Some general OBSERVATIONS UPON Dr. STILLINGFLEET'S Book, and way of Wrighting.  
WITH A Vindication of St. Ignatius Loyola, and his followers the jesuits.  
From the foul Aspersions he has lately cast upon them, in his discourse concerning the Idolatry, etc.  
In four Letters, written to A. B  
Printed, 1672.   

A short address to the READER. concerning Dr. Stillingfleet, and his present Answerers.  
Good Reader,  
WIthout farther ceremony, be pleased to take notice that these Letters were ready for the Press, much about the time, when his Majesty's gracious Declaration for a general toleration came first out a time which was generally thought not so seasonable for exposing such writings to public view. I was therefore willing to follow the example of other Catholic Writers, who then were unanimously resolved rather to smother their just complaints in silence, and quietly enjoy his Majesty's indulgent favour to all Non Conformists; then by justifying themselves, raise new heats and animosities amongst his Majesty's loving Subjects. Had Protestants then been as forward to lay down their arms, probably not only these Letters would have been still suppressed; but all other Polemical writings in this kind. But when we heard of a new War so solemnly proclaimed against us out of the Pulpit, by D. Tillotson, and our adversaries (Dr. Stilllingfleet by name) daily triumphing and insulting over us, and interpreting this our silence to be an argument of our weakness, as if his books were unanswerable; we could no longer forbear to speak for ourselves without betraying our cause.  
Now as D. Stillingfleet in particular has abused many you are to know that many have been also bold to lash him▪ and discover his tricks, and it is worth your observation, that no less than eight several Treatises are already come out against his charge of Idolatry and Fanaticisme, etc. either to the whole Libel or to some part of it.  
1. D. Stillingfleet against Dr. Stillingfleet, in which he is showed to be a very Lylbourn, ever jarring with himself, and scarce able to write ten pages without a manifest contradiction.  
2. Reason and Religion by the same Learned Author that writ Protestancy without Principles: to which the Dr. has been fain to make so poor a return.  
3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Containing an entire answer to the Drs. whole book, which I hear will shortly be made public, though the greatest part of it was taken in the Press by the Drs. Emissaries.  
4. There is a Collection of 4 other Treatises bound together, in answer to the material things in the Drs. book, 1. Fanaticisme ●anatically imputed to the Church of Rome. 2. The Roman Church's devotion vindicated. 3. Of Indulgences. 4. His Protestant Principles discovered. The first of these was written by one of those most Learned writers that sent away Dr. Peirce with a flea in his ear. The other three were penned by the Learned Author of the Guide in Controversy. These Letters make up the eighth Treatise and I am credibly informed that the Author of the two questions (which in truth are unanswerable (though the cause as the Dr. pretends of the present Controversy) has a full answer ready, which I doubt not will be suitable to his Worth and Learning.  
And let not the Dr. slight any of these Treatises, because they are not of so great a bulk as his own: for after a diligent perusal, you will find, that this mighty Man, who in his own conceit, was swelled up as big as another Goliath, professing himself to be invincible, has met with as many David 's slings to fallen him to the ground, as there are books out against him. If this be not really so, let him take up his Buckler, and appear again in the Field to defend himself; let him, I say, make a close reply to his Adversaries, and he will show himself a man, but without this, his vapouring will not do it: for he that only challenges his Enemy into the Field, or strikes the first stroke, and then runs away when he meets with a resistance, shall never have the reputation of a stout man. It is easy enough to make a fair flourish in words, to maintain the greatest Paradox in the World, if there must be no si●ting into the solidity of the Proofs: and it is after this rate that the Dr. writes books, without caring how to defend them, when they are once got safe out of his hands.  
But now a word or two to his Rational Account: he often brags it has never yet been answered, though he knows well, that both the Guide in Controversy, and Protestancy without Principles, had destroyed his very Foundation; nay he knows that many learned Men of the Church of England, have despised it as no ways advantageous to their cause, and deemed it a Fanatical work, as defending the Greeks, Arrians, and all other Heretics, and Schismatics, that oppose the Church of Rome. Notwithstanding all this, had not Mr. Sp. died and seft his work half finished, the Dr. would have seen himself baffled long a go and it will not be long, I hope, before another Learned hand complete the Work, to the shame and confusion of this vain and self conceited Man; Farewell, and be so kind as to excuse and correct these.   

Errata.  
PAge. 1. Sir is omitted in the beginning. p. 7. l. 15. deal much. p. 9 l. 19 sermons. p. 10. l. 3. well, l. 4. Cardinals. p. 14. l. 5. jealous, p. 16. l. 30. deal also, p. 19 l. 1. Bozius. l. 31. for at p. 22. l. 1. makes. l. 12. to the. l. 19 his way. l. 31. carried away. p. 23. l. 2. time l. 17. and that, p. 25. l. 1 literae. l. 6 whereas. p, 26. l. 19 as slight. l. 22. expressions, p. 27. l. 5. only soon, l. 26. of the. l. 27. deal the, and read with a. p. 29. l. 5. deal if, l 34. one of his, p. 34. l 30. witnesses. p. 35. l. 10. he is not, l. 25. by good. p. 37. l 31, how easy. p. 38. l. 9 citys Navar. l. 16. titles p. 39, l, 39 neither taught, p, 41, l. 33: the misdemeanours, p, 42. l. 18. in those l. 23, triple, l, 33, du Pleix, Peter Matthew, l, 34, Spondanus. p, 48. l. 5, and 9, St. Amour. p. 52. l. 8. deal that. p. 53. l. 7, saw how, l, 20, most forward. p. 55. l. 14, of these some, l, 28. too clear, p. 58, l, 1, deal sect. 9, and read D, Stillingf. sect. 9, l, 12, for calling, l, 15, executed p, 60, l, 32, contrivance, p, 61, l, 10, that Cardinal, l, 29, was not of, l, 32, delivered it at Port Royal or if, l, 36, talks of. p, 64, l, 12. Archivium, p, 67, l, 17, deal any, p, 68, l, 20, into Canton.   

THE FIRST LETTER; SOME OBSERVATIONS UPON Dr. STILL ts BOOK, And way of Writing.  
1. I Have spent some few hours upon that part of Dr. Still. Discourse, which was the subject of ours lately, and the occasion of your last Letter. And before I enter upon telling you my particular reflections, you may please to observe three things; the first, his severe dealing with roman-catholics; the second, his Comical and jesting way of expressing himself; the third, his cunning artifices to deceive his Reader.  
2. His severity is the more remarkable, because contrary to the modern stile of his own party, and cross to his own sentiments delivered in his Rational Account, (p. 1. Ch. 2. & p. 3. Ch. 4. & p. 54.) For there he is so complaisant, as to confess (with other Protestants) that the Roman Church is a true Church, yea the very same with theirs, and a true way to salvation, and that she holds the foundation, that is, all fundamental or essential points of faith, and differs only in certain inferior truths, or pious opinions, which no man is bound to believe. But now (since the Lady left his Congregation) he is grown so fierce on a sudden, there's no dealing with him, he will ●eeds Unchurch us, and by laying Fanaticism and Idolatry at our doors, obstruct our way to salvation, leaving us no other gate to Heaven, but that of ignorance or repentance, which lies open to Turks and Jews as well as Roman Catholics.  
3. This makes me call to mind, a pleasant passage between Bishop Ferne and a good honest Parson, of whom I had it. The Parson was ready to publish a moderate Treatise in Grotius his way; but the Bishop would by no means suffer it to go to the Press, but told the Author that he was very much mistaken, if he thought that was the way to win us: he must know, that a Papist was a kind of a beast, that would not be tamed with stroking: much less with striking, said the Parson. But the Bishop for all that would not alter his opinion; but the book must be suppressed. Dr. Stillingfleet is directly of the Bishop's mind, he will stroke us no more, he will not court us into the same Church, or flatter us with the hope of salvation, as he has done formerly, he is now all for dry blows, and down right striking, and will not be content with any less charge, to beat down Popery, than that of Fanaticism, Idolatry, and unavoidable damnation: how in consequently to his own maxims, you have partly seen already, and has been clearly evidenced, in that short but smart piece, Dr. Stillingfleet against Dr. Stillingfleet, where he is made not only to wipe away the dirt, which he had cast at the Roman Church, but to throw a good part of it in his own face, by manifestly proving himself an Idolater, by the very same arguments which he brought to prove Catholics guilty of that crime. And the Author (had he been disposed) could with as much ease, have proved him a Fanatic as an Idolater from the same principle he made use of against Catholics.  
4. For why I pray are we fanatics, in his judgement? because forsooth we countenance some private revelations, and allow some of our Saints to have had an Enthusiastic way, as he calls it, in their devotions. Now this argument is far short of proving us fanatics, because we own nothing in this kind, but what is approved of by the authority of the Church, which is ever watchful and severe in punishing all impostures, and will not suffer pretended revelations, or any such extraordinary favours of Almighty God to pass for currant, but what have past the test of a rigorous examination. For it is well known, that all such pretenders, are immediately clapped up by the Inquisition, and do not easily recover their liberty, till they have given a good account of themselves. So that none amongst us are permitted to be their own judges, in matters of faith, or particular ways of devotion, but all are obliged to submit to the judgement of the Church, and be guided by their lawful Pastors and Superiors: which submission effectually destroys, the very notion of Fanaticism, which is grounded in a private Spirit, and independent way of proceeding, contrary to authority.  
5. Yet as to the Doctor, the argument comes home, to prove him a Fanatic. For I argue thus: he is a Fanatic that pretends to rule himself in matters of faith, by his private spirit revealing the truth unto him, but D. Still. pretends to rule himself in matters of faith, by his private spirit revealing the truth unto him, ergo Dr. Stillinfleet is a Fanatic. That he that pretends to rule himself in matters of faith, by his private spirit revealing the truth unto him, is a Fanatic, cannot be denied, it contains the very notion of Fanaticism. The consequence is evident. The only thing I am to prove is, that the Doctor pretends to rule himself in matters of faith, by his private spirit revealing the truth unto him. This I evidence out of the Principles set down by him, in the end of his Book, Princ. 5. where he says, that there can be no other means imagined, whereby we are to judge of the truth of Divine Revelation, but a faculty in us of discerning truth and flalshood, in matters proposed to our belief, Princ. 13. That the Scriptures can be understood by all persons, who sincerely endeavour to know the meaning of them, Princ. 14. And that they contain the whole will of God so plainly revealed, that no sober enquirer can miss of what is necessary for Salvation. For what I pray can tha● faculty of discerning truth from falsehood in matters of faith avail him, with all the sincere endeavours, and sober enquiry he speaks of, unless it be infallibly assisted by some private spirit, which inspires and reveals the truth unto him. For since it is clear by experience, that the same words of Scripture, are construed by others, after all their endeavours, and best enquiry to find out the truth, in a quit different sense from that, in which the Doctor understands them, he must pretend some such private infallible assistance, which others have not. For example, the Doctor understands his commandments so, that God has there forbidden all worship of Images; Catholics understand them otherwise, so as to hold such worship lawful. The Doctor will have, This is my body, to be taken in a Metaphorical sense, and so denies the real presence. Catholics understand it litteraly as it sounds, and therefore adore Christ in the Sacrament. Again an Arrian denies the Son of God to be equal to his Father, and thinks he has clear Scripture for it. John 14. 28. The Father is greater than I An Anabaptist will not allow Infant-baptism, because, says he, the Scripture requires that all be taught before they be baptised, (Matt. 18. 19) Teach all nations baptising them, and children are not capable to be taught. The Doctor reads the same Texts, and holds the quite contrary tenets to both. The question than is, how he comes to see more than his Neighbours, if he hit right, in all these points wherein he differs from Catholics, and other Sectaries, since the same clear light of Scripture is exposed to all, be they Catholics, Arrians, Anabaptists, as well as to the Doctor: But oh says the Doctor, I have a faculty in me of discerning truth from falsehood, I seriously endeavour and soberly inquire into the truth. They reply, they are rational creatures as well as he, and consequently have the same discerning faculties; they have also souls to be saved as well as he, and are therefore as much concerned to be sober and serious in enquiring out, that true faith which is necessary to Salvation; they have the same promises made them, of being assisted in their endeavours, where then is the difference, or how come they all to err more than the Doctor? will you know the mystery? 'tis this: The faculty which the Doctor hath of discerning truth from falsehood, with his sober and serious enquiry has an extraordinary private assistance, (which others want) and this directs him so infallibly, that he cannot miss. What's this in plain English, but to rely upon I know not what infallible private spirit, or to pretend to an Enthusiastic way of expounding the Scriptures, when the sense is in dispute. Is not this to make himself (and every Protestant) more than Pope? Is it not a degree of Enthusiasm, equal to the spirit of discerning, which the greatest Fanatic or Quaker ever pretended? and after this, me thinks, he should leave of clamouring so much against new revelations, since he has them at his command.  
6. But do you not wonder, Sir, why the Doctor has so little charity, as to engross and monopolise this enthusiastic gift of discovering the true faith, to himself and a handful of Protestants. Bishop Taylour was a greater latitudinarian than so, when he granted the liberty of prophesying to all Christians. And he was as charitable, in clearing us from Idolatry, though the Doctor observes well, that else where he was of another opinion, that is contradicted himself, which he thinks a very sufficient way of answering his arguments, and possibly he may use the same method to defend himself, by showing us that in another book he taught otherwise. I can assure you Sir, it were to be wished, that the Dr. had, that which Momus found wanting in the bull, viz. an eye upon his horn, for he strikes at no aim, and never minds, whether the blow may not light upon himself.  
7. I have done with his severity, only I cannot but take notice; how he labours in his Preface, to justify it, at least for as much as concerns his charge of Idolatry laid against us by producing other Protestant Doctors, who managed it against us with as much heat, in Q. Elizabeth's, and King James his days, for what is all this to the purpose, but only to tell us, that Protestants clash with one another, in this point as well as in others, and that for his part, he is resolved to side with those, that are the most rigid and puritanical, such as Dr. Downham, whom he ranks in his list of Authors, and scorns to be less zealous, so that you may probably expect, that his next work will be, to prove the Pope Antichrist. But since he leans so much upon the credit of his Protestant Predecessors, I hope he will find a time also, to vindicate them from playing the fanatics, or false Prophets, in pretending to foretell, the down fall of Popery in the year 666. from the number of the beast in the Apocalypse. And least Protestants should also be taken for visionairs, he may do well to give us his opinion of his great grandfather Luther's black familiar, [Luth. to. 7. Witt. fol. 228. Hospin. hist. Sacram. p. ult. fol. 131.] who in a long conference, related by himself, gave him several reasons for the abolishing of the Mass, and of Zuinglius [Zuing. to. 2. fol. 249.] his private admonisher, who as he confesses, gave him the same counsel, though he did not well remember, whither he were white or black.  
8. I come now to his comical strain of writing, which I little dreamt to have met with, after such a sober declaration in his Preface, that nothing shall proceed from him, but what becomes a fair and ingenious adversary; that he does not think it such a mighty matter, to throw dirt in a man's face, and then to laugh at him, or, any great skill, to make things appear ridiculous or dark. That it shows far more art and ingenuity to give them their due colours, and set them in their clearest light. That smartness of expression seems to be like throwing of vinegar upon hot coals, which gives a quick scent, for the present, but vanishes immediately into smoke and air. And lastly, that though men cannot command their judgements, they may and aught to do their expressions. I say after all these affected promises, of writing soberly in the Preface, who would have imagined, to have found either so much bitterness, or so much drollery in the following Discourse, or so much confidence in the man, as to bind them up both together in the same Book. It is a folly to bring instances, the whole work is stuffed with flirts and jeers, which do well in Hu●●bras, but are nothing becoming a person of his calling, or one that professes himself a fair and ingenious adversary. This appears chief in his fourth Chapter: where he is so far from commanding his expressions, that he makes it his whole business, to throw dirt and make all things ridiculous, not sparing the very Saints themselves, for whom the greatest part of Christendom, has so much veneration, but making them pass for the veriest Idiots and fanatics in the World. This is not such a mighty matter to brag of, there's no great skill in it, for nothing is so holy but may be easily profaned, by a lose libertine pen. How ridiculous might he make the lives of the Prophets, or of St. John Baptist, or of Christ himself, would he but employ his talon in writing them, with as much smartness and picquancy, as he has done the lives of some of our renowned Saints. What can be written in a graver style, than the life of St. Ignatius of Loyola, is done, by Orlandinus, Maffeius, and Ribadeneira, and yet by his legerdemain, he has so metamorphosed it, that it appears to be a kind of Romantic story. Take but off his dress, and unmask it, give but things their due colours, and set them in their clear light, and you'll find him still a glorious Saint, though painted by the Doctor like an errand Fanatic. To show this shall be the subject of my next Letter, where (to use his own comparison) you shall see, that all the vinegar, he has cast upon hot coals, vanishes immediately into smoke and air.  
9 The third thing I observe, in his way of writing controversies, is his cunning shuffling, to deceive the world, for never Mountebank had more devices, to bring about his ends, than this man has tricks, to cousin his Reader, either by misconstruing his Author's meaning, or by foisting in words of his own coining, in the same character with the Text, to make it speak his pleasure, or chopping in a Parenthesis for his purpose, to turn the Readers fancy that way, which he would have him look, or crying up objections without taking any notice of the solutions, and so condemning the party without hearing his cause, or by boldly charging a whole body, with the faults of a few members, though condemned by the major part. These are some of the Drs. slights, to confute his Adversaries, and you will discover more in the perusal of his books, for I will not enlarge myself upon them at this present. Only I pray take notice, that all this while his design is, (as he tells us in his Preface) to report faithfully and to argue closely.  
10. I wish, Sir, you heard as I do, how some judicious Protestants express themselves, concerning this his manner of writing, for I should tyre you to relate all their censures. One says it is the language of a John Pottage, and that the only place for such a book in a Library, is amongst the Comedians and Play books; another that he talks at no aim like a Puritan, and is too severe and uncharitable. For my part, I rather pity the man, than quarrel with his book; I deplore the condition of mortals, who are so easily corrupted with errors and blinded with passions. Yet I cannot but admire, how some men can put on the nature of Serpents, and make it their business, to show their teeth, and by't others. But enough of this subject. I am etc.   

THE SECOND LETTER; How the life of St. Ignatius of Loyola is abused by Doctor Still.  
1. YOu shall see in this Letter, how shamefully Dr. Still abuses St. Ignatius, and I am very much confident, you will be of my opinion, that there never was a Book so belied the Preface as his does, never man that had less command over his expressions, or that took it to be such a mighty matter, to throw dirt in a man's face, and then laugh at him, as he, whatsoever he there pretends to the contrary.  
2. Grave Authors have observed, that St, Ignatius began the great work, of founding the Society of JESUS, much about the time, that Luther fell into open rebellion against the Roman Catholic Church, as if God would tell us, by the circumstance, that as in the rise of other Sectaries, he always carefully provided stout Champions to encounter them, and defend his Church: as S. Athanasius against Arrius, S. Austin against Pelagius, S. Cyril against Nestorius, S. Hierom against Jovinian, Heluidius and Vigilantius, S. Norbert against Tanchelinus, St. Dominick and St. Francis against the Albigenses, etc. so in these later times, he raised St. Ignatius and his followers against Luther and his Comrades, between whom there has ever since been an eternal and irreconciable feud. And this may be the chief cause, why Dr. St. (who derives his negative Religion, from no other source) has such a tooth against the Jesuits, and their holy Founder. How groundless his plea is against the Jesuits, you shall see by the next Post, [the third Letter] my present task shall be only to show you, how shamefully he abuses so great a Saint as Ignatius is, in the common repute of the Christian world; I can assure you, there are sober Protestants, that do not love, to see him treated with so much profaneness.  
3. I do not question but you have admired to see what a strange metamorphosis the Author of Virgil Travesty has made of that most excellent heroical Poem, and how ridiculously it looks under that dress, which he has put upon it. This will make you wonder the less, to see so admirable a life, as that of St. Ignatius, made so ridiculous, by a malicious and scoffing writer, who because he finds no such extraordinary favours of Almighty God, in those of his flock, cannot see them in the servants of God, without laughing at them, as N●ro and Julian the Apostate did in their times. And first to his Sect 12.  
4. His malice here, aims chief at this [〈…〉 4 Sect. 12.] to make the Saint pass for a mere Alumbra●o, or one of the Sect of the Illuminati, And first says he, [l. 1. c. 17▪] Maffeius does not deny, that it was upon the account of the Illuminati and his enthusiastical Preaching in the streets that he was questioned in Spain. By his favour, Maffejus has nothing of his enthusiastical preaching, (they are▪ words of his own coining.) He tells us that it was upon the account of the Lutherans, as well as the Illuminati, that he was brought into suspicion, which (if it prove any thing against him) most prove him a Lutheran as well as an Alumbrado, and consequently is impertinent to the Ds. purpose. But is a bare suspicion enough to make a man criminal; or does Maffejus or any good Author, give evidence that he was found guilty? quite contrary: all he says is, that many were suddenly converted to a better life, by his good instructions, in the Christian faith, and other pious discourses, even in the streets (I hope there is no Fanaticism in all this) and that this drew the eyes of many upon him, especially in a dangerous time, when many Sectaries were stirring, so that upon suspicion, he was called in question, but that after many strict examinations and trials, not the least fault could be found in his life and Doctrine. By which you see, Maffejus his evidence is point blank against him. His next proof is out of the character of the Illuminati, which he would fasten upon S. Ignatius, but with as ill success. For first Ludovicus de Paramo describes them, by their pride and disobedience to their Superiors, by their obstinate adhering to their illusions, and indulging themselves in their sensual lusts. Now it is manifest, out of the whole course of his blessed life, that there could not be a more humble, obedient, docil and tractable person than Ignatius, nor does he commend any thing more to his followers, than obedience to their Superiors and spiritual guides, as the safest way to avoid illusions, of which subject he has left written a most admirable Epistle. And as for sensual lusts, his conversation was so Angelical, after his conversion, that I defy his greatest enemies to find the least blemish in that kind. What Spondanus adds to the description of the Illuminati, that under pretence of mental prayer, they despised the use of the Sacraments, preaching the Word of God, and all holy exercises, doth as little suit with Ignatius his spirit, for though he stood much for mental prayer, as more profitable than vocal, if a right use be made of it, yet he was a great friend of Preaching, and this the Doctor should not deny, who is ever and anon bringing him preaching before his time, and in the very streets, though his Authors at most speak of Catechistical instructions, for he must know, that Sermons in Latin, does not necessarily signify Sermons as he always translates it, but familiar discourses. For the use of Sacraments, it is well known, that St. Ignatius was so far from despising it, that he was not only a great frequenter of the Sacraments himself, but is held to have been the chief Author of reintroducing that pious practice, which was much gone to decay before his time. What shall I say of other holy exercises: though he loved prayer, yet he had so much zeal of souls, that he neglected no charitable office, which he could do for the good of his neighbour, either in soul or body, witness his laying hold of all occasions, to exhort his neighbour to the detestation of vice, and love of virtue, his serving the sick in Hospitals, and begging alms for the relief of poor people, etc. You see, Sir, not any one part of the character of the Illuminati can be applied to St. Ignatius; so unlucky is the Dr. in his arguments, as if he took pleasure in throwing dirt, though it fall short and cannot reach his adversary. Now if you have a mind to see the true character of an Orthodox Christian, in opposition to the Illuminati and other impure Sects, read over those most excellent rules, which St. Ignatius has set down in the end of his Spiritual exercises, [Reg. ut cum Ecclesia sentiamus.]  
5 The Doctor will not let this fall so, but to put the matter out of dispute, brings in Melchior Canus, a person, says he, of more learning and judgement than a thausand Ignatius'. Comparisons are odious, yet let me tell him, St. Ignatius has the general repute of a wise man; even amongst Protestants, who have looked well into his Institute, and it is wells known how Catholics esteem him. To omit Popes and Cardinal (who when occasion serves, know how to distinguish an English Quaker, from a man in his wits,) [Orland. l. 16. n. 129.] Ferdinand the first King of the Romans had a great value for him, and John the third King of Portugal (no fool) thought him the fittest man in the world to succeed Julius the Third in the Chair of St. Peter. But to return to Canus, he would never believe otherwise, but that St. Ignatius & his companions, were the forerunners of Antichrist, described by the Apostle in the last times. [2 Tim. 3. 1. to the 8.] But in this I am sure he shown neither learning nor judgement. For first a very little learning would have served, to answer himself with the very same arguments, which St. Thomas used, [S. Tho. lib. contra impugn. Relig. c. 24. & 25.] to wipe off the like aspersions from his own Order. Nor does it argue much judgement, to be so singular and extravagant in his opinion, as to condemn an Order, which was confirmed by the Sea Apostolic, and approved by his own whole Order. For not only Penna, a grave Doctor of the same University and Convent with Canus, stood up in defence of St. Ignatius and his Society, but Franciscus Romaeus, General of the Dominicans, writ a circular Letter, to all his Subjects, in which he not only commends the Fathers of the Society, but commands them in virtue of holy obedience, not to write or speak ill of them, but defend them as their fellow labourers in Christ's Vineyard, as the Doctor might have seen in Orlandinus, [Hist. Soc. Jesul. 8. n. 46.] in the very place he quotes out of him, but it was not that he looked for. To his Text out of St. Paul, it agrees no more with St. Ignatius, and his followers then his character of the Illuminati, but may well be applied to his grand Patriarch Luther, who was a great lover of himself, covetous, haughty, proud, blasphemous and wicked, without peace, incontinent, unmerciful, a lover of voluptuousness more than of God, one that entered into a Religion's House, and lead captive a silly Nun laden with sins, etc. The story he relates, how Ignatius boasted of his righteousness, in presence of Canus, and commended one of his brethren for a Saint, who was Frantic in a certain conjunction of the Moon, may go wirh the rest, upon Schioppius his credit (who is as good an Author as du Moulin) but will never be credited, by any sober persons, who take not the Saint for a stark fool.  
What he adds of St. Ignatius his flying out of Spain, for fear of being laid hold on by the Inquisition, and of his being absolved at Rome, for want of accusers, is as falls as you shall see anon, for he was both clapped up in the Inquisition, and honourably dismissed, before he left Spain, [N. 20.] and the malice of his accusers was not wanting at Rome, nor the just Judgements of God upon them. [N. 29.] Yet the Dr. draws out of these testimonies this wonderful conclusion: See from what man, the Jesuits derive the infallibility of their Faith. I wonder in what conjunction of the Moon, the Doctor writ this, for there never was such a piece of nonsense, as to make the Jesuits fetch the infallibility of their faith from St. Ignatius, who profess as all Catholics do, that they derive it, from the infallible Word of God proposed unto them by the Catholic Church. I have heard some laugh hearty at this passage. This (said they) is that which we call pure nonsense, we must confess others are but bunglers in comparison of him, you must sometimes turn over a whole Book before you can find it out, but here it lies so close together, you need not go far to seek it. He has the true knack of it.  
6. I have done with his Sect. 12. sure in the next, we shall have something in good earnest, if he remember his promise, p. 262. to prove St. Ignatius as great a Fanatic as ever has been in the world, and we shall have fair dealing, if he keep his word: for he promises to bring no more Schioppius' for witnesses, but only three Jesuits. I shall only (they are his words) make use of those of his own Order, who have writ his life, Maffejus, Orlandinus, and Ribadeneira, he means, so he may use them after his own fashion, for as I told you in my first Letter, he has more tricks than one, to compass his ends. And first it is not without design, that he slips over the Saints noble extraction, from the Grandees of Spain, both by his Fathers and his Mother's side, and his education at Court, for persons well born and bred, do not use to turn sneaking Quakers, and therefore he did prudently to conceal these circumstances, lest his Readers fancy should at first sight be drawn off, to imagine him something better than a quaking Fanatic.  
7. He therefore gins his History of St. Ignatius his life, from his happy conversion, which as all Authors agree was in this manner. In the defence of the Castle of Pampelona (which was committed to his charge) he received a dangerous wound, which tied him fast to his bed, and kept him long under the Surgeons hands. Wherefore to pass away the time, he called for some profane Book, as his custom was, but the special providence of God had so ordained, for his good, and the salvation of many souls, that no Book could be found in the house, but the life of Christ, and the lives of the Saints. For upon the perusal of these two Books, his heart was filled with thoughts of eternity, and withal so inflamed with the love of God, that he was instantly changed into another man, and resolved to follow a new course of life, in imitation of Christ and his Saints. Tell me, Sir, I pray what do you see in this conversion, that may not become a Saint? [Conf. l. 8. c. 6.] was not St. Austin himself moved with the like sudden conversion of two Courtiers, upon reading St. Antony the Ermits' life, written by St. Athanasius? yet the Dr. sticks not here to compare him to Don Quixot, and the Books he read to the old Romances, only to cover his profaneness, he purposely conceals the life of Christ, of which the Authors he professes to follow, make express mention. After this to make himself more sport, though at his own cost, as you shall see by and by, he seems to wonder, how he did to read the Books, which were brought him; for Maffejus, says he, describes him, as one that had hardly ever learned his Letters: Were this so, Maffejus had soon forgot himself, for in his third Chapter, he relates how Ignatius a little while after, being grown to be a convalescent, took a great deal of pains, to write out in a curious hand, in golden and other coloured letters, all the remarkable passages, which he had observed in the life of Christ and his Saints, a clear argument, that he knew his Letters well, since he could both write and read. But the mistake is not in Maffejus, but in the Doctor, who either does not, or will not understand him Maffejus his words are: Literis vixdum a limine salutatis; which every Westminster Scholar will English thus: having hardly learned his Accidence, or being but a very mean Scholar; for they'll tell him, litera is not always taken for the Christ-cross row, but most commonly for learning: so that the Doctor needed not to have turned him back, as he does, to his Hornbook. Nor was St. Ignatius then such an ignorant soul, as he would make him for Maffejus observes, [l. 1. c. 2.] that he had long before this, made an heroical Poem in honour of St. Peter, to whom he was always much devoted. So much cries the Doctor, that it is possible it was St. Peter, that taught him to read, when he appeared to him; and so puts off that vision with a jeer. And he scoffs as much, at his stirring himself up to perfection, by the example of those two illustrious Founders, St. Dominick, and St. Francis, borrowing metaphors from Knight-errantry to express it ridiculously, as he does all the rest; as if it were not a thing very commendable, to strive to follow the examples of the Saints [Conf. l. 8. ●. 11. The great St. Austin is not ashamed to confess; it was the example of others, that moved him to a chaste life. Canst thou not perform that, which is performed by so many of both sexes?  
8. One night St. Ignatius gets out of his bed, falls down upon his knees before an Image of the Blessed Virgin, and there wholly devotes himself to God's service, in a new Spiritual warfare under Christ's Banner, what can be more serious and devout than this? yet the Dr. is not much taken with this fit of zeal, (as he calls it) for he cannot well understand what he meant, to leave his warm bed to pray in the night, and therefore to make this passage seem also ridiculous and Romantic, he tells us, it was in that posture that he vowed himself her, (the Blessed Vi●gins) Knight, and has the face to quote Orlandinus and Ribadeneira for it, [Ribad. l. 1. c. 2. Orland. l. 1. n. 12.] who have no such matter. But they both take notice of the strange noise and trembling of the room, where the Saint made this heroical resolution, of leaving the world in good earnest, and look upon it as an argument, that his prayer was heard, as it happened in the case of Paul and Silas, [Acts 16. 26.] or that the Devil took his leave of him. To this the Dr. only says, there is some reason to doubt it. But his doubting will not make St. Ignatius a Fanatic:  
3. Soon after this, he had a gracious visit from the Mother of God, who appeared to him, with little Jesus in her arms; at which fight he was wonderfully comforted, and encouraged in his good resolutions, and particularly in that of leading a chaste life, and the event proved it a true vision, for from that instant, to the hour of his happy departure, he enjoyed a most perfect gift of Angelical purity, both in body and mind. Here the Doctor makes a learned note, in a Parenthesis, (that he thought himself a wake) for he would have you take it for a dream. But if his friend's Luthor and Zuinglius, could see their black and white spirits, while they were broad awake; why may not Gods servants have their visions too, without dreaming. And let me tell him here once for all, that when such visions are recorded by good Authors, he must give us leave to believe them with a moral and humane faith. For as it argues a great deal of folly to believe all things in this kind rashly, and without good proof; so it is an argument of a kind of stupidity and profaneness, to question all such stories in the lives of Saints, which upon the Author's credit and due examination, are generally believed, and cannot rationally be denied, unless we will tie God's hands, from communicating his favours unto his Saints, who 's delight is to be with the sons of men. It is strange how inconsequently Protestant's proceed in this point. They will sooner believe that Tarquin cut a whetstone with a knife, that Claudia a Vestal Virgin drew a great Ship with her girdle, which could not be stirred, and other such prodigies recounted by Livy; than a miracle Canonically examined, and attested by many Catholic witnesses upon Oath.  
10. By this time St. Ignatius his elder brother, was grown zealous of his intentions of leaving the world, nor was it possible for him to conceal them, his very look, his pious discourses, and his continual prayer were enough to betray him. He sets himself therefore to persuade him, not to disgrace his noble family, by running upon I know not what extravagant courses, not to ruin his own fortune and suffer all his fair hopes of preferment, purchased by his valour with the danger of his life, in the service of his King and Country, to be thus blasted in the Bud. But all his Rhetoric would not do, St. Ignatius was temptation proof, against all his Batteries, he soon shook him off, and underpretence of a visit, which he was to give the Duke of Noyara, which he soon dispatched, he went thence immediately to Montserrat, a place of great devotion to our Blessed Lady. In the way thither, entering into discourse with a Moor, who denied her to have been a Virgin after the birth of her son, his zeal b●gan to rise against him, and having yet some Relics left of his Martial spirit, he was in some d●spute with himself, whether he ought not to defend her honour with hi● Sword, but the Moor being gone another way, in great perplexity, not being able to resolve the case, he puts the Reins in the Mules neck, with a resolution to pursue the Moor, if the Mul● followed at the parting of the two ways and not otherwise. But Alm●ghty God so disposed, that the Mule left the beat●n road, and went on difectly to Montserrat. This certainly was an ignorant piece of zeal, or a pious kind of simplicity, in a new convert (for no body goes about to excuse it otherwise) only the Authors of his life, note well with St. Austin, [l. 22. Cont. Faust. c. 70. that there are souls, who even in their vices, show the great capacity and inclination they have to virtue. So Moses in killing the Egyptian, [Exod. 2.] showed what zeal he was to have for God's cause, and I hope the Dr. will forbear to list him in the number of fanatics for that fact.  
11. It was in his way to Montserrat, that he made a vow of perpetual chastity, and a purpose to go in Pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Wherefore to put himself in a habit suitable to that journey, and to the severe life he meant to lead, at a Village near the Town, he got himself a rough long coat of Sackcloth, with a cord to gird it about him, a Pilgrim's staff and bottle, and hung them at the pummel of his Saddle, for fear the people should think him in his wits (says the Doctor in a Parenthesis) but Maffejus (from whom he took that circumstance) more religiously says, he did it, that he might by degrees learn not to blush at Christ's poverty.  
12. No sooner was he come to Montserrat, but he goes strait to the Monastery, and there spends three whole days, in making an exact general Confession of his whole life, to one of the Religious, to whom he also communicated the new course of life, he was resolved to lead. After this he hangs up his Sword and Dagger at our blessed Lady's Altar, puts on his Pilgrim's Weed, and steals privately out, to give away his rich  to a needy Beggar: then returns to the Altar, and there watches and prays all night, (it being the eve of the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin) sometimes standing, sometimes kneeling, and all the while zealously offering himself to God's service, under the special Patronage of his Virgin Mother. And the Authors of his life observe, that he did this, not to be less fervent in consecrating himself to the sacred Militia of Christ our Saviour, than the ancient Knights were, who before their Instalment were wont to watch in the Church all night in their Arms. Now you shall hear what the Doctor says to all this. First he warily omits his general Confession and consulting with his Ghostly Father about his leaving the World, as no necessary circumstances in point of Chivalry; then he fond describes his habit putting a plain Crab tree-staff in his hand, and a wicker shoe on his foot, (for so he ignorantly translates baculus tornatilis and calceus esparto) and because he is resolved to make him our Lady's Knight, as before in his other night prayer, he made him to vow himself her Knight, so now he represents him, devoting himself with all his might to her service, as if he had not with all entirely consecrated himself unto Almighty God's service. But that in which he hugs himself most, is by a certain slight of hand, which is natural to him, to pervert his Author's sense, and make the world believe, that the Knights which they say, St. Ignatius proposed for his imitation in his night watch, were Don Quixots; whereas it is manifest that they speak of certain Christian Knights, who it seems according to the Ceremonies of their Order, were wont to keep a night's watch in the Church before their Instalment.  
13. Thus accoutred in his Pilgrim's Weed, bareheaded, and with but one shoe upon that Leg which was lately broken at Pampelona, leaving his Mule to the Monks, early in the morning (a necessary circumstance cries the Dr.) and so it was for his purpose of concealing himself, away he goes for Manresa, a place where he was utterly unknown, there he takes up his lodging in the common Hospital, and for that he had been over curious in combing his hair, and tricking up himself, he gins now quite to neglect himself: let's his hair and nails grow, begs from door to door, fasts every day but Sunday (when he constantly went to the Sacraments) Disciplins himself thrice a day, and prays seven hours on his knees, lies upon the bare grounds, serves the sick, and distributes part of his Alms to other poor people. And all this to tame his flesh, and get the mastery over self-love, and so dispose himself the better for his devout Pilgrimage into the Holy Land. This hardship and austerity of his, go with the Dr. for an argument of Fanaticism; for it is probable he may be of their opinion, who describe St. John in the Desert, leading a good commodious kind of life, [Vide Cern. a lap. in Matt. 3. 4.] wearing watered Chamlet, feeding on Lobsters, etc. But we must help him to reconcile St. Ignatius his begging with his fasting, for he cannot understand why he begged every day, and yet fasted six days in the week. Let him therefore look better into his Authors, and he will find, that he fasted only with bread and water, and begged that, and distributed the rest of his Alms unto other poor Creatures. One thing more is here worth your observation. The Doctor in his whole Narration, says not one word of his giving away his Mule, and travelling on Foot, because you know a Knight Errand, is no body without his Rosonante.  
14. In this retirement and penance at Manresa, St. Ignatius was not only, grievously vexed with scruples about his Confessions (a disease which Protestants are not much troubled with) but also furiously assaulted by divers temptations; all which he manfully overcame, by the particular assistance of God's grace, and by following the conduct of his Confessor. One among the rest was, to throw himself out of a Window: and this the Doctor only mentions out of Maffejus, [Maff. c. 6. Ribad. c. 6.] but also abuses him as well as the Saint, making him say, that he was near doing it; when he only says, he was tempted to do it; as our Blessed Saviour was to throw himself down from the Pinnacle of the Temple. And Ribadeneira expressly notes, these devout aspirations which he used, to resist that temptation: Lord I will not do it. I will not offend thee, for thou art my God, my strength; why hast thou forsaken me? and why go I sorrowful while the enemy afflicts me?  
15. It pleased God after these sharp trials of his servant, not only to restore him to a great peace and quiet of mind, but to favour him with many extraordinary visions and revelations. In one of his visions, while he was devoutly reciting our Blessed Lady's Office, he had a clear sight given him of the blessed Trinity, under a corporeal representation. At other times upon a sudden, such clear Lights were infused into his Soul, that without the help of any Master he understood many things, not only of the Creation of the World, and other Mysteries of our Faith, but of subtle Speculations, belonging to the hidden Secrets of Nature, as perfectly, as if they had been represented unto him in a clear Crystal Glass; so that he learned more in an instant, by this infused knowledge, than he could have got by long Study. In one of his Ecstasies, he continued eight days, without any other sign of life, but a soft beating of his Heart, and when he came to himself, as out of a sweet slumber, he opened his Eyes and repeated the name of Jesus, and immediately risen up, to the astonishment of many that were present; of whom we have it, says Ribadeneica, for St. Ignatius was not the man, that ever spoke of it in all his Life. In this Ecstasy says Orlandinus it is credibly believed, that as the Apostle in his three days rapture to the third Heaven, probably saw the whole form and mysterious order of God's Church; so Ignatius had a sight given him of the whole Form and Model of the Society, which he was to found. These extraordinary favours of God, have no more credit with the Doctor, then if they were so many, old Wives tales. But let him give Ear to that of the Apostle; The sensual man perceives not those things which are of 
1 Cor. 2. 14.  the Spirit of God; for it is foolishness to him, and he cannot understand, etc. he must give others leave to believe, there was something more than ordinary in these occasions; for had he not got an infused knowledge, by those Divine visits how could he (ignorant as he was in all humane Sciences) have composed a large Treatise of the blessed Trinity, or discourse of that mystery, as he did to the astonishment of all those that heard him, or how could he have written, such an excellent Book as that of the spiritual Exercises? in which (to say nothing of other pions Instructions) he teaches, with a singular dexterity and method, divers ways of Prayer and Contemplation, fit for the reformation of manners and progress in all virtue; prescribes admirable Rules for the examination of our consciences, rooting out our vicious habits, bridling our immortified Passions, discerning Spirits, overcoming Scruples, and choosing a state of life according to Gods will. A Book which has drawn infinite Souls, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular; from a lose kind Conversation, to a strict penitential Life. A Book which is of that general esteem in the Church, that it has been approved by his Holiness, Paulus 3 Anno Dom. 1548. without altering the least tittle, and recommended as a work of great Piety, and very useful for the benefit of Souls, and acknowledged by the Cardinals of the holy Rites, to have proceeded from supernatural light and illustration; and not from the Art and Invention of man. But since I am upon this Theme, you may expect that I take notice, of a notorious false aspersion, which the Dr. [pag. 341.] in another place of his Book, has cast upon this most excellent work; as if the Saint had taught there, I know not what fond Doctrine, about private Revelations. The place, he confesses, is not in the Editions that are now extant; so that we have this at least, that the Jesuits do not own the Doctrine, but he takes it upon the sole warrant of a libellous Author, [Mor. Pract. of the jesuits p. 379] who pretends to have it out of an old Edition, Anno Dom. 1574. I say libellous Author, for his Book was publicly burnt in Paris by the common Hangman, by the French Kings express order, and I pray take notice of this, as often as you shall meet with the same Author. The folly of this slander appears by this, that the Copies we have, are found conformable to the Original, which was approved by his Holiness, word for word, and which the Jesuits had no reason to corrupt, by foisting in such a piece of Nonsense, as he imagines; and soon after for mere shame, to steal it out of all the Copies. There is much more cause to think (if there ever were such an Edition) that it was put out by no Friends of the Jesuits. But I must not forget one of the Doctor's Observations, which (though intended as a jeer) makes not a little for the honour of the Saint. Having told us, what I lately observed out of Orlandinus, that some think it probable, that he saw the frame and model of the Society in his eight days ecstasy, he cries out a blessed sight! if he saw all the consequences of it too. I am clearly of his opinion in this point: it was a blessed sight, to see his order so strangely increased and dispersed all over the habitable World, whereas Luther and other modern Sectaries, could never get footing beyond the Alps or Pyrenean Mountains. It was a blessed sight, to see how constantly his Children laboured for the good of Souls, and how readily they shed their Blood for the true Faith; what a world of good was to follow, by his setting up Schools every where, for the Education of Children in Piety and Learning; what a wonderful reformation was to ensue in all Europe, and what miraculous Conversions, were to be wrought by his Followers, all over the new World: in America Asia and Africa. This I say was a most blessed sight, to see so many Souls, brought to the Faith of Christ, by those of his order, in the East and West Indies, in japonia, Brasil, Aethiopio, China, etc. For Boesius▪ de signis Eccl. l. 6. sticks not to challenge all Sectaries, from Simon Magus their grand Patriarch, and Ringleader, to these present days, to produce but as many souls drawn to their Factions, as were converted from Paganism to the Christian saith, by S. Xaverius alone, the number, says he, amounting to ten hundred thousand. I know the Dr. will be ready here to repeat that fond story, which he has set down, pa. 439. of the Jesuits way of converting the Pagans in China; but till I meet it there, let it suffice to tell you, the Author he leans upon, is a Libelling Jansenist.  
16. Give me leave Sir, to pause here a while, and make a short reflection, upon what has been already delivered, concerning S. Ignatius his life. You have seen his converston, and rigorous penance, and some of his divine illustrations and visions, but perhaps you do not see, how illogically the Doctor goes to work, to conclude him to be a Fanatic, out of all this. Reduce but his discourses into Syllogisms, and this will clearly appear. For example thus. Whosoever upon reading the lives of Christ and his Saints, leaves the world to consecrate himself entirely to God's service is a Fanatic, can you deny this? but S. Ignatius did so, as the Dr. grants, ergo he was a Fanatic, a wonderful piece of Logic. Again, Whosoever voluntarily embraces poverty, and gives himself to much Prayer Fasting, and corporal austerities is a Fanatic (as well as St. john Baptist) but S. Ignatius did so, ergo, he was a Fanatic. Yet again, Whosoever watches and Prays all night in the Church, as pious Knights were wont to do in old times, before their Instalment, is a Fanatic. For no body must do that for God's sake, which others do for ceremony) ergo he was a Fanatic. Yet once more, Whosoever has Revelations and visions is a Fanatic (For many Saints have had them as you shall see towards the end of my letter) e●go he was a Fanatic. Let us proceed.  
17. It seems S. Ignatius did not so engross all visions to himself, but others had some too: for at Barcelona in his way to Jerusalem, the Lady Elizabeth Rosella saw a great shining light about his head, whilst he was humbly si●ting amongst the boys at a Sermon in the Church, and heard a voice within her, which bid her call him and treat him like a Saint. There was a Senator also at Venice, had a like vision concerning him, checking him for lying at his ease, while the servant of God Ignatius, lay in the Streets, at which voice he suddenly risen up, found him & brought him into his house, and treated him civilly, though the Saint next day made choice of a worse lodging. Besides one john Paschal, often saw him elevated in the air, some cubits above ground. Perhaps these are the visions, which must prove him a Fanatic. If so, he must argue thus. The Lady Elizabeth Rosella, the Venetian Senator, and Paschalis, had their visions in relation to his sanctity of life, ergo he was a Fanatic. But where will he have a minor to make up the syllogism in right form? for say they were illuded, at most it will prove them fanatics, but not him. That indeed of Rosella seems something ridiculous, as he relates it, for he makes her to have seen a great shining about his mouth, but in this I must once more appeal to the Lads of Westminster School, whether os oris in good Latin do not often signify the whole countenance, and whether they would offer to translate: Os humerosque Deo similis, like a God in mouth and Shoulders, or Os homini sublime dedit, Nature has given man a sublime mouth. At lest Ribadoneira one of his Authors has caput instead of os, and that I am sure he will not English mouth lest the Boys laugh more at him.  
18. S. Ignatius was a well bred Gavalier, and a great Courtier in his time, (as I told you before) and had affected ceremonies and compliments, according to the mode, but after his Conversion, one of his chief cares was, how to expiate this vanity of too much courtship. The way he took was, to conceal his birth and education, so as to be taken for a contemptible person. This made him lay aside the Gentleman, and carry himself in all company, as if he had been born and bred a mere clown, calling every body by his name, without any Titles of honour or respect. Now in his return from Jerusalem (in which voyage there are many devout passages and many clear tokens of God's providence to the Saint) which the Dr. was pleased to omit) as he was passing through Italy, he was taken for a spy, by the Spanish Soldiers, and in a scornful and rude manner, dragged along the streets, and carried before their Commander. In this occasion he bethought himself, whether it were not more discretion, to alter his carriage, and demean himself with more civility the better to get off; but finding this to proceed from a base and servile kind of fear, he resolves not to change his style, and therefore neither puts off his hat, nor scarce speaks for himself, but remains for the most part silent, that he might be taken for a fool or a madman. And he missed not his aim, for it was upon that account that the Captain dismissed him, and the Soldiers abused him shamefully, only one of them had the compassion and kindness to entertain him and protect him, till he got out of their reach. However the Dr. is of opinion, he might have saved himself the labour of whipping himself that day the soldiers doing him that office very effectually. But for all the Doctor's flouts and jeers, the Saint, who had a true value and estimate of the christian virtues of patience and humility, knew how to make good use of such sufferings. Nor did he ever after change his opinion, as to this point, but was often heard say, that were it not for losing his authority (which is necessary to do good with our neighbour) he would most willingly walk the streets in a contemptible manner, all stuck with feathers, and half naked, to be hooted at by the boys, and taken for a mad man. Nor did he keep this humble spirit to himself but strove to communicate it unto all his children in that truly Evangelical constitution, which he prescribes for all his to follow, and runs thus, [Sum. Const. §. 11. They must diligently observe, esteeming it a matter of great value and main importance in the sight of our Creator and Lord, how greatly it helps and makes for the profit of a spiritual life, to abhor wholly and not in part, all things which the world loves and embraces, and to admit and desire to their uttermost power, whatsoever Christ our Lord loved and embraced. For as worldly men do follow Love, and seek with great diligence, those things which are of the world, to Wit, honours, Fame and the opinion of a great name upon earth, as the world teaches them: so those that go forward in spirit, and seriously follow Christ our Lord, do love and fervently desire such things as are altogether contrary: that is, they covet to be clothed with the same garment and Livery with our Lord, for his love and reverence; in so much, as if it might be without any offence of the Divine Majesty, and without sin of their neighbour, they would be content to suffer reproaches, slanders, injuries▪ and to be held and accounted fools (yet without any occasion given by them) because they earnestly desire to resemble and imitate in some sort their Creator and Lord jesus Christ, and to be clothed with his garments, and livery since he clothed himself with the same, for our greater good and spiritual profit, and gave us example▪ that in all things, as far as by the assistance of God's grace we may, we should imitate and follow him; seeing he is the true way, that leads men to life. Thus he, and the next constitution is to the same purpose. To the end this degree of perfection so precious in a spiritual life, may be the better attained; let it be every one's chiefest and greatest endeavour, to seek in our Lord his own greater abnegation, and continual mortification, as much as he can, in all things This is a language to which the Doctor seems a great stranger, and he may see by it, that he deals with patiented adversaries, who otherwise would have paid him in his own coin long before this. But I must not think to escape so; from S. Ignatius his carriage to the Captain, the Doctor will needs have it, that he was the first founder of that Fanatic sect which is distinguished so much from others by denying common civilities to men. By his favour, the bare denying civilities, make not a Fanatic; otherwise every Clown that knows not how to put off his Hat, or make a Leg or that personates a Fanatic upon the Stage, must of necessity be a Fanatic. There is something more than goes to the making it a distinctive sign of a Fanatic; and that is to do it out of a settled judgement, that there is no distinction of Persons to be made, nor any more respect due to one than to another: Now it is a clear Case that St. Ignatius was not of this Fanatical persuasion, but only had a mind to humble himself, and be taken for a Fool, or an ignorant Clown, the more to resemble his Master when he was before Herod. And this also in the heat of his first fervour, when all Masters of Spirit, allow Saints, something contrary to their ordinary strain of other men: For otherwise it is well known, that when St. Ignatius was once engaged in an Apostolical calling, no man could be more civil and complaisant, in a Religious way than he: in so much that the Doctor soon after, taketh notice of his winning way, and obliging carriage, which he calls obsequiousness, flattery and insinuation; so that if he had before put on the disguise of a Quaker, it seems he soon put it off. What the Doctor has to reply I know not, but in the way of arguing I doubt he would have much ado to excuse our blessed Lord's carriage before Herod from countenancing Fanaticisme.  
19 Being returned to Barcelona, to make himself a fit Instrument to do good with his Neighbour; at three and thirty years of age, he applies himself to learn Grammar Rules, and with all returns to his wont task of rigorous penance, which in his travailing for healths sake, he had thought sit to moderate. And his love of suffering found out a new invention, to corzen the World, and go bare foot without the least sign of ostentation; for by little and little, he had so pared away the soles of his Shoes, that he trod upon the bare ground, though his Feet were covered with the upper Leathers. At his studies, he was so carried with sensible ceilings, and tenderness of devotion that he could attend to nothing else. The word Amorett was sufficient, to put him upon Acts of divine Love, and transport him out of himself. This amazed him, and the rather because he had not the same feelings of Devotion, when he had most reason to expect them, as when he settled himself to Prayer, or disposed himself to receive the blessed Sacrament. Whence he concludes it to be an illusion of the Enemy, and to confound and vanquish him the better, he humbly casts himself at his Master's feet, and beseeches him to be as rigorous in daily exacting of his Lessons of him, as he was to the Boys, and as severe in correcting him, when he could not say them. After which Act of humility he grew to be so good a Proficient, that in two years' times, he was judged fit, to go to his higher Courses. Wherefore he goes to Alcala and in that University privately studies Logic, Physics and Divinity all together, by the persuasion of some of his Friends, who by reason of his Age, thought it better for him to make a short course: But undertaking too much at once, it was not like to succeed. And besides he wanted not other employments to distract him; for he continued his begging from Door to Door, and omitted no occasion of drawing his Neighbour unto God's service by pious Discourses, which the Doctor will needs call Sermons, because in Latin it is Sermons, at Eton School, a Boy would be called to the Ferula for construing so ignorantly.  
20. Now because many were thus suddenly drawn by him to a better course of Life, it bred a great noise in the Town, and strict inquisition was made into his manner of Life and Doctrine by Figueroa the Vicar-general of Toledo, that the truth might appear better, he was apprehended, and kept in Prison one and forty days: After which the Vicar declared, that nothing could be found worthy of reprehension either in his Life or Doctrine, only he wished him to wear the same habit with other Students, and not to handle points of Divinity, till he had studied it four years. Soon after this, with advice of the Archbishop he removes to Salamanca, but there falls into the same troubles he had met with at Alcala; for his Zeal still carrying him on to stir up the People's hearts to a holy love and fear of our Lord, he was questioned by the Subprior of the Dominicans, why he took upon him to Preach without Learning; Ignatius answered, he did not Preach, but make familiar Discourses concerning Vice and Virtue, to bring the People to the hatred of one, and love of the other. (This the Doctor expresses ridiculously by the Fanatic Phrase of holding forth) the Subprior replied; this was not to be done by unlearned Persons (he did not say this was Preaching as the Doctor translates it) unless he pretended to do it by divine Inspiration. For that says St. Ignatius I will give an account of myself, when I am juridically examined. This bred a farther suspicion in a dangerous time; and therefore by order of the Vicar, he and some of his Companions were clapped up in Prison. But in that very place he continued to speak freely, in the commendation of Virtue, and reprehension of Vice, and to draw his Auditors from the vain love of the World, and there was a great flocking to hear him, and he found much comfort to see himself in Chains without fault, telling those that came to condole with him, that they little knew the sweetness, which lies in the Cross of Christ, (so do the Quakers says the Doctor) and so did the holy Martyrs in the Primitive Church say I. After 21 days he was called before the Vicar, where says the Doctor he Preached at large upon several points of Divinity, under pretence of answering Questions. But had he followed his Authors, as he Professes, he should have said, he gave so good an account of divers subtle Questions of Religion, and out of the Canon Law, and being bid to discourse upon the first Commadment in the same manner, as if he were before the People, he did it with so much wisdom and gravity, that the Vicar and all that heard him were astonished. Whereupon he and his Companions were declared men of a pure and sincere life, and so honourably dismissed. Only because the Vicar, had seen certain Rules, which St. Ignatius gives in his spiritual Exercises, how to distinguish thoughts, when they are venial Sins, and when mortal; he was charged not to meddle with such nice points, till he had studied his Divinity. This the Saint did not a little resent, that he should be thus restrained from making use of those Rules, which the Vicar himself had allowed to be solid and good. One thing which concurred to prove them innocent, was, that having a fair occasion to make their escape out of Prison, as the other Prisoners had done, by the negligence of their Keeper, they alone would not stir.  
21. After all these vexations (which were of no advantage to his studies) away he goes for Paris (to see says the Dr. whether he could have any better luck there) and well might he fly such persecutions, as the great Athanasius did, especially upon the warrant of his Captain Christ jesus: when they shall persecute you in this City fly into another. Matt. 10. 23 But he had a farther aim in it (says Orlandinus) Orlan. n. 63. to put himself upon a necessity, of dealing less with his neighbour for want of the French Language, and so to fall closer to his book, which he resolves now to follow in good earnest, and for a time to lay aside part of his rigorous penance, which could not well stand with the labour of studying. And because experience had taught him, that he had made more haste then good speed; to lay a good Foundation of the Latin Tongue, he falls again to repeat his Grammar, (a sad Case cries the Doctor, that altar so much Schooling, and so many Revelations, he should be yet so great a Dunce, as not to know his Grammar.) I let the jeer pass, which I am sure the Saint would have heard with patience. Yet let me tell the Doctor, St. Ignatius would have then construed literae; os; sermons, baculus ternatilis, calceus ex sparto, patientia etc. more properly than He has done after all his Schooling. After 18 months spent in humanity he heard his Philosophy, and took the degree of Master of Arts, and then studied Divinity, where says the Doctor (he got just enough, to keep him from being an Heretic, for so much Maffejus his words imply) where Orlandinus n. 72. witness that one of the prime Doctors of that faculty, would have had him commence Doctor of Divinity, before he had passed Master of Arts, professing that he knew not how to own himself a Doctor, while Ignatius who had taught him so much, had not that title. And Maffejus his words imply, that he got as much as to give a good account of his Faith and Doctrine according to the sense of the holy Fathers, without any suspicion of novelty. A degree of Learning which the Doctor is not yet arrived to, for all he slights it so much.  
22. He has here another slurt at his poverty, which forced him to make several excursions to beg necessaries for his subsistence, but he says nothing of his going over into England, because perhaps he was there treated, with more civility than he thinks he deserved. While he was at Antwerp (upon a like occasion) he told one Quadratus a Spanish Merchant, that he was one day to be the Founder of a College of the Society in Spain, which many years after really sell out, though at that time there was little probability of any such thing: A good Argument that he had the Spirit of Prophecy to foretell it, for all the Doctor's Parentheses and Jeers to the contrary. And I could give him many other instances of his Prophetical Spirit, which cannot be denied: as his foretelling Francis Borgia whilst he was yet Duke of Gandia, and Father james Laynes, that they should be Generals of the Society of Jesus.  
23. All did not go so smooth with him at Paris, but he met with his troubles there as well as he had done in Spain: For having with his inflamed zeal drawn some Students of the College of St. Barbara, where he studied to a perfecter course of life; so as to live upon alms, frequent the Sacraments, and bestow more time in Prayer upon Festival days; and one among the rest by his persuasions, as they supposed, having not only left the College, but the World too, to follow Christ naked upon the Cross; there was a great stir about it and such a general Animosity raised against him, that they were ready to give him public correction. For the College Gates were shut, and the Bell and rung to call all the Collegians together, when the Saint was so far from declining, that shameful punishment, that he went to the Rector, and with much generosity and freedom told him, that for his part he was both ready and willing to undergo the correction, but that he might do well to consider whether God's Cause would not also s●ffer by it, if it were reported that he had suffered only for drawing o●●ers to more piety; which wrought so with the Rector, that before all the Masters and Scholars he cast himself at his Feet, and with tears in his Eyes asked him pardon as of a Saint; [Orland. n. 71. Ribad. l. 2. c. 3. who made little reckoning of his own sufferings, provided they might stand with God's greater glory and the good of Souls; and it is worth the observing, that this Rector ever after retained such an affection to him, and to all his Children for his sake, that he was the prime Person that persuaded john the second King of Portugal to send the Fathers of the Society into the Indies: [Ribad ibid. c. 16. where they have since done such wonders in the Conversion of Souls. Here the Dr. wants not his Jeers; but what use he can make of this passage to prove St. Ignatius a Fanatic, passes my understanding let him put his Argument in form, and it will be as good as those I made for him.  
24. He runs on after the same rate, and makes a slight of two most incomparable Examples of St. Ignatius his Cha●ity. I omit, says he, his flying or rather being carried as it were in a rapture from Paris to Roven, and the joy and extatick expression he had in it; his standing up in Dirt and Mire to the Neck to represent to his Companion, the filthiness of the sin. he lived in. Had he meant fairly and honestly, he would never have thus slubbard over two such rare passages hardly to be parelleled in the Lives of the greatest Saints. For the first than you are to know, that one of St. Ignatius his Fellow Students at Paris had cheated him of a good Alms, which was sent him out of Spain to help him to pay for his board, and which out of confidence he had trusted in his hands; so that being thus disappointed of the money, he was forced to retire to the Hospital and beg again for his living. Now this ungrateful Wretch, having spent the money, and afterwards falling sick at Roven in his way to Spain, writ earnestly to St. Ignatius to beseech him for Charity sake to have compassion on him, and take some order for his necessary relief, Upon the receipt of which Letter, Ignatius immediately goes for Roven or rather flies thither upon the Wings of Love, for sure it must have been some divine Rapture, that could carry him in three days 28 Leagues bare Foot as he was, and without Eating or Drinking at all by the way; for so he performed the journey with a wonderful alacrity, offering up all that labour and penance for the health of a Person, that had played him such an unworthy trick. And Almighty God was so well pleased with his Charity, and gave such a blessing to his endeavours, that the man was not soon only restored to his health, but also by his mean● furnished with conveniences to pursue his intended Journey. The second was in this manner: he had often laboured in vain to reclaim a Friend of his (the charitable Dr. would have you think it was one of his companions) from his dishonest course of Life, and knowing which way he was to pass to his Mistress, he cast himself naked up to the Neck into a freezing Lake (not Dirt and Mire as the Dr. has it) and there cried out to him as he saw him pass: Whether goest thou miserable Wretch? dost thou not see the Sword of Divine justice hanging over thy head? go then and satisfy thy Lust, I'll here strive by my suffering to quench thy Hellish Flames, and divert God's Vengeance from pouring down upon thee. This Heroical Act of fraternal Charity, this painful remedy to preserve another's Chastity (which we admire in Saints even when it was their own Case) struck his Friend with such astonishment and horror, that he suddenly broke off all the Chains of his dishonest affections, and settled himsef to a chaste Life.  
25. Now you are to take notice, says the Doctor, that his design being to form a Society, he had for that purpose used himself to all the Acts of Insinuation imaginable, accommodating himself to the humours of the Persons he had to do with, endeavouring to oblige all men, with expressions of their greatest kindness, bearing all the affronts with wonderful dissimulation (I'll warrant you he put off his Hat too, and used other common civilities) what harm in all this? does it show a Fanatical or an Apostolical Spirit to become all things to all men, that he might save all? 1 Cor. 9 22. By these Acts he labours, says he, to get some of the most hopeful Students in the University to him, and at last prevails upon nine, to join with him: He studies their humours, and applies himself accordingly, not acquainting them at first with his design, but by degrees prepares them for it. Amongst them Xaverius at first laughed at him, but was won by his patience, (not Flattery, as the Doctor construes Patientia) and obsequiousness. Having now got Persons to his mind, he opens his intentions to them, and they all conclude, to meet privately at Mont martyr a mile out of Paris: here they all vowed before the blessed Sacrament, from that instant to leave the World, and live in perpetual chastity, never to receive any thing for their Masses by way of recompense, to renounce all propriety at the end of their studies, and then (all other respects laid aside) to go in Pilgrimage, to visit the holy Places at Jerusalem. But if that Journey could not be compassed within a year, then to repair to his Holiness, and offer him their best service, for the Spiritual good of their Neighbour. This happened (for the first time) Anno Dom. 1534. upon the Assumption of our blessed Lady, to whose holy patronage, they particularly commended themselves. After this Ignatius very prudently used all means, to keep them all united together in perfect charity, and for fear lest some of their Friends in Spain, should take them off from these good intentions, he freely offers to go himself to dispatch their business. All this while do you perceive where the Fanaticisme lies?  
26. In Spain he was followed by such a multitude of People, that he was fain to Preach in the Fields, and though his Voice were but weak, yet he was heard distinctly above a quarter of a mile. The Doctor takes this to be a Fable, though Orlandinus relate it as a thing attested by many Persons then present. Maffejus is more beholding to him, for without entreaty he believes what he w●it of the Horse, which carried S. Ignatius into Spain: how having left him to the Hospital, they would never after make use of him, but preserved him in good liking all his Life time. This he makes merry with, as if the People had done it out of reverence to the Beast, as being a consecrated Horse: But his Author says expressly that they did it in Ignatii memoriam: that is for Ignatius his sake; in which I see no great mystery. Yet if it must be a piece of Fanaticisme, let the People of the Hospital look to it.  
27. His next Journey was for Venice, where his Companions were to meet him by agreement, to embark for Palestin, but finding that Voyage obstructed by the War, which was broken out, between the Turk and the Venetians (their courage being cooled, says the Dr.) they dispersed themselves up and down the Country (wand'ring, says he, as if they had been Gypsies) and exercised their Apostolical Functions of Preaching, sometimes in the very Streets, where they could get People together, a thing not so unusual as the Dr. apprehends, but practised this very day in Rome itself. And though they spoke but imperfect Italian, yet they converted many, as their Followers have done, says the Doctor, from the use of Laces and Ribbons. What a piece of impertinency have we here? the World knows how many millions of Souls, have by their zealous Preaching, been drawn to the Faith of Christ, from Paganism and Heresy, and from a wicked Life, and all this the Dr. calls leaving the use of Laces and Ribbons. But did not the Lady's also sometimes leave his Church; I'll be bound if he would not write such bitter Invectives and biting Satyrs against the Jesuits and other Religious, as he does. Who would think he should find any thing to carp at, in St. Ignatius and his Companions pious custom, of joining together in Prayer, in all matters of debate, and following that opinion the most were off▪ after their Prayer: Yet by chopping in seeking God instead of Praying he would have his Reader believe they were all turned Seekers. In this sense I confess they were Seekers that they sought nothing but Gods greater glory in all things, as St. Ignatius had taught them, whose proper devise was; Ad majorem Dei gloriam, to God's greater glory, which he fixed upon all his actions, to inflame himself, to do yet more and more for God's honour and service.  
28. Now because the Authors of his Life take notice, that his Visions and Revelations, which were nothing so frequent in time of his studies, as they had been at Manresa, began to be as frequent as ever; He most maliciously attributes it to the hope he had of obtaining a confirmation of his Order, as if he had had them at command, as well as Mahomet; or in plain English, as if he had played the cheat and only pretended to receive such favours from Heaven, which he forged to bring about his ends. He only mentions two of these Visions. The first was in his way to Rome; where entering into a Church to pray, he was rapt into an Ecstasy, and saw God the Father commending him and his Companions, to the favour of his blessed Son, who also appeared at the same time with his Cross upon his Shoulders, and spoke unto him these comfortable words: I will be favourable to you at Rome. Which was the chief Cause, that in the confirmation of his Order, it was called the Society of jesus. The other was at Monte Cassino, where he saw the Soul of Hosius, one his of Companions lately dead, enter into Heaven; and a little after amongst many other glorious Saints.  
29. Notwithstanding all this, says the Dr. they met with great difficulties at Rome. It is very true they did: but he does not tell us how they came off, by the favourable assistance, which our B. Saviour had promised them. The story is to be seen at large in Orlandinus and Ribadeneira. Orlan. l. 2. n. c. 47. Ribal. l. 2. c. 14. The short of it is this. One Austin of Piedmont an Austin Friar by profession, but a concealed Lutheran, had been blamed by the Fathers for preaching false doctrine. He conspires with one Michael; and this wicked fellow gives out, that Ignatius had been condemned for an Heretic, first in Spain then at Paris, and lastly at Venice. This upon examination was found to be a mere slander, and Michael was sent into banishment, and S. Ignatius and his companions, were by a public sentence (which is to be seen in the Authors) juridically declared innocent persons. And that you may see what a hand God's providence had in their defence, and that he had not forgot his promise to S. Ignatius of being favourable to him at Rome; in the very neck of time, that they lay under this cloud of Persecution, Figueroa the Vicar general of Toledo, who upon a like slander at Alcala▪ had cast Ignatius into Prison, and sound him innocent, comes to Rome, and the other two also, who had been his Judges at Paris, and Venice; and all these gave testimony of his innocency beyond all exception. And not long after this, Austin of Piedmont, who was the chief projector in framing the false accusation, publicly professed himself a Lutheran, and the rest of his instruments grew to be of such wicked lives, that one was burnt in effigy at Rome, and another was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, though he afterwards repent, and was assisted at his death by one of the Fathers. 30, Pope Paul the 3. being throughly satisfied of their being serviceable to the Church (says the Dr. ve●y truly which is a wonder) the Order was confirmed 3 d. Octob. An. D. 1540 And the Pope himself says he, became enthusiastical too, for having read the Formula of the institute of the Society, o● the first draught of the rule penned by S. Ignatius, he cried out The spirit of God is here. One of the Ca●dinals had opposed himself at first▪ but was soon gained by the Saint's penance and prayers, and three thousand Masses, which he and his friends offered up for that intention, and suddenly changed his mind▪ & publicly professed; that although it was a thing much against his dictamen, to multiply religious orders, yet as to the institute of S. Ignatius, he neither durst nor could oppose it. I would gladly here omit the Drs. profane jest upon the Masses and Prayers, that were offered, and not sully my Paper with it; that it must be a hard heart indeed that would not yield with so much suppling. Where you see he is not content to jeer the only Christian sacrifice we have, but to deliver himself as if the Masses had been offered up to the Cardinal, and not to God the only Ruler of men's hearts.  
31. Soon after S. Ignatius was chosen General of the Society; which he accepted with as many Tears and protestations and entreaties, (says the Dr. till he plainly saw it was the will of God, as ever any Usurper took the Government into his hands, which he had most eagerly sought for. Fie upon't! this is rudeness in a high degree. A civil person would hardly give a dog such language, if any person of quality had a kindness for him, as he gives S. Ignatius, who has the esteem of a great Saint in the opinion of most of the greatest Princes and Monarches of the Christian world. Had it not been sufficient to express his ambition, to have said, that he longed as much for the Generalship, as a hungry Minister newly come from the University, does for a good Benefice or as a friend of his does for a Bishopric? but he must compare him to a p●oud Usurper. But where is his Author for this calumny? he does not produce so much as a Schioppious to justify it. Let any indifferent person take but the pains to read over the Saint's life, and I am very confident he will find, that no man could labour more to decline Superiority than he did, nor to shake it off when it was in his hands, so far was he from seeking it. He must have been a prodigious Hypocrite, that could preach and profess so much humility, and bind his followers by express vow, not to seek any such honour, directly or indirectly, and yet seek it himself, with such eagerness as the Dr. expresses. But he may do well to tell us how he saught it: was it openly or covertly; if openly, it was the certain way to lose it, and we have no record of any such thing; if covertly, how comes the Dr. to smell out his knavery, which no body has yet discovered besides himself, and those of his privy Counsel.  
32. He concludes his Libel with a whole peal of injuries. Take them as they lie. Let the world judge (says he) whether there has appeared a greater Enthusiastic, or pretender to revelations than Ignatius was since the days of Mahomet and S. Francis. I will not here dispute ho● unworthily he couples Mahomet and S. Francis together, that is, a Turk and a Christian, a Devil and a great Saint. Those of his holy Order will not fail to vindicate their glorious Patriarch. Nor will I quarrel with him, for comparing S. Ignatius with that Seraphical Saint in point of enthusiasm. But because he takes that word in the worst sense for Fanaticisme my inquiry shall only be upon what evidence he makes S. Ignatius a Fanatic. I have run over as much of his life as he thought worth his glozing; I have considered it leisurely, and by parts, and have not yet found any thing, that looks like an argument to prove so great a Paradox, and certainly if his particular actions, do not prove it, he will never do it by accumulation. But he appeals to the judgement of the world: let the world judge. I marvel what he means by the world. Turks, Jews and Pagans, or only Christians? the first are not competent judges, the latter will be sure to cast him; for amongst Christians, the far major part is Catholic, and honours him for a great Saint, so that the Dr. will come short of his aim. But 'tis like he means only England which being divided from all the world, makes a little world by itself, and probably is all the world he has seen. If this be his meaning, set a side all those, whom he calls fanatics and Sectaries, and his world will dwindle away into a very Microcosm. But I refuse not to be tried by my country, provided that he have not the impanelling of the Jury▪ and will but give men leave to be rational creatures, that is, lead by reason and common sense, and not hurried away with prejudice and passion, Let us then see what evidence he brings. The strength of his accusation lies in this, that, he was a great pretender to Visions and Revelations. He means a false pretender, for otherwise to own or acknowledge such favours received at God's hand, is no more than what the beloved Disciple of Jesus, S. Peter, S. Paul S. Steven, and Ananias did amongst the first Christians, as is plainly to be seen in the holy Scripture, and yet the D●. will not offer to make them fanatics. To these I could add a world of others within the first four Centuries after Christ, but will confine myself to produce but a few of them. If we give credit to the ancient Records, S. Cicely saw her good Angel, and so did her spouse Valerianus, and his B●other Tiburtius, all famous Martyrs. S. Martin had often the like favour▪ and whilst he was but a Catechumen, saw Christ in that part of his Cloak, which he had parted from the rest, to bestow upon a poor beggar. S. Agatha's breast was cured in an apparition of S. Peter. The great S. Austin was miraculously called by a voice, that said take up and read. Confess. l. 8. c. 12. S. Ambrose had a whispering Angel at his ear, and saw Christ our Saviour a little before his death, as Paulinus witnesseth in his life, which he says he writ at the entreaty of S. Austin. Our B Lady, and S. john appeared to S. Gregory Thaumaturgus, and taught him the Mystery of the most B. Trinity, as witnesseth S. Gregory Nyssen. O● B Saviour appeared to S. Peter of Alexandria in a torn garment, and said it was A●rius that had so wrent it by his Schism. S. Dorothy had Apples and Roses sent her from Heaven, a little before her Martyrdom. You see all these Saints of the Primitive Church owned or pretended Visions and Revelations, and must therefore be fanatics as well as St, Ignatius. And Constantin the great [Euseb. in vita Consta▪] the glory of our Nation must go with the rest, for pretending to be admonished by St. Peter and Paul, to send for St. Sylvester Pope, to wash away his Leprosy with the Water of Baptism, and for seeing (together with his whole Army) the sign of the Cross in the Air, with this Inscription, in this sign thou shalt overcome, [in act Silvest, and for having another Vision the same night, in which Christ commanded him to arm himself with that sign, which he instantly did by placing it in his Standard and upon his Helmet. It is not then the bare pretence of having Visions, that can prove St. Ignatius a Fanatic more than other Saints, who for all their Visions, have the general reputation of Sanctity. It must then be a false or counterfeit pretence of them, which the Dr. does not so much as offer to prove, but by his own uncharitable suppositions: against which we have Miracles enough, and other arguments of Holiness to prove him a Saint, and consequently to justify the truth of his Visions; if any credit be to be given, to the juridical Process made in order to his Canonization, which cannot be questioned, unless we rob the World of all Faith and Honesty. Let not the Dr. then tell me, his Miracles may be as well questioned as hi● Visions; for I challenge him, to produce any Argument against them which julian the Apostata might not have urged against the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles. One thing I must not here omit to tell you, that St. Ignatius was always known, to be very reserved in speaking of the extraordinary favours of Almighty God, but when he saw it was for his greater glory to manifest them; in so much, that he commanded his ghostly Father, upon pain of excommunication and dismission out of the Society, not to reveal any thing in this kind, that might tend to his praise. But he did some things like the Quakers, and so does the Dr. too, and may as well prove him a Quaker, because he had a nose on his face, as because he did not for a time use to put off his Hat. For as that is no Argument, because others have Noses as well as Quakers, so does not this conclude, because there are others that do not use civilities, as well as Quakers, to wit, Clowns, and those that for just Reasons personate them, as Ignatius did for a time, out of humility, to conceal his condition, and give occasion of being slighted, and contemned in all Companies, as a mean ill bred Person. There was a time when our dread Sovereign, was fain to pass under the disguise of an ordinary Servant; sure the Doctor will not thence conclude him, to be of a mean condition because he once acted that part. Say his Majesty had thought fit, under that Masque, not to put off his Hat, shall he be a Quaker too? The Argument were as good as that which he brings against St. Ignatius.  
33. He goes on. The chiefest of the Quakers, fall very much short of St. Ignatius in those very things for which they are condemned by us. I pray what are those things? besides his not putting off his Hat (for the Reasons I mentioned) I can find nothing in all his Life, which did not become a Saint. Yet any one, says he, who compares them would imagine, the Life of Ignatius had been their great Exemplar. In what I pray? was he not a Roman Catholic, and do not all Catholics cry down Fanaticisme did he ever hold any of the Quakers fond Tenets? did he deny Infant Baptism, or rely upon a private Spirit, in opposition to the Church's Doctrine, or refuse to be guided by his Superiors and spiritual Directors? nay do not the Authors of his Life take notice, that he had recourse to his ghostly Fathers, and followed their Directions in the change of his Life in his Scruples, in admirting the Generalship in all doubtful occasions, and particularly at the hour of his death? Did he ever profess himself to be Christ as james Nayler did? Again what Quaker ever followed him, in leaving all to follow the Counsels of Christ, in voluntary poverty, chastity and obedience? What Quaker ever took so much pains to get learning as he did, or thought it necessary, to do good with his Neighbour? What Quaker lead such an austere penitential Life as he, or spent so much time in Prayer on his Knees, and in the Night; or begged from Door to Door, in a poor Pilgrim's habit? What Quaker ever suffered so many Persecutions, and came off so clear in the judgement of his Persecutors? What Quaker converted so many millions from Paganism as he has done by his Disciples? Lastly, what Quaker had such illustrious marks of Sanctity as he, attested upon Oath by Witness beyond Exception, and approved by the See Apostolic? Let us follow him. I know not whether any of that Innocent and Religious Order of jesuits, had any hand in forming this new Society (he means Quakers) among us as has been frequently suggested. I know not whether the Dr. were in his wits, when he writ this, which no sober Person can any more believe, then that it was a Jesuit, that taught the Serpent in Paradise, to pull a curse upon all mankind, by cunningly circumventing our first Parents. The thing was merrily said, by a Person of quality in France, when he heard the Jesuits slandered, but the Dr. if he please, may object it in his next Book, unless he had rather leave it to his Friend, the Author of the Answer to the Papists Apology, who it seems, is putting out another terrible knocking Book against the Jesuits, for it will come in well there. But have patience to hear him out. If one may guests the Father by the Child's likeness, Ignatius Loyola Founder of the jesuites, was at least the Grandfather of the Quakers. I have already showed you how like, or rather how unlike they are. I am quite weary of such pitiful Stuff. Let the World now judge, how well the Dr. has acquitted himself of his promise pag. 262, of making St. Ignatius appear as great a Fanatic as ever has been in the World, and whether according to the same promise he is to be contented to be upbraided with the charge of Fanaticisme. At least I laid it at his Door in my first Letter, and there it is like to lie together with Idolatry, till he know how to remove them, without changing his Principles. Let this suffice to vindicate St. Ignatius, in my next Letter you shall hear of his Followers.   

THE THIRD LETTER, That the Jesuits Doctrine and Practices, are not destructive to Government.  
SIR,  
1. THe Jesuits had no reason to expect, that after Dr. Stillingfleet had dealt so rudely with St. Ignatius their holy Founder (as you have seen) he would use them with more civility. And they are wise enough to bless God for it. For they take it for a great argument of his Love to their Order, to permit it to be abused by malicious Tongues, as well as to be cried up by a good People, as a seasonable recruit and support in the Church, in these later times. They adore God's Providence and know it is the style of his infinite Wisdom, to expose his own works to rough trials, to render them more illustrious; that the Devil uses all his Engines to destroy them; and that the world follows the method, and intention of the Devil his Master. There is not a holier Society upon Earth then Christ's Church, nor was there ever any which suffered greater slanders than She has done, both in her Head and Members. Christ was traduced for an Imposter, a Seducer an Enemy to Caesar, a seditious Fellow, a very Devil, and was crucified between two Thiefs, to take away his life and reputation at one blow. Christians have ever since met with the like treaty. From the beginning they were every where contradicted. Acts 28. St. Paul saw a great Door open to his labours in the conversion of Souls, but he also discovered a great many Adversaries. 1 Cor. 16. others that followed him were accused for Murderers of Infants, devourers of man's Flesh, Enemies to the State, incestuous and abominable Wretches, and for such were put to cruel deaths. Sacred and profane History is full of Examples of this Nature, and no body can question what I have said, that is not a mere Stranger to them. Yet could there be a juster or holier man, than the Son of God, the Holy of Holies, and Justice itself were there ever Persons more estranged from Cruelty, Sedition and Impurity, or greater Lovers of Peace, Meekness and Chastity, than those Christians? Why then did God permit the Devil and the World so furiously to misuse his Son and his Servants? To give their Virtue a greater lustre, after such hard trials, to show that truth triumphs over all the Powers of Hell, and to Crown their sufferings with immortal Laurels. That which happened to Christ and his Church in general, has befallen all Religious Orders in their first rise. The Benedictines, Carthusians, Dominicans, Franciscans, have all had their share in sufferings, they have all been filled, and polished with the sharp Teeth of wicked Slanderers, nor will our Adversaries yet let them be quiet, as you see. The Society of Jesus as it came last into the World, so has it been more persecuted than all the rest, for as much as the World is grown more inveterate in malice, and the Devil more enraged, at the good which he sees daily wrought by their pious endeavours; What mischief has there been in this last age, whereof the Jesuits have not been made the chief Authors and Contrivers, as if they had opened Pandora's Box, and let all evils into the World. But for their comfort, they can be treated no worse than their dear Master, who has read them this Lesson, as they have persecuted me, so will they persecute you. And they may well apply that of Origin. to themselves. Hom. 11. josua. He that seeks the Friendship of jesus, let him know he shall have many Enemies, Though you be of the least merit in the Church, yet if you belong to jesus, you shall be sure to be persecuted.  
2. It is not my intention at present to make myself Protector or all those illustrious Religious Orders (as the Dr. seems to have made himself Champion of the English Protestant Church) They are able to defend themselves against all their Adversaries. Nor do I mean to engage in all the Jesuits quarrels, but only for your satisfaction, wipe off that Dirt which the Dr. has lately cast upon them. I reduce all his Calumnies to three Heads. First I briefly examine the Jesuits Principles and Practices, and show them not to be destructive to Government, and that shall be my Task in this Letter. In the next I will make it appear that they are neither Factious nor Enemies to Bishops, and then I will also remove a libellous story of the Jesuits way of converting China. I confess I do not admire their modesty, for not appearing all this while in defence of their Order, for the violence of their Enemies is come to such a height, there's no dissembling it. Their patience may be very laudable in other occasions, but not when the reputation of their institute lies at stake. Methinks they should reflect upon the Counsel which his Majesty's Grandfather Henry 4. (that wise King) gave the French Jesuits, after he had studied them well. Fathers, said he, make but yourselves known, for no body that knows the Society can speak ill of it. I know they cannot flatter themselves so much as to think, they can with their writings stop the wide mouths of envy and malice, yet may they so far vindicate the Society, that Sober Persons will see they are wronged, and happily some Protestants upon better information, may grow to be of our great Chancellor of England, Sir Francis Bacon's opinion, who 
Bacon advancement of Learning.  said of the Jesuits, that when he considered their pains and industry in advancing Learning, and bringing up Youth, that of Agesilaus came to his mind, talis cum sis utinam noster esses. By these few Sheets which have robbed me only of some spare hours you may see how easily it were for a good Pen, to justify the Jesuits in a Cause, where innocency pleads for them.  
3. For methods sake I begin with the Jesuits Principles, and then proceed to their practices: In both charges I promise to dissemble nothing which the Dr. has objected, if it any way concern the Jesuits, but make bold to wave some impertinent matters, which he intermixes, as that of the Irish Remonstrance, Pope's proceed, etc.  
4. The first principle which he fastens upon the Jesuits, as destructive to government, is, that civil power is so originally in the people, that they may in some cases, altar the form of government, if they find it necessary for the good and preservation of the commonwealth. This principle (whatsoever truth it may have in speculation) is by no means to be preached to the people, who are apt enough of themselves to stretch cases, and pick quarrels with their best Governors, yet was it taught many ages before the Jesuits were so much a thought of. And as the Dr. confesses that Bellarmine uses Navarr for it (who was no Jesuit) so he might have produced many more, as well Divines as Lawyers; and amongst others, Barclay himself allows it may be practised in two cases, as Cardinal Perron has well observed. And since there are so many precedents, where the people have assumed the power, it had been very 
Oration to the third state.  strange if no body had stood up in defence of it, had it been but to justify their Prince's Title, who were beholding to the people for them. What then if a few Jesuits have followed this opinion, which they found taught by others, and what if Father Parsons had been one of these? is it therefore to be pinned upon the Jesuits, as their particular doctrine? The opinion may be called any thing as well as jesuitical, I will call it Protestant if you please, for this last age, has afforded us more examples of the doctrine put in practice amongst Protestants, than many ages have done before, as is demonstrated at large in that excellent Historical Treatise Jerusalem and Babel. Did not those of the Reformation actually turn out their Sovereign Princes, in Scotland, Swedland Denmark, Holland and Geneva? Did they not raise Tumults, and Rebellions in France, Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, Transilvania? did not brave Coligny (as the Drs. worthy Author of the Answer to the Papists Apology styles him) head the Rebels in France, and brag he had lost four battles, against the King, and yet was formidable? did not Edward the sixth with his council, give away Queen Mary's Title, to the Lady jane Grey, and did not Cranmer and Ridley stickle hard for her? were there not more Rebellions in Queen Mary's five years' reign, then in forty under Queen Elizabeth? Was not Queen Mary of Scotland, the undoubted Heir of the Crown of England and was she not put to death, lest she should destroy the Protestant Religion, as the Earl of Kent told her? Cambden, 1587. pag. 455. Were not all these Factions and Rebellious proceed, warranted by their own Protestant Gospelers, Luther, Calvin, Beza, Zuinglius, Knox, Bucanan, Douglass, Goodman, etc. But to return again to Father Parsons, the Dr. makes it sure, that he writ Doleman, but he had most reason to know that himself, and I have always heard, that he denied it at his death, and that one Doleman, (not Jesuit) was the Author of that book; there are no few arguments to prove, that Father Parsons was not the man. But whosoever it was, it is foolishly done of the Dr. to make him guilty of the late King's blood. He has a great deal more reason to lay it upon Hugh Peter, and other seditious Protestant Preachers, who though they might borrow part of Dolemans' discourse, yet scorned to be beholding to him for the doctrine. You see, Sir, the Answerers of Philanax, and the Papists Apology, will receive but little benefit from this observation, which Dr. Stillingfleet has added to theirs, when they come to their more accurate examinations of these things.  
5. Another Jesuitical principle (of the Drs. making) is the Pope's power to depose Princes. This is every where laid in their dish, by him and his party; but with a great deal of injustice, as you shall presently see. You are then to know, Sir, that the doctrine was long ago taught by almost all Orders and Professions, Seculars, Regulars, Divines, Lawyers, before the Jesuits were in being. Card. Perron in his Eloquent Oration, to the third State in France, quotes some of them, and Barclay calls it the Canonists, and Divines common Doctrine. I will not tyre you out, with a tedious Catalogue of Authors, some of those who are wont to be cited are, Panormiranus, Aegidius Rom. St. Thomas Cajetan St. Bonaventure, Halensis, Waldensis, Bacon, Gerson Chancellor of Paris, Sanders, Bartholus, Bardus, etc. What wonder then if Bellarmine and three or four more Jesuits, were carried away with such a torrent of Doctors who went before them. They found their works publicly exposed it Libraries, never censured, but in good repute amongst the Learned, nor had Princes in those days shown their indignation against their doctrine as they have done since. What wonder, I say, then, if a few Jesuits have since followed it? Is this sufficient to excuse the Dr. from wilful malice or gross ignorance, in attributing the opinion to the whole Society, as if the whole Herd of jesuits (as the miscalls them) had taught it, and no body in the world but they. Believe it, Sir, there is no man that has a grain of judgement, but will acknowledge that the Jesuits of all others can be the least charged with it not only because it was the common doctrine, before they came into the world, but also because (whatsoever others have done) they have taught it, nor writ one word of that subject, these fifty or sixty years. For no sooner was the doctrine cried down, and condemned in France, but their General Cladius Aquaviva, to take away all occasion of complaint, forbade it to be taught any more; and his Successor Mutius Vitelleschi A. D. 1626. not content with a bare prohibition, commanded all his Subjects in virtue of obedience (that is under pain of damnation) never to treat more of the Pope's power of deposing Princes either in word or in writing. And this precept was afterwards confirmed by the whole Order in the 8 general Congregation, and runs thus. We ordain in virtue of holy obedience, that no body hereafter, treat the question of the Pope's power over Princes, to depose them, etc. in any public or private writings, disputations or School lessons, that all occasion of offence and complaint may be quite cut off. This decree has been ever since inviolably observed by the Jesuits, let the Dr. either name the persons that has transgressed, or let him forbear hereafter to make the Jesuits odious, for a doctrine which they have so solemnly renounced. He would take it ill to have all the Protestant Ministers Tenets laid at his door. Henry the 4th. said well in his speech to the Parliament. I am certain that in averring and defending the Pope's authority, the Fathers of the Society differ not from other Catholic Divines.  
6. A third, and yet more dangerous and desperate Principle, which the Dr. fathers on the Jesuits, is the lawfulness to kill Kings. I cannot name the person that ever taught it in these terms. I know Dominious Soto a Dominican, Charles 5 Confessor, taught it lawful to take away the lifo of a Tyrant, (l. 1. de jure & just.) and Mariana followed him in a book dedicated to Philip the second King of Spain, and neither of those Princes took themselves to be concerned in the opinion, or showed their displeasure against the book, no more than the Royalists were offended at Killing no Murder. But it seems Marcan's book gave great offence in France. And all the Jesuits sinned in him (as we all did in Adam) otherwise his doctrine, which they disown, would not be imputed to them. The French Fathers were the first that discovered it in Mariana's book, and condemned it in their Provintial Congregation, four years before the Sorbon censure was passed against it. And their General Claudius Aquaviva, gave order to suppress the book, till that place were corrected; and more than this, forbade all those of the Society, under pain of excommunication, and other penalties (as is to be seen in the 8 Congregation, Tit. censurae) not to write or teach in public or private, or advise that it is lawful to kill Kings, or imagine their death upon pretence of Tyranny, so that very probably this extravagant opinion of Mariana, by the Jesuits industry, would have been so smothered in its first birth; as not to be revived, had it not been for the covetousness, or malice of the Protestant Heirs of Wechel who reprinted the Book at their own charges. I own this Observation to Father Cotton, who in his Letter to the Queen Regent of France brings in a whole Jury of Jesuits, who in their Writings have all rejected the opinion and practice, of attempting any thing against the Life of a Prince, though he should abuse His Princely Power. These are all grave Writers, Tolet, Bellarmin, Valentia, Salmeron, Delrio, Heissius, Becanus, Gretser, Lessius, Serarius, Azor, Richcome. All other Jesuits side with these, and are ready to seal it with their Blood, that the Decree of the Council of 
Sess. 15.  Constance ought to be received by all, and maintained inviolably. This being the constant judgement of the whole Society, what prejudice can one roving Pen, bring to the whole Order. john Wicklef is a rubricated St. in Foxe's Protestant Calendar, and yet the said Council condemned him for teaching that, every Tyrant ought to be killed▪ and that it was both lawful and meritorious, for any of his Vassals or Subjects to kill him, and that by any fraud or deceit, notwithstanding any Oath or Agreement made to the contrary, and that without any Sentence of judgement. Luther, Calvin, Beza, Buchanan, did not only teach the same Propositions, but most impudently applied them to Princes then living, namely to Charles the 9th. King of France, Queen Mother with all her Whelps, as they called her Children, Queen Mary of England, etc. and yet the Dr. with Reason would think himself much injured if these mad Propositions of Wicklef and others, were laid to his Church of England, for all they were Protestants, and some of them cannonized for Saints by Mr. Fox with what Face then can he lay the fault of one Jesuit to the whole Order, as if it were an original Sin, which were to descend to all Jesuits though their wills were so far from being united with his, that they have expressly renounced and condemned his rash assertion. According to this method, it were no hard matter to ruin the reputation of the best Families and Communities in the World, by making them guilty of their misdemeanours of some one of their Body contrary to the judgement of Almighty God Ezek. 18. 20. The Soul that shall sin, the same shall die: the Son shall not bear the iniquity of the Father.  
7. The Jesuits practices are conformable to the Doctrine and Practice of the Catholic Church, but the Dr. supposes them guilty of most abominable crimes. I say supposes, for he brings nothing to prove it besides his Ipse dixit, or bare assertion, which as you have seen, is not only fallible, but has been often found tripping, First he supposes them to have had a hand in the massacre at Paris, and Rebellion in Ireland which is as true, as that they were the Plotters and Contrivers of the late Rebellion in England, where their penitents and best Friends, lost their Goods, or their Lives in the defence of His Majesty's Power and just Rights. The Massacre at Paris was an intrigne of State, or Cabinet plot, as appears by all the Transactions faithfully Recorded by D. Avila, and never was laid to the Jesuits charge, who hate such unchristian like Proceed. They are as innocent of the Irish Rebellion, for what Jesuit can the Dr. name that appeared in it? certainly they had not played their Cards well to raise a Rebellion in Ireland and at the same time promote to their uttermost, His Majesty's interest in England. I confess Catholics in that Kingdom were highly to blame, but they stirred not before Protestants had signed and delivered a bloody Petition to the Parliament, for their utter extirpation or banishment. And the Author of the Politician's Catechism proves at large, 6. 10. n. 6. that Protestants had a greater hand than Catholics in these cruel disorders.  
8. His second charge against the Jesuits in point of practice runs yet higher; for he makes them privy Counsellors to three of the greatest Parricids in the world, Clement, Chastel and Ravillas. Never was there so much malice crowded into one line, but it will cost me many Lines to clear the Jesuits from that riple crime; for I cannot do it but by giving you a short Narrative of these three treasonable attempts. To begin with Clement, the murderer of Henry 3. of France, the Case is clear, he was no Jesuit nor had he any other Counsellor that we know of but the Devil to set him at work. I think the Dr. is the first man that ever named the Jesuits in that wicked fact. I beseech God forgive him for it.  
9 For Chastel it is true, Sir, the jesuits and the Churches common enemies have blazed about many stories; as if they had been accessary to his execrable attempt upon the life of Henry 4. but if any credit be to be given to the French Historians due Pleix, Peter, Matthew, de Tun, Spodanus and others, or to the grave Counsellors who pleaded for the Jesuits before the Parliament; Rene de la Fon, and Montholon, or to the Kings own testimony, who was most of all concerned to know the truth, they are most shamefully slandered. This is the true Story. One john Chastel wounded the King in the upper Lip and struck out one of his Teeth. He was taken in the Fact and confessed all before he was led to Prison: that he did it of his own head; without communicating his design with any body, only something a far off to his father; that it was eight months since he had left the Jesuits Schools, and that they knew not any thing of his intentions. All this he confessed freely and without compulsion. The same story he repeated again and again in Prison, and though often cruelly racked and tortured to declare his counsellors and complices, never varied in the least from what he confessed at first, nor let one word fall against the Jesuits. And there were thousands of witnesses in the place of Execution, that when his arms and thighs were cruelly pinched, his hand cut off, and all humane means used to extort the truth from him, he persisted still in the same confession and died upon't, declaring the Jesuits innocent to the last breath. Yet for all this, because he had once frequented the Jesuits schools, their malicious enemies, would needs forsooth conclude thence that they were plotters of the mischief. Away than they go armed to their College, set guards at the Gates that no body should escape; seize on their persons, ransack their chambers, but discover nothing either in their carriages or their countenances, that could argue a guilty conscience; but rather all the signs and demonstrations of innocency; only because amongst other writings of Father Guignard, they found the common question, de Tirannicidio, which was writ in the time of the League, and which Canonists and moral Philosophers were wont to treat much in those days, and which Bodin amongst modern Authors thought fit to dispute in his Commonwealth, they took him and hanged him up for a Traitor without any form or order of Justice, say the Authors. And in the same fury they led away Gueret, who had been Chastel's Master, and put him upon the rack, but finding him innocent they banished him out of France, and all the Jesuits for company, with confiscation of their goods: and to make them eternally infamous, they erected a Pyramid with an inscription, tending more to their disgrace, than the King's honour. This sentence of Paris was executed in most places of France, only the Parliament of Tholouse, looked upon it as an unjust Act, and forbade all towns under their jurisdiction to obey it. This is the sum of that Tragical story, which serves well for the Jesuits justification, for morally speaking it was impossible, that Chastel should not have accused the Jesuits, had he known them guilty. He that made no difficulty to accuse himself and bring his own father upon the stage, why should he stick to accuse the Jesuits? is it credible that a youth of eighteen years' age should undergo a thousand torments worse than death, rather than acknowledge the Authors of his sufferings, when we have heard of men that were made of Iron, who rather chose to accuse themselves wrongfully and die once for all, than suffer so many lingering deaths upon the Rack? It was questionless a most admirable and miraculous price of providence over the Jesuits, that he did not unjustly accuse them, when he was so many ways tempted to do it, for one syllable would have done their business, had it been upon the rack, had it been afterwards recalled▪ it would have served to ruin them utterly, not only in their lives and fortunes, but in their credit and reputation, which is far dearer to them; for if a mere shadow of presumption gave their adversaries the boldness to charge them and treat them so severely; what were they to have expected, had the force of torments made them criminals? true or false it would never have been then much disputed.  
10. You may imagine the King himself would be curious to sift out the truth, whether indeed the Jesuits had a hand in that stroke, which aimed at his life. He soon discovered the malice of their accusers, but having scarce got the Reins of Government into his hands, he thought fit to dissemble for a time; but upon occasion of a studied bitter invective, which the Precedent Harley made in Parliament, to persuade his Majesty not to think of recalling the Jesuits, he suddenly took upon him to plead their cause, and did it with so much Wisdom and Eloquence, that they could not have chosen a better advocate. The Speech is worth your reading, and therefore I send it with this Letter that you may peruse it. The conclusion was, that the Jesuits were restored, and the infamous Pyramid pulled down by the King's Command; who not content to have reestablished them in their own Colleges, built and founded them a stately College and Academy at La Fleche, and bequeathed his heart to them as a perpetual monument of his constant Love to the Society. And that you may here also read his affection for them in his own language. I think it not amiss to insert that Speech of his, which he made at Villiers-Coterez, A. D. 1606. to the Fathers that were deputed by the Provincial Congregation, to give his Majesty thanks for his continual favours, and to Petition for two things, first, that as he had been graciously pleased to recall them to Paris, he would also settle and establish them there by his Letters Patents. Secondly that he would order that the public Schools might be restored at Clermont College. Upon this occasion he delivered himself thus. Fathers, There are four years past since you presented me your welcome Petition at Metz., and I did not admit you but upon very good informations, You are beholding to your enemies for it, and my curiosity was not out of your way. If things go on but slowly, do not attribute it to my want of Affection and care but to the multiplicity of business, which overwhelmes me. All cannot be done at once, We are now upon the Foundation of Colleges, and the rest will be done by degrees, for I take it to heart. I knew well they were calumnies they cast upon you. I have always defended you, and when I heard of any thing, I instantly acquainted F. Cotton with it, that you might take your measures accordingly, and to let you know, that what I did for you, was not out of a counterfeit dissimulation, but out of My true Love and sincere Affection. I have placed you in my house, and that of my Ancestors to give my Subjests' example to do the like. Your present Petition is grateful. I am resolved to finish my work; but to tell you plainly, I do not think it a fit time to restore your College at Paris: there will be a time for that hereafter. Here the King making a Pause, the Provincial of the Jesuits began to mind him of the other thing he had requested, and his majesty immediately replied. I am coming to it; but I was willing to begin with that which I take most to heart. I remember all you said, though I do not observe the same method. It is true, you are exposed in Paris, and were I not there, you might come to be affronted but you were too blame you did not tell me so, I did not think things went so, had I known it, I would have remedied it before this. Give me a note of it, that I may communicate it with my Counsel, and get it dispatched to day or to morrow. I have loved you and cherished you ever since I knew you, out of an assurance I had, that all those who have recourse to you, whether for instruction in Learning, or for the direction of their consciences, are much improved by it▪ and I have always said, that those that truly love and fear God, cannot but do well, and are the most faithful to their Princes. Keep but your rules, they are good ones. I have protected you, and will still be your Protector. I am much pleased that the Pope does not make you Bishops and Cardinals: Stick to that, for if ambition once creep in amongst you, you are lost men. We are all frail, and have need to resist tentations; every one of you may experience it in himself; but you have the way to overcome them. I have a great Kingdom, and as great persons may commit great errors, or do much good, because they are great and powerful, so you that are eminent in Learning and Virtue amongst the servants of God, may do much good by your Sermons, Confessions, Writings, Lessons Disputations, and good instructions; but if you fail in your duty, and grow slack in your pious endeavours, you may do much hurt, in regard the World has a great opinion of you. I was very glad to understand that you have taken order that none of you print books which may give offence, you do well. That which might pass in Italy, will not relish in other places, and that which is liked in France, may displease in Italy: We must suit ourselves to those we live with, and you must avoid the least occasion of offence, for there are many eyes upon you and your actions, but it is better for you to be envied then pitied. If all bad tongues were cut out, there would be great store of dumb persons; we should have difficulty to find servants. I have been of two Religions, and when I was a Huguenot, what ever I did, was said to be done for that party; now I am a Catholic, whatever I do for my Religion, I am said to be a jesuit. I slight all such sencures and content myself to do good, because it is good; do you so too. Those that say it is out of spite that you do not restore your College at Paris, would soon find something else to object against you. Do not value what they say, but only do well. If in twelve thousand of you one should chance to commit a fault, it were no great wonder. It were rather a miracle that no more delinquents should be found in so great a number, since there was one judas amongst twelve Apostles. This i●le tell you if any one of you commit a fault, I will be the first to fall upon him, but will not revenge myself upon the whole body. The Father you have chose to go to Rome, will assure your General of my affection to the Society. For yourselves, you may believe i'll be as tender of you, as of the Apple of my eye. Pray to God for me.  
This was His Majesty's Speech to the Jesuits, as it is Recorded by Montholon Advocate in Parliament, and what can be added to his testimony, whether you regard the person that speaks, who was a most wise Prince: or the substance he delivers, which is most sententious and solid? I do not see what Panegyric or what Apology the Jesuits could have made of more force or more for their advantage. Their enemies are put upon a necessity either to speak well of them, or affront that great Monarch, by giving him the Lye. For to say he loved the Jesuits because he did not know them, is to rob him of one of his best parts, which all admired in him; which was, not to be easily cozened in the judgement he framed of others, and besides, this was after he had tried them many years, and had one of them continually near his person.  
11. After all these expressions of kindness, which were always followed with real favours, who would imagine that the Jesuits should be, I do not say, so ungrateful and inhuman, but so stupid and insensible of their own good, as to plot this their grand Benenefactors and protector's death. Yet Dr. St. is the man that lays it to their charge, as if they had not only designed it in Chastels' attempt (which proved ineffectual) but actually murdered him in the person of Ravillac, of whose counsel he supposes them to have been; though the villain himself, who had most reason to know it, in all his examinations and tortures, always protested, that no body counselled him to the Fact, nor so much as knew of his intentions. It is true the Jesuits enemies taking it to be a fit occasion to vent their malice against them, during the young King's minority, whom they could not hurt in his father's time; spread abroad Libels against them, and stuck not to report that Ravillac had sucked all his deadly poison out of Mariana's book, which he had got by heart: but this engine failed them, for to their great shame and confusion, it was found upon due examination, that Ravillac knew not a word of Latin in which the book is written, nor so much as Mariana's name. And soon after the Queen Regent, with the Princes and counsel in the King's name, issued out a Decree which cleared the Jesuits from all suspicion of having had any thing to do in that wicked Fact. And because four days before the Parliament had condemned Cardinal Beauties book, de potestate summi Pontificis in temporalibus, in the same decree they revoked and annulled that Act.  
12. His last fling at the Jesuits practice is, to make Father Henry Garnet guilty of the Gunpowder Treason. But it is manifest, that mild man detested from his very heart all such bloody practices, and laboured all he could to prevent them, by suing to Rome for an excommunication, against all those that should use any violent proceed upon the account of Religion, as is to be seen more at large in the History of the English Province. (Mar. l. 7. an. 27.) The main thing objected against him was his concealing the plot, but you must know all the knowledge he had of it, was in the Sacrament of Confession, and all he could do there, was to exhort and conjure his penitent, to terrify the Plotters from so wicked an attempt, and he was not at all wanting in this point of duty; but for revealing the plot, it was more than he could do, for Protestants must give us leave to believe, what all Catholic Princes and States allow, to be of no prejudice, but rather an advantage to their safety; that the Sacred Seal of Confession is inviolable, nor is this only the Jesuits doctrine, but the known opinion of all Catholic Divines: there is not that Priest amongst us that will not rather choose to die, than reveal a Confession, and if they die for it, Protestants must not think it strange that we honour them. This was Father Garnets' case, who was condemned for not revealing Confessions, and for being a Priest and Jesuit. No wonder then if St. Arnour saw his picture in a Catholic country: But I dare say he never saw Guerets or Guignards, as the Dr. insinuates; for though they died innocently, yet they died not for the Faith, as Father Garnet did. Let St. Arnour say what he will, he never acknowledged himself guilty of the Treason: that's a mere calumny and it is something strange, the Dr. should travail into France to know what passed in London. All he confessed was, that having an inkling of suspicion out of confession that Catesby was brewing mischief (though he knew not what it was) he used all his power to persuade him to be quiet, and not to run himself upon desperate courses, which were neither pleasing to God nor man, and that finding him to his thinking, resolved to follow his counsel, he did not take himself obliged to give informations against him, as not judging it the part of a christian, much less of a Priest, to accuse his brother of a crime, whereof he verily believed he had repent. After his death it pleased God in a wonderful manner to confirm his innocency, (ibid. n. 34. 35.) by imprinting his picture upon a husk of straw, where some of his blood had light. King james himself and some other Protestants, as well as many Catholics were witnesses of it, and although much endeavour was used to find out a Painter, that would undertake to make such another picture by it, none could be found; all concluding it was beyond the art of man, to contrive such a rare piece in so narrow a compass. The Baron of Hobocque (who was then Ambassador from the Crown of Spain) offered six hundred Crowns for the straw, and his testimony is yet to be seen, witnessing that he saw the picture upon it, though he could not say it was like Father Garnet, because he had never seen him. There is also extant a large narrative, which one john Wilkinson signed at his death, who was the very man that took up the Straw at the Execution, and was also present when Father Garnets' picture was first discovered upon the straw.  
13. One thing more I cannot omit in this place, that if Jesuits were such desperate King-haters, as the Dr. paints them, Kings would not be such fooles as to build them Colleges, and trust them with the education of youth, and with their own Consciences too, as we see most Catholic Kings and Princes do to this very day, the Emperor, the Kings of France and Poland, the Queen of England, Queen and Prince Regent of Portugal, Duchess of Orleans though but a late convert, Dukes of Bavary Newburg▪ and many other Princes of Germany and else where. It is their nearest concern to look well to their own preservation and safety, and not to have dangerous Persons about them. Had not the Queen Regent of Spain taken Jesuits to be honest men, She would never have preferred Father Nithard her Confessor to the first Ecclesiastical dignity in all Spain, She would never have made him her first Minister of State, Her extraordinary, and now lately her ordinary Ambassador at Rome and procured for him a Cardinal's Cap, and his holiness's command, and dispensation to receive it, and to undertake the other honourable Employments, which he laboured to decline according to the Obligation of his Vow. Believe me Princes are so far from conceiving Jesuits to be Enemies to Government, that they are generally of Alexander the Prince of Parma's mind, that they are necessary to keep Subjects in obedience to their Governors, and that one of their Colleges is as good as a strong Citadel, to keep the People in their duty. [Strad. To. 2. l. 3.] And it seems the Magistrates of Embrick in Cleaveland thought so too; for not many years ago, when the Protestant Governor would have turned them out of the City, they prevailed with him to let them stay, protesting that the Jesuits had such a powerful influence into the good order of the whole Town, that they neither could nor would govern it without them, and with a great deal of reason; for what do the Jesuits Preach to the People, but first, that Sovereign Princes are the Lords anointed and therefore to be respected and honoured as holy and sacred things. 2. That it is a damnable Heresy to think that their power does not come from God. 3. That it is God that sets the Crown upon their Heads, as it was wont anciently to be represented in Pictures by a hand stretched out holding a Crown. 4. That he who resists Kings, purchases to himself his own damnation, as the Apostle expresses himself. Rom. 13. 1. 5. That obedience is due to them, not because they are virtuous or wise, or endued with any other good quality, but for this only that they are Sovereigns and Gods Vicegerents. 6. that it is not lawful to deny them obedience, much less to rebel against them although they were vicious, untoward, and hard to support, as S. Peter speaks. 1 Pet. 2. 6. 7. That it is a most prodigious crime & execrable Particide for Subjects to attempt any thing against their Persons, upon any pretence whatsoever, and that afflictions & persecutions patiently endured, are a most grateful Sacrifice unto Almighty God.  
14. What shall I now say to the Drs. two propositions, which he would have Jesuits declare without mental reservations? To the first, about the Pope's power to absolve Subjects from their obedience, I beg leave to wave such odious controversies, about the authority of Christ's Vicar upon earth. Let it suffice to have told you with Henry 4. that the Jesuits hold nothing about the Pope's power, which is not common to other Catholic Drs. It is not handsome for private persons to renounce a power which their Superiors pretend to. To the second, how the Jesuits would behave themselves in case the Pope should War against the King, etc. I answer, I do not question but his Majesty would find them faithful Subjects, and repose as much trust in them and all Catholics, as in Dr. Sti. and those of his Principles. It is fresh in our memories how the French King, for all he lately swaggered with the Pope, and was ready to make war against him, did not part with the Jesuit his Confessor, nor repose less confidence in him and the rest of his Order. There never was a precedent of the Jesuits siding with his Holiness against their own Princes, but there have been too many Examples of Protestants siding and Plotting against their Catholic Princes, We have not forgot the setting up the Lady jane Greys' title against the undoubted Heir of the Crown, and the cutting off the Queen of Scots head, that a Protestant might be sure to succeed. It belongs to God to dive into the secrets of men's hearts, and therefore I will not offer to judge, but if it be lawful to guests by good conjectures, it is shrewdly to be suspected, that some Protestants would have scuck to the good Old Cause, and have been backward enough in his Majesty's happy Restauration, had he not been a Protestant. I will not puzzle the Dr. with the resolution of such nice cases, nor give you, Sir, any farther trouble at present, but conclude out of the premises, that Dr. Still. is far from proving the Jesuits Fanatical, for resisting Authority under pretence of Religion, which was the thing he undertook to prove. The rest of his unjust accusations I reserve for a fourth Letter.   

The Speech of Henry the iv King of France, in behalf of the JESUITS.  
THe Nobility of the Court of Paris and a great part of the Parliament being come to the King's Palace, Harley one of the Precedents of the Parliament of Paris addressing himself to his Majesty, pronounced a studied invective against the Jesuits, wherein he urged all that which the enemies of the Society had premeditated. All his speech closed in this▪ that the Society of Jesus ought not to be recalled into France, but continue banished. The King replied in this manner,  
1. THe care you show of me and my Kingdom is grateful to me; albeit you seem not to have throughly weighed the things you demand, nor are you, as yet, so well acquainted with my thoughts, as I am with yours.  
2. You deem the Weal of my Kingdom to consist in the proposition you have made; you tell me it is a matter that deserves to be most carefully deliberated. And I tell you, you have said nothing which I have not most carefully weighed, and most diligently examined by myself these eight or nine years.  
3. You take yourselves for men of great understanding and experience in the Common wealth. But believe me I know as well as You all that hath been in controversy in this matter.  
4. First of all you object to the Fathers of the Society, the Assembly of Poissy, * but without cause. For if there had been at that place others like many of 
The Clergy held an Assembly at Poissy an. 1561. in which the society was allowed of, and admitted though not fully.  them, the Catholic cause would have had a more happy success. Therefore that which you turn to their dispraise, any just Umpire will attribute to their virtue. But that which I most wonder at in your judgements is, that so preposterously you condemn the society of ambition, whereas the Fathers of the Society with a constant submission, have ever refused all honour and preferment, as well Ecclesiastical as Political: and which is more, they bind themselves by vow not only not to aspire to honours, but even to refuse the same when they are freely offered them. Consider their whole course of life, and you shall find that all their ambition is to labour to help all, and that without any pretence of interest or gain. They value not the expenses of their own pains, so they may profit many.  
5. But that you call in question the very name of the Society of jesus, and for that you tax them. But see with what reason. For if they must be blamed for that holy name, what shall we say for those Religious Persons who take their name from the most blessed Trinity? And your Daughters here at Paris; what will you think of them that call themselves Daughters of God? Finally how will you censure my Knights, who are called of the Holy Ghost? Truly I do not more dislike them that take their name from Christ, than any other.  
6. You object that the Divines of Sotborn condemned the jesuites. I do not deny it. But they condemned them being innocent, unknown and unheard. For this I call to witness, those very Divines themselves, who now admit them, whom their Predecessors banished, and honour them whom they contemned; nay they praise now and extol those that were condemned, and stick not to take them for their Directors, and Masters, in all kind of Learning.  
7. You tell me the jesuits have hitherto remained in France only by connivance, Here I acknowledge, and reverence the divine providence, that hath reserved this honour for me, not yet achieved by others, that I should establish in this Realm the Society of jesus, which hitherto hath had no settled abode in France. My Predecessors have received the Society, I will patronise and preserve them.  
8. Peradventure you will turn to the jesuits discredit, that for which you ought to praise and honour them: The University of Paris earnestly and openly opposed them. And what, I pray, was the cause of this opposition? All was, that the Fathers did not only equal others in Learning and Industry, but also went far beyond them. A clear testimony of this is the great number of Youth that frequented the Father's Schools, where together with Learning they learned Virtue. But to stop this opposition, I will make a Decree that the University of Paris shall no more oppose them. And this you will be glad of.  
9 But you will tell me, that the ablest of your Parliament got not their Learning of the jesuits. This I will not much gainsay. For the ablest of you, as they excel in Learning so they exceed in years. These got their Learning in Foreign Nations, before the Society set foot in France. Others did not so, and so I am certain they think and speak otherwise. And what need they speak? the matter itself speaks. We ourselves saw now at the departure of the Society out of France, all the muses seemed to departed. Our University was desert and mourned: those came seldom at it, who before daily in great numbers frequented the Fathers. Yea many departed the Realm, and forsook their Country to study in the Societies Schools; nor could your Decrees or Threats stop them.  
10. You say the Fathers joined themselves to the League, that is not to be imputed to their fault, but to the iniquity of the times. But this I persuade myself upon the assurance I have of the integrity of their Consciences, that they will become such towards me, as it behoveth them who mindful of benefits, desire to show themselves most grateful.  
11. Now some of you impose on the Fathers a new crime, and peradventure as yet unheard of, saying, that they draw to their order young men of the most forwardness and best dispositions. An unpardonable crime: yet I praise them and esteem them particularly for this, that you condemn. Do not we, though in a different matter, do the self same? A Captain that is to raise Soldiers, does he not cull out the choicest, and leave the meanest and least hopeful? In your Parliament, when you choose a new Court, or fill up an old, do you prefer the unlearnedst, and least apt for business? If the jesuits should put unlearned Masters in their Schools, or in their Churches ignorant Preachers▪ would you not with reason blame them? What offence is it that the jesuits should provide the fittest they can, both for Church and Schools.  
12. That slander which concerns the jesuits treasure, is as false as common. Go visit all the Colleges in France, search all their treasures sum all together, and you will scarce find twelve, or at most fifteen thousand Crowns I know well how poor and slender furniture, and provision was both at Lions and Bourge. Nevertherless 30 or 40 persons were to be fed in each of those Colleges▪ whereas their yearly Revenues was scarcely sufficient for eight Masters.  
13. The Vow of obedience with which they tie themselves to the Pope, doth not oblige them to be more faithful to externes, then to us. Neither is there in that Vow any thing contrary to the Oath which they will swear unto me. They will attempt nothing (I am sure) against their Prince. That Vow to the Pope bindeth them to go to barbarous and savage Nations that they may reduce them to the Catholic Church. The whole World testifieth that the remotest Regions of the Indies, together with infinite Heretics, have been by their pains and learned endeavours, brought to Christ's fold. I remember I have often said▪ that if the Labour of Spanish Fathers be so profitable for Spain, why should not France with reason expect the same? Is that Kingdom more fortunate and flourishing than this? Spain is loved by the Spaniards, and why should the French hate their Native soil?  
14. But as you are wont to say, these men seek to be admitted into Provinces and Kingdoms what way soever they can. Pray you is this an offence? 'Tis the custom of all that follow the instinct of nature. I myself, by what means I could, sought to get my Crown. Howsoever we cannot but admire the Father's constant patience, whereby they go through so great and hard matters, and bear so many and so heavy Crosses.  
15. Neither do I esteem them the worse, for that they be so observant of their Rules and Constitutions. This is that whereby the Society doth increase, flourish and better itself every day more and more. For this Reason I thought not good to change any of their Constitutions and Rules, though I have made some change in others, which was not approved of all. But that's no matter.  
16. The Fathers of the Society have many back Friends, among some that seem Holy and Religious Persons, who speak ill of them. This no wise man will wonder at. Our age is not come to that Sanctity, that Ignorance should ceass to hate Learning, or corruption of manners leave to envy integrity of life. It was so in times past, and so 'tis still. These Moths are always gnawing on learned works. No prosperity so circumspect that can scape the tooth of malice, hatred and envy, always attend the highest things. I observed: when it was consulted about the recalling of the jesuits into France, that two sorts of men did specially oppose themselves, Heretics, and lose living Churchmen: the one was moved thereunto by their bad Faith, the other by their bad Life. But I am so far from being hereby moved to alter my intended purpose, that I am more confirmed in my resolution.  
17. The Fathers of the Society, speak and think honourably of the Pope, so they should, and so do I; I join with them, since I am certain that, in averring and defending the Pope's authority, they differ not from other Catholic Divines.  
18. Neither did their Doctrine ever give occasion to Clergy men to deny me tribute. Nor is there any to be found, whom these Father's Words or Books animated to killing of Kings. Whatsoever some have patched together to bring them to Discredit, is all a Fiction and mere Fable. Thirty Years and more are passed, since the Fathers began to instruct the Youth of France both in Virtue and Learning. Of these same have gone through with all their Studies in their Schools. Others have broke off, and applied themselves to Physic or Law. Tell me whether any of those ever learned of their Masters to lay hands upon Kings, and kill them? I tell You the Fathers are so clear, that they are content to appeal even to their own Enemy's judgement. There are some Pulpit-Men among the Heriticks, who were trained up in the Father's Schools: Ask these Men their judgements concerning the jesuits Lives and Doctrine: But whose Cause is so good as to desire to be tried by Enemies? Yet I am sure in their Case this has been done, The Ministers have been asked their judgement of the jesuits: And they have given no other Answor, but, That the jesuits Lives cannot be Reprehended, and for their Doctrine, that it is in too cear a Sun to be questioned. Cerces few can be found that will dare to stand to their Enemy's judgement, their security of Conscience must needs be great, that fears not any Adversaries Verdict.  
19 The Confession of Barriere, who atttempted something against my Person, doth not infringe that which I have said. For so far was any jesuit from that fact (which you nevertheless affirm) that one of these Fathers of good credit advised me of it in time, and another of them dehorted and deterred Barriere from his attempt, proposing to him God's heavy judgements due to such Malefactors.  
20. As for Chastel, all imaginable torments, were not able to wrest the least Word against Varadius or any one Father of the Society. If this be not so, why spared you the guilty? Why let you them go when you had them fast? why punished you them not according to your Law and Court?  
21. But to grant you that that never was; suppose some one of the Society had attempted against my Person. Will you condemn all the Apostles for one Judas? shall the punishment light on my head, for whatsoever any of my Soldiers shall trespass in military licence? I acknowledge the hand of God, whose will it was to have me pressed and humbled at that time; the same hand raised me and set me safe again. God's goodness and providence be thanked. I have learned to forget and forgive injuries for God's sake, as I willingly do for that King, who is greater than myself. And now I will be so far from remembering injuries done unto me or revenging the same, that I will daily offer up Prayers to God for my Enemies. All of us have need of God's mercy, which is no ways better to be obtained, than by promptly and readily pardoning those who have offended us.   

The Fourth LETTER, That the Jesuits are neither Factious, nor Enemies to Bishops.  
1. SIR. There seems to be an indispensable necessity that differences should sometimes arise amongst God's Servants; for where there are different interests, as it falls out in divers communities, it is hardly possible, but there will be clashing now and then to maintain them, and the Devil will be sure to blow the coals of dissension to widen the breach. Saints upon earth have had their controversies: Witness St. Paul and St. Barnaby, St. Peter and St. Paul, [Acts 5. Gal. 2. St. Austin and S. Hierom. And the blessed Angels in Heaven are recorded in holy Scripture to have resisted one another, when they did not clearly understand God's will; as it happened between the two Angel-Gardians of the Jews and the Persians, who stood each of them for their Pupils, and opposed one another for the space of one and twenty 
St. Hier. Theodor. S. Greg. S. Thom. apud Cornel. a Lapid. Daniel. 10.  days; the Angel of the Jews striving for their delivery, lest they should be corrupted and perverted by those Infidels; and the Angel of the Persians contriving their stay, that the Persians by conversing with them might be converted to the true Faith. What wonder then if frail men are sometimes at variance, when both parties take themselves to have right on their sides. This has been more than once the case between Regulars and Seculars, to dispute exemptions and privileges, while neither of them will yield what they conceive to be their due, till their Supreme Pastor pronounce the sentence, and take up the dispute. But why the Jesuits should bare the blame of those misfortunes more than others. I do not see; only they are Jesuits, and therefore must have the chief hand in all manner of mischief, if their enemies may be credited.  
Sect. 9 2. In the first place, Dr. St. objects the differences between the Jesuits and the Secular Priests, begun (says he) at Wisbich Castle. But he is much out of his story, for the Jesuits had no hand in the breach, as is clearly to be seen in Moor's History [▪ l, 4. n. 17.] Some dispute indeed there was, upon Mr. George Blackwels being established Superior over the Clergy, under the title of Archpriest & if Fa. Parsons stood up in defence of his Holiness authority in that occasion, he ought not to be blamed for it, but I will never believe that he used such scolding reproachful language, as the Dr. speaks of out of Watson, nor indeed half so foul language as is to be found in his own works. Had he called it Folly, or a Bad spirit, to resist the Pope's Authority, he were not to be blamed, Sir, calling things by their own names, no more than the Apostle, for his character of those of Candia, ●n his time. Tit. 1. 12. But that you may see how unlucky the Dr. is in his Authors, this Watson was ecuted at Tyburn for having a hand in Sir Walter Raleigh's business, and died very penitent, retracting with great korror what he had passionately written against the Jesuits, and in particular against Fa. Parsons. But F. Parsons was the man that hindered the Clergy from having a Bishop. No such matter. There is a writing of his to be seen, in which he gave his Holniess nine reasons for the conveniency and necessity of having two Bishops in England, and a Letter to Cardinal Alan about their maintenance. What the Dr. insinuates of the Jesuits aim to govern the Clergy is as wide of truth. 'tis far from their spirit and vocation to seek any such authority, or to pretend any more than to be their fellow-labourers in the English vineyard, as sent thither by the same common Master, Christ's Vicar upon earth, for the good of souls.  
3. He enlarges himself yet more upon another later controversy, between the Regulars and Seculars, about the Bishop of Chalcedon, and makes a long Catalogue of books writ pro and con, and it is no discredit to the Jesuits to see Aurelius named amongst their Adversaries who they say proved afterwards to be that famous Jansenist the Abbot of St. Cyran. But because Urban the eight, has commanded under censures, that no more should be written of that subject, I forbear to meddle with it. Only, Sir, you may please to take notice how ignorantly the Dr. says, the Pope only suppressed the books on both sides, but durst not interpose at all in the main business, for fear of losing either side. For was not the main controversy about the regulars jurisdiction, and the validity of confessions heard by them, without the Bishop's approbation? And did not his Holiness in his Breve A. D. 1631. as is to be seen in Moor's History, [▪ l 10. an. 9] declare all such confessions valid, and that Regulars having their power immediately from the Sea Apostolic, needed no Episcopal approbation to hear confessions. And farther that all Missioners were to use their faculties and privileges in the same manner as they did in Gregory 13. and Paul 5. time. Let the Dr. then for shame forbear to cry out as he doth; were not here controversies to be determined? to what purpose is that authority that dare not be exercised when there is need of it? You see the Pope durst interpose and exercse his authority and determine the main controversies.  
Sect 10. 4. His third objection is the Jesuits particular opposition against Bishops▪ but they have a ready answer, we have no such custom nor the Church of God. 1 Cor. 11. They do not deny but they have had their difficulties with some Bishops about their Privileges, which you'll say they have no reason to forgo, but have no spite to their authority, as the Dr. maliciously affirms. I told you before how Father Parsons laboured to have Catholic Bishops settled in England, now I will give you a later Testimony, how far they are from opposing any such authority in a part of their Provincial letters, 4. Decemb. A. D. 1635. [Morus ibid. an. 9] to the Pope's Nuncio then resident with the Qu●en of England. None of ours, says he, has ever opposed himself against the establishment of Episcopal authority, but we have either delivered our opinions, when we were asked by those that had power to do it▪ or have written by constraint, what we judged necessary to defend the faith and dignity of the Sea Apostolic for which no body can blame us. Nor were we heretofore any let or hindrance to the Bishop of Chalcedon, or will we be hereafter to any other, from freely exercising whatsoever power he shall receive from the Sea Apostolic.  
Now to the Drs. two instances, of the Jesuits unworthy dealing, with the Archbishop of Manille and Bishop of Angelopolis: I confess it is a hard task, to convince a Liar, that fetches his news out of another World, many will rather choose to believe him, then go so far to disprove him. Yet in our case, the very Authors themselves, out of whom he has copied his stories, render them nor only suspected but improbable: he might as well have taken them out ot the Holland Gazet, which is usually well furnished with such matters. All I have to say to that of the Archbishop of Manille, is to tell you▪ that the Moral Practice of the Jesuits, is just such another Libel as the Mystery of Jesuitism, and both burnt at Paris by the Hangman, in obedience to the King's Orders, though it seems, they have risen again out of their Ashes, and appear in London like Phoenixes. The journal of St. Amour with the other story of the Bishop of Angelopolis, is as little to be credited as having had the same fate to be destroyed by the Hangman and who will trust a rank Jansenist, when he writes against his professed enemies the Jesuits. But I have something more to say to him and his story: for I have lately met with a writing of Father Annats, who has clearly laid open his 
Faussetez & Impostures d'un Cahier, etc.  manifest impostures, and proved the whole Machine of his accusations, to be such a tottering Ruinous piece, and so ill contrived, that it falls to the ground at the least touch. This you will presently see if you please to observe, that all is built upon a letter, of the Bishop of Angelopolis to Pope Innocent the 10th. which no wise man will believe, was ever written by the Bishop, but forged at Port Royal, as there is just reason to suspect; For the publisher was so strangely blinded with passion, to disgrace the Jesuits, he did not mind, that his accusations would serve them for a very sufficient answer. He makes the Bishop of Angelopolis complain, how shamefully he was abused by the Jesuits of his Diocese. I confess the word of a Bishop carries a great authority: but what if a greater Bishop than he were of a contra●y mind? will it not much lessen his credit? this is our case; for the same Bishop of Angelopolis, in the same letter, confesses the Archbishop of Mexico, stood wholly for the Jesuits. What if besides this Archbishop, the Vice Roy, and all the King's Officers and Judges of his Courts, were also for the Jesuits? What if all the Religious of other Orders, and the Inquistors', nay his own Chapter, all sided with the Jesuits? Will not all these grave Testimonies be able to clear them? The Bishop again professes in the same letter, that the Jesuits had gained all these to their party, and that he was alone. What shall we then think of a Letter, which in the same breath, both accuses and defends the Jesuits, and so defends them, that the Accuser himself acknowledges he is alone, against the whole Sovereign Ecclesiastical and secular power of the Country? is it not a very pleasant continuance, that to make the Jesuits criminal, all the most honourable and considerable Persons of the West Indies, must be made their Complices and guilty of the same Crime? Believe me, had the Jesuits stood with the Bishop against all those, Doctor Stillingfleet would have cried out as loud against them.  
Another ground to suspect, the Bishop's Letter was forged, is the improbability of the accusations: For who will easily believe, that the Jesuits either bribed the Vice Roy, or offered a sum of money for the Bishop's head, or forced him into the Mountains, or put their Scholars in Mascarade to abuse him, or refused to obey the Popes or the King's orders, or preached Christ so as to conceal his crucifixion, or caused other regulars to be whipped and banished that came into China, or that they were so strangely fallen from their first Institute as to need a Reformation. Methinks the Publisher of these Accusations (and the Dr. too who takes them up at second hand) might have done well to have reflected, on that judicious Observation of an old German Protestant, who when he heard what strange tales were told of the Jesuits, and amongst the rest Cardinal that Bellarmin, had in his time ravished I know not how many Virgins. Such Reports saith he, are of no advantage to our Cause; for when the World is once used to such improbable Lies, they will hardly be brought after to believe what is really true.  
However the Publisher sticks not only to relate them but also to assure us, that the Pope's Breve 16. April Anno Dom. 1648. fully confirms whatever the Bishop had objected against the Jesuits, which is so notoriously false, that I wonder how he had the Face to say it, or the Dr. to repeat it after him. For in the whole Breve, and Decree of the Congregation inserted in it, there is not the least mention made of any such misdemeanours of the Jesuits, or any thing insinuated to their disparagement, but only a Declaration of some Points not derogating at all from those Privileges, which occasioned the Controversy, and a Resolution of 26 doubts which is common to other Regulars as well as Jesuits, and so little favourable to the Bishop's pretensions, that Father Alvarade, the Jesuits Procurator for Mexico not only proved 18 of the Resolutions to be directly contrary to what he would have had, but also was permitted to Print if in Rome itself. The World knows, Pope Innocent the X, was not to an humour to dissemble such gross abuses, had they come to his knowledge, a clea● Argument (says Father Annate) that the Ship that that brought the Letter from Mexico, delivered at Port Royal, or it it were eve● sent to Rome, God heard his devout Prayer that penned it, in which he beseeches Christ jesus, that if what he writes does not aim at God's glory it may never arrive at the Pope's hands, or if he receive it, he may not regard it but despise it. I know the Dr. talks another Decree against the Jesuits, but confesses it was put into the Index expurgatorius by Alexander the 7th. which is a shrewd sign it was a surreptitious or counterfeit: Peice which his Holiness would not own. I am sure, there is nothing against the Jesuits, in the final determination of the whole controversy, signed by Cardinal Spadae, who was head of that Congregation Anno Dom. 1652. after six years' dispute; for never could▪ the Congregation be drawn, to declare the validity of the Bishop's excommunications, or the Jesuits necessity of being absolved from them, or to condemn the Jesuits carriage in that whole business. On the contrary side, I find both Congregations speak very honourably of them; for this last styles the Society a laudable and profitable Order, that Labours with great Fruit of Souls, and exhorts the Bishops to embrace them as such. And that which was in 1648 concludes thus. The Holy Congregation seriously exhorts in our Lord, and admonishes the Bishop that being mindful of Christian meekness, he carry himself with a Fatherly affection towards the Society of jesus, which according to their laudable institute has laboured, and still continually labours with so much Fruit in the Church of God. And that considering it as a profitable help, in the conduct of his Church, he treat them favourably and return to his former Friendship, etc. Note that the Translator of the Breve where this is recited, could not abide to see so clear a Testimony of the Jesuits good service, actually performed for God's Church. What does he? according to the jansenian dialect, he turns the word Labour at into Laborabat, and so translates it in the Preterimperfect tense, to make his Reader believe, that though the Congregation acknowledge, the Jesuits have formerly done the Church good service, yet all that is past and gone, whereas the Congregation speaks expressly in the Present tense, that they still labour without intermission: So far were those grave Prelates it seems, from thinking there was any need of reforming the Jesuits, as was objected. I may add unto all this one reflection more, which might serve alone, to justify the Jesuits in their difference with the Bishop. Know then that the King of Spain's Counsel in India, being throughly informed of all passages in those Countries, thought fit for the quiet and peace of his Diocese, to recall the Bishops to Madrid, and there make him resign up his Bishopric of Angelopolis, and content himself with another less Bishopric in new Spain, which is a sign, he had not carried himself with so much satisfaction as was expected.  
I must not leave this point without clearing the Jesuits way of Preaching and Converting Souls in China. This I cannot do better, then by producing the Testimony of a learned and grave Dominican, who lived long in that Kingdom, and was well acquainted with the Jesuits, who by the way, it seems used him civilly for all he was of another Order, and did not cause him to be whipped or banished, as their custom is if we believe Dr. Still. I Brother Dominious Sar-Petrus alias of St. Peter● Sicilian of the Order of Preachers, heretofore etc. do declare unto all those, that shall see these present Letters. First, That having been sent by my Superiors to Preach in this Kingdom, and having by their command, for 8 years, diligently informed myself of all the superstitions of their Sects, do judge, that the practice, which the Father's missionants of the Society of jesus make profession to follow, in dispensing with certain Ceremonies, with which the Christians in China, use to honour their Philosopher Confusius, and their other deceased Ancestors, is not only safe (as approved by the H. Congregation of the Universal Inquisition) but if we regard the Principles of their prime Sects, much more probable than the contrary, and not only profitable but also necessary, to open the Gate of the Gospel to those Heathens, etc. Secondly, I attest that the Fathers of the Society in this Kingdom of China, announce Christ crucified unto the Pagans not only by word of mouth, but in their many writings, and diligently instruct their Neophyts in the mysteries of the sacred Passion▪ and in some Residences have erected confraternities of the holy Passion, and that of late the Persecutor of our holy Law called Yan Quam Sein, urged this chiefly, against the Preachers of the Gospel, that they worshipped a man crucified, for the Lord of Heaven and Earth, which he proved out of the Books of the Fathers of the society, etc. Thirdly, I attest, and for as much as it is necessary, do confirm it by Oath, that in giving these two Attestations, I was not led by any body's entreaty or persuasion, but only by the love of Truth. For considering that the doubts which are moved in these matters, are only in point of Fact (as the Congregation insinuates) and that in such moral things, the circumstances of the Fact, are to be measured by the judgement of learned and prudent men: It seemed to me very unreasonable, to condemn as superstitious, what so many and so great Missioners of the society (with whom I have lived and familiarly conversed these 3 years, whose Charity I have experienced, and whose Learning, Piety, Zeal, good Behaviour, not to say holiness, is well known to me) and so many of their worthy Predecessors, have judged to belong only to a politic and civilkind of worship. Wherefore knowing that upon occasion of certain doubts, that Fr. Br. John Baptista de Morales, of the same Order and Province, etc. propounded to the holy Cougregation of the universal inquisition Anno Dom. 1645. some not well affected to the Society, both in Europe and India, have given out; that the Missionanes of the Society, in the Kingdom of China, did not Preach Christ crucified, and permitted their Christians to play the Idolators that I may not by my silence, seem to consent to their report, and that I may with all as much as I can, clear the reputation of so great Fathers, I have given this Testimony, submitting it to the more certain judgement of the holy Roman Church. In Witness whereof I have given these Letters, and signed them with my own Hand, in this House of Canton, where we are kept in banishment and thraldom, for the true Faith 4. Aug. Anno Dom. 1668. B. Dominicus Sar Patrus, etc. I find this Attestation, in Latin, in Estrix his Diatriba Theologica newly printed at Antwerp [1 pag. 241.] and the Author who resides at Louvain, is ready to show an authentical Copy, faithfully taken out of the original, which is kept in the Jesuits achievements at Rome. And I need go no farther, to confute all the Drs. slanders, of the Jesuits behaviour in China; for what he says of the 17 Decrees against the Jesuits 1645. they were the Answers to Morales his doubts mentioned in this Attestation, but nothing against the Jesuits, as appears by the latter Decree● of the same Congregation under Alexander the 7th. 1656.  
Sect. 11. His last Objection is about the Jesuits differences in matter of Doctrine, for he says truly they not only descent from the Jansenists in the five known Propositions, but also differ from the Dominicans in two man ●oints, the immaculate conception of our blessed Lady and Physical Predeterminations. Sir, this Objection concerns other Catholic Drs. as well as the Jesuits, for they all agree with the Jesuits that the five jansenian Propositions condemned by his Holiness are heretical, and many of them side also with the Jesuits against the Dominicans, in the other two Controversies yet under debate. However because the Jesuits are particularly named by the Dr. as the chief Dissenters, you may expect a word or two from me in their justification. It is their glory to have so stoutly opposed the jansenists Doctrine, which has been since blasted by the definitive Sentence of the Supreme Pastors of the Church. The Dr. might as well have objected their dissenting from the Calvinists, for since his Holiness his censure has been generally received by Catholics all over Christendom, there can be no question but jansenisme is condemned by the Church, as well as Calvinisme, and are both equally to be esteemed Heresy, for I suppose we all agree that the whole Church cannot err in condemning Heresy, and when we say so, our meaning must be not to include the opposite Party, or to require that they submit and declare that they believe contrary to what they believed before, as the Dr. seems to require, pag. 447. otherwise we may justify the Arians and all other Heretics, who were rarely known to have submitted to the judgement of the Church that condemned them, though assembled in general Councils. It is clear then that such divisions as these between the Church and those that separate themselves from her, are not prejudicial to the Church's Unity, which is entirely preserved by a due submission of all her members unto what the Church thinks fit to determine. It were easy here to answer the Drs. question; let them name one controversy that has been ended in their Church, merely by the Pope's decrees; for to go no farther, this very controversy of the Jansenists has been ended by the Pope's decrees, and so ended that the Jansenists themselves have submitted to them, as is evident to all those that are not ignorant in those affairs; for did they not (the Bishops as well as others, that had stood out so long) at last submit and sign the Formulaire, by which they not only acknowledged the 5 condemned Propositions to be Heretical, but to be the very propositions of jansenius, and did not his Holiness upon the French Kings declaration of this their submission, by a particular Breve, restore peace to the Gallican Church?  
How shamefully then does the Dr. cry out; that there never was a fairer occasion given to the Pope, to show his authority for preservation of the Church's unity, than this of the sieve propositions. And yet that he could never be prevailed with to suffer the main controversy to be touched, and that there are so many ways to avade his deffinitions, that his Authority signifies nothing: for you see for all the Jansenists ways and tricks to evade, the Pope shown his authority to preserve the Church's unity, and was prevailed with to define the main controversy so far; that no body now dare call it in question or pro●es● himself a jansenist, whatsoever he may be in his heart. But why says he, does not the Pope, or at least general Concils put an end to all controversies amongst Catholics? For example▪ why does he not determine the differences about the Immaculate Conception and Predetermination, which have made so great a noise in the world? Let him first tell me, why did not our Blessed Saviour leave all matters of Faith so clearly expressed in holy Scriptures, as to prevent all disputes amongst Christians, or why did not the first four general Councils (whose Authority the Dr. allows) give us a clear Comment upon all difficult places which are found in the sacred Text, or why does not Dr. St. himself, undertake out of Scripture, to reconcile all the dissenting members of his Church, for since all parties agree the Scripture to be Infallible (it is his own rule) there can be no more certain way for Unity. Why I say does he not then, make use of this most certain way to keep unity in his Church, where we see they condemn one another of damnable errors? I will not take upon me to enter into the secret Counsels of Christ, and his holy Spouse the Church, or to give you the reasons why they thought fit to leave things as they are. But I may venture to guests why the Dr. with all his writing and preaching, has not yet, nor never will void all controversies out of Scripture; for where the difficulty lies in the sense of Scripture, itself (as it is our case) let it be never so infallible, there cannot be a less certain way to Unity, or more endless way of taking up disputes; then the Scripture, unless it would speak for itself, and declare its own meaning, which will never be. It is not so with Catholics, for the Pope or a General Council, can declare their own meaning, if there be any doubt of it, as it happened in the case of the five Propsitions, which the Jansenists would have drawn into different senses, for his Holiness found a way to make them clearly understand his meaning. And I think there never was Heretic condemned in a general Council, that doubted whether he were condemned or no, as Protestants doubt, whether Infants may be Baptised, whether Bishops are de jure Divino, etc. For all their infallible Scriptures. To maintain Scripture to be a better way to decide controversies, than the living Voice of the Church, is just as if a man should contend, that the Law itself or God Almighty is a better means to end Suits at Law then the Judges upon the Bench; for while the Law and God Almighty are silent, unless the Judge pronounce sentence, the Suit must of necessity be endless, and so must all controversies in Religions; for all the infallibility of Scripture, so long as it does not explicate its own meaning, and answer all difficulties.  
As for the disputes between the jesuits and the Dominicans, about predetermination and the Immaculate Conception, it is strange such School disputes should be still objected against the unity of our Church. I say School disputes for so I must call them, till the Church please to determine them, for the Dr. must know, that though these contentions are about matters of Faith in reality, yet are they not matters of Faith quo ad nos, till they be proposed unto us as such, and therefore although we contend about them, and are at variance among ourselves, yet our unity is still preserved by this, that both parties are ready to submit their judgements to the judgement of the Church, when ever she pleases to deliver the truth.  
If this had been well considered by the Dr. he would not have taken so much pains to prove so great a Paradox, as that there is as much union amongst Protestants as roman-catholics. In the interim the Church is careful to prevent all inconveniences, which arise, sometimes out of the heat of such eager disputes by severely forbidding both Parties to presume to censure one another's Tenets, and this under pain of excommunication and other penalties, for this amongst obedient Children is sufficient to keep them in Peace and Unity (for whatsoever they hold of the Pope's infallibility) they all agree that obedience and submission is due to his Authority, upon pain of being accounted Schismatics, for not yielding obedience to the common Pastor and Head of the Church. Protestants have no such way either to suspend or end their disputes, but must of necessity wrangle it out to the World's end, for want of a living Judge of Controversies. What the Dr. adds of the Jesuits holding a strange opinion of the Pope's infallibility in matters of Fact, is most false, for they differ not from any other Catholic Divines, as I have often told you. Lastly, for their persuading the People to defend the immaculate Conception with Fire and Sword and with their Blood, with which he concludes his 5th. Chapter, it needs no Answer; his Author has no credit as having been burnt at Paris for a Libel by the King's order, as I have told you. And now I promise you I will tyre you no more with my long Letters, having clearly and freely given you my sentiments concerning all the Drs. slanders and objections against the Jesuits,  
Farewell.   

Postscript.  
SIR, I have yet a Word or two to add upon the Receipt & Perusal of two Books since the writing of this Letter. The first is a compendious Account of the mission of China given at Rome this very Year 1672. to the sacred Congregation, de propagandà fide, by Father Prosper Intercetta the Jesuits Procurator from that Kingdom. By this it appears that the Jesuits do not always find that commodious entertainment in China, which the Dr. dreams of; for this Author witnesses that they commonly beg their sustenance of Neighbouring Europeans, and have not been without their Persecutions. For Anno Dom. 1664 four of them were clapped up close Prisoners, with three Chains, a piece tied to their Necks, three to their Hands, and three to their Feet: the chief of these F. Adam was sentenced to a cruel death (though the Execution was hindered by a terrible Earthquake, and other dreadful signs from Heaven, which made the People cry out, (great is the God of Christians,) the other three were condemned to have 40 Bastinadoes and all the rest were forced out of their 41 Residences, and 159 Churches and banished ●nto Cantons, and there kept Prisoners, nor have we yet news of their Releasement, though the last Letters from Pekin of the 23 Novemb. 1670. give great hopes of more liberty, than ever to Preach our Christian Faith, since the honourable Reception of the Portugal Ambassador in that Court. It also appears to be false what the Dr. affirms of other Religious, being kept out of the Kingdom by the jesuits, for the same Author tells us that before the late persecution, the Dominicans had 21 Churches and 11 Residences, and the Franciscans 3 Churches and 1 Residence. Lastly, this Author reckons up 254980 converted by the jesuits alone, from the Year 1581. to 1667. (not from Laces and Ribbons,) but from Idolatry, to the worship of Christ crucified.  
The other Book I mentioned contains a second Answer to the imfamous pretended Letter of the Bishop of Angelopolis drawn out of his Annotations upon St. Teresa's spiritual instructions, translated out of Spanish by Francis Pellicot Almoner and Confessor in the Queen's Court, and Printed in Paris by George Josse at the Crown of Thornes. For there the Translator (who professes an intimate acquaintance with the said Bishop) in his Preface, does not only deny him to have been Author of that scandalous Letter to the Pope, but produces three other Letters of his, written some Years after his contest with the jesuits, highly in their commendation, as you may see when you please. And farther in the Bishop's life, he shows how he retracted what he had unadvisedly done against them, in opposing their Privileges out of the Bishops own words which here follow. We are often so wedded to 
Palafox Annotat. to the 56 Ep. of St. Teresa.  false persuasions, which self Love suggests to maintain a bad Cause, that it is hard to root them out of our imagination, and reduce ourselves to the truth. This evil is very familiar with us, and I daily experience it in myself, and particularly in a certain Cause; for why should I not publicly acknowledge my Error, since I offended in the sight of the whole World. I say it happened in a thing of this nature, that I found certain Reasons to oppose my Adversaries (the jesuits) which seemed to me good and holy, but really were not so, but the effects of a vain and presumptuous Spirit. For I found afterwards, with the help of divine light, that the thing which I believed was from God, was quite contrary to his service. And this false belief of mine sprung from myself love, my passion, my pride, my vanity and my presumption. What better Apology can be made for the jesuits, than this humble Confession and Retractation of the Bishop?  
FINIS.