentinian, Emperors: Digna est vox Majestate regnantis in legibus alligatum se Principem profiteri. lib. 4. cap. d. leg. prin. So Antiochus the Third, King of Asia, is, commended that he writ to all the Cities of his kingdom, If there should be any thing in his letters which should seem contrary to the Laws they should not obey them. These men knew it is God only that may do in heaven and in earth what he pleaseth, as for man (whether Emperor or King) he is under law and therefore must do nothing but what is lawful, just, and right.  
And for more authentic proof we could produce the Kings of Israel and Judah who had no arbitrary power to do what they pleased nor exempted from laws, but inferior too and obliged by them as well as subjects: this is evident by sundry impregnable texts, Deut. 17.18, 19 Josh. 1.1.8. 1 Sam. 8.11. to 19 and 12. 14, 15.20 &c. Ezek. 46.18. The Jewish Doctors from these words I will visit their transgression with the rod of men, and with the stripes of the children of men. 2 Sam. 7. write that it was a custom in Israel, If their Kings transgressed against the law of the King, they were to be scourged for it.  
But the question is not so much, whether Kings are under law (for this now begins now to be generally granted) but the question is, If Kings do break law, what's their punishment, and who shall do it. The answer to this belongs properly to the next point yet something I shall say to it in this place. For my part I have not yet seen in any man's writing, new or old (though never so great a kingsman) any clear and convincing reason, that seeing Kings are subject to laws, both the law of God and of men, wherefore they should have any immunity or be privileged from punishment appointed by law to such and such offences more than other men. Plainly thus, If King or Prince be a Murderer, a traitor, a Pirate, an Adulterer, perjured &c. why the punishment due to other murderers, traitors &c. and for the like crimes inflicted upon them should not be executed upon the other, King, or Prince, what the custom hath been, or what partial laws foolish & ignorant men have made, I count as nothing let reason, justice, & Divine precepts be considered. Hence let us take light and information. First, as for the law of God, it goes generally and takes all in, quisquis, siquis quicunque: whosoever, if any man, what mansoever, if a murderer, an adulterer &c. let him die the death: Kings and Princes are not here exempted.  
And Secondly, In the point of Justice, 'tis without any dispute. For {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is Justice of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} to part, or divide in two. Hence {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Judge, (as it were {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}) because he cuts a thing in two equal parts. So in the definition, Justice is Perpetua constansque voluntas jussuam unicuique tribuens. And for distributive justice which according to Logicians is, either rewarding or punishing this later Judicatory Justice is, qua Paenis debitas aequalitur unicuique distribuit, which distributeth due Punishment equally to every one. Again, If the offender because he is great, (as a king or prince) should therefore be spared, it were directly to depart from Justice both in propriety of speech & true definition {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} that is a right judgement not respecting the person, to wit for his greatness, power, place, wealth &c.  
Thirdly, For Reasons I have this to say, Wherefore Kings should be punished according to law if not more yet as much as other men. 1 Because by their ill example they do more hurt than other men. 2. Their sins do more provoke God and draw down Divine wrath upon a nation and therefore there is the greater reason that the Land should be purged of such pollutions.  
3. The taking of this course would be very much for the public good and safety: for if princes knew they should be punished as other men for their crimes according to law, they would be as careful as other men to observe and keep the same.  Oderunt peccare mali formidine paenae. 
4. The practice of this would be a very helpful means to save their souls; for whence comes it to pass, that they care not what they do, but because whatsoever they do, they know no man will punish them for it.  
5. If this course were taken, there would not be such horrid and execrable ways used to get Crowns, as poisoning and murdering of fathers, brethren, &c. but conscience then, and a desire to do good, would be the chiefest motives leading men thereunto.  
6. In constitution of a Prince, whatsoever is confirmed upon a man in respect of office and authority, it doth not any way make a change upon his Person, neither puts him at any distance touching subjection to the Law more than he was before; this relates only to a qualification, that is, the people judging him to be fit, he is invested with a power and right to administer justice; but for his personal estate that remains the same as formerly, neither is he by this exempted from Law either directive or coactive, more than when a man is made a Judge, Justice of peace, or the like.  
In this case, Civil Magistrates, and Church officers are alike; what office or function soever a man hath in the Church of God, he is still under the power of the Church, and for his person, the Church-censure can reach him still as it did before. For the institution of Pastors, Teachers, or Elders, doth not in the least exempt or privilege such ecclesiastical officers, from the highest censure of the Church more than any other member, if there be just cause to proceed against them. And there is something to this purpose in the Popish Cannon Law, how in case of heresy the Pope ceaseth ipso facto to be Pope, loseth his spiritual jurisdiction and authority, and deserveth justly to be really deposed. Can. si. papa 40. Carer. Azorius Antonine 3. part: showing that the office of a Pope adds nothing to the person of the man, for howsoever he is above the rest for his place, yet he is still subject to the Law, and under censure; yea, to be deprived of jurisdiction and papacy, in case he prove an heretic.  
For conclusion then, this I positively affirm, and will stand to it, Where Kings are under Law, and receive their crowns from the people upon protestation and oath to keep the Laws, and where the supreme sovereign power of a nation is invested in the Senate and people, there Kings for their Tyranny and misgovernment may be convented, judged, and punished: neither are they more exempted from the highest civil punishment then ecclesiastical officers are from the highest Church-censure, their persons are still in the same consideration as other men's persons are, and therefore for their transgressions (as other men) may be judged and punished.  
Now to come to the third particular, which is, That the people have power not only to convent, but to censure, depose, and punish their Kings for their Tyranny and misgovernment. For the confirmation of this, I shall desire the Reader to take notice: 1. What reasons there are for it. 2. What Law. 3. What Scripture proof. 4. What precedents and examples both of other nations, and kingdoms, as likewise of our own. 5. And lastly, what the judgement is of learned men touching this thing.  
Reas. 1. It is an undoubted rule of divinity and policy, that it is more expedient that one man die (though a Prince or King) than the whole nation should perish. John 11.50. & 18.14. If the right eye, or right hand offend, it must be plucked out and cut off: as in the natural body if a member be so corrupt and putrified, that unless it be taken away the whole body is in danger to perish, in such a case for prevention and health sake, every one will allow the cutting it off: so in the politic body, when the safety of the whole lies in the removing of one or more unfound and bad members, it must be done, and it is necessary it should be so: for it is a maxim in Philosophy, that totum non subjicitur parti, sed pars toti; so again, totum non regitur motu partis, sed pars totius, to which that is agreeable in the Poet: 
— immedicabile vulnus  
En se recidendum est, ne pars sincera trahetur.   
Reas. 2. King's being the people officers, ministers, creatures (as we said) it must needs follow that they are responsible to their masters and makers, and being found unfaithful stewards, they have power to displace them of their trust and office. If the keeping of a city or castle be committed to a man, and he betrays the same to the enemy, or dismantles the walls and fortifications, to expose it unto danger, is it questionable in such a case, whether the State putting him into that trust, may not call him to an account, and punish him justly for it?  
Reas. 3. When two men contract and covenant together upon certain conditions and terms, if one party break the agreement, the other is set free, and no further bound to him either in point of Law or conscience. When Kings break their coronation oaths and promises, keep not the conditions and terms upon which they were elected and crowned, but become tyrants, the bond and knot between subjects and them is essentially broken, neither is there any tribute, duty, custom, or allegiance, &c. from the people any further due unto them.  
I know no faster bond or knot between any two parties, than man and wife; the relation between Kings and subjects I am sure is not nearer, nevertheless all grant adulterium etiam vinculum ipsum matrimonii solvit, adultery in either person breaks even that very bond and knot of marriage: why therefore a subject breaking his covenant with the King, in being a traitor, should be punished for it, and the King breaking his covenant with the people in proving a tyrant or traitor to the people should not be punished likewise: I am sure there is no man living able to give a just reason for it.  
Reas. 4. If men by Law may be punished; yea, and great punishment is inflicted upon them, who are only as instruments used by Princes, to accomplish their wicked designs and merely act to please them; surely it is against justice, reason, and all conscience, that the first mover and grand author should escape unpunished; God's example teacheth otherwise, who in all ages hath punished the author of sin more severely and extremely then the instrument; we see many times the adulterous mother punished for her whoredom, yet the bastard spared, but that the bastard should suffer and the mother escape it is an example unheard of.  
Reas. 5. Howsoever men may remit the wrong or injury, as it it in reference to themselves and their own interest, nevertheless as the transgression respecteth God's Law, and so far as God calls for judgement and punishment, it is not in their power to spare or pardon, though they may do with their own what they will, yet what is the Lords they may not alter, mitigate, qualify, &c. but they ought to proceed according to the directions and rules which he hath prescribed to them, I say, without addition, or diminution, strictly, punctually and precisely. I shall end this point with the words of Bodin: I am of opinion (saith he) that no sovereign Prince, neither yet any man alive can pardon the punishment due unto the offence which is by the Law of God death, no more than he can dispense with the Law of God, whereunto he is himself subject: And if it be so, that the Magistrate deserve capital punishment, which despenseth with the Law of his King, how shall it be lawful for a sovereign Prince to dispense with his subjects from the Law of God? And further, if the Prince himself cannot give away the least civil interest of his subjects, or pardon the wrong done to another man, how can he pardon the wrong done unto ALMIGHTY GOD, or murder wilfully committed, which by the Law is death, for all the pardon he can give. vide lib. 1. de Reip. cap. 10.  
Secondly, As for lawyer's law, it is just like Mr. William Prin, it speaks every thing, and any thing, and nothing: Thus their law and he, are like the Dutch man's hose, you may wear them how you will, put them up or down, for they are made to serve both ways: but for that whirligig and busy body I do but mention him by the way, for there is an independent piece coming forth to show his lightness, contradiction, extreme pride and malice.  
What punishment by law is due unto a traitor, it is so obvious and well known, as to cite Statutes for it, would be, but as a vain repetition: Now the Law clearly resolves 28. Hen. 8. C. 7 That. if the King become an open enemy to the kingdom and subjects, to wast or ruin them, or shall seek to betray them to a foreign nation he becomes a traitor to the realm, and hereupon doth forfeit his very title to the Crown. Bracton saith the King, is the highest Justiticiar in the kingdom: Licet in justitia recipienda minimo de regno suo comparitur, but as low as any in receiving justice. lib. 3. cap. 9 fol. 167. &c. This indeed is law, for what is law ({non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman}) according to the strict etymology a proper signification, but an equal distributing to every one his own, whether it be reward or punishment; and therefore whensoever any thing hath been enacted to privilege kings and princes from personal punishment, in case they transgressed against God and men, and should prove Tyrants, traitors, Murderers, Pirates, Witches and what not, I do avouch, it was no law, to speak truly and properly, it was not {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} but {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as contrary to the law of God, and nature as light is to darkness; and these were right Antinomians, as opposing and denying law to establish their own wicked and lawless decree: Law, is ratio naturalis, natural reason, but it is no principle in nature, to punish the lesser, theft, murder, treason, tyranny &c. and spare the greater thieves, murderers, &c. to execute the bastard and quit the mother as we said before.  
Again, 'Tis without dispute, when Princes prove Tyrants, their deposition is justificable by law. Now to know a Tyrant King James describes him thus: A King governing in a settled kingdom ceaseth to he a King and degenerates into a Tyrant so soon as he leaves to rule by his own laws. If this be true, (as it is most true:) then it is the highest degree of Tyranny, condemned and abhorred by God and all good men, when the King begins to invade his subjects persons, rights, liberties &c. to set up an arbitrary power imposeth unlawful taxes, raises forces, plunders wasteth and spoils his kingdom, imprisons, kills, and banisheth his most faithful & best people in an hostile and wrathful manner, whom he ought to protect and rule in peace: and whether this King have not thus done, even our enemies themselves being judges?  
There is one thing remarkable in the aforesaid speech, where he says, He ceaseth to be a King. Hence I gather, that a King degenerating into a Tyrant, hath no benefit, nor any thing to help himself in point of law, by any Statute containing an immunity or exemption of the King's person from punishment, as death it self: for whatsoever is provided in such a case it is only in reference to a King, but when he ceaseth to be a King, he loseth the benefit of all such acts of Parliament, neither is there any Statute broken if he personally suffer for his crimes.  
Thirdly, For Scripture proof or precedents, Zuinglius positively affirms, that the Israelites might not only resist but also depose their kings for wickedness & idolatry, yea, that all the people were justly punished by the Lord because they removed not their wicked Kings out of their places, and brings sundry instances for it. Explinat. Aut. 42. That God did punish the people for their King's enormities, 'tis evident by Jer. 15.1, 2, 3, 4. 2 King. 21.11, 12. & Chap. 23.26. & 24.3. and the history of the Kings and Chronicles in sundry other places clearly show so much: the which thing surely God in justice would not have done, had not the people power to hinder, censure and depose them for their sins.  
It is said of Amaziah King of Judah, 2 King. 14.19. That they made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem and he fled to Lachish, but they sent after him to Lachish and slew him there: not privately but openly, as acted by public authority for his great impiety, as having broken his oath and covenant; whereupon we read not of any complaint, inquisition proceeding or punishment inflicted on those that slew him after his death, either by the people or his children as there was upon those that slew king Ammnon, but being slain, they (to wit the persons who had put him to death) brought him on horses, and he was buried in Jerusalem, and all the people of Judah made Ahaziah King in his stead. Which plainly shows that what was formerly done by the greater part of the States at Jerusalem was afterwards confirmed by common consent, and executed by command of those which might lawfully do it.  
Fourthly, For examples, all histories are full, nothing more frequent than to read, how people having the supreme power would judiciously convent, censure, depose, yea and judge their kings to death for their evil and wicked courses. Thus amongst the Romans, the Senate and people together proceeded against Nero, Julianus, Vitellius, Maximinius, Heliogabulus &c. I speak not of Traquin the proud expelled the kingdom by the people. So other Emperors likewise, being found unfit & unable to govern the kingdom, have been deposed and others elected and crowned in their stead: as Cbilderiek, Charles the third, Justinus the second, Wenceslaus, all put off: and Pepin, Arnolph, Fiberius, and Rupert Count Palatine of Rhine chosen and set in the Empire. The Cumaen State usually arraigned and punished their Kings judicially if they saw cause.  
Thus the French by authority of a public council & through the prudent care of the officers of the Realm, deposed Childeric the first, Sigebert, Theodoric, and Childeric the third: So Gyl, for his grievous taxes and other miscarriages they chased into Soysons: Theoduricus because he vexed and oppressed the people, was by the authority of the State deprived of all dignity.  
Touching the Kings of Spain, we shall find in Histories and good Authors, that frequently for their tyranny and misgovernment they were deposed by their subjects: as Theo-discle the tenth, Vttiza, and other goatish Kings, as infamous monsters were chased from their thrones. So Don Pedro the first, Ordogno, Alphonso the great Astronomer, kings of Castille for their cruelties, murders, and treacheries, all rejected and deprived of their Realms. Ramir of Leon and Garcia King of Gallieia both deposed for their vicious and base doings.  
In Hungaria, Peter the second, and Solomon the first (to omit some others) for their great insolences, and injustice were both deposed, the first afterwards banished, and the other kept in prison till he died. So the Bohemians deposed and banished Boleslaus, Rufus, Berzinogius, Sobeislaus, Vladislaus: and twice imprisoned Wenceslaus for his drunkenness, neglegence, and cruelty.  
In Poland the people have deposed imprisoned or expelled out of the kingdom many of their Kings for their oppressions, and injustice, as (amongst others) Miesco their second King, Boleslaus his son, Myoslaus, Henry &c. Neither have the Swedish Kings been used otherwise, but for their cruelty, treachery, and tyranny have been thrust out of their thrones and Realm by the people, as Halsten, Aminander, Burgerius, Magnus, Henry, Christierne the first and second, and others elected and crowned in their stead.  
So in Denmark, Humbus, Ericus, Christierne, father and son, censured and deposed by the State for their licentiousness and misgovernment: Not to mention Canutus, Magnus, Suano, put to death by the people. I pass over Canades King of Persia, Dionysius the younger King of Sicily, Timocrates of Cyrene: Andronicus Emperor of Constantinople by the people rejected upon just cause.  
For Scotland, If George Bucanan and others of their own Historians write truth as there hath seldom ever been good King thereof so very few of them (begin with this man's father and so go up) that ever died an natural death. But touching the point in hand: how frequently the Parliaments and Nobles there have questioned their Kings, imprisoned, deposed, yea judicially censured them, for their tyrannies, oppressions, whoredoms, murders, falsehood and evil adminstration; you may see at large in the aforesaid Bucanan: some I have taken out of him: as Durstus and his sons, so Dardan, Luctack, Conarus, Ramack, Fereuhard, Euginius, Constantine, Ethus, Donald, Lugrac, Megal, Edward, Balliol, James the third: all these have been sentenced & rejected. I mention not such (though he doth many) whom the common people for their intolerable baseness murdered and put to death. To which I might add, this man's Grandmother, whom they imprisoned and caused to abjure and resign her Interest in the Crown and kingdom to her Infant son; and at last was solemnly arraigned and condemned to death by the Parliament of England and beheaded at Fatheringham Castle, all which proceedings against her, as her Deposition, Imprisonment, and Execution hath hitherto been justified as lawful.  
To come now to our own nation, many examples we have upon record in our Chronicles concerning the matter in hand: I shall at this time but only touch things in a brief way: King Vortigen after six years' reign for his negligence and evil government was deposed from his crown by his subjects, and his son Vortimer chosen and crowned in his stead. Speed Chron. pag. 207.266.267. Sigehert King of the sumptuous using exactions and cruelties upon his subjects was put by his place and Kenwolfe made King in his steed. Speed hist. pag. 229. So Ofred King of Northumberland for his ill government was expelled by his subjects and deprived of all Kingly authority. Speed pag. 245.246. Ethelred (the son of Mollo) so far offended his subjects that they took up arms against him and slew him at Cobre. Beornerd King of Mercia, because governed the people, not by just Laws, but by Tyranny, was expelled the kingdom and Offa chosen and crowned. Mat. Westm. pa. 275. The like was Edwins case King of Mercia and Northumberland, for his misgovernment, tyranny and oppression, and following vain, base, and wicked councillors was removed from all kingly dignity, in whose place Edgar was elected King.  
I might have mentioned Archigallo one of our ancient British Kings in times of gentilism, for some misorders was deposed by the people, when he had reigned almost five years, and his brother Elidurus chosen in his room. So Emerian another old British King deprived of all kingly honour and dignity, and Yowally promoted to the crown. Fabian par. 2. chap. 49. p. 30.31. & chap. 46. p. 34.  
Since the conquest (as they call it) King John disavowed by his Lords and Commons, for wasting, burning, and spoiling the kingdom like an enemy, electing jews of France for their King▪ Speed p. 585. Edward the second for his misgovernment put down, and Edward his son elected and crowned. Walsing. hist. p. 398. Again Anno 1399. King Richard the second for sundry misdemeanours objected against him in 32 Articles in Parliament and breach of his coronation oath, was judicially deposed, and Henry the fourth elected and crowned in his stead. So in Anno 1462. King Henry the sixth Queen Margaret and Edward their son by Parliament dishinherited of their right to the crown and Edward the fourth made king.  
Here I shall end this point with a few proposals to the Reader. 1. Thou mayest observe when a King proves a Tyrant it is the people's own fault, if they relieve not themselves, and recover their ancient rights and liberties. 2. Note, what mischiefs and miseries, this Monarchy and kingcraft brings with it, for it is no small disturbance and trouble to a nation to be forced to take up arms against a tyrant, and bring him to punishment. 3. (And mark it well) according to the fact, so tyrants have been punished more or less: that saying in former times hath been held for a maxim, fiat justitia, mundum●●at. 4. Here also thou mayst observe, how false to their trust, & prejudicial to the kingdom, the late Treaty was, for what men, unless ignorant in State matters, dull of action, slavishly minded, fearful & unbelievers, or such as have cozened and cheated the country, and so made account by a general act of indemnity to escape punishment (hanging I should have said) would ever have moved in such a way, as being free from a tyrant (with great expense, and much precious blood) would seek to set him up again, and so by degree to be in greater slavery than before.  
Lastly, For the opinion of learned men whether Papists, Lutherans or Calvinists they do unanimously hold that Kings for their tyranny and misgovernment may be censured and deposed by the people, because I have proposed to myself to be brief, I shall only mention a person or two. There is a book entitled de Rege & Regis Institutione written by one Joannes Mariana a Jesuit, wherein I find his words thus, A tyrannical King continuing incorrigible after public admonitions of the whole State, if there be no hopes of amendment, may not only be deposed, but put to death and murdered by the whole State, or any particular persons by their appointment; yea, without it, if he be declared a public enemy by the whole State, and in case the whole State cannot publicly assemble by reason of such a Princes known notorious Tyranny, then in such a case it is lawful for any private man to murder him to free the country and Kingdom from destruction. Lib. 1. c. 9 Howsoever I shall not stand to justify all that he says, yet his book was dedicated to Philip the third King of Spain, and published by his special privilege afterward reprined at Mentz in Germany, Cum privilegio sacrae Caesariae Majestatis, & permissa Superiorem. Danaeus allows, not only subjects actual resistance, but deprivation of Kings, where princes set themselves to subvert Religion, Laws, Liberties. Polit. christ. lib. 3. cap. 6. So Zuinglius, When princes shall deal perfidiously and contrary to the rules of Christ, they may be deposed by the consent & suffrages of the whole, or at least the greatest part of the people, God helping them therein. Explin. Art. 42. And howsoever Calvin pleads as much as a man can for Tyrants and wicked Magistrates, yet thus he saith, I always speak of private men, for if there be any popular Magistrates constituted in the behalf of the people to restrain the lusts of Kings, (such as heretofore were the Ephori who were opposed to the Lacedaemonian Kings, or Tribunes of the people against the Roman Senate, or the Demarchi against the Athenian Senate, the which power peradventure as things are now, the free Estates in all kingdoms enjoy when they assemble.) I am so far from inhibiting them to withstand, the raging licentiousness of kings, according to their duty, that if they connive and wink at Kings outrageously encroaching upon, and insulting over the poor communality, I shall affirm that their dissimulation is not without wicked breach of faith, because they deceitfully betray the liberty of the people, of whom they know themselves to be appointed protectors by the Ordinance of God. Instit. lib. 4. c. 20. Sect. 31.  
Fourthly, That no Nation is so strictly tied to any form of Government or Law, but it is lawful for the people to alter the same into any other form or kind upon occasion. We prove, and for the first thus.  
1. Because all forms of Government were ordained for the people's welfare, protection peace, &c. and therefore in case any one becomes incompatible or inconsistent with the public safety, it may be changed without injustice, and grounded upon that first and chief Law of all commonwealths, Salus Populi suprema Lex esto, the safety of the People let that be the last Law; grounded also upon that saying of Christ, Mark 2.27. The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath. Whence I reason, look as man was before the sabbath, and the day made as serving to the preservation and safety of him, and so his life to be preserved by omitting the observation of the sabbath. So man being before the government, and Government ordained for his safety, there is no form of Government, but he may omit the use of it, if it be for his peace, profit and welfare.  
2. It is a received principle of nature and reason, eodem modo quid constituitur, dissolvitur, in what manner a thing is constituted, it may be dissolved: Again, Omnia quae jure contrahuntur contrario jure pereunt. The Apostle Peter (as we have already noted) calls kings and their supreamacy, a human creature or ordinance of man, because the same took its original and rise from men, and therefore that form of Government is changeable and revocable as the people (whose creature the form is) shall see reason and cause for it. As the potter hath power over his pots, and the goldsmith may alter and change his vessels and cups from one form to another: so here.  
3. Howsoever all Government in general be of God, yet the kinds of it are left arbitrary to men's institution and free election: here I say people have liberty, to take or leave, as to lay aside one form and establish another, when they see it is more to the preservation of human society, and the advancement of God's glory. Thus Aristotle and all Politicians hold, all forms of Government are changeable. Lambertus Danaeus Polit. Christ. l. 3. c. 6. pag. 217. speaks thus, When the laws of a Kingdom or commonwealth are not observed, but manifestly and obstinately violated by that Magistrate, to whom and whose family the supreme Government is granted under certain conditions, I say, that Kingdom or Government so granted and conferred on conditions, may by all godly and Christian people with a safe conscience be taken from him, and another form of Government erected by a public Edict of the States gathered together; if the safety of the commonwealth shall so require▪ so he.  
4. This is manifest by the diverse alterations of the Monarchy in this kingdom, which hath been sometime divided into seven, sometimes into five, otherwhile into three or two kingdoms; and at last all reduced into one. So by the great changes and alterations which have been made in foreign Realms: as sometimes Monarchy quite abolished and changed into aristocratical or popular estate. Thus the Swissers and Grisons departed from the Roman Empire, and became 18. commonwealths, every one holding their estate (divided from other) in sovereignty. The Venetian commonwealth was at the beginning a Monarchy, afterward changed into a popular Estate, and now by little and little changed into Aristocratital, yet so tacitly, in such a quiet sort that the change can hardly be perceived. So the Thessalians, and people of Sicily threw of Monarchy, and had a Popular State. The Samians, Corcyraeans, Rhodians, Cnidians, and almost all the commonwealths of Greece after the victory of Lysander were from Monarchy changed into Aristocraties.  
So again some nations have changed aristocratical into popular government; as the Sabeans, Sabirites, Trezenians, Amphilolits, Chalcidians, Thurians, Chions, the Argives, the people of Delphos, Tarentum, many more which I omit.  
And from Popular some have changed into aristocraty, as the Venetians, Syracusians, lacedaemonians, Thebans, Heracleans, Cumaeans, Megarenses, the Luques, Rhaguses, Genes, and other.  
Sometimes also the frame of Aristocratical government hath been altered into Monarchy, and it is well to be noted, what Bodin notes as to be the cause and reason of such a change, namely, conquest and Tyranny: and sets down many examples for it. Lib. 4. de rep: c. 1. The Jews indeed desired such a thing, but how extremely they offended God therein, the sacred history shows, who for asking a King gave them a King in his wrath. And thus much for the first particular. Now we come to the other, viz. That such laws and ancient customs as people find to be hurtful, unprofitable or inconvenient, they may remove.  
For 1. Many things which were convenient and necessary in former times, and therefore established in after ages are found unuseful, because there is not the same reason and cause for them as then there was.  
2. There is no man of such parts and gifts, or so qualified, as to foresee in all things, what will be safest and best for the generations after him; and therefore as many things must be left to every age, so the people in every age must look to their own safety and preservation, as to have such Laws in use, as are for the present public good, and what is otherwise to take off the force and stop the execution of them.  
3. Seeing the will of man (and that often) without reason, is the ground of Law, according to his saying: Sic volo, sic jubeo, stat pro ratione voluntas. It is therefore the more necessary to consider what the Laws are, and how they are grounded; for we know, man's will is full of darkness, deceit, self-end, and what pleaseth one, is to another hurtful and unprofitable.  
4. What skilful and prudent physicians will not change their way and course of physic, if they see the same proves dangerous and destructive to their patients, and follow some other & better rules of art. Statesmen are the people's physicians, and therefore they ought to lay aside all such old Laws & customs as are unprofitable and unuseful, and ordain wholesome and good ones in the room thereof.  
5. We see that men change in condition, and one age is not like another: our ancestors some generations past, were so and so, but their posterity now are otherwise in condition, and therefore great care should be taken, that we have such Laws, as are best and fittest for the time; and to say the truth, herein consisteth much true policy: men choose not a garment by the largeness, neither of the fineness of the cloth, but by the fitness, and how well it will serve the person that must wear it: I do take notice what a number there are, now (Taylor-like) in London and thereabout, making garments for the Nation and to clothe the people with new laws; now howsoever I profess not myself to be one of that trade, yet I wish well to the work and humbly desire, that they do not so much mind largeness & fineness, as to have things fit and to come well home to the Nation, in a good accommodation, and a general satisfaction.  
6. Howsoever it cannot be denied, but we have many good laws amongst us, nevertheless, such is our burden and misery, that they are like good metal in a pot or vessel, so covered over with dross and scum as the beauty and brightness of them shines not forth: Now here is State wisdom which discovers a man to be versed in politics, who studieth and labours how to remove the dross, rather than promiscuously and without any distinction or difference to throw all away, as the scum so the precious and pure silver also. Whoso breaketh a hedge, a serpent shall bite him. I know it is an ancient maxim of some politicians, That we must not change any thing in the Laws of a commonwealth which hath long maintained itself in a good estate whatsoever apparent profit may be thereby pretended. Again, Legum mutatio omnium erat peri culosa. But I have formerly proved it lawful, yea necessary to alter and change the laws of a kingdom. Yet so, as I shall desire all such as are specially concerned in this great work, to observe these cautions or rules.  
1. That it be done with mature deliberation, good fore-thoughts, not hand over head, as to thrust in men's sudden and present conceits. Men in their sleep, imagine they eat, drink, walk &c. and question not but it is all real and true: but being awake they perceive it was only a dream. It is not enough that a man is confident, and persuades himself it is so, but it is needful to inquire whether it be sleeping or waking, examine well how it is bottomed and grounded. My Antigonist (I dare say) thinks he prophesieth right things, whereas poor man, he only dreams, and when the Lord shall awake him of this sleep he will see and confess so much.  
2. Whatsoever law or custom shall be taken away, yet it must not be, till after due examination, and finding upon proof sufficient cause and reason for it. Otherwise it may happen, as it did to Alexander, killing Parmenio in haste, afterwards he repented and found the miss of him.  
3. It must be minded, that the public Interest be especially provided for, and not to profit a few to the prejudice of many.  
4. It is a principal maxim in Sate-policy, when any law or custom is to be abrogated, To consider how far it is hurtful and in what regard and what sense or liking the people have thereof, and so to proceed either speedily, or to come thereunto by little and little without forcing of any thing. Physicians observe, that violent medicines in some cases raises up the humours and disperseth them so through the whole body, as the party becomes more distempered, and made the more uncapable of health, and so the less hope of recovery: nevertheless, in some other cases, quick and strong physic doth well and safe. Gal. de simp.. me. facult. c. 15.  
5. This also must be looked to, What shall be next and come into the place, when such and such things shall be taken away: a man may pull down both sides of a house, who hath not the skill and art to lay one stone orderly and as it should be to build a new and better. I do ingeniously profess there are many things yet in Church and commonwealth which I wish were taken away, and to me they do appear faulty: but (hic labour, hoc opus) if they were removed, what should come in their room? that needs some consideration, both what, and how? In The people's Agreement, I observe they are much for pulling down, and it is soon said there needs, not many heads or hands for such work: now I could heartily wish, that these men or some other, would satisfy the Land, if every particular by the Parliament should be granted, how we might have their rooms and places filled again. It is an easy thing to tell where the sore is, and to show it, but to make a salve to heal it is more difficult.  
6. I do find in sundry Histories, when the laws and customs of a nation hath been changed, howsoever the thing was good in itself, and some men had therein what they desired, yet afterwards great troubles and miseries have ensued, because the greater part saw no ground or cause of such changes, neither apprehended the benefit and usefulness thereof. And therefore it is the judgement of the wisest politicians, whensoever a State intends to alter the form of Government or Laws, to let the people see beforehand, upon what ground and just cause they will do it, and what conveniency, safety, and profit the public shall have thereby. This will not only so take with the people, as to make them willing and desirous of the thing, but to contribute to the work what they are able that it may be well e●ected. Now to the last point, what form of Government is best.  
This is a great question among politicians, largely debated, and diverse men are diversely minded; for my own ●udgement herein it is this, monarchy is the worst. And my Reasons for it are these:  
1. Because a great Part of the land is unnecessarily detained, and kept away from the public use and profit of the people, to maintain an unuseful creature. What a number of Courts, palaces, manors, Parks, forests besides other Rents, Revenues, Customs &c. there goes to maintain this kingship, 'tis hardly credible; and how it is employed it's worth the noting. Now what more absurd and inconsiderate than for a people to be at such unreasonable expense and charge to keep one of whom they have no need or use at all, but can do much better without him. We read how the Prince of Crange gave money to one Bellazar Gerard (who named himself Frances Guyon) to buy him provision, and therewith he bought pistols, powder, and shot and killed the prince. And what else do Kings many times with the great treasury allowed them by their subjects, but procure ammunition & raise up forces to murder and destroy them.  
The children also of Kings, are no small burden and unnecessary charge to a nation, considering their excessive riot, and expenses. We speak not of doweries and other portions: and what serve they for, or what profit have the people by them? the truth is, there is little or no good expected, if they prove not a curse and plague to the kingdom, we think it is well and take it as a great mercy: Would it not therefore be better, what is needlessly wasted on them to be converted to some pious and charitable uses.  
3. Look upon monarchy and compare them with other forms of government, and this you shall certainly find, that whensoever corruptions and abuses break forth in a State they are not so easily, suddenly, and thoroughly suppressed in the former as in the latter: and no marvel: for 1. As they have their original and rise usually from the Court, so the King will labour what he can to uphold and defend the same. Hence it comes to pass (as many sad examples in this land show) that enormities, have so long continued and grown to such a height as the people have been forced to make war against the Prince, and with the loss of much blood and other charges to reform the same which otherwise would never have been done. But where there is a free State you have no such inconvenience; neither indeed are such abuses and corruptions ever seen, but if they did appear the matter would not be so difficult to suppress them there. 2. Put case the King hath no hand in these abuses (which would be a strange thing) yet are they not easily reformed, because what he hears and sees it is by other men's ears: whereas in the other Government, magistrates are abroad to see and hear what is amiss with their own eyes and ears.  
4. If things be compared together, this we shall find in a Monarchy, the officers and ministers of State are usually (as the King) corrupt men, abusers oppressors of the people, and little or no help is to be had of relief and satisfaction. But in the other Government, places are not open for such men, or should they once appear to be such, the people know a way soon to right themselves. Besides where the people choose their own magistrates they must needs be the best: For Princes do not use to put men into office so much for the public good, as how to carry forth their own private interest.  
5. This misery and mischief ordinarily goes along with Monarchies a slaughtering and murdering of the people by some devilish plot or other, pressing them forth to so me unnecessary war, to satisfy their lust and pride, or imposing intolerable taxes upon them, having some treacherous design in hand: But in a free State there's no fear of such things neither indeed can they happen.  
7. If one form of Government may be held better than another for Religion and the gospels sake: then our position is certainly true, that Monarchy is the worst, for by experience in all ages, under the Kings of the earth the truth hath had least favour, and greatest opposition, and most have suffered death for the witness of Jesus Christ; and therefore these powers of the world shall be first broken in pieces and consumed by the stone cut out of the mountain without hands, when the God of heaven shall set up a Kingdom which shall never be destroyed. Moreover it is remarkable, what frequent changes and alterations of Religion there are, where Kings do reign, as from Papists to Protestants, from Protestants back to papists, from them again to protestants; as it was in Henry the eight, Edward the sixth, queen Mary, and queen Elizabeth's days: but in the other the course of Religion hath no interruption by the disease of Magistrates, though they change, yet Religion altars not.  
7. Where the Government is a Free State, there men are encouraged to the study of wisdom, truth, justice, &c. because not titles there, but good parts make men capable of honour, authority, and place; neither is there a door open for them to come in by bribery and flattery, but chosen by their fitness, gifts, and abilities. In Monarchies much preferment goes by succession, the King's cousins though fools or knaves by birth challenge great authority.  
8. According to the proverb new Kings new Laws: hear what Bodin speaks (I mention him the oftener because he is a great kingsman) We commonly (saith he) in the changing of Princes, new designs, new Laws, new officers, new friends, new enemies, new habits, and a new form of living: for most commonly Princes take delight to change and alter all things, that they may be spoken of, the which doth many times cause great inconveniences not only to the subjects in particular but also to the whole body of the State. de Rep. lib. 6. c. 4. But no such prejudice or peril is incident to the other form of Government, whatsoever things are publicly altered, it is maturely done, and upon good ground, and for the general profit and welfare of the people.  
9 This form of Government for which I stand, must needs be the best, being the mediocrity or mean between the two extremes, Monarchy and Anarchy; that one should rule alone, is against that common maxim, plus vident oculi quam oculus, two eyes see more than one; or that none should govern or all: 'tis so absurd and senseless as no man pleads for it, only a malignant scandal raised up against some honest men.  
10. If men would not be blind they might clearly behold a senceable and visible hand of God against this throning of Kings (specially taking in one after another by succession) is Saul also àmong the Prophets, but who is their Father? what greater shame and dishonour can a nation lie under, then to take the son of a known and apparent adultress, and make him their King? what this man's wife is, and what his own mother was, and his father's mother, to go no higher, it is fit it should be considered of, no marvel God hath punished us by such a race, where no zeal of God nor justice of law hath been showed against such open whoredom from one generation to another, only talked and laughed at whereas by the Law of God open adulterers should be severely punished.  
11. It is worthy of remembrance, what marks of sovereignty some do reckon up, as being the Rights and prerogatives proper to Monarchs, I have not the time to name them now, only from them this follows undeniably, that Monarchy is Tyranny, I will not add tolerable to it; for granting unto Kings such sovereignties, there is nothing left the people but mere slavery, and therefore people should be less senceable than beasts, if they would remain in bondage under Monarchy, being able to free themselves in a just and honourable way, and to set up such a form of government, whereby they might enjoy more liberty, a thing not only good in itself, but naturally desired by all men, and deemed by the wisest more precious than gold or pearls, according to Tityrus in Virgil: 
Libertas, quae sera tamen respexit inertem,  
Candidor post quam tondendi barba cadebat,  
Respexit amen, & longo post tempore venit.   
But here I wonder how men giving such sovereignty to Kings, should prefer Monarchy before all other forms of government it is as plain contradiction, gross ignorance, and base flattery as a thing can be.  
12. I desire also the Reader to take notice, that for the Reasons which are brought in favour of Monarchy, they may be thus answered. 1. Whatsoever is said for the usefulness of it, not only may be the very same be said of the other, but much more and better, as tending to the public good and profit. 2. Touching their similitudes taken from God, the body a family, bees, crane's, &c. there is nothing can be more gathered from them, as applied to the matter in hand, but that the Commonwealth should be carefully looked unto. 3. For the antiquity of Monarchies, I grant them to be of a long standing (though later than the other) Josephus makes Cain to be the author, but it is generally held that Nemrod was the first man, and by other Tyrants after him held up with great violence, rapine, and bloodshed. And whereas it hath enlarged itself far and near, and lasted long; this I mind to be a judgement of God laid upon the nations of the earth, to scourge them for their impieties, and great wickedness against the King of Kings.  
13. Touching the things objected against the form of Government, which I plead for, they are either taken upon misunderstanding, or very frivolous, and not worth the answering: nevertheless we shall shortly speak something thereto. But for the present this shall suffice. Only let me acquaint thee Reader, before I break off, which is, That all such as prefer Monarchy before the other kind of Government, do it with distinction, for though they hold the former in the nature of the thing to be more excellent than the later; yet in this they all agree, that as certain conditions may be, in respect of times, places, and persons, the Government here defended is more necessary and useful. Now what reason and cause there is, for us to change Monarchy into a free State, in reference to this present time, the place, our persons, and condition, I leave the same to the two great Counsels of the Land to consider of.  
Imprimatur G. M.