TRAVELS Into divers Parts of EUROPE and ASIA, Undertaken by the French King's Order to discover a new Way by Land into CHINA. Containing many curious Remarks in Natural Philosophy, Geography, Hydrography, and History. Together with a Description of Great Tartary, and of the different People who inhabit there. By Father Auril, of the Order of the Jesuits. Done out of French. To which is added, A Supplement extracted from Hakluyt and Purchas; giving an account of several Journeys over Land from Russia, Persia, and the Moguls Country to China. Together with the Roads and distances of the places. IMPRIMATUR. April 4. 1693. Char. Heron. LONDON: Printed for Tim. Goodwin, at the Maidenhead over-against St. Dunstan's-Church in Fleetstreet. MDCXCIII. THE Translator to the Reader. AMong the various Professors of the Christian Religion, they who call themselves roman-catholics have appeared most zealous to spread abroad their Superstitions in the far-distant, and New-discovered parts of the World. Whether it be that the Curse of the jews be upon 'em, to be scattered o'er the face of the Earth; or whether it be that their affinity with Antichrist makes 'em more eager in search of whom they may devour. However it be, certain it is, that the Jesuits and other gadding Orders of the Roman Religion, have for several years had a longing desire to settle themselves in China, as well as in all the other parts of Asia, under the Title of Missionaries. This same zealous curiosity of these Missionaries has produced the several Discoveries contained in the ensuing Voyages; which in a Series of inhabited Kingdoms, have tacked together two Extremities of the World, that were thought to lie disjoined from one another before. A work of great importance for the Advantages of Foreign Commerce and Traffic, and becoming the Encouragement of all the European Princes. However, because they could not be transmitted to public view, without the interlarded Digressions and Intoxications of Romish Superstitions, 'tis hoped the Reader will rather put a value upon what he meets with full of weight and conspicuous use, than mind the Impertinences of the Writer; and look upon 'em as the Flats and Sandbanks of some sorts of Medly-Writing, which are to be avoided just as our Seamen shun the Rocks and Shelves which they see before their Eyes in Ordinary, though Necessary Navigation. For the Design of this Translation was not to teach men the way to Heaven, but to instruct 'em in the several Newfound Roads to China. THE Author's Preface. IT will not be improper in giving the Public an account of my Travels, to speak a word or two about the Reasons that first induced me to undertake them. Some year ago the R. F. Verbirst of the Society of jesus, a famous Missionary in China, acquainted his Superiors in Europe, that the Mission of the East were in great want of Evangelical Labourers; and that it would be easy to furnish a considerable number of them, without exposing them to the hazards that bade stopped the best part of those who were going into China heretofore by Sea. He showed them that the Tartars in making themselves Masters of China, has made a Passage into that vast Empire through Great Tartary, and that it would be easy to take the advantages of the Commerce the Tartars had maintained ever since with the Chinese, to introduce the Light of the Gospel among both Nations. This Project proved the more acceptable, by reason that the loss of an infinite number of zealous Missionaries, who had consummated the sacrifice of their life, before they could reach the place of their Mission, was sensibly regretted; and that this way, though difficult in the beginning, did not seem impracticable, since History mentions some Travellers who have had the good fortune to reach China by Land. But whereas the way thither was not particularly known, I was pitched upon by Providence, and by my Superiors, for the better discovery thereof, and to get such instructions and informations as were most proper to that end. I hope this Relation may prove serviceable to such Missionaries who find themselves inclined to carry the Gospel into those Countries; and that charitable persons who are zealous for the glory of God, will the more willingly contribute to a Design so glorious, the execution whereof will daily become the less difficult. Besides the advantage of those Missions which was the principal aim of my Travels; my Relation will give several new insights into Sciences, and particularly into Geography. I will give an instance of it in this place. None had yet been able to discover the exact distance of Peking. It is true, that the last Relation of Siam, and the Observations of the Stars, and of the Eclipses, taken in those Countries, and by the way, by the Fathers of the Society of jesus, sent thither by his Majesty as his Mathematicians, had already showed us, that our Geographical Maps had placed the Extremities of Asia above 25 degrees too far. But yet Mr. Isaac Vossius, Var. obser. Lond. 1685. who had already printed his Sentiments about the Measures of Longitude, taken according to the Principles of Astronomy, seemed to distrust those kind of Proofs, and was so far from allowing China to be nearer, Universal Lib. Tom. 8. that he pretended it lay even farther. The Relation of Siam not having been able to convince him, he published a small Pamphlet to maintain his first Sentiments: But Father Govye Professor of the Mathemathicks at the College of Lewis le XIV. Physic. & Mathemat. Obser. Par. 1688. refuted all his Reasons, in a very solid manner, which satisfied the Public. The truth is, that both the Ancient and Modern Astronomers have effectually made use of the Eclipses of the Moon to determine Longitudes; and those who are any wise versed in those Matters, know how much we are obliged to Galilee for the discovery of the Satellites of Jupiter, Ibid. and the value we ought to set upon the Learned easy method the illustrious M. Capini has given us to find out Longitudes with certainty, in discovering the Emersions and Immersions of those Stars. It is childish to say, that we will not find wherewithal to fill up the other Hemisphere; and since M. Vossius was no better versed in the Principles Riccioli's Geograph. reformat. Dudl. Artan. del mare. of Astronomy and Geography as M. de la Hire observes with reason, he might at least, to satisfy himself, have taken the trouble to look upon Father Ricciolis Geographical Tables, or Dudly's Maps. Vossius was undoubtedly a great man, and incomparably well read, nay, beyond any other; but at the same time it is undeniable, that the desire of appearing universal, often plunged him into gross Errors, in taking him out of his Province. In fine, I am persuaded, that were Vossius alive still, though never so prepossessed with his Hypothesis, he would yield to the Proofs that are set down in this Book. And indeed, I have not only observed the Stars to take the Altitudes of the Countries where I have been myself: I have also followed the Rules he has prescribed, to discover the exact extent of every Country, the which he prefers to Astronomical Demonstrations: I have taken information from the Inhabitants; I have spoken to them, I have heard from them how many days they employed in travelling to China, and how many Leagues they travelled a day: I have seen them go from Moscow, and come back from Peking: In a word, I have taken such precautions, that I have reason to believe I have not been deceived. All my third Book is chiefly employed in relating the different Roads the Muscovites and Tartars use to travels into China; for which reason I call this Book, Travel into China, though I have not had the happiness to reach it myself, according to my expectation. I may add in this place, that tho' our Profession in general obliges us not to be sparing of our Lives and Health, and to run to the utmost bounds of the World, through the greatest dangers, to the assistance of Souls that are redeemed by the Blood of Jesus Christ, and that we are engaged so to do by a solemn Vow; yet people may the better rely upon the certainty of the Way I have discovered, by reason that this Project has been approved and followed by the Superiors of our Society, who have always a particular eye upon our Foreign Missions, as the most essential, and most holy part of our Profession, and are always cautious not to expose their Inferiors too rashly, without a reasonable ground, thereby to derive some advantage for the good of the Church, and for the propagation of the true Faith. So that it may be inferred from thence, that they would not have hazarded Twelve of their Brethren, all Persons of singular Merit, who are gone within these few Months for China, and all of them by Land, unless they had found some solidity in the Memoirs and Instructions I have given them. There are yet several others, who being moved by these Examples, and the desire of suffering much for God's sake, are disposing themselves for the same journey, who are resolved to take the Way of the Yousbecs, and of Thibets, according to the design that had been proposed to me by the late Count Sylli, which he would have put in execution before this, had not Death stopped him in the middle of his Glorious Enterprise. In order not to lose time, and to make that Road the easier for those that shall follow them, they go first to Constantinople, where they will find Father Beauvollier my Companion of Mission, who will be the Bearer of the King's Letters to the Cha of Persia, and who will conduct this Apostolical Company to Trebizon, to Erzerum, to Irivan, and to Schamaki. They will tarry some time in all those Cities, there to get new Informations, and to establish good Correspondencies, as also to leave two or three of their Company there to serve towards the Conversion of the People of the Country, and to give Instructions to the Missionaries that shall henceforward go that way. From thence they are to repair to Hispaan, which is the Metropolitan of Persia, where they shall desire the Cha's Protection, and deliver our Monarch's Letters to him, whose Recommendation and Zeal will be very material for the solid Establishment of our Design. From Hispaan they will repair to Samarkand, or to Bokara, there to make the like Establishment, while Father Grimaldi, who has been chosen by the Emperor of China to succeed the late Father Verbirst in his Place of Precedent of the Tribunal of the Mathematics, will use his utmost Endeavours to facilitate their design in China. They may likewise in that journey learn the Language of the Chineze-Tartars. They are also in hopes to meet in their way from Bokara to Peking, among the Chineze-Tartars, some of those that have been converted in coming to the Court of Peking. This Road has been chosen preferably to that of the Muscovites, both for the Reasons set down in my Book, and because Father Grimaldi is always diffident of those Schismatics, and dreads their appearing too much in China to the shame of Christianity, which they disgrace by their Ignorance and Brutality. Our Superiors design to send yearly some Missionaries who shall follow the same Road, and stop at Constantinople, at Trebizond, at Irzerum, at Irivan, and at Schamaki, in the room of those who shall be sufficiently acquainted with the Languages to continue the Voyage of China. The Persian Tongue will also be of use to them, since it may serve to convert the Chineze-Mahometans, whose Conversion St. Francis Xavier did not neglect. 'Tis much easier to bring them to the true Faith, than those who are under the Turk's Dominion. They may likewise usefully employ themselves during their journey in bringing back the Greeks to the Church of Rome, which some of them are pretty well inclined to, as it appears particularly by what I have related of the Armenians, and by the Relation from Julfa, which I have annexed to this Book. Julfa is a Subburb of Hispaan, and one of the chief Establishments of the Armenians in Persia. Those Missionaries will likewise have the ad●vantages of being versed in the Apostolical Functi●ons at their Arrival in China, by the Essays the● shall have made by the way, and by the experien●● they shall have acquired. They will consequently be in a Condition to labour effectually at their firs● Arrival into China, which could not be expected from those who have hitherto been sent there by Sea. Although these Precautions seem to be very good● we are sensible at the same time, That he tha● Plants, and he that Waters, is nothing, and tha● none but God is capable to grant Success to thi● great Undertaking. The Revolution that happened in the Kingdom of Syam, has showed us that God through the Secret judgements of hi● Providence, sometimes permits the best contrived measures, and the Designs that are best laid for his Glory, to miscarry, contrary to our Expectations However, we shall have the satisfaction of having done our Duty; and after all, we shall be too happy to acknowledge ourselves useless Servants: We hope that all good Catholics will be willing to second this Design, and to move the Mercy of God by their Prayers, since our Sins perhaps hinders him from pou'ring his Mercies upon China and Great Tartary. TRAVELS INTO ARMENIA. BOOK I. OF all the Eastern Countries to which the Light of the Gospel has been conveyed, there are few wherein more considerable Progresses have been made then in China. The prodigious number of those who have quitted their Superstitions for the Adoration of the True God, and who abandon their Pagan Follies every day, the Piety of the New Converts, their Courage and Permanency in the discharge of all the Duties of Christianity, sufficiently demonstrate how well those People are inclined to receive our Sacred Faith. 'Tis to succour and help forward such pious and happy Inclinations, that extreme diligence has been used to procure as many Labourers as it was possible, to disseminate the Christian Doctrine; either to supply the room of those, who after they had gloriously ran their Race, were no longer in a condition, through their great Age, or other Infirmities, to cultivate this flourishing Mission; or to increase their number, proportionably to the New Converts, who are multiplied to that degree, that one Pastor is forced to take upon him the care of several Churches. One of the most Zealous Missionaries of China, now grown old under the Burden of Evangelick Fatigues, declared to me some years ago, after a most sensible manner, the conditions of those Missions in a Letter, wherein he invited me to go along and bear my share with him in those extraordinary Employments, which he was no longer able alone to take upon him. I am all alone, said he, in a Province which is above a hundred and thirty Leagues in extent, with four or five Churches under my care, every one of which had formerly a Father belonging to it; so that I am forced to travel a great part of the year, not having any one to whom to make my Confession at the point of Death, by reason of the great distance that separates us: And not only myself, but a great many other Missionaries are reduced to the same condition. But notwithstanding the great care that is taken to send from time to time new recruits of Evangelic Labourers, to uphold and propagate the Faith in this vast Kingdom; what with Pirates, Shipwrecks and Diseases, what with other inconveniences of a tedious and tiresome Navigation, still many more are destroyed and miscarry then safely arrive in the Country. I have been told by Father Couplet, an Illustrious Missionary, whom all Paris beheld with so much satisfaction after his return from China, where he had resided above thirty years; That he had made it his business to make an exact computation of the number of Jesuits who had set forward out of several parts of Europe, in order to undertake the Mission he had quitted, and that he had found that of six hundred who had taken Shipping for China, Near four hundred jesuits perished going to China. since our Company were permitted entrance into that Kingdom, not above a hundred safely arrived there▪ all the rest being sacrificed by the way, either by Sickness, or Shipwreck. Therefore to avoid for the future the loss of so many Missionaries, A design to find out a new way by Land to China. of which the Indies and Kingdoms farther remote, will be a long time sensible, a Resolution has been taken some few years since, to find out a Passage into China by Land. Nor was it a difficult thing to meet with people who were willing to contribute toward so great a Design. Among others who presented themselves in order to this new attempt, I myself was made choice of, and I have had the consolation to make it my business these five years together. To this purpose it was that I travelled all over Turkey, Persia, Armenia, the Southern Tartary, Muscovie, both Prussia's, and Moldavia; that I took Shipping several times in different Seas of Europe and Asia; and that I exposed myself, though with a great deal of pleasure and delight, to all those Dangers which I knew were not to be avoided by those who undertook such laborious and toilsome Voyages. Before my departure from Paris, I went to Montmartre, to the end I might collect together some Sparkles of that Sacred Fire which St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier left, even after their Death, as Relics still sufficient to inflame the Hearts of their Spiritual Children. After which, in company with Father Couplet, I went to Lion, where I was forced to quit him, and continue my Journey to Marseilles, where I was to take Shipping. There it was that God was pleased to give me a taste of some parts of that Comfort, before I left France, which formerly St. Bernard felt, when he forsook the World. One of my Brethren, already a Priest, spurred on like myself with a desire of devoting him to the conversion of Infidels, overtook me at Marseilles, before my departure, in order to let me know his Resolution to share with me in the Toil and Labour which I was about to undertake. Now in regard he had for some time before prepared himself, in pursuance of a zealous and godly Life, for this Employment, I thought it high time to procure him the happiness which he had all along so passionately desired; which was, that we might be both together more strictly united in the Bonds of Grace, than we had been till that time by the Ties of Nature. To which purpose meeting in this Port with the convenience of a Vessel of St. Malo's, bound for Cività Vecchia, we embarked, and after a prosperous and quick Passage landing safely, we continued our Journey to Rome. Father Charles de Novelle, who was then General of the Jesuits, was readily induced to grant us the favour which we requested of him. For he admitted my Brother into the Society; and after several particular marks of a Goodness really paternal, he gave his Blessing to both of us. And no sooner had we received it, but we hastened to Leghorn, to embark ourselves in a Vessel that was bound for the East, in company with a Man of War called the Thundering jupiter, the Captain of which had been diguined by the King some years before, for engaging, alone, four Pirates of Tripoli for three days together, and putting 'em to flight. Our stay in this City was longer than we expected: However we lay not idle. For in regard we were obliged to spend our Christmas there, till the lading of both Ships that lay bound for Cyprus were ready, the Officers and Seamen lying a Shipboard in the Road, found us business enough during that Holy Season: For we confessed 'em, and gave 'em, almost all, the Communion, and because they were not permitted to go ashore, we made a kind of a Floating-Church of the biggest of the two Vessels; where all the people being assembled, found wherewithal to satisfy their Devotion, in such Exercises of Piety as we took care to settle among 'em. Some days after, Two Vessels set sail form Leghorn for the East, in 1685. they gave us notice that they were ready to weigh Anchor, and that therefore we must hasten to take our Places in expectation of a fair Wind, which served the same day that we embarked, which was the 13th. of january, in the year 1685. insomuch that the next day we lost sight of the Islands of Capraia, Elba, and Sardenia. Of all the Accidents that crossed us in our Voyage, They are tossed by terrible Tempests within sight of Candy. none discompossed us so much as a most dreadful Tempest, which tossed us most severely within sight of the Coast of Candy, after we had been some days before as extremely and inconveniently becalmed. This happened upon the 21st of january, being St. Agnes' Day, that a Greek Wind rising about Midnight, after the going down of the Moon, the extraordinary redness of which was a dreadful presage to us, found us a world of employment, and exercised the Skill of all the Seamen for four and twenty hours together; and in regard the Storm grew fiercer and fiercer still as day began to break, it enraged the Sea to that degree, that in a short time we could see nothing but Mountains and Abysses of Water. All the while our Vessel, which could hardly bear her Spritsail, though it was almost quite furled up, was so terribly tossed by the Waves that continually beat upon her, and poured into her without ceasing, that we looked every moment to have been swallowed up. These terrible shogs, together with the dreadful roaring of the Sea, and the outrageous fury of the Wind, which would not permit the Seamen to hand the Sails, and stand at the Steerage, so extremely astonished our people, that every body abandoned himself to his Dispair, without minding any Orders that were given; there was nothing but hurry, alarm and confusion: Insomuch that the Captain, who knew not what course in the world to take, nor how to make the Seamen obey his Command, who stood all holding fast by some part or other of the Ship, for fear of being crushed to pieces, or dinged into the Sea, was forced to commit himself for some time to the mercy of the Billows, without any other hope then that of being thrown upon the Coast of Barbary; where if he could not save the Vessel, at least he might save the men's Lives. In this deplorable Condition, at what time the Image of Death, which appeared in the faces of all the forlorn Mariners, and terrified me more than all the rest, God inspired me with so much courage, that notwithstanding the consternation I was in, I took advantage of the stupifying terror of the Seamen, and caused 'em to bethink themselves of their Eternal Salvation, at a time when they had no thoughts of any other. To which purpose, after I had first of all prepared myself for all Events that could befall us, I endeavoured to recover 'em out of that same prodigious insensibility wherein they were, and to put 'em in mind of the preservation of their Souls; the loss of which concerned 'em more than that of their Bodies, which seemed to be inevitable. I was very much overjoyed to see several of the Seamen come and make their Confessions at my Feet, while others performed several open and signal Acts of Contrition and Conformity to the Will of God; to Faith, Hope and Charity, as I had been careful to infuse into their Minds. At the same time I took the advantage of their Pious Inclinations, to admonish 'em to put their confidence in the Holy Virgin, and to make their Addresses to her at such a time of eminent danger. In short, we soon began to be sensible of her powerful Protection in such a singular manner, that we could no longer question but that she had effectually interceded for us with him whom Seas and Winds are bound to obey. For no sooner had I brought 'em to promise me to make Confession, and receive the Sacrament in honour of her, if e'er we came to be so happy as to get safe ashore; but we began to be in hopes of that assistance which we expected from above. All resumed fresh courage in an instant; and whether it were that God made 'em look upon the Danger to be less than it was, or whether the long continuance of the Storm had made 'em less sensible, every one put themselves forward to make good the Vessel against the violence of the Waves that still tumbled and tossed it with an extraordinary force; and at length the Wind being somewhat abated, the men absolutely recovered themselves, and the Calm which insensibly returned, put us in a condition to steer our first intended Course. Which we did so prosperously, After three days Voyage they come to an Anchor in Lerneca Road. that within two days after we descried the Island of Cyprus, the Land of which appeared so much the more delightful to us, in regard that but a little before we never thought of seeing Land any more. Now because the two Vessels that set sail from Leghorn had appointed to meet in the Road of Lerneca, we came to an Anchor there the 25th. of january, which was the twelfth of our being at Sea. There we thought to have met the Thundering jupiter, which indeed might well have been there before us, as being the better Sailer, though the bigger Ship. But the Tempest which had separated us at first, had handled her so rudely, that after the Men had thought they should have been swallowed up by the Water which she took in on every side, she was forced to put in by the way, and refit, before she could overtake us. However, being uncertain as we were, what was become of her, and designing to be assured of what we were to trust to, we were permitted to put in to Lerneca, and go ashore to refresh ourselves, till we could hear news of our Man of War. Lerneca, which was formerly a City of a large extent, as may well be judged by the spaciousness of her Ruins, is now no more than a Village seated about a quarter of a Mile from the Sea, to the South, and inhabited by several considerable and wealthy Merchants, as being one of those places in the Island of Cyprus, where the greatest Trade is driven. The Fathers of the Holy Land have there a very convenient Covent; and the Capuchins also a most delightful Mansion. Which latter being French, whereas the others are almost all Spaniards, we took up our Lodging with the Capuchins: Nor can any thing be added to the Entertainment which they gave us, nor to the charitable care which they took to recover us from our past Hardships. The Fertility of this Island is so great, The Beauty and Fertility of the Island of Cyprus. and there is such an extraordinary plenty of all things for the support of Human Life, that there is not perhaps any part of the World where a man brought down by Sickness and Infirmities, may sooner recover his Strength and Health. The Wines are excellent, and all the Fruits delicious; the Citrons, Oranges and Lemons cost little or nothing. There is a prodigious number of * A delicate Red-leged Fowl, of which there are two sorts; one somewhat less than our Godwitt, that feed altogether upon Fish: The other more like a Partridge that lives among Hills and high Grounds; the rarer and dearer, and perhaps the daintier of the two. Fra●colins as well as other Wildfowl: And in general, whatever is to be desired, either to supply the Exigencies, or pamper the Pleasures of a Voluptuous Life, is to be found there in such vast abundance, that this Island may contend for Delight and Conveniency with any other in the World. But in the midst of these great Advantages, it wants fresh Water; there not being in all the Island above one Spring that is not brackish. This Fountain lies exactly upon the Seashore; yet notwithstanding the nearness of it to the Sea, preserves the sweet and delicious Taste which distinguishes it from the rest. I leave it to the Philosophers to unfold this Prodigy of Nature, which though frequent enough, yet seems to have something of a wonder in it. During our stay in this Island, The Curiosity of some French Passengers punished by the Turks. an ugly Accident befell some Passengers that were embarked aboard our Vessel. One day, that they were walking upon the Seashore where the Turks have a little Fort, but meanly guarded, their Curiosity led 'em to enter the inside of the Place, where the Avenues were all open, never considering how dangerous it was to give the least suspicion to a People that are so jealous of the Christians, and look upon 'em as their most mortal Enemies. Upon this, a Soldier that was not far off, observing 'em, after he had called some of his Companions, ran to 'em in a terrible chafe, belaboured 'em with a great Cudgel, and had certainly knocked out their Brains, but for some Domestic Servants of the French Consul, that happened to come by in the interim by chance, who put a stop to the Fury of the Soldiers; giving them to understand, that they were Strangers, altogether ignorant of the Custom of the Country; that they dreamt no harm, only thought they might have been allowed the same liberty, as is usually permitted in Europe, where it was a common thing for any Body to enter into such Places which they find unguarded, and without Defence. But this business was not so put up; for the Consul sent an Express to Nicosia, to complain of the Brutishness of the Soldier, upon which he was ordered to receive a hundred Bastinadoes. After some days Repose, the Thundering jupiter arriving, though very much shattered by the Tempest, we reimbarked to set sail for Alexandretta, in company with another Vessel of Marseilles, that joined us at Cyprus. We set sail both together at the same time, and at the same time also found ourselves by the favour of a fair Wind at Nore, just against the Gulf of Alexandretta; near the entrance into which was to be discovered at a good distance, a Point of Land running out a great way into the Sea, and which the Arabians call Canzir, or the Wild Boar, because this Cape resembles perfectly the Head of a Wild Boar. Before we doubled this Promontory, Two Vessels fall foul one upon another, through the Imprudence of the Pilot. our Pilot being desirous to give notice to the Pilot of the other Vessel what Course to Steer in the Night, which was at hand, had like to have destroyed both the one and the other, as well by Surprise, as by Imprudence. For while he bore up too near the t'other Ship, to the end he might be the better heard, not considering that we sailed with a side-wind, he quite lost the Wind, which the Sail of the t'other Ship deprived him of; so that the Current having brought 'em foul upon the other, never was known such a terrible Outcry and Confusion among the Seamen. Presently they betook themselves to their Booms to hinder the two Massy-bulks from Bilging one against the other; and in regard the motion of the Waves carried 'em with great Violence, and for that their Yards Arms and Cordage were entangled one within another, never were two Ships thought to be so near perishing. But at length, by cutting the Masts, Yards, and Tackle, they made a shift to get clear of each other. After which, having refitted their Rigging as well as they could, for the short way they had to make, we got safe into Port the next day, maugre all the unlucky Accidents that had befallen us. Alexandretta, which the Turks call Scandaroon, We arrived at Alexandretta. is a Town seated upon the Seashore in a very unwholesome spot of Ground, by reason that the Mountains, with which it is every way surrounded, hinder the Wind from ventilating and purifying the Air, which is extremely thick, and being heated and inflamed during the Summer, causes many violent and malignant Distempers. And notwithstanding the Advice, which had been given us before our Departure out of France, to make but a very little stop there, we were constrained to stay for Three whole weeks together, till the Roads infested by the Soldiers, that were continually upon their March out of Asia to Constantinople, were a little rid of those troublesome Passengers. No sooner had we got ashore, but we had the pleasure to see dispatched away, before us, one of the Messengers, which they make use of in those Parts to carry such Intelligence, as they would have speedily made known. For the doing of which, A Pigeon dispatched to Aleppo, gives notice of the arrival of the two Ships. their most usual way is this. A Merchant of Aleppo, who desires to have the most early Information of what Merchandizes are come from France, or any other parts, takes particular care by an Express to send away a Pigeon▪ that has young ones, much about the time, that the Ships are expected at Alexandretta, where he has his Correspondent; who, as soon as any Vessel comes to an Anchor, goes and informs himself of what Goods the Vessel has brought most proper for his turn; of which, when he has given a full Account in his Letter, he fastens the Paper about the Neck of the winged Courier, and carrying her to the top of a little Mountain, gives her her liberty, never fearing her going astray. The Pigeon which we saw let go, after she had soared a good height to discover, doubtless, the place, from whence she had been taken some few days before, and pushed forward by that instinct, which is common to all Birds that have young ones, took her flight towards Aleppo, and arrived there in less than three hours, tho● that City be very near thirty Leagues from the place▪ from whence she was sent. However they do not make use of any sort of Pigeons to carry their Dispatches, in regard that all Pigeons are not alike proper for that Service. For there is a particular sort of these Birds, which are easily trained up to this Exercise, and which as occasion serves, are of extraordinary use, especially for the swift management of Business, and where speed of Intelligence is required, as in the Factories of the Levant, far remote one from the other. This was the only piece of Curiosity which we could observe during our stay in this same first Port of the East. We would willingly also have seen the Shore, upon which 'tis believed that jonas was thrown by the Whale, that swallowed him up: But being informed, that it was very dangerous to go too far on that side, by reason of the Excursions of the Arabians, when they understand that there are any Ships arrived in the Road, we satisfied ourselves with only seeing at a distance the Pyramid that was erected in remembrance of that Miracle. At length, the first Thursday in Lent being fixed upon for the day of our Departure, there was a Caravan made up of about forty Persons. They call a Caravan in Turkey any number of Travellers designed to one certain Place, and bound to keep Company together for fear of being Plundered or Murdered by a sort of professed Robbers, with which the High Roads are numerously infested. Our Company therefore being all ready, we set forward from Alexandretta under the Guidance of a Turk, a very honest Fellow, who performed the Office of Caravan Bachi, or Conductor of the Caravan, and of whose Fidelity the French had a long time had experience. Our first days Journey was but short, for we lay at a Village called Beilan, not above four or five Leagues from Alexandretta. The next Morning we travelled on by Break of day, and crossed the Plain of Antioch, which is one of the most pleasant, and most fertile that are to be seen in the World. It is about five or six Leagues in extent, intercut with an infinite number of Rivulets, abounding in Pasturage, and covered with cattle which are there brought to be fatted all the year long. The same day we passed the Orontes, a small Stream, the Water of which is very muddy and inclining to a ruddy colour, and considerable for nothing else but the Name. That Night we lodged in one of the Villages of the Curds, from whom that Nation now grown so numerous, is said to have been originally derived. Here our People were forced to keep a good Guard all Night long, for fear of being surprised by the Country People, that only subsist by Thieving and Robbery. Our next days Journey was tiresome anough, by reason of the rugged and stony ways, no less tedious to the Horses than the Men. We beheld as we passed along, the stately Ruins of those Ancient Monasteries, where formerly so many devout Persons led an Angelic Life. They also showed us at a distance, the famous Pillar where Simon the Stilite, for forty years together performed that rigorous Penance, which astonished all the Religious Persons round about. At length, after we had travelled quite through this small Country with those extraordinary Sentiments of Devotion which the sight of all those Sacred Monuments inspire into the most insensible, we arrived betimes at Anjar, which is a large Burrough, where our Caravan Bachi received us into a House of his own, and where he treated us with a little Rice boiled in Oil, and some Fruits of the Country; the time of Lent not permitting him to be so liberal to the French, as he was wont to be at other times. At last upon Sunday the 11th of March, We arrive at Aleppo. we arrived at Aleppo, where we were received by the Jesuits with those Demonstrations of Friendship, as made us forget all our past Hardships. After some few days repose, the Superior of the Missions of Syria, giving me to understand the great want of Labourers almost in all the Eastern Parts, through the loss of several excellent Missionaries, understood so well how to engage me in all his Affairs; that, notwithstanding my extraordinary Inclinations to have hastened into Persia, in order to my Grand Journey intended for China, which I had had in my thoughts for so many years, I could not refuse to go for some Months into Curdistan, from whence Father Roche had plied him with importunate Letters, to let him know how impossible it was for him to abide there any longer without a Companion to ease him of the great Burden, that lay upon his Shoulders every day. This sacrificing of myself cost me in truth somewhat dear, as also for that I was constrained to separate from my Brother, who was designed for the same reason to another Mission, though we had flattered ourselves that we should one day both together taste the sweet Comforts of manuring those Fields, where both of us were in hopes to reap the same Harvest. But when a Man has once devoted himself to God, to what purpose is it afterwards to be sparing of himself? So that I prepared to be gone with a numerous Caravan, that was mustering together, and within a short time was ready to depart for Betlis, the Capital City of Curdistan. Among the rest that made up this Caravan, there was an Armenian Merchant, who professed himself a Roman- Catholic, and who under that Notion seemed to be much a Friend of the Jesuits. Now, in regard that then I understood not any of the Eastern Languages, I thought I could not do better then to put myself into the Hands of this Person, out of a Confidence that his Religion, and his Love for our Society would oblige him to take care of me in this, the first of all my Travels. It was in the time of a Lent, which the Armenians observe with so much rigour, that they make it a great scruple of Conscience to feed upon Lettuce, Fish and Oil, or to drink Wine. Therefore I thought myself engaged to comply with the weakness of those people, who believe the whole Essence of Religion to consist in these Exterior Observations, and to deprive myself, as they did, of all those Refreshments of Nature, which the Catholic Church allows her Children. For this purpose, after I had only made my Provision of Biscuit, Dates, and some other dried Fruits, together with a little Coffee, for a Journey of above two hundred and fifty Leagues, I left Aleppo, disguised like an Armenian for my greater security, and went with my Conductor the 24 th' of March, to the General Rendezvouz of the Caravan. It was a Thursday in the Evening which the Turks The Turks never begin to travel on a Friday. made choice of on purpose to set forward, out of a Superstitious Fancy very usual among the Eastern People; who believe that if they begin a Journey upon a Friday Morning, it will infallibly draw upon 'em a great number of Misfortunes during the whole course of their Travels; though in my Opinion the misfortune of passing a whole Night so incommodiously as we were constrained to spend the first Night, is one of the greatest Hardships that a man can well endure. There was no great fear of not waking betimes in the Morning, in regard 'twas impossible for any body to sleep, by reason of the horrible noise and hurry, which cannot be at first avoided till every body is well settled in his Gears. But at length the Caravan, compossed of about 200 persons, being ready by break of day, we all together quitted the Cavern where we lay, and after we had crossed in good order several Desert Plains of Syria, where we had a view of the still famous City of Edessa, which the Turks call Orpha; we arrived at the Banks of Euphrates, which we crossed over in a large Flatbottom'd-Boat, over against a little City, by our Modern Geographers usually called by the Name of Birè, where this River, so much celebrated in Sacred History, may be about three hundred Paces broad. There, although too late, I found it to be true, what a person perfectly acquainted with the East had told me; That upon the Competitorship of several Guides that usually present themselves, 'tis better to make choice of a Turk, than a Christian of the Country; the latter neither having Authority to defend you, nor courage to oppose himself against the cruel Impositions that are demanded of ye, nor that Fidelity which is always observable in the other; especially when he has sworn upon his head to conduct you safely. In a word; The Armenian, to whose care I was recommended, before my departure from Aleppo, began to make me sensible at our passing the Euphrates, that he was not the Person he was taken to be; but that he minded much more his own Interest then my Preservation or Convenience. For in regard the Ferrying Places over Rivers are the The Turks understanding me to be an European, lay a great Imposition upon me. most critical Places in all Turkey, more especially for Travellers, who are thought to be laden with Riches, my Conductor understood perfectly well to make his best Advantage of this Humour of the Turks; and not only drew himself out of a great deal of Trouble at my Expense, as being to have paid a great sum of Money for the Goods which he carried; but informing against me, that I was a Frank, ransomed himself with his share of my Money, which he divided with the Turks, as the Reward of his Information, and which I was forced to pay, to redeem my own Person, and Goods which they had already seized, out of their Clutches. But this was not the only misfortune which I underwent, during this Journey. The Plains of Mesopotamia, into which we entered, after we had passed Euphrates, no less made trial of my Health and Constitution, than they furnished me with occasions sufficient to exercise my Patience. The rigorous Lent which I was bound to observe, enfeebled me every day more and more; nor had I any Conversation with any living Soul, for that no Body understood me, neither did I understand any Body; and the Night which is usually a time of rest, was to me a time of cruel Torment. In a word, the Life of a Caravan, which I had never made trial of before, annoyed me so extremely, that if God had not succoured me after a paticular manner, I had infallibly sunk under the Burden the very first days that I found myself under a necessity of accustoming myself to it. Nor will it be amiss to give a short Account of this same way of Caravan-Travelling. In the Morning you must rise before break of Day, especially in the season that the Heats are not very extreme, than you must Travel till Noon, or rather till you come to some place where you may meet with Water to refresh both Men and Horses: there you must stay for about two hours, till both are somewhat refreshed, and then you must be content to nibble upon a little dried Fruit, for want of Time and Wood to get any thing else ready, unless a little Coffee, and that too with a great deal of difficulty. After a stay of two hours, you must get a Horseback again, and so Travel on till Night, that you meet with a Place proper to Encamp in; which being found, presently a kind of Entrenchment is drawn round about it, and the Entrenchment surrounded with Ropes, to which the Horses are tied that belong to the Caravan. This done, the Baggage, and all the Merchandise is carried into the middle of the Place, close to which every Body takes care to Range himself as near as may be one to another, the better to take care every body of what is their own, till Sleep seizes 'em, which it does generally very sound, without the help of any Rocking. This done, and every body having got his Supper ready, which is seldom any more than a Plate of Rice, a Carpet is spread, both Tablecloth and Bed, upon which after Supper they compose themselves to their Rest till the next Morning, and then for the same Course of Life again. But in regard those Plains, The care of the Caravan to preserve themselves from Robbers in the Night. as desert as they be, are always pestered with the Arabians, that follow no other Trade then that of Robbing and Theiving, nor have any other Revenue but the Booty which they plunder, you must be continually upon your Guard for fear of being surprised. For this reason, there is great care taken to have good Sentinels at different Posts, who are bound to ride about all Night long, hooping and hollowing as loud as they can tear their Throats, thereby to let the Enemy know that they are ready to receive 'em; and to give notice to the Caravan that they are diligent upon their Duty. Yet notwithstanding all the care that is taken, I myself was a Witness, that there past very few Nights wherein we were not hotly alarmed, and that we were not forced to rise in disorder to repel these troublesome Guests, of whose Approach the least noise you hear makes every Body suspicious; and of whom, one or other will be sure to slip in among the crowd, and do his business under the Protection of the Night. These Inconveniences to which the People are every Night exposed, together with the excessive Rains, which we are forced to endure many times in open Plains, without any manner of Covert or Shelter, from the end of one days Journey to the beginning of another, brought me down so low, that I look upon it as a kind of a Miracle, that I was able so long to undergo such excessive Hardships; wherein however I could not choose but take some pleasure, in hopes among so many hazards, and at the expense of my Life, to advance the great Work, which had caused me to quit Europe, and whatever else I had most dear in the World. God however was in mercy pleased to afford me Comfort in a most singular manner after all the Extremities, to which I had been reduced, and to encourage me to new Sufferings, wherein I was about to engage myself, by means of a pleasing and unexpected Accident, that befell me at Diarbeker, the Capital City of Mesopotamia, where we arrived fifteen days after our departure from Aleppo. This City is one of the most Populous, and most Remarkable for Trade in all Turkey, seated in a most lovely Plain upon the Banks of Tiger, which some confound with Chobar, where the Prophet Ezekiel conversed so familiarly with God. The enclosure of the Walls, built by one of the Greek Emperors, is still standing, and in good Repair. The most considerable Trade, which is there driven, consists in Red Linen Cloth, Cotten, and Goat's Leather of the same Colour, for which they have an incredible utterance into Poland, Hungary, and Muscovy, and other Countries, where long Habits and Buskins are in fashion. The Women, who are looked upon over all the Ottoman Empire as mere Slaves, are nothing at all troubled at it there. ●hey usually go a walking with the Christian Women, with whom they keep an honest and civil Correspondence. And, in a word, all the People are sincere, and there is much more Courtesy and Affability among 'em, than among the common Turks in other Provinces. And this it was easy for me to observe from the very first moment that I entered into the City. For I had no sooner made my Appearance before the Receiver of the Customs; but he, understanding that I was a Stranger, and a French man, caused me to be forthwith conducted to the Residence of the Capuchins, after I had let him understand my Intention to lodge there. Those Fathers, who have made an advantageous Use of Physic, to settle themselves in a Post so advantageous to the Christian Religion, as appears by the surprising Progresses they have made for near these fifteen years together, received me with so much Cordial Affection, and such an overplus of Joy, that their Reception, so full of Tenderness and Goodness, afforded me much more Consolation, than the Affliction of my past Miseries had dejected me. But that, which contributed more than all the rest, to make me look upon all my Sufferings as nothing, was my meeting in those Parts with Father Barnaby, a Jesuit, than which nothing could be more acceptable to me, as being the Person, with whom I had long and passionately desired to conser; to the end I might take such certain Measures from his Lips, for the accomplishment of my undertaking, which he approved no less than myself, and had been one of those, who had given me the first Draught of. Now, in regard the Fathers, in whose House we lodged, would not discover us to one another, to the end we might take the more delight in our interview, we met several times, and talked together at the same time without knowing each other, tho' we had formerly lived both together in the same College: whether our Countenances were really altered after a long Separation; or whether it were, that the Fashion of our Habits, which we were obliged to change, and in which we had never seen each other, made us appear quite different from what we were formerly. Nevertheless, by the force of long Consideration, and attentive Examination, we began to recall each other so well to mind, that we became convinced of our former Acquaintance. And then it was, that we both abandoned ourselves to those pleasing Transports of Joy, that upon the like Occasions seize the Souls of two Persons, whom the Love of Jesus Christ has strictly united together. After we had somewhat recovered ourselves from the Astonishment of such a happy surprisal, and had given each other a mutual Account of our past Adventures, I put him insensibly upon the design, which he had formerly proposed of opening a new way into China through Grand-Tartary, and other Countries of Asia, which are so little known in Europe. Now in regard the had been extremely zealous to know after what manner his design had been entertained in France, and whether it had been approved by our Superiors, he could not refrain from Tears, when I put into his hands the Orders, which I had been entrusted to deliver him, and told him my mind withal in these words; At length, dear Father, said I, Heaven has heard your Prayers. You are the Person, whom Heaven has ordained for that great Undertaking, of which you laid the design, and here is the Person made choice of to be the faithful Companion of your Labours: More then happy, if you and I can but discover this important Passage, or else lay down our Lives in obedience to the Call of God, which inspires us both with the same desires for the Advancement of his Glory. No sooner did he understand these joyful Tidings, but he imparted to me all the prospects of his Consideration upon such an important design, and made me so deeply sensible of the great Advantages which might be expected from it for the Establishment of Religion, that he obliged me forthwith to take a Resolution never to abandon the Execution of this Enterprise whatever Accidents should intervene to cross it, as being then persuaded, as I am still, that Resolution and Constancy would assure us of infallible Success. From that happy moment, we desired nothing more than to see ourselves in a Condition to begin so pious a Work. But in regard the Affairs of the Missions of Armenia called him to Aleppo, and that the appointment of Heaven commanded me to Betlis, we could do nothing further than agree together, during our short stay at Diarbeker, upon the ways and means which it behoved us to make use of the Execution of our Design so soon as might be. All things thus agreed, he rejoined his Caravan, and I mine, both well inclined on our parts, to leave nothing omitted that might contribute to the accomplishment of our Vows. Thus while he travelled towards Euphrates, I took the Road for Armenia; after I had passed the Tiger the first time, over a fair Stone-Bridge, about a quarter of a League from the City of Diarbeker. But I was not so fortunate the second time, A Machine made use of for the crossing of the River Tiger. that I was to cross it in a Wind-boat, which the People on the other side of the River got ready in a moment, so soon as they saw the Caravan appear. This Machine, which the People of the Country make use of, not only to Ferry over the Tiger, but also to-go by Water from place to place between Diarbeker to Bassora, where this River falls into the Sea, is no other than a fastening together of several Goatskins blown up, and joined together on the four Sides, with as many long Perches tied very close together, and afterwards covered over with several Branches of Trees, that are carefully laid athwart. When our Boat was ready, it was carried a good way above that place where we stayed for it on the opposite Shoar; after which the Waterman launching and getting into it, the Stream, which is very Rapid, whirled it down the River, and the strength of the Pilots Oars brought it just to our Feet. The Baggage was soon carried over, and then the Travellers got into the Boat with every one his Horse's Bridle in his hand; the Horse being unsaddled for the more easy convenience of Swimming. I followed the Crowd, because I would not be one of the last, but my being so hasty cost me dear. For not being informed of the Precautions, which it behoved me to observe in standing upon those sort of Boats, I unfortunately set my Foot upon one of the Borrachio's or Leathern Goatskin Baggs which was not covered, not knowing that by pressing it in that manner, I should cause it to sink. Upon which one of the Boat-men perceiving the false step I had made, without any more to do, took me by force and flung me back upon the Bank of the River, where he fulfilled his Revenge of my Inadvertency, which certainly was no Crime; but God reserved another Trial for me at this Passage, which was much more harsh and severe then that which I had suffered already. For the Tiger, The Author like to be drowned. which the excessive Rains that year had extremely swelled, not being to be contained within its proper Channel, makes a second by the Inundation; which though not so deep as the true Channel, is very broad however, and no less rapid than the real one. Now every body being got a Horseback to foard it in the place that was showed us, I followed the File of those that were got before. But before I was got to the middle, my Horse that was weak and weary in striving to resist the impetuosity of the Torrent that began to be too strong for him, threw me into the Water, and the Stream which I was not able to resist, carried me a great way along with it: which had it not done, I had immediately been trod to pieces in under the Horse's feet that followed behind. Immediately the People of the Caravan observing what had befallen me, threw themselves pellmell into the River, Turks and Christians, and coming in time to my aid, drew me out of the Water; which however was not the last, nor the greatest Danger which I escap'● upon this occasion, as you will find by the sequel. When all the Caravan were got over to the other side of the River, we descried a Camp of Curds, to the number of Five or six thousand Men. Now, in regard these wand'ring People are as formidable as the Arabs, and for that they are no way inferior to 'em in the Art of Robbing; we made it our business to get away as soon as we could out of their sight, to prevent their falling upon us with a Party too numerous for us to resist. Thereupon, as wet as I was, and as much reason as I had to shift me, my Conductor constrained me to follow the Caravan, who to secure themselves from those Robbers that would have showed 'em no Mercy, were forced to ride six whole hours together, to gain a little Village where they were certain of being secure. There was no way, but to yield to necessity, and venture all at such a pinch as this, considering that whatsoever Course I took, I was equally exposed to most terrible Events. And indeed 'twas impossible that any man should suffer more all the while that we were travelling to our Stage; the violent Shivering, the cruel Soundings wherewith I was seized all the way, in the coldest Season of the year, made such violent onsets upon me, that I never thought myself able to have held out against so many Hardships and Distresses at one time. But in the Evening, being arrived at the place where we were to stop for that Night only, I was carried by good Fortune to the House of a Christian, who became so moved with my deplorable Condition, that he omitted nothing of whatever he could think of, requisite to restore me to a little strength. And God gave such a Blessing to his Charity, that after I had rested for some hours upon a Bed, I found myself the next Morning strong anough to continue my Journey. Hardly had we travelled two Leagues, but we found ourselves engaged in the Mountains of Armenia, where the Snow lay as high as a Pikes length. Now, in regard those Mountains which we crossed, are not altogether contiguous, they leave at the bottom, a narrow passage, through which we road for some time by the side of a River that runs in the Valley, which separates the two Hills. As I road along, I observed one thing very singular, though it happens every year, as the People of the Country assured me. The Snow, which the heat of the Sun began at that time to melt, and whose heat the Reverberation of his Beams very much augmented, coming once to be dissolved, falls down with such a headlong impetuosity, that besides, that the Rapidness of the Flood ranverses all the Houses which it meets with, it forms a kind of a Mound in the midst of the River into which it discharges itself, which stops the Course of the Water for some time; so that when the Water comes to undermine that congealed Mass, it opens a Passage through it, and makes an Arch which serves instead of a solid Bridge to bear Travellers, and Beasts of Burden, and so remains so long as the Cold and Frost continues. We were above eight days before we could get clear of this dreadful mountainous Labyrinth; where the ways were sometimes so filled up with Snow, that our Horses fell down under us every step they took, so that we had employment enough to lift 'em up, and load 'em again; insomuch, tha● sometimes we could not go above a Leagn● a day, and that for the most part a foot leading our Horses by the Bridle. But that which rendered our March mos● toilsome to me, was the steepness and rug●gedness of the Mountains, over which we were forced to scramble, there being neither Path nor Footstep to be seen, and some that we were constrained to clamber, were above a quarter of a League high. After all which Toils and Fatigues, at length we arrived at Betlis upon Easter-Monday the 22● of April, a Month after our departure from Aleppo. Father Roche, who had notice some days before of my arrival, by some Horsemen that made more speed than the rest● met me at the Caravansera, or Inn belonging to the City, at the same time that I alighted, and carried me forthwith to th● House where he lay. Where while I continued, my only business was to study th● Turkish Language, unless it were some domestic Business which I took upon me, to th● end my Companion might have the more time to entertain his Neophites, or new Converts, whose extraordinary Zeal ravished me to that degree, that it was on● of my most pressing Encouragements to fi●● myself the soon I could, to the end I might be in a condition to taste the Pleasures of a Missionary, when he has the happiness to recover a lost Sheep into the Flock of the Church. While I was labouring with all diligence to procure this felicity to myself, we received Orders from Aleppo to quit this Mission, and to go and settle another at Erzerum, where there were very probable hopes of making greater progress than at Betlis, and with less danger of being turned out of our Employments, then in the Post where we were; whence we were constrained many times to part from one another to satisfy the Bacha of Wan, who was desirous to have some one of the Jesuits near him in the place of his Residence, which was twenty Leagues from Betlis, to attend him as his Physician. For this Reason it was, that Father Barnaby went to Aleppo, there to lay before the Superior General of the Missions, the Inconveniences of such frequent Separations▪ which besides that they disturbed the whole Order of our Ministerial Functions, were disadvantageous to the Christians of the Country, among whom there was more to be gained then among the Turks, who lie under a moral impossibility of being converted. But this order, how reasonable soever it appeared, did not a little perplex us, by reason of the difficulty and danger in the execution of it. For we were extremely beloved over all the City; the Emir, who was Chief Commander, had a great value for us, and looked upon us as people that were very serviceable to him; so that we could not hope that he would ever consent to our departure. Therefore we thought it not our best way to ask leave to be gone, but rather privately to withdraw, without imparting our Design to any living Soul. But notwithstanding all the secret Measures we took to conceal our Departure, the Christians had notice of it; and presently applying themselves to the Emir, to the end they might the better engage him to detain us, told him all they could to our advantage, and more indeed than they knew. For after they had laid before him the Charity of the Missionaries, in respect of their Sick People; their Ability in all sorts of Sciences, their holy and exemplary Life, they added, speaking of me, that there was lately arrived out of Europe a most skilful Clockmaker, who might be greatly serviceable not only to him, but to the whole City. There needed no more to oblige the Emir to call us before him. To which purpose he sent one of his Officers for us; from whom we understood the ill Offices which the Christians had done us, to constrain us to stay among 'em; and while we were expected at the Divan, our Armenians a little overzealous, kept the Emir in a long Discourse concerning us; telling, among other things, to convince him of our extraordinary Virtue, That we were people so reserved and circumspect in all our Words and Actions, that ever since they knew us, though they had frequently conversed with us, they never heard the smallest Oath escape our Lips. So that how greatly soever the Emir was prepossessed in our favour, he seemed to be surprised at what they told him; and in regard he had never conversed with any but Turks, or very wicked Christians, who have their Vovallah continually in their Mouths, The common Oath of the Country. he was so persuaded, that that ill Habit was as natural to us, as to himself, or them, that immediately he laid a Wager with one of those that talked to him, of a Noble Turban against a hundred Crowns, that he would make us swear in his presence. No sooner was the Wager laid, but we came into the Hall of Audience, and the Emir perceiving us, caused us to approach near his person, and having ordered us to sit down in his Divan, he put several cunning captious Questions to us, to draw us imperceptibly into the Snare, but all in vain; he could never bring us to speak a language that had to that time been always unknown to us. But he was more satisfied with me upon the Subject of Clock-making, though I knew no more of that Art, than every body knows that will look to their Watches themselves, or have learned to make some little amendments, when they are not overmuch out of order. I showed him one that I had brought with me out of France, and took it apieces Wheel after Wheel, that he might take time to consider the different Springs and Motions; and finding he had a mind to it, I presently made him an offer of it, being resolved to make use of it as the means which Providence had put into our hands to facilitate our departure. In short, The Emir gives us permission to depart. After I had desired him that he would be pleased accept it, which he did without much importunity, I confidently discovered to him our design of going to Erzerum, whether important business called me in great haste. I added, that in regard I did not sufficiently understand the Language to travel securely, that he would extremely oblige me to let my Companion go along with me; and withal, that he would vouchsafe me a small Convoy. I minded not his scruples and reluctancy at first, for I knew by his smiling look, and condescending countenance, that if I pressed him with a little more importunity, I should easily obtain what I expected from him. In short, whether it were that my Present had dazzled him, or that God had moved his heart to favour us, he ordered the Pass which I demanded to be drawn up immediately; and sent me before my departure, a Horse ready saddled and bridled, worth double the Watch which I left with him. After such an unexpected piece of good success, we prepared to be gone with a numerous Caravan, which had stayed about ten or twelve days at Betlis, till the Emirs Custom-house Officers had discharged it, to carry several sorts of Merchandise to Erzerum, designed for Persia. This Journey lasted not above eight or ten days, Five Curds attach a numerous Caravan. nor did any thing happen considerable all the way, but one small Accident at the Passage over Euphrates. Five Curds that lay in ambush set upon our Rearguard with that good fortune, that they took away some Horses, and drove 'em before 'em through so many byways and turnings, that it was impossible to overtake 'em, and recover their Booty; which obliged us to be a little more watchful, and made the people, of which the Caravan consisted, more wary how they scattered one from another, than they were before; so that every body road in his rank in good order; only the Turks retired three or four times a day from the gross of the Body, to say their Prayers by the Bank of some Rivulet, if they met with any in the Roads. Which gives me an occasion to say, That the exactness which those Infidels observe in their Prayers, has made me many times bewail the Christians neglect of so pious and holy a Duty. 'Tis a thing hardly to be ever heard of, that a Turk who is never so little devoted to his Sect, le's a day pass, without performing this Religious Exercise at least three or four times; and the omission of it is looked upon as a most heinous Crime among 'em. Moreover I can testify, That two Turks happening to quarrel one with another in the same Journey, after they had reviled one another with all the foul Language imaginable, one of 'em put the other to silence, by reproaching him that he had not prayed to God all that day. How much were it to be wished that the same Sentiments were able to touch the hearts of so many Christians as we find in Europe, who are so far from believing such a holy Practice to be a Duty; that they think it a shame to pay to God, that Worship is so justly due to him. Now, in regard that Father Barnaby had written to us, that he would be at Erzerum, I met him there at the end of my Journey. Erzerum, or Arzeron, is a City of Turkey, upon the Frontiers of Persia, seated in a pleasant Plain, about seven or eight Leagues in circuit, and bordered on every side with little Hills that rise insensibly one above another; out of which three Rivers rise, that I have seen, of the four that Holy Scripture assures us to have watered the Terrestrial Paradise. If Nile, which rises out of the Mountains of the Moon in Africa, were one of those Rivers, as some Interpreters have conjectured, it is a very difficult thing to determine where that delicious Garden should be, where God placed the First Parents of Mankind. But certain it is, that a more advantageous situation cannot be picked out by Mortal Eyes, then that of this City which we have made choice of for the settlement of our new Mission. 'Tis near about as big as Marseilles, encompassed with a double Enclosure of Walls, after the Ancient manner, with a little high seated Citadel that commands it. The Suburbs are very large and well peopled: The Air is wholesome; the Water excellent, and in great plenty. In a Word, every thing concurs to make it one of the best Cities of the Ottoman Empire. But that which is most of all to be considered, and which above all things put us upon resolving to settle there, is the vast concourse of all Nations that trade in Asia, more especially of the Armenians, who have a particular kindness for this City, which was formerly the Seat of their Kings; insomuch, that to this day there are to be seen the Ruins of the Palace where they kept their Court, with some beautiful Remains of the Patriarchal Church which they had built in honour of St. john. I understood by Father Barnaby, The Armenians inclined to quit their Errors. who was got thither some days before us, the willing dispositions, which he had found in the City, as well of the Turks as Christians, to befriend our settlement among 'em, while both strove to honour him with the Marks of their Esteem and Affection. And it may seem a wonder perhaps, that the Person, whom God has made use of to lay the Foundations of this important Mission, was once an unfortunate Renegat, who seems to have been guided to Erzerum, only to prepare the Hearts and Minds of the People, by prepossessing 'em as he did in our favour. This Person, A Renegade srrviceable in the settlement of the Mission. who had been taken very young upon the Sea, afterwards turned Mabumetan, had not so far renounced the Christian Religion, but that he had preserved sufficient Ideas of it, to make him understand the falseness of that which either Interest or Force had constrained him to profess. So that when he understood who we were, he made no scruple to discover the Motives that had drawn us into Armenia. He gave us several Visits, and made it appear by the serious Discourses which he had with us, concerning the Affairs of Religion, that he was not so thoroughly convinced of that which he processed, and that a little thing would make him embrace again the true Religion which he had forsaken. But in regard his time was not come, it seems as if Providence only made use of him to authorise our Functions, among a People by whom he was as much esteemed for his particular merit, as he was respected for his Quality and Degree. And in regard his Employment gave him free and easy access into all Houses; he raised our Reputation so high by those things which he published every where to our advantage, that we were looked upon by all the Inhabitants as extraordinary persons. The Armenians more especially were so sensible of our Zeal, to prefer them before all other Nations of the East; that after they had met together to congratulate the happiness which we had procured 'em, and to testify their sincere acknowledgement of so great a favour, they caused our Names to be enregistered, as also the Year and Day of our arrival in the City, to preserve the memory of of it to perpetuity, in the public Registers of the Church. Such happy beginnings were afterwards attended with so many Blessings, that we were easily induced to acknowledge tha● God was pleased with the Post which we had chosen; for there followed a great number of eminent Conversions; whole Families abjured their Schisms and their Errors, and a general Reformation of Manners appeared in all those who were recovered into the State of Grace. In a word their Piety and Zeal distinguished 'em so for above others, that were not so docible, that the difference of their Lives and Conversations that was to be observed in the ver● dawnings of their Conversion among 'em seemed a sensible proof to several of the tra●● of our Religion. So that I had the pleasure during a stay of Six Months that 〈◊〉 made at Erzerum, to see that growing Church increasing with so much success that I thought we had no reason to envy the Primitive Ages of Christianity. But i● was not so much the number of the Faithful that composed it, which rendered it considerable, as the Zeal with which it appeared to be enlivened. Their frequent coming to the Sacrament, their assiduity in Prayer, the Modesty, the strict union that reigned among 'em, a certain Air of Sanctity that diffused itself thoough all their Actions, were the rising grounds that gave us an easy and delightful Prospect of our good success. So that I should have esteemed myself happy to have enjoyed all my life time, these savoury Fruits of the Apostleship of Heaven, that had called me long before, together with Father Barnaby to cultivate the Lands of Tartary o'ergrown with Weeds and Thistles, had not they obliged us to renounce that Consolation, by engaging us to enlarge our Conquests, and extend the limits of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Upon this consideration it was that my Companion, Father Barnaby goes to Irivan. after we had left our Mission in so good a plight, parted from me for some time, with a design to go to Irivan; where his presence was necessary, not only to confirm the settlement there made some years before, but also to take certain measures with the Indians and Yousbecks', which usually resort thither, in order to the carrying on of our intended Enterprise. Besides, it required four whole Months to regulate all things rightly, and to give me leisure to perfect myself in the Turkish Tongue, which I had begun to learn with good success. No sooner was I in a condition by myself, to labour in the salvation of Souls, but I received order to follow him. But some few days before my departure, a little before Midnight we were surprised with an Earthquake, so furious, that there was hardly any body among us, who did not believe himself utterly lost. An Earthquake at Erzerum. I waked of a sudden, at what time the Beams and Girders of my Chamber were all in motion; and I was afraid more than once, that the Walls that seemed to stoop forward, would have buried me under their Ruins: But there happened no ill consequences of this disorder. The Earthquake ceased in half a quarter of an hour; though it continued with a much more moderate shaking for eight days together, precisely at the same hour, that it began the first time. In regard these sorts of Accidents are very usual in Armenia, by reason of the prodigious number of Mountains with which that Province is covered; the People of the Country have no other way to shelter and secure themselves from the dreadful consequences which they fear, but to leave the Cities, and abide in the Fields under Tents, till every thing be quiet: Yet sometimes they are surprised, notwithstanding all the care they can take. For in regard that the Earth many times cleaves and opens with the violence of the shogs of the Earthquake Matter, sometimes whole Villages are swallow'd-up in those parts where the motion is most sensibly perceived; as they told me it befell a Village about seven or eight Leagues from the City. One time I met with a Mathematician, that was somewhat intoxicated with Copernicus' Philosophy; who was of opinion, that all these Violent Motions extremely favoured the Opinion of that Philosopher, who perhaps would not have failed himself to have made use of the same proof to have supported his Opinion; granting, that these motions were regularly made from East to West; as it is pretended, that they most generally happen to be. After I had assured myself for some time that the Earthquake was absolutely over, and that it was no longer to be feared, I went to meet Father Barnaby, who only waited for my company, to set forward as soon as might be, to the end we might get to the Caspian-Sea time enough to embark in the Muscovite Vessels, which usually make choice of the beginning of the Summer to return to Astrakan. Now in regard the Snow was not yet quite melted, and for that the Ways continued extremely bad, the Caravan to which I had joined myself, spent more time to get to Persia, than they were usually wont to do. I cannot tell whether the great desire which I had to leave Turkey, made me think our Stage much more remote than indeed it was; but I never travelled any Journey that seemed more tedious to me then this; though knowing the Language then much better than before, naturally I ought to have found it more agreeable than any of the former. However, notwithstanding my extreme Passion to get clear of the Grand-Signior's Territories, I was just upon the point of reingaging myself anew, through the Villainy of the Guards which we met upon the Frontiers, where they usually lie to exact the payment of the Duties going out, and coming in. For some Christian Merchants, who were returning out of Persia, understanding by some of their Acquaintance who belonged to our Caravan, that I was an European, and a person in orders treated me with so much friendship, and so kindly caressed me in the presence of the Turks, who had stopped both them and us for the payment of our Toll, that they made 'em suspect me to be some considerable Traveller, and that there was something more than usual to be got out of me. These people therefore beyond expression greedy of Money, after they had agreed among themselves how they might put me to trouble, briskly and in a rude manner demanded of me wherefore, since I carried no Merchandise along with me, I was so desirous to go into Persia, whither only Trade could invite a Stranger. To which I answered, That Affairs more important than Traffic drew me thither, concealing however the true Motive of my Journey. This was enough to convince 'em that I was not a person to be spared, and that it behoved 'em to extort by main force, what they could not do fairly and honestly. Thereupon they endeavoured to frighten me by all the ways their invention could suggest; to that purpose they thought they should easily bring about their Ends, by treating me as a Spy, and threatened to carry me before the Bassa of Kars, which is a City of Turkey upon the Frontiers of Persia, who would be sure, as they said, to cut off my head, if I did not take care to prevent my Misfortune by some inconsiderable Present; which was the only way to deliver me out of their clutches. Now in regard I was well acquainted with the Conditions of these People, and besides delivered myself readily, I gave 'em to understand by my Answers, that I was better instructed in the Customs of the Country, than they imagined me to be; so that within a moment after, I was pleased to see 'em grown more calm. For when I told 'em I was not so much afraid of the Bacha with whom they menaced me, because some days before I had seen his head, which was carried to Constantinople by a Kapigi-Bachi, they presently changed their Battery, and passed from threatenings to entreaties, to obtain by civility what they despiared to get by rudeness, teazing me without ceasing all the Night long; but finding me as resolute as they were importunate, they were forced to let me go the next Morning with the rest of the Caravan, which thirsted after Persia with as much eagerness as myself, in hopes to have to do for the future with a People far more reasonable than those we had left. In short, I observed soon after the difference between the one and the other; for I no sooner set my foot upon the hithermost Territories of the Cha, but I was accusted by some Inhabitants of the Country, who after a thousand Caresses, congratulated my good Fortune in having escaped the claws of the Turks; for whom they have as great an antipathy, as the Turks have a hatred for them. And because they had had a confused information of the Victory which the Christians had obtained over the Enemies of our Religion and theirs; I gave 'em a more particular Relation of it; with which they seemed to be so well pleased, that they would not fail to make Bonfires that Evening, to testify their joy for the good success of the Franks, whom God made his Instruments to humble and confound a people that so justly merited to be utterly exterminated. I was ignorant a long time of the Cause of this strange Aversion which these two Nations have one for another; but I learned it some time afterward from a notable Armenian; to whom I declared my wonder to see the Persians so embittered against the Turks; whom I thought till then more strictly united by the Ties of the same Religion. I shall therefore give an account as near as I can, of what I discovered in reference to the Animosity of the one against the other, The Antipathy between the Turks and Persians. and as to the difference of their Sentiments in matters of Religion. The unheard of Cruelties, which the Turks exercised upon the Persians some years since, the sacking of their Cities, the horrid Butcheries, which they committed, without distinction, of all sorts of Persons, in all Places through which they passed, made such a deep impression in the hearts of those miserable vanquished People, that the remembrance of 'em still remained fixed in their minds. They could never pardon those who had no less inhumanly, and barbarously used 'em, then if they had been the declared Enemies of Mahomet, and the Alcoran; whose Doctrine nevertheless they all along pretended to follow with as much zeal and exactness, as the most zealous among the Musselmen. And these Embitterments are much more corroborated by that Idea which they have of the Turks, whom they believe to be in an Error, in point of Religion, though they differ one from another but in two Heads; which ought to excite our compassion so much the more, by how much the more ridiculous they seem to be. In the first place the Turks, whom they call Sunni, own for real Prophets, three sorts of Mahomet's, Osman Abdid, Beker, and Omar. The Persians dispute their Holiness, because they put Ali to death, whose Disciples they affirm themselves to be. Therefore in abhorrence of that Murder it is, that every time their Priests ascend to the top of the Tower of the Mosque, to call the people to Prayer, they always thunder out their Execrations against the three unnatural Prophets, that had no more respect and veneration for so holy a man as Ali, upon whom, next to Mahomet, they look as their great Master and Oracle. They invoke him in all their Exigencies, and upon all occasions; insomuch that they have these words continually in their Mouths, Martaz Ali; which among them is one of the most holy and devout Ejaculations they can make use of. However some of 'em assured me, that their Devotion for Ali began to slacken, and that they made no scruple to address themselves to Omar, since a little Accident that fell out some years ago. A Person of Quality being one day stuck fast in the Mire, together with his Horse, called Ali to his assistance, and conjured him with loud Supplications to help him out of the Mud; but Ali was deaf to his Cries, never minding in the least the unfortunate condition of the poor Gentleman: Who finding his Prophet so insensible of his Adversity, which he endeavoured to make him understand by his redoubled Lamentations, at length in his despair addressed himself to Omar; whose Name he had no sooner pronounced as loud as he could tear his throat, but his Horse, no doubt, awakened and revived with the extraordinary noise of that Barbarous Word, bauled out with so much violence, renewed his Efforts, and giving a spring, bounced clear out of the Mire where his Master and he had stuck a long time. Upon this Alis unfortunate Votary, reflecting upon what had passed, began to be troubled with a hundred Scr●ples of Conscience, and to be disgusted at the false confidence which till then he had had in the pretended Great Protector of his Nation. In this Perplexity he repairs to one of the most Learned Mollha's that he knew, proposed his Doubts, and desired to be speedily resolved: Who being an Eminent Doctor, when he had heard him, answered him coldly, to confirm him the more in the Faith wherein he saw him totterring, That he had no reason to wonder at what had happened; that Ali being a warlike Prophet, scorned to be found in a place so unworthy of a Conqueror, as that wherein he had invoked him: Whereas Omar being a poor-spirited Fellow, as he well knew him to have been, minded no other Posts than Sloughs and Quagmires, where he might be able to succour miserable wretches that flung themselves blindly into his Arms. This Answer for the present settled the Gentleman's discomposure of mind; but afterward his Scruples twinged him with greater violence than before, so that he could not forbear abandoning himself wholly to his first Motions of revenge and despite, inveighing against Ali, and every where proclaiming the Effects of Omar's Potent Protection, who had relieved him in such a desperate case of necessity. However the common people continue their Veneration to Ali, and abominate the other three Prophets, of which Omar, being the Person whose Memory is most detested, is looked upon as a Monster among the Persians, who never use his Name but in their anger and fury; as our Libertines have recourse to the Devil in their hasty and choleric Passions. Secondly, The Persians believe, that there are several considerable Errors and Abuses creptin among the Turks in the observation of the Koran, the chiefest of which concerns their coming prepared to Prayer. Both the one and the other agree in this Point; That no man ought ever to say his Prayers without being purified before hand; but they do not agree upon the manner of Purification. For the Turks, after they have stripped their Arms quite bare, let the Water glide insensibly from their Finger's ends to their Elbows; whereas the Persians begin at the Elbows, and end at the extremities of the Fingers: For which they cite the Authority of the Alcoran, which clearly sets down the Practice of that Ceremony and how it ought to be performed. These are the ridiculous Ceremonies which I learned as soon as I set foot in Persia, which moved me so much the more, to see that a Nation otherwise so docible, and altogether endued with Reason, yet so blind and stupid in matters of Religion. But if I had a heart pierced through with grief to find so many souls redeemed with the precious Blood of Christ, not only insensible of their unhappiness, but intoxicated beyond expression, with a thousand fabulous Stories and Prejudices; I could not choose but feel some consolation the nearer I approached to Erivan, in seeing our Saviour's Cross set up in the places adjoining to that first City of Persia; where notwithstanding all the Machinations of the Devil, Christ has some adorers; whose Faith, though strangely sophisticated, however is not utterly extinguished. Of all the parts of Asia, where Christianity still shines, with something of lustre, and where the Profession of it is allowed with most Liberty, Ichmiazin, without contradiction is the place; a large Borough of the Upper Armenia, four little Leagues from Irivan. The Turks usually call it VchKlisse, or the Three Churches; because that besides the Great Church, from whence the place derives the Name it bears, there are two other very near it. The first is that which appears within the Enclosure of a fair Monastery, Ichmiazin the Patriarchal Seat of the Armenians. where the Patriarch of the Armenians has ᶜ his usual Residence, in society with fifty or sixty Monks that are under his Government. It is consecrated to the Incarnate Word, which according to common Tradition gave the Draught of it to St. Gregory, Surnamed the Illuminator, who was ordained the first Patriarch of the Armenians by Pope Silvester, by whom he was likewise acknowledged for his Father and Master; and happy had she been, had she preserved in the primitive Purity that Religion which that Holy Apostle taught her. The two other Churches distant from the former about Eight hundred Paces each, are nothing near so magnificent, nor so well kept in Repair. They are dedicated to two Holy Roman Virgins, Ripsima and Cayanna, who fled into Armenia, during the Ninth Persecution, and suffered Martyrdom in the same places where those two Churches are built. The great Church stands in the middle of a large Court, round about which, in the form of an Half-Moon, are built three Piles of Lodgings, wherein are the Cells of the Monks. The Treasury is very rich, the Ornaments magnificent, the Place to be admired, as well for the great number of consecrated Vessels, of which some are of Massy Gold, as for the vast bigness of the Crosses, the Branches and Lamps, which assuredly would be no dishonour to the most stately Churches of Europe. In this place it is, where it would be of great importance to settle a Mission, which is passionately desired by the greatest part of the Bishops of the Country. And two Missionaries, equally Zealous and Learned, that would but earnestly apply themselves to unfold after a clear and methodical manner, the Doctrine of our Faith, would not a little contribute to unite that Nation to the Roman Church, in regard that Ignorance rather than Obstinacy retains 'em in their Errors. This would be a work becoming the Charity of those generous Souls that seek with so much Care all Opportunities, to signalise their Zeal and arde● Affections for Jesus Christ. From Ichmiazin I got to Irivan, not above three Leagues distant from it. By the way, I had the pleasure to have a sight of the famous Mount Ararat; where, 'tis believed, the Ark of Noah rested after the Deluge. I know not, whether john Struys, wh● makes so pleasant a Description of it in the Journal of his Travels, so heedfully considered it, as he would make us believe. For my part, having time to observe the S●●●tion of it, during near a Month's stay 〈◊〉 Irivan, and having informed myself with as much exactness of all the particulars of that Mountain, I cannot without indignation read what that bold Adventurer has written. For besides the manifest Contradictions, which it is easy to observe in his fabulous Travels, which however he assures us he performed himself over that Mountain, altogether inaccessible; he places it not above fifty Leagues from the Caspian Sea; whereas in truth it lies above a hundred and fifty Leagues distant from it. TRAVELS Into some Part of TARTARY. BOOK II. Although I looked upon the Execution of my first design to have been much retarded by the Orders, which I received from Aleppo to stop for some time in Curdistan, and in Armenia, the Providence of God carried-on all things in such a manner; that, within a year after my departure out of France, I found myself in a Condition to set my hand to the work in good earnest, together with Father Barnaby, who had taken such prudent care for the sure and certain performance of our intended Journey. After we had both of us examined the different Roads, that were to be taken to carry us into China, we fixed upon that of Astrakan, as the most safe, and most commodious of all the rest, by reason of the Caravans which set out from thence three or four times a year for Bokara and Smarkand, where the Muscovites and Yousbecs' traffic together. In order to this Determination, we spent some days in Retirement to invoke the Benedictions of Heaven; and after we had provided ourselves with all Ornaments necessary for the saying of Mass by the way, we departed from Irivan the 23d of April, F. Barnaby and I departed from Irivan. 1686▪ disguised like Georgians, whose Habit carries a great awe with it over all Persia; in the Company of two Armania●●, who conducted us as far as Gangea. The Night before our Departure, about Eight a Clock in the Evening, we were surprised with an Earthquake, the violence of which gave us a smart Alarm. But in regard it ceased almost in an instant, we quickly recovered ourselves, and took it for a lucky Augury of the good Success we were to expect; persuaded, that Heaven thereby was willing to show us what Crosses we must expect to meet with, and how much it benoved us to support and corroborate ourselves against the Efforts of Hell. The first day's Journey was but small, for we travelled but four Leagues from Irivan, and lay at a Borough, where an Armenian Catholic received us into his House, and entertained us after the manner of the Country. But the joy we had conceived, that we were going to spread the Gospel among the most Savage Nations in the World, was not a little disturbed the first Night by an Accident altogether unexpected, and which could not be foreseen. For we had no sooner composed ourselves to rest upon Carpets laid for us, according to the fashion of the Eastern Countries, but Father Barnaby felt himself stung by a Scorpion, which had crept insensibly into his Bosom as we lay asleep. So soon as I heard him cry out, I rose, and when I saw by the help of a Candle the marks of that venomous Infect, I gave my Companion over for lost; but I soon recovered myself out of my fears; for after he had squeezed the Scorpion itself upon the place affected, which is the Sovereign Remedy against the Mischief of the Sting, and rubbed the Part with a little Treacle, he went to Sleep again as before, and we rested so quiet that Night, that we were in a good Condition to continue our Journey next Morning. The first Province we entered, after we left Irivan, was that of Gurgistan, The cross Gurgistan. which we crossed without any obstacle. For in regard it is well peopled, and for that the Villages and Towns lie very thick and close one to another, the Refreshments which we met with every where among the Christians who are very numerous in those Parts were great helps to us at the beginning of ou● Travels. Besides that, in regard we ran no great Hazards upon the Road, by reason of the Vigilance of the Governors of the Province, who are responsible for all disorders that are committed within their Jurisdiction; we husbanded our time as we pleased ourselves, and generally we travelled more by Night then by Day, to avoid the excessive Heats, which an European is not able long to endure, as being accustomed 〈◊〉 a more 〈◊〉 Climate. After we had travelled four days in thi● Country, wherein there is the greatest variety that ever I saw with in all my experience, we met, not far from a long Cha●● of Mountains that we were to cross, wi●● a Lake about fourscore Leagues in compass, where are caught the largest and best Salmon-Trouts that are to be seen, which 〈◊〉 not only vended over a great part of Pers●● but carry'● also into Turkey; especially in the Winter, where they are sold at a good rate. The Armenians have a very fair Monastery built in an Island within this Lake, no less commodious than delightful: And to this place it is, that the Patriarch usually Banishes such Monks as are stubborn and irregular, or such as he has any cause to be jealous of. We road along by the side of this little Sea, for so the People of the Country call it, a whole day's Journey together. After which, we entered into a Labyrinth of Mountains, that part Persia from Georgia. However, the crossing 'em did not seem tedious; for tho' we were enclosed on every side, yet we had a continual prospect of several little Woods and Groves, with which the Hills were covered; and of a prodigious number of Pheasants, and other wild Fowl, which we put-up as we road along. But all these innocent Pleasures, which we tasted by the by, were soon disturbed by an Alarm given us in a Christian Town, where we made a stop. For some of the Countrymen observing Father Barnaby and me so little concerned in our looks, where we had 〈◊〉 the reason of the World to be afraid of every thing, gave us notice to get away with all speed, unless we intended to fall into the hands of about forty Banditti, that had been upon the Road for some time, and were not far from us. We therefore took the advantage of their charitable Advice, and made all the haste we could to a Hill which they showed us, as a place where we might secure ourselves. No sooner had we got to the top of that little Hill, but we were immediately surrounded with a Troop of Armenians, some with Slings, some with great Clubs; who perceiving by the Confidence wherewith we advanced toward 'em, that we were not the Men they looked for, received us courteously. On the other side, we finding they were impatient to know who we were, told 'em, that we were Franks, Persons in Religious Orders, and Missionaries, that were going into Tartary, and thence into China, with an intention to Preach the Gospel. Thus when they understood the Motive which induced us to undertake so perilous a Journey, they heaped Civilities upon us: Some took our Horses to take care of 'em; others brought us Refreshments; and in a word, there was not any one that did not strive to signalise himself by some Office of Charity toward us. They informed us of the Alarm that had been given, and what had constrained 'em to entrench themselves in the place where we found 'em. They told us, that certain Gentlemen of Georgia had revolted from the Can of Tifflis about fifteen days before; and not finding themselves strong enough to withstand the Force which he had sent to reduce 'em, they were constrained to quit their Houses, and fly the Country till the Storm was over; and that because the greatest part of 'em wanted money to keep 'em, they were fain to fall upon the Frontier Villages, where they ravaged and plundered without control. Therefore said they, being justly afraid of being assaulted by these merciless Freebooters, and losing those little goods we have, we mustered together in this place, which we defend with such pitiful Weapons as these. We gave 'em the best consolation we could, during the small time we stayed among 'em, and after we had visited some of their Sick, to whom we applied such Remedies as we thought most proper to give 'em ease, we continued our Journey toward Gangea, where we arrived the next day in the Afternoon. Gangea is one of the best Cities of Persia, seated in a pleasant Plain about five and twenty, or thirty Leagues long. The great number of Rivers which meet there, and of which the Inhabitants make use to water their Gardens, that take up a good part of the City, contribute not a little to render the Soil round about it most delightful and fertile. We arrived there in the middle of the Spring, at what time never was any prospect more grateful to my Eyes, then to see a multitude of Houses seated among an infinite number of Groves and Thickets of lovely Trees laden with Leaves and Flowers, which a most beautiful blooming Green rendered yet more charming to the sight. So that the Persians call this enchanting Corner by no other Name, then that of the Garden of the Empire. The Bazars, or Market-Places which are in the middle of the City, are the fairest and most magnificent of all that ever I beheld in the East. For besides their extraordinary extent, they are very well vaulted, and there is a particular Quarter assigned for every sort of Merchandise. And because the City of Gangea is most advantageously seated for Trade, there is a vast Crowd of Foreigners that always resort to it. At the same that we arrived there, an overflowing Zeal for Religion had occasioned a hideous hurly-burly in the City. For the Persian Mollahs, having declaimed against the three False Prophets mentioned in the foregoing Book, provoked the Turks to that degree, that they betook themselves to their Arms, though they were but a small Number, to revenge themselves for the Affront done their most Holy Saints. They invested some of the Mosques, and were about to have sacrificed to their Resentment the People there assembled to say their Prayers, i● the Governor, who had timely notice of what passed, had not put a stop to those hot-brained Zealots. Three days after our Arrival at Gangea, we departed with a small Caravan, consisting all of Christian Merchants, whom Traffic and Business hastened to Scamaki, and in their Company crossed the lovely Plains that extend themselves almost from one City to the other. The first day of our Journey we passed the Kur, which rises in Georgia, and after it has watered several Plains, conveyed plenty to several Cities, and enriched the Country with a world of Sturgeon that are caught in it; at length discharges itself into the Caspian Sea. At the passing of this River, it was that our Georgian Habit did us good Service. For in regard the Turks take great delight to signalise their hatred against the Monks, whenever they meet with an opportunity; more especially, where they know it is in their power to be favourable or rigorous, as they please themselves, they never observe any measure in Justice with those whom they look upon as the declared Enemies of their Religion. And generally they fall upon their Purses rather than their Persons, being persuaded as they are, out of their prodigious Avarice, that they cannot do a man greater Injury, t●en by taking from him what they esteem and prefer themselves beyond their own Lives. But in regard they took us for other than we were, they used us more favourable than we durst hope for. We were not so fortunate the next day, in meeting with a Persian Chapar, An unlucky meeting with a Persian Chaper. which is the Name they give to the Persian Couriers, as Oulac is to those of Turkey. In both Empires these sort of People are extremely formidable to Travellers. For in regard the State makes no regular Provision of Horses for 'em; they have a privilege to dismount upon the Road any Person whose Horse pleases 'em better than their own. Now, though we were sufficiently informed of this inconvenient Custom, we could not be so cautious, but that we were surprised by one of these Couriers which the Kam of Schiamaki had dispatched away about urgent Affairs. He came powd'ring upon us in a Valley, where we had stopped to bait our Horses, and took the best of 'em, with which he was just going to ride away. In this same remediless Condition we took the usual course which the unfortunate take in such unlucky Accidents as these, and slipped a piece of Money into the hands of this same troublesome Messenger. Upon which he presently grew sweet upon us, and having readily found out a specious pretence to let us alone, he road away to seek some new Adventure in another place. At length, Schamaki described. after all these little trials of Patience which a Traveller cannot avoid, when he engages himself in long Journeys, we arrived at Schamaki, very glad to understand we were so near the Caspian Sea, and where in a little time we understood we should meet with several Muscovitish Vessels that were preparing to set sail for Astrakan. Schamaki, which was formerly one of the most considerable and best peopled Cities of all Persia, is much decayed from what it was some years ago, when it was in a far more flourishing Condition then now. For a furious Earthquake that happened about twelve years since, laid it almost utterly in Ruins; overthrowing Five or six thousand Houses, and killing so great a number of Inhabitants, who were buried under the Rubbish, that now it is not above half so big as formerly it was; and yet there are reckoned to be in it near upon Fifty or sixty thousand Souls; nor is there any part perhaps of the Persian Empire, where you shall meet with so vast a concourse of Strangers. Besides the great number of Armenians, which as they say, amounts to Thirty thousand; there are Indians, Muscovit●●, Georgians, Greeks, Turks, Circassians, and an infinite number of other People, whom the Neighbourhood of the Sea, together with the Goodness of the Country, draws thither from all Parts. This Concourse of so many different Nations it was, which made us earnestly wish there were a Mission settled in this City, as being fully persuaded that several Zealous Missionaries would find in abundance wherewith to repay the Labours of their fervent Zeal. It seems our Prayers have been heard since our departure thence, so that we have now a Residence there, for which we are beholding to the deceased Count de Sylli, who employed all his Credit with the King of Persia to obtain leave for an Establishment in that Place. And he was pleased to lay the first foundations of it himself, by Father Pothier of the Order of Jesus, whom he carried along with him on purpose from Ispahan to Schamaki, where he left him in his return to Poland, there to give the King an Account of his Negotiations on the behalf of all the Christian Princes engaged in the War against the Turks. This Father Pothier was one of the most accomplished Missionaries in the East, Fat, Pothier Murdered. and was one of those whom our King entrusted with the Royal Presents which he sent about ten years since to the Cha of Persia, together with a Letter which he wrote in favour of the Christians of Nachivan, who had a long time groaned under the Tyranny of some Governors that most heavily oppressed 'em. He drew a great number of Disciples after him, at the beginning, by the Charms of his edifying Conversation, and by his sweet and affable Disposition and Behaviour; they came in Crowds to be instructed and participate of the Divine Mysteries. But a certain Turk of whom the Father had hired a House, till the Governor had assigned him a Seat as he promised to do, grew so jealous of the happy Progress of the Gospel, and became so furiously mad to see his House, which was really consecrated to Haly, become a School of Christianity, that he resovled to be revenged of the Affront that was every day put upon his Prophet, and his Religion. To which purpose, rising in the Night, when the Missionary never dreamt the least mistrust of him, he broke open his Chamber-door, and stabbed him in the same place where he had given the first wounds to Heresy, Schism, and Infidelity. Had we thought that one of our Brethren would have followed us so soon at the Heels, to deprive us of the Palms which we might have disputed with him, perhaps we should not hav● been so earnest, to have quitted the Post we were in; but then not knowing that Heav●n had any other use to make of our Ministry then to open a passage into China, we hastened to the Caspian Sea, three good days Journey from the City of Schamaki. This little Sea which is not above Eight hundred Leagues in compass, The Caspian Sea described. to speak properly, is no more than a vast salt Lake, into which above a hundred Rivers, not to speak of an infinite number of little Rivulets, discharge themselves on all sides, and keep it continually filled with Water, which She, by way of return, furnishes with so great a Quantity of Fish, that in many places you may take 'em up with your hands without Net or Line. More especial in tempestuous Wether, when the Fish forced on by the Waves, suffer themselves to be crowded in Shoales into the Rivers, where they are the more willing to abide, as finding themselves sheltered from the violent Agitations of the Sea. Besides this particular Remark, which I had leisure to observe, during a stay of fifteen days, till we could meet with an opporunity to embark; I was not a little surprised to see, the same day we were to have set Sail, the Seamen employed to fetch fresh Water out of the Sea, above two Leagues from the Shoar. Now, in regard the thing to me seemed extraordinary, I had a mind to taste the Water, which was as sweet, as if it had been drawn out of a Fountain, though but a few paces from the same place it appeared to be more brackish then in any Seas that ever I sailed in. But my wonder ceased when I considered, what a vast quantity of fresh Water emptied itself from all parts into the Caspian Lake. But that which is more wonderful, is this, to see this petty Ocean equally restrained within the Bounds that Providence had ordained it, notwithstanding the multude of Rivers that fall into it, and which only one would think should swell it to that degree, as sometimes to overflow its Bounds. This respectful Obedience to Providence it is that has very much puzzled our Geographers, and produced the Opinion among 'em touching the Communication of this Sea with some others, which she enriches with her own plenty, when overstored herself. Some have thought that the Black Sea, being the nearest to it of any other Sea, makes this advantage to partake of her Neighbour's store. But besides that this Opinion is grounded upon no solid Reason, it seems as if the Wisdom of God had placed between these two Seas, a long rigged of High Mountains, for no other end, then absolutely to separate 'em one from the other. But I have two Conjectures which make me believe, that it rather discharges itself into the Persian Gulf, how far remote soever it may seem to be, then into any other Sea. The first is, because that in the Gulf of the Persian Sea, to the South, over against the Province of Kilan, there are two dangerous Whirlypools, or deep Abysses, which the Persian Vessels that set Sail from that Coast, endeavour to avoid as much as they can. And the noise of the Water, which throws itself into that Gulp with a surprising Rapidness, may be heard in calm Wether, so far off, that it is enough to terrify all those who are ignorant of the real Cause. The second Conjecture, which to me seems to be of more force than the former is grounded upon every years' experience, by which they who inhabit all along the Persian Gulf, observe a vast quantity of Willow-leaves at the end of every Autumn. Now, in regard this sort of Tree is altogether unknown in the Southern Part of Persia, which borders upon that Sea; and for that, quite the contrary, the Northern part which is bounded by the Sea of Kilan, has all the Seacoasts of it shaded with those Trees; we may assure ourselves with probability enough, that these Leaves are not carried from one end of the Empire to the other, but only by the Water that rowles 'em along through the Caverns of the Earth. Upon this Sea it was, which so many particular Qualities render very remarkable, that we embarked in a Muscovite Flyboat, but very ill equipped. But the Season which was extremely proper for Navigation, supplied all things that could be wanting otherwise; we gained the Volga six days after we set sail from the Road of Nizzova, which is one of the safest and most convenient in all Persia. For besides the great plenty of Wood in the Parts adjoining, which serves for the refitting and repairs of shattered Vessels; there is a prodigious number of Towns and Villages, able to furnish a numerous Fleet with all manner of Provision. After we had left the Sea, by the favour of a fair East Wind, which carried us about Sixscore Leagues in a little time; we found ourselves upon the Volga, before we knew where we were. For in regard this famous River discharges itself into the Caspian Sea, through Seventy Mouths, as we are commonly assured, and for that it still preserves the Majesty of the Current for above Thirty Leagues, after it has quitted the various Sho●rs that close it on both sides, it seems to dispute the Possession of its Channel with the Sea. So that the only Mark to be assured that you are got into the River, is the freshness of the Water, which he that first discovers, receives the same Rewards, as in other places the Seamen do that first descry Land. No sooner were we got into one of the Mouths, but our Vessel being deep loaden, struck upon a Sand-bank, which the Pilots had not the foresight to avoid. But in regard this Accident befell us several times afterward during our Voyage, I rather attribute it to the Shallowness of the River, which divides itself into too many Arms, to be able to carry a Vessel of an ordinary Burden, then to the Seamen's want of experience. However it were, certain I am, that we spent twice as much time in getting up to Astracan, which lies not above Twelve or Thirteen Leagues from the Mouth of the River, than it took us up to Sail from Persia to the River's Mouth. Not that we were thus equally perplexed, but only till we had got to the first place, where the Muscovites have a great Fishery, which is one of the best Revenues which the Czar has. There it was that our Vessel had Orders to stop for two or three days, till the Governor of Astrakan, to whom we dispatched a Messenger to give him notice of our Arrival, gave us leave to make forward. During that little time that we were obliged to stay, we had good sport in seeing the Fishermen catch Sturgeons, which is one of the greatest curiosities that ever I saw in my Life: and the manner of it is this. The Muscovites, to make their best Advantage of the great plenty of Fish, which the Caspian Sea distributes to all the Rivers that fall into it, have driven in long Piles of Timber, from one side to the other, in one of the Channels of the Volga, which they thought most proper for their Fishery. Howerever they do not shut up all the Passages so close, but that they leave one of each side for the Fish to swim up the River, and for the Vessels that return from Persia, and other places; a little above this first Barricado of Piles, they drive in others all a row, in the form of a Triangle, into which the Fish is easily carried by the violence of the Stream; though when he is in, 'tis not only impossible for him to get out, but even to stir himself, as well by reason of the narrow compass of his Prison, as because of the huge bulk of his Body. In the mean time the Fishermen, who keep beating the Water to frighten the Fish into the Snare, visit their Entrenchments made on purpose twice a day, where they never miss of the Prey which they look for; which done, they thrust a great Hook through the Ears of the Fish, and having drawn him up just above Water, beat out his Brains with a great Club, to prevent his escape, or doing any other Mischief, should they preserve him alive in their Boats. After this, they carry their Prize to the Banks of the Fishery, where they disembowel the Fish, and take out the Eggs, of which one single Sturgeon sometimes affords 'em so great a number, as weighs above two or three hundred Pound. This is that glutinous Substance, so well known in Foreign Countries under the name of Caviar, which they prefer before all the rest. They Salt it very carefully, and put it up with great care, to serve 'em in their Ragou's instead of Butter, which is forbidden 'em during Lent. As for the Body of the Fish, after they have cut it into Quarters, they squeeze out the Oil, or else they pickle it up to be transported into all the Provinces of the Empire, or else into the Neighbouring Kingdoms, where they have an extraordinary vent for it. But the pleasure that we took in this Fishing sport, was very much allayed by the inconveniencies of an Army of Gnats that swarm upon the Volga, a little before and after Sun set. Their Stings so terribly torment both Man and Beast, that I am easily induced to believe, that of all the Plagues of Egypt, the Plague of the Flies was the most noisome, and insupportable. Therefore to secure themselves from this Vexation, Travellers wrap themselves over head and ears with a little Tent which they carry with 'em on purpose, so soon as they begin to feel 'em sting. But in regard we had made no provision against these formidable Enemies, we lay at their mercy all the while we stayed in the Volga: So that when we came to Astrakan, we should have been taken for Lepers, or people that were troubled with a Dropsy, but that the Inhabitants were well acquainted with the reason of the Wheals and Blisters that disfigured us. However this Martyrdom was at an end after four days; for the Governor of Astrakan having sent his Lieutenant to the Vessel to do it the more honour, as belonging to the Grand Duke, the Passengers had leave to quit the Ship, and put ourselves into a Shallop, or kind of Gondola; the lightness of which, and the dexterity of the Rowers was such, that we quiekly got sight of Astrakan. Astrakan, which the most exact Geographers place in the forty eighth degree of Northern Latitude; is a City seated in one of the Islands of Volga about thirteen Leagues from the mouth of the River, whatever Struys says, who will have it to be fifty Leagues remote from the River's mouth. It is encompassed with a double Wall, without any other Fortification, only some few towers, half Musket shot one from another. The great Guns are very fair ones, and the Garrison is very numerous. Now in regard the ground upon which that City stands is very gravelly and low, the Summer heats are not to be endured in that place; insomuch that the people are obliged to bathe several times a day. In the parts about it the Soil bears all sorts of Fruits, and in great abundance; nor does their deliciousness give way to their plenty. More especially their Melons are remarkable for their most exquisite taste; and it is as rare a thing to meet with a bad or a wallowish Melon there, as it is unusual to ●ind a good one in France. Those which are called Karpous, or Water-Melons, though common enough, are most sought after. The Rind is of a lively green colour, but the Pulp of a beautiful Rose-colour, and full of juice, which cools as much as it quenches drought, and of which you may eat your fill without any fear of surfeiting. They have also a sort of Grape, of which they make Wine, but sour, and no way pleasing to the taste. All this while no private person dares touch a Grape, or any other Fruit, until the Governor of Astraka● has made choice of the best of every thing for the Czar's Table. Besides the Inhabitants of this City, who for the greatest part are Muscovites, several other Nations are intermixed among 'em, drawn thither by the conveniency of Trade, and the sweetness of the Climate. 〈◊〉 Armenians possess one of the Suburbs entirely to themselves, and the Nogais Tartars another, which altogether resembles a City, being sortified with a Wooden-Rampart, and having a Governor who commands there, under the Orders of the Chief Governor of Astrakan. Within that Enclosure stands a Mosque; but the Houses are for the greatest part made of Bulrushes, of which there may be about two thousand. Now in regard it is the Muscovites interest to use 'em kindly, by reason of the good Service they do 'em in their Wars, therefore they treat 'em rather as their Confederates, than their Vassals. To which purpose they are allowed to share with 'em in the convenience of the Market, that in the Morning is kept in their Quarter; which is called Yourt; and with the Muscovites in the Evening in the great Market place, in the middle of Astrakan. Much more when they stand in need of Arms and Artillery to defend themselves against any Enemiy that comes to assault 'em, they furnish 'em, and assist 'em likewise to repel the Assailants. It is not many years since the Calmuc-Tartars put 'em to a great deal of trouble; and that they came duly every Winter, by the Favour of the Ice, to assault even in their very Trenches. But since those Tartars experienced the fury of Fire-Arms, which they know not as yet how to handle, they have not adventured to molest 'em. And indeed it is to the protection of the Muscovites, that the Nogais-Tartars are beholding for the Repose and Tranquillity which they enjoy; while their Enemies scared with the Thunder of the Cannons and Muskets, let 'em sit quiet. But though the Hostilities between the Nogais and Calmuc-Tartars are absolutely at an end, the latter, which are a wand'ring sort of people, forbear not still to adventure every Winter into those vast Plains between Astrakan and the Caspian-Sea; where by reason those Champion Countries are not so much covered with Snow, because they lie more to the South, and nearer the Sea, they meet with Food for their cattle; the preservation of which, as being all their Substance and Riches, engages 'em to make those Inroads. Which Annual Visits of above a hundred thousand men at a time, though they be no way pleasing to the Muscovites, however they are forced to suffer 'em, and not only so, but to humble themselves to that degree, as to make 'em Presents duly every year, to hinder their Incursions, which they have reason always to be afraid of, from such as are not restrained by the Laws of Orderly Government, and Civil Society. And these Presents thus continued out of fear, being at length looked upon by the Tartars as an indispensible Obligation, are demanded with so much haughtiness and commanding fiercenss, that the Muscovites must expect nothing but the utmost extremities of War, should they once refuse 'em. I was then at Astrakan, when this prodigious multitude of Vagabonds was going to take up their Winter Quarters. At what time the Governor was no sooner informed of their approach, but he sent one of his Officers to assure their Chief-tain, that he would send 'em their usual quantity of Provision with all the speed that could be. In a word; Some days after he sent away several Wagons laden with Bread, Karpou's, Srong-Water, and Tobacco, which is the Present, or rather Tribute, which serves to keep a good correspondence between both Nations. Not but that the Muscovites are able, if they pleased, to shake off this kind of Yoke which they impose upon themselves, but because the Calmucs as well as the Nogais are ready to lend 'em men upon all occasions when they want 'em, they are willing to purchase their friendship, though at the expense of their Reputation, and in some measure of their Liberty. For this reason it is also that they caress 'em when they come to Astrakan, and that they are not sorry nor disturbled to see 'em; for as formidable as they are to the Muscovites, nevertheless the latter never scruple to drive a Trade with 'em, either because of the great quantity of Furs which they bring, or the vast number of Horses which they sell; both profitable Merchandizes to the people of the Country. But they who without all question contribute most to the flourishing condition of this City, are the Indians, or Banians, Idolaters as well as the Calmucs, whose Daughters they marry, because they cannot alley themselves neither with Christians, nor with the Mahometans of the Country; these People being very industrious, and holding correspondence in almost all the Ports of the Caspian-Sea, there are few sorts of Merchandise that do not pass through their hands. So that they have likewise their Quarter in one of the Suburbs of the City by themselves, where they enjoy the exercise of their false Religion with all manner of freedom. They hold the Transmigration of Souls, The Errors of the Banians. which will not suffer 'em to feed upon any thing that has life, whether Fish, Flesh, or Foul; and they have such a respect for Cows, that if they know of any one that is to be killed for supply of the Market, they will purchase it at a dear rate, and redeem it from the Slaughter-House. Every Family breeds-up one with the same indulgence as they do their Children; no Creature can be more industriously combed, more carefully fed, more cleanly lodged, nor better looked after when they are sick. Another piece of Superstition they have, never to eat but in private; and before they touch the Victuals that is set before 'em, they throw some small part of it separately into the Fire, the Air, the Water, and upon the Earth, as an acknowledgement of some Divinity concealed in every one of those Elements. Whatever the reason of it is, we could never get from 'em the least knowledge of any of their Mysteries. We have endeavoured several times to engage a Brackman that travelled with us out of Persia into Tartary, but he put us off still till we came to Astrakan, where he told us he should find his Books; without the help of which, he ingeniously confessed, he could not answer us. These are the most considerable Nations which conveniency of Trade has brought to settle themselves in Astrakan, the first City of Tartary, where we arrived the 20th of june, two Months after our departure from Irivan. We lodged in the Forreigner's Caravansera, where we met with some or other of all Nations in the World, among whom we learned that some of 'em had made several Journeys to Pekin. 'Twas no small comfort to us to see that without going any further, A Merchant of Yousbecs gives 'em great sight as to their farther Travels. we might be thoroughly instructed in what till then, notwithstanding all our diligence, we could only gain a confused and obscure glimmering. This man was a Merchant of Bokara, who having travelled four times from one City to the other, was able to afford us a more certain Light. He told us then, that the Road of the Yousbecs to China was neither so difficult, nor so tedious as most people believed; that there were indeed some Deserts to pass, but that people suffer no more there then they do in Persia or Turkey; where notwithstanding the great number of Towns and Villages upon the Road, the Caravans never mind the Habitations they meet withal, provided their store of provisions holds out. That the same care was taken for the security of that Journey, as was taken in other Countries of the East where he had been, that the Caravans should be always numerous and well guarded, and that there were to be found as many Refreshments by the way, as in other places. That we should meet in several places with the Hordes, another sort of Tartars, who were so far from doing any injury to Travellers, that they took delight to relieve and furnish 'em with Provisions. Lastly, that money not being in use among those wand'ring people, there was less danger of being robbed then in the Territories of the Grand Signior, where the Arabians were no hindrance, in regard that men would venture to trade, notwithstanding their fears of being rifled by those Vagabonds. As for the distance (added he farther) I cannot exactly tell ye how far it is between Bokara and Pekin, nor the number of Towns or Villages through which people usually pass; I can only assure ye, that we got in two months to the Borders of China; whether you take the Southeast Road through the Cities of Samarkand, Kaboal, Kachemir, and Barantola, or go directly East, through the middle of the Moguls, who though Idolaters, are subject to the King of the Yousbec's that are Mahometans. The first City of China, which you meet with in taking the first Road, is called Soczi, where is the best Rhubarb in the world. From Soczi you must travel, a month before you can reach Pekin, but if you take the second Road, the first City you meet with in China is called Kokutan, built by the Chinese on this side the great Wall, and strongly fortified to stop the incursions of the Calmucs; and thence you have but fifteen days journey to Pekin. But to whichsoever of these two Cities you happen to come, you will be obliged to stay some time to manage your Business with the Governor, so as to be permitted to pass any farther, or otherwise you will hardly get leave to enter the Kingdom. But since the Emperor of China has set open his Seaports, there is not so much difficulty to get admittance. But they who are desirous to take more secure measures, apply themselves to some Taiso, or Prince of those Tartars that lie in the Road, and request him to send an Ambassador to Pekin, under some pretence or other; which he presently will do upon the allurement of some little Present: And under the protection of this Deputy it is, that the Merchants, who pretend to be all of his Train, enter freely into China, and trade with all the security imaginable. This was that, which we learned from this same Tartar, upon whose Relation we had the more reason to rely, because it perfectly agreed with all the Relations which were afterwards communicated to us both at Astrakan and Moscow. A certain Monk of good repute among the Muscovites, with whom we got acquainted at Astrakan, some days after our arrival, vuderstanding our design to travel into Tartary, showed us a very curious Journal written by three Merchants, who had travelled from Astrakan to Pekin, keeping the Road from Bocara to Samarkand; in all which Journey they had not spent above a hundred and eleven days; and the Cities there mentioned were exactly the same which I have already named. So that if we give but never so little credit to the Sentiments of all persons that I have consulted, and who could get no advantage by cheating me, we must of necessity acknowledge that we have been a long time in an Error, as to the certain distance from hence to China. And this is that, of which the Jesuits have warned us within this little while to have a care of. One among the rest, a Learned Person, and well versed in Astronomical Observations, perceiving by the favour of Jupiter's Satellites, that all the Ancient Geographers placed China more to the East by about six hundred Leagues then really it is; in regard, that counting the first Meridian from the Island of Fez, they have placed Pekin in the hundred and sixty fifth degree of Longitude, whereas it ought to be only in the hundred thirty second. According to this Calculation which is somewhat corrected in the Great Planispheare●n ●n the Observatory of France, it is easy to determine within a few Leagues at least, the real distance between Bocara, which is now the Capital City of the Yousbec's; and Pekin, which is the Metropolis of China. For supposing, as it is certain, that the first of these two Cities lie in the fourscore and twelfth Degree of Longitude, and the other in the hundred thirty second, and that both the one and the other lying very near the forti'th Degree of Northern Latitude, as the most exact Geographers agree, we must first of all conclude, that the difference of Longitude between the one and the other is no more than forty Degrees. Secondly, That to go to both the one and the other, you travel almost all along in the same Parallel. Now in regard that every Degree of the Equator of the Earth consists of twenty Leagues, The distance of Bocara from Pekin. and every League of three thousand Geometrical Paces; it follows, that every Degree of the forti'th Parallel, containing no more than fifteen Leagues, and nine hundred fifty nine Geometrical, the distance from Bocara to Pekin in a straight line could be no more than about six hundred and thirteen Leagues, and to Kokutan the first City of the Chinese, four hundred sixty three only, This being so, as it is easy for every one to be convinced of it, there is no question but that the way by Land to China is much more safe and short then to go by Sea, let the Wind serve never so fair. I must confess that things speculatively considered, appear always more easy than they prove to be in practice, because we cannot certainly foresee all the Accidents we may meet with in long Journeys; nor do I pretend to warrant the person that undertakes 'em from all Events. But as I have travelled long enough in the East to know what success a man may have; I dare assure him after a long experience, that it appeared to me more easy in the practical part than it appears perhaps to others in the speculative. For not to speak of those, who have formerly attempted very near the same thing with success, as Paul the Venetian, Benedict Goez the Jesuit, and some others, who happily arrived in China, by a way that was but very little known at that time, and then to come to a display that makes our way more plain, by that little knowledge we have of the Eastern Countries, which are the nearest to us, there is no dispute of the easiness to go from France to Bocara, or Samarkand; from whence it is apparent by what I have said, that there remains no more than a fourth part of the way to each Pekin. The Voyage from Marselles to Constantinople is usually made in a Month; from Constantinople to Teflis, and by the Black-Sea, is but eight or ten days sail at most; from thence to Erzerum is but seven or eight more; from Erzerum to Irivan the most heavy laden and encumbered Caravans get to their Journeys end in twelve or thirteen: From thence to Tauris, the Ancient Ecbatana of the Medes, much about the same time. From this City, which is the second of Persia for spaciousness and beauty, and which is the resort and through fair for all Nations that traffic almost over all the East, there are two different ways to reach the You●becs. The first, which is the shortest, leads to the Province of Kilan, so well known to all the world for the beautiful Silks which are there wrought; and this Journey is performed in three Weeks; and being arrived there, you may embark upon the Caspian-Sea, the Southern part of which is called the Sea of Kilan; from whence you may in a straight line to B●kara, enter the River Oxus, which washes the Walls of it. The second Road lies through Ispahan, the Capital of all Persia, and which, though it be the longest, is however the most commodious, and the most advantageous to pass securely to the Prince of the Yousbec's Court. For in regard 'tis a usual thing for that same Tartar Prince to send Ambassadors to Ispahan, and for the King of Persia to send as frequently his Envoy to Bokara, to accommodate the Differences that arise between those two Princes, by reason of the vicinity of their Territories, 'tis an easy thing to slip into the Trains of those Public Ministers, when they return, or are sent to Bokara, which is not above a month and a half's journey from Ispahan. If there be any difficulty in the remainder of the Journey, of which the distance between the places deprives us of, 'tis to be believed that the Providence of God, upon which all Missionaries ought solely to depend, will be no less favourable to them then to others, who perhaps had not those elevated Motives which are usually the encouragements of Missionaries. Moreover, though, there were as many Dangers to run through, as Christopher Columbus had formerly to undergo upon the Score of Private Gain, or Vain Honour; why should a Minister of the Gospel fear to expose himself for the glory of a God, who repays with Interest the Services that are done him? I owe this Justice to the deceased F. Barnaby my Companion, that never man perhaps was more sensible of this noble Motive than he was; for this reason it was, that when we understood after so authentic a manner, that there was an open passage from Astrakan to China, we had no other thoughts between us, bt of joining with a numerous Caravan of Muscovites that was then preparing to set forward for Samarkand. But the noise of the War between the Calmoucs and the Yousbecs being spread abroad, when every body wasproviding so zealously for this Journey, which is usually performed in forty days, we found ourselves to our great sorrow disappointed just at the very instant that our hopes were elevated with the flattering probabilities of speedy success. But as disconsolate as we were, we resumed fresh courage some few days after, upon certain assurances of our Friends, who had received advice from Mascow, that a numerous Caravan of Chinese Merchants was lately arrived there, that would be ready to return again into their own Country by the end of Winter. This news being confirmed to us by several persons, we thought it our surest course, without losing time, to take a journey to Moscow, in pursuance of our first designs. To which purpose, wanting nothing but a Pass from the Governor, we applied ourselves to the Armenians that came along with us out of Persia, to solicit him in our behalf; in regard the Vayvode was bound to have a respect for 'em, well knowing the interest of the Court, which was to caress the Armenians, as being the most proper Nation in the World to bring a flovirshing Trade into the Country. They on the other side overjoyed with this opportunity to oblige us, and to bear us company to Moscow, where they thought we might do 'em some service by means of the Jesuits who have been settled there near upon two years, spoke in our favour to the Governor; and the more to induce him to be speedy in his kindness, told him a thousand things to our advantage, and more particularly extolled us for our skill in Physic, believing that if we could get into the Vayvod's favour, by that means we might obtain whatever we desired. The Governor, who was extremely careful of his health, thus prepossessed of the Abilities of my Companion, of whom the Armenians had reported what strange Effects of his Skill several Bacha's in Turkey, and Persian Lords had experienced, conceited himself presently that he was sick, and to find a remedy for his Distemper, sent one of his Officers to desire us that we would give him a Visit. Now a Message of this nature was the least thing that we dreamed of, and it put us into much the greater fear, because we had been informed before we left Persia, that such sort of interviews might prove very dangerous to us, for the Reason which I am going to tell ye. Among the great number of Passengers which we met in the Road of Wirzova, before we took Shipping for Astrakan, there was one, of whom it will not be expedient to say any more at present, then that he was of a Temper somewhat different from ours, as being born without doubt in a Climate much colder than that of France. This person, with whom we were obliged in point of decency and good manners to contract a Friendship, would fain have had us comply with his manner of living, and drink Strong-water as freely as he did. But in regard we must have put the same violence upon ourselves to have brought our bodies to it, as it would have cost to get rid of a bad Custom again, we thought we might dispense with his Example which would have led us too far out of the way, since we did nothing to oblige him to be conformable to ours. Nevertheless, because he foresaw the ill consequences of our Resolution, which would oblige him to an uneasy abstinence, more than he was willing to submit to, especially when he came among the Christians, he thought to have got his ends of us, by laying before us the danger to which we exposed ourselves, if we complied no more with the Muscovites, than we had been complaisant to him. 'Tis a Custom, said he, generally established in the Country whither you are going, to present Brandy and several other stronger Liquors to all those that pay 'em Visits, and they are such jealous observers of your receiving these marks of their Friendship, that the refusal of 'em would be looked upon as a most bloody affront, which they never fail to revenge with some fatal mischief. True it is, added he, that these sort of Civilities have a tincture of Barbarism: But what will you do with a people who believe themselves despised and scorned, when they see you upon the Reserve, and moreover admire so highly their Intemperance as one of the Cardinal Virtues, that there is nothing more common in their mouths then this ridiculous Proverb, Ne pian, ne sophy, He that will not drink, can never be wise. Now though these Maxims with which this zealous Traveller would have prepossessed us, are commonly enough received over all Muscovy, it must be acknowledged however that they are not so universally authorised, but that there are some persons to be met with of good understanding, who are so far from approving, that they openly cry down these bad Customs. But because we were at that time but little versed in the Manners of the Muscovites, this horrid Portraiture that was given us of 'em made us believe, that being all Barbarians alike, we should have much ado to escape their hands, if to avoid doing any thing unbeseeming our Character, we should stick to the Resolution we had taken. With this Resolution we followed the Officer, not doubting in a short time but to be the Martyrs of Intemperance. In short, we were no sooner entered into a Chamber where we were expected with impatience, but the Vayvode after the first Compliments were over, caused a pompous Train of Fantastic Liquors to be brought forth and set before us, attended with an Equipage of Silver Flagons, and some small enameled Glasses. At the sight of these Formidable things my Companion and I began to tremble, and our fears redoubled, when we saw the Governor take up a Glass and begin the Ceremony. While he was thus eagerly striving to caressus, and putting us upon those things which it was not the Custom to refuse any body, we had the good luck to put a stop to his Endearments, by the same means which we had fortunately made use of in the East, to hinder the infamous Debaucheries of the Turks and Persians. For in regard we had had a true portraiture of the Vavode given us, we laid before him, as one that was strangely intoxicated about his health, that there was nothing so venomous and destructive to Nature as those burning Liquors which he swilled up with so little moderation: That it was easy to perceive by his dry and scorched countenance, that his excessive drinking had much enfcebled the Noble parts of his body; that the continuance of such a course of life would kindle in his Bowels a Fire so violent, that all the Physic in the World would not be able to quench. There needed no more to disarm the Governor, and deliver ourselves from the Martyrdom with which our zealous Monitor had threatened us. In the mean time our imaginary sick Vayvode, who was extremely pleased with our reasons, was no less desirous to make trial of our Remedies. To content him therefore, it behoved us to give him something, which when he had taken, he began to conceit himself so well, that he persuaded himself, unfortunately for us, that if he could but keep us within call, he should become insallibly immortal. Out of this Opinion it was, that he put us off with trivial Excuses, and delayed the giving us our Letters of safe conduct for near two Months together; nor was there any thing but fear that was able to wrest it out of out hands. However he heaped Civilities upon us every day; he would have us continually with him; and to recompense us for the loss of our time, which we would much rather have been spending in the conversion of Infidels, he took delight in discoursing with us upon Matters of Religion, and sought with some kind of eagerness to inform himself in the Controversies between the Latins and the Greeks. But notwithstanding all his Artifices, we clearly saw that his main drift was to amuse us, and that he had no other end in showing us so much kindness, then to make us less sensible of the burden of our Captivity. We pressed him therefore several times to grant us what in justice he could not refuse us; and aftrr we had enhanced, as much as we could in modesty, the good Offices which we had done both him and his Family, we desired of him no other recompense then the liberty to continue our Journey. But our Solicitations and Entreaties proved all in vain. He continued in his obstinacy not to let us stir, still colouring his refusil with I know not what pretences. We thought to mollify him, and vanquish his obduracy by the intercession of Friends that we had made during our stay at Astrakan; but all their endeavours proved fruitless, for they could obtain nothing of favour in our behalf. So that when we were convinced of his mischievous intentions, which nevertheless proceeded only from a love of himself, we resolved to spare him no longer; and therefore finding him besides to be a person truly timorous and pusillanimous, the character always of those that idolise 'emselves, we took the freedom to reproach him with the ingratitude and severity wherewith he repaid our Services. I know not whether this way of our proceeding affected him, or no; but certain it is, that he sent us the Pass, for which we had been so long long, and so importunately soliciting. Upon the receipt of our Pass, we agreed with a Merchant, who was going by Water to Moskow, who promised us two convenient places in his Hoy at a reasonable Rate. But the same day, that we had sent our luggage aboard, and were embarked ourselves; one of the Governor's Officers brought us an Order to come ashore again, with an express Prohibition on to all the Vessels in the Harbour not to receive us aboard upon pain of his indignation. This put us into a strange consternation; however there was no remedy but Obedience, and return we must to our old Post, till Heaven should be pleased to take our Cause in hand. Well, during the time, that we were thus compelled to stay a second time at Astracan, the objects of our sight, and whatever struck our ears, was all doleful and afflicting. For not to speak of the dreadful Tempests, which more than once we thought would have utterly overturned the whole City, or at least have stifled the Inhabitants, with a dismal Mist of thick and scorching Dust, which driven on by a violent Wind, had enveloped all the City; the frightful reports of Mortality and Pestilence alarmed us every day; and a terrible Bleeding at the Nose had like to have deprived me of my Companion: no hopes of recovering our Liberty by the means of the Polish Ambassodor's returning out of Persia, whom the Governor detained in a desert Island under pretence of putting a stop to the contagion. All these misfortunes abated our courage, and cast us down in such a manner, that life itself began to be a burden to us. But God, who suffered us to fall into this Abyss, recovered us out of it by a means the more extraordinary, by how much it seemed altogether opposite to our designs. They who have the least knowledge of the Religion of the Greek Church which the Muscovites profess, well enough understand, that the Priests and Monks, who are the chief support of it, are utter Enemies of the Church of Rome, and of all that are united to it. Nay the excess of their hatred is such, that if any person happens to become a Convert to their Faith, that was a Catholic before, their Doctors Baptise him a second time, before they admit him into their Communion, out of an Opinion that that same second Baptism defaces the Character of Catholic which was ●●printed in his Soul. However, notwithstanding this mortal aversion, we found two powerful Protectors, who made it a point of Honour to obtain of the Vayvode that Liberty which he had ravished from us. The first was the Archbishop, or Metropolitan, as he is called of the City where we were detained. We had paid him frequent Visits, and he had always received us with great demonstrations of Friendship and Esteem; and when he officiated in public, always invited us to the Ceremony. The second was the Superior of the principal Monastery of the Monks of St. Basil in Astracan; to whom we had been in some measure serviceable, among other things, in expelling a Worm out of his Body of an Ell and a half long, by means of the Emetic Powder. To these two Persons in the midst of our extremity, not knowing what courses to take, we unburthen'd our hearts, not without some tears which the excess of our grief drew from us. And that language, which much better expressed the Sorrow of our Souls, then ill-pronounced Sclavonian, wrought all the full effect we could desire in the minds of our two Mediators. For away they went forthwith to the Governor; and so strenuously▪ laid before him the injustice of his Proceedings, of which they also threatened to inform the Court, that he who was afraid of hampering himself in Court-molestation, not only recalled his Prohibitions, but gave positive Orders to the Masters of the Vessels to receive us when and where we pleased ourselves. Having paid our acknowledgement to our Benefactors, we were altogether for leaving a City that had caused us so much trouble; and meeting luckily with a close Bark, ready to depart for Saratof, we hired a couple of places in it, and the Ninth of Octob. was fixed for the day of our departure. But before I go on with the Relation of our Voyage, I cannot forbear to give an account of a Tragical Accident that happened before our eyes in the Caravansera where we lay, and where certain Foreign Banians had hired Apartments. One of 'em, who had formerly had a Quarrel in India with one of his Countrymen, who Travelled out of Persia into Tartary with us, invited him to Dinner, and entertained him very handsomely, together with some others of his Friends. Dinner being ended, they sell to a Game at Chess, which is a Game very common in the East, and no less in fashion in Muscovy. While the Gamesters were intent upon their Play, the Person whom we spoke of, having laid up in his breast a secret Animosity against the new comer, who sat next him, and who thought there had been a perfect Reconciliation between 'em, drew his Dagger unperceived; and after he had Stabbed it Five or Six times into his Body, never left him till he saw his Bowels drop out of the deep Wounds he had made. All that were present, equally surprised and consternated at such a strange piece of Savage Treachery, rose from the Table hastily to seize upon him; but the Malefactor, no way discomposed, fixing upon the most daring that Attempted to lay hands upon him, Stabbed him Three times with his Dagger into the Reins, and laid him sprawling upon the floor with the first that was slain. The rest mistrusting their inability to guard 'emselves from the same misfortune, fled out of the Chamber, and cried out Murder. Upon which the whole Quarter was in an Uproar, understanding from those Persons that were all in dismay, the Massacre that had been committed. The rest of the City also being informed of it, thronged together over-against the Apartment where the Murderer stood his ground. They endeavoured also to get up to him, surround, and apprehend him; but he, in a furious Posture with his Dagger in his hand, so scared the Officers of Justice, that there was not one among 'em that durst adventure▪ to lay hold of him. However, they found a way to force a window, through which some Soldiers entered into the Chamber where the poor Wounded Creatures lay, ready to expire for want Assistance. Upon which, the undaunted Indian, understanding by the noise which they made in barrocading up the doors which they had seized, that there was no way for him to escape; advanced to the threshold of the door that opened into his Apartment, and putting himself into a Posture to hold out the Siege as long as he could; understood by the reproaches of his own Friends, that he had not been so lucky in his Revenge as he thought, since there was some hopes of life in the two Victims of his Resentment. Thereupon more mad that he failed in his Attempt, then anxious for the rigorous punishment that attended him, he did that, which I should hardly have believed, had I not been a witness of it myself. No sooner did he hear that death had so long spared the persons, whom he thought his Bloody hands had assuredly secured; but all in transport and foaming with Rage, he laid bare his breast before all the Multitude, and clapping to it the point of the reaking Dagger, Since I have had such ill success, cried he, as loud as he could bawl, in revenging the Affront which I have formerly received, and lost the fairest opportunity of doing it, that ever I could hope for; 'tis but just, that I should punish myself without being beholding to the Condemnations of Justice. Then thrusting the Dagger into the lower part of his Belly, Behold, said he, the course I ought to have taken, to have rendered my Enemy hopeless of surviving me. Yet, notwithstanding this desperate blow was such as in all probability should in an Instant have deprived him both of Strength and Life; yet had it not that speedy Effect, but he lived above two hours after. And that which appeared more extraordinary, as well to me, as to many other standers-by, was this, that we could observe no more than some few drops of Blood distil form a wide gaping wound, from whence one would have thought whole Rivers should have spouted. Fain would we have tried whether we could have prevailed with him to take the advantage of the delayed minutes of his gasping Life, and all ways were used to force him to surrender his Arms; and some of the Soldiers presented their Muskets to his Breast, threatening to Fire if he did not yield; to whom, with an untamable fury. Think ye, said he, poor spirited fellows, that I, who have had the Courage to affront Death, as I have done, can be afraid of your Weapons! Shoot if you dare.— Behold me provided to receive your deadly strokes. I have already prepared a free Admission for your Musket Bullets, and this is my comfort, that I know, they will but only finish the Work which I have begun myself. This daring Language astonished the governor's Officers to that degree, that without making any further trials, they resolved to stay till that same Fire of a raging Passion, which still supported the furious Madman in his anguish, was a little abated; nor was it long before they saw the effect of a calmer Temper, that in a short time settled the Storms of his Heart, which so many violent Agitations had been turmoiling for some hours together. He perceived his Strength decay by degrees, and finding himself as it were quite exhausted, his Reason returned to him in a very little time. And then it was, that being perfectly come to himself, he desired a Coach, that he might be carried to the Governor, to answer for the double murder which he had committed. The Coach being brought, he went into it, after he had thrown away his Dagger, which with a languishing Voice he reproached for the ill Service it had done his Master. Presently we closed with him, in hopes to have infused into him thoughts of Piety, and to have made him sensible of the Goodness of God, from whom it was not too late to hope for Mercy, even at the last minutes of a departing Life. But how rare a thing is it, for a Man that ha●s neglected his Salvation when he was in vigorous Health, to become sensible of it in his Extremity! For we could work no good upon this unfortunate Wretch, whom grief and waste of Vital Spirits soon after quite disabled from making any sericus Reflections upon his desperate Condion; so that we saw him to our unexpressible Sorrow, expire, within a moment after had left the Inn. About a day or two after this dismal Accident, we embarked upon the Volga for Mosk●w, where we thought by joining the Chinese Caravan, to have made amends for all the Troubles we had undergone during the four Months that we were constrained to stay at Astrakan. The beginning of our Voyage was successful anough; and if the Wind, as it was at East, had continued favourable to us, we had avoided many hardships that overwhelmed us in the progress of our Journey. But the Wind failing us a little above Ischornio, which is the first Town you come at, after sixty Leagues sailing-up the River from Astrakan, we were constrained to put the Seamen ashore to tow the Vessel, in regard we were deprived of the use of our Sails. Now, in regard I had all along resolved with myself not to say any thing in these sheets, which might be found in Authors who have already given a clear Description of the Countries where I travelled after 'em, I shall pass over in silence whatever I might have observed concerning the Course of the Volga, of which Olearius has made so ample and so faithful a Relation in the Journal of his Voyages and Travels, and to him refer the more curious that desire to be instructed more fully of the particulars of this famous River. After we had passed the little City abovementioned, we began to feel in good earnest the approach of Winter, and the difference of the Climate, of which the Arctic Pole, toward which we were insensibly advancing, made us sensible in spite of our Teeth. And in regard we had not so well fortified ourselves, as we ought to have done before our departure from Astrakan against the Cold, of which we thought we should have had no occasion to be afraid; that bitter Extremity which we endured upon the Deck of the Vessel, where we were obliged to remain Day and Night, benumbed my Companion and myself to that degree, that we thought we should have been frozen to Death. For my own part, my feet were become so stiff and immovable, that I had no use of 'em for three Weeks together; and besides, I fell into an Ague at the same time, which reduced me to that Condition, that I thought verliy I must have laid my bones in the Volga. All this while our Vessel slowly advanced, and we approached still nearer and nearer our wished-for Haven; but we found ourselves retarded by so many unlucky Accidents that fell out, one upon the neck of another, that we soon found there was nothing else for us to rely upon, but only Divine Providence, which alone was able to stop the course of our Miseries. The most dreadful of all was that which be●el us about four or five days Sail from Czaritsa, which is the Second City, next to Astrakan, which the Muscovites have upon the Volga. The Cook-room, Our V●ssel burnt, and we like to have been burnt in it. which was in the middle of the Vessel, taking Fire, caused such a furious Conflagration, before there was any possibility of mastering the Flame, that notwithstanding all the care and diligence that was used in such a threatening Extremity, there was no means that could avail to quench it. Notwithstanding we were surrounded with Water, and that the Seamen used all their utmost Efforts, the Fire gained strength, and fastened so obstinately upon the Unctuous Materials that fed the fury of it, that every body began to think it high time to shift for themselves, and had the good luck by the favour of the Longboat that attended the Vessel to gain the Shore with their Persons, while the Bark and Goods became a Prey to the matter that had a long time fed the Flames. But this danger being thus over, In danger of being taken by the Calmoves. was but the beginning of another, greater than that we had escaped. For it is usual for several Hordes of Tartar's different from those that W●nter about Astrakan, to infest the Banks of the Volga, at the same Season of the year that we were driven to these Extremities; besides, that it was to be feared, lest the Flame of the burning Vessel, which might be descried a great way off, had given 'em notice of the Misfortune which had befallen us; a sufficient Invitation for them, either to come and rob us, or carry us away for Slaves, which we had most reason to be afraid of. The only way we had, was to lie close among the Thickets and Underwoods that lay round about us, till some of the Seamen that were sent to Czaritsa in the Longboat, could bring us Provisions to supply the want of what we had lost, and get us such other Succour as we stood in need of. But notwithstanding the extraordinary Extremities we endured, A Muscovite Officer relieves us. we soon found that the Protection of Providence is above all things. For after we had lain for some time hid in these Wild Deserts, only fit for the lurking holes of Savage-Beasts, we perceived at a distance a Vessel that was sailing up the Volga. We were in hopes that God had sent it on purpose to make us amends for that which the Fire had deprived us of. Presently my Companion, for I was hardly able to stir, together with some of the Seamen that stayed with us, ran to the side of the River, to hail the Vessel that was making up the River; upon which the Commander sent away his Skift immediately to know what was the matter; and luckily for us, we understood, that he belonged to a Muscovite Colonel, with whom we were acquainted at Astrakan, and whom we had recovered from a dangerous Sickness which had constrained him to call us to his Assistance. Immediately Father Barnaby went to wait upon him, and after he had given him a brief Account of the Misfortunes that had befallen us, readily obtained two Places for us in his Vessel, which we were in hopes would carry us to Saratof, with better success than the Vessel we had lost. With great delight we enjoyed the fruit of this lucky Accident, and we tasted with so much the more pleasure, the comforts of our good fortune, though the cold Wether augmented every day, by reason that the dangers we had so lately escaped were still hover before our Eyes, when a Tempest, more terrible than the former, despoiled us of 'em of a sudden. Hardly had we sailed two days together, when a North Wind, no less sharp and cutting, then violent and boisterous arose, and in a little time stopped the Course of the Volga, by freezing up the River, which stayed us above Forty Leagues off from the place whither we were bound, and exposed us to the same perils which we had so lately escaped. This new trial of our Patience, wherein it pleased God to engage us, was incomparably more severe than the former. For the Season could not be more inconvenient, nor the Cold be more intolerable; besides, that we were environed on every side by several Hordes of Tartars, and distant above five or six days Journey from any City. Our Provisions were consumed by the Fire, and my Ague that held me every day 18 hours, had reduced me to a very low Condition of Body for want of good looking after; we had no Horses to continue out Journey by Land, nor was I able to travel a foot. Under the burden of these Extremities, after we had betaken ourselves to Heaven for Directions what course to take in these Conjunctures equally dangerous, and full of trouble and perplexity; Father Barnaby, who had a Courage proof against the greatest Difficulties, resolved to go with some Servants that were sent to Saratof, to hire as many Sleds as were necessary, and to leave me with the Colonel, and the Seamen that were to defend the Colonel against the Assaults of the Tartars. He took along with him a little Bread baked in the Sun, and after he had travelled six whole days together through ways no less difficult than full of danger, he got quite tired and spent to the City whither we were bound. But notwithstanding all his care and diligence to procure us Carriage, it was above twenty days after the departure of our Express, before they arrived to our Relief. For the Ice not being yet hard and thick enough to bear the Sleds, there was no body that durst venture to set forward, though you offered 'em never so much Money; so that we were at length reduced to want of Bread, notwithstanding we had been very thrifty of it; so that at length we were forced to live upon a little Bran, and wild Apples, that the Men went and gathered in the Forests adjoining. Tho this excess of Misery, together with my Distemper, was enough to have overwhelmed me; the Providence of God, who when he pleases, makes use of Mire and Dirt to restore the Blind to their Sight, made use of it then to restore me to my Health. And at length, after we had a long time waited in expectation of the Convoy, it came when we least dreamt of it, and God knows how delicious a dainty the Bread, that was forthwith distributed among us, was to Persons that had not seen a Mouthful in so many days. So that after we had taken a little time to gather strength, we prepared to set forward in the Sleds that were provided for us. Hardly had we travelled six Leagues upon the Volga, which was frozen over, though very uneven, by reason of the Clods of Ice that lay hardened one above another, but we were surprised by a Troop of Tartars, whom the hopes of Booty had drawn to that place. They were about Sixty in number, mounted some upon Horses, others upon Dromedaries. Presently they invested our Caravan; but when they observed the Fire-arms, with which our Convoy had taken care to furnish themselves, they thought it not convenient to attack us, but hooping and hollowing as they drew off, they left us to continue our Journey without giving us any further trouble. This was the only troublesome Accident we met with in all the five last days of our Journey; so much the longer by ●eason of the inequality of the Ice, which very much wearied our Horses, as also for that many times the Ice broke under 'em. But because the Muscovites, who are accustomed to such Accidents, knew how to remedy those Inconveniences; we arrived safe at Saratof, without any loss by the way. Now, in regard my Companion had wrote me word how kindly the Superintendant of the Chief Monastery of the Monks of St. Basil in that City, had entertained him, and the earnestness which that good Muscovite had showed to send me all manner of Refreshments, I went immediately to find him out, as being the place of meeting appointed me in his Letter. We stayed eight whole days with this Charitable Basilian to refresh ourselves, who besides that he let us have the most commodious Apartment in his Monastery, procured us also all other Conveniences that he could think of. Nor did he limit his cares to the time that he detained us with him; he extended his Civilities also to facilitate our passage to Moscow, and to seek out for us sure and faithful Guides to conduct us full out three hundred Leagues that remained for us still to travel before we could arrive at that great City. Now, in regard he was greatly esteemed at Saratof, he found us out two Guides, such as we could never have found out ourselves; he agreed with 'em upon the price of our Carriages, and would needs himself bear one half the charges. And at length, after he had recommended us to their care, with as much earnestness as if we had been his own Children, he took his leave of us, and we on the other side were forced to take our leaves of him, not a little sorrowful, that it was not in our Power to show him those marks of our just acknowledgement which it became us. The departure of the Caravan, We quitted the Volga at Saratof. with which we had joined ourselves, being fixed upon the 10th of December; we set out of Saratof all together in Sleds, which the Snow, already thick and consolidated by the cold of the Wether, had rendered smooth and slippery; so that of all the Carriages that are made use of in Europe, there are none that I know of to be compared with this of Sleds, for swiftness and convenience. This Machine, Description of the Sleds in Muscovy. which is altogether in use over all the Northern parts, consists of two Spars of Timber, which are as it were the Basis of it, and are very carefully plained under neath. These are joined with several pieces of Wood laid athwart, and surrounded on every side with the Bark of a Tree of a sufficient thickness, and just height to prevent the Snow from coming in. The bottom, which ought to be more solid, is planked very handsomely, and usually spread with a Mat, or a Bear's Skin, to keep out the wet; and within this Sled you may either sit or lie down, as you please yourself. The Muscovites usually put their Beds in 'em, and lie in 'em almost all unready. When you have made choice of your posture, you are presently covered with a large Carpet made on purpose, or with a furred Coverlet which you raise up, or else wrap yourself over head and ears in, as you have a desire either to view the Country, and compose yourself to Sleep. This sort of Cradle, which is about the bigness of a Man to lie conveniently along, is drawn by a Horse shod with Iron and Frost-nailed, the Driver holding the Reins in his hand, sitting at the Feet of the Person that rides in the Sled. Now, in regard this sort of Machine glides without distinction over the Lakes, Marshes, and Rivers, that lie in the way; a Horse is so little tired with drawing, that after fifteen or twenty Leagues, that they usually travel every day, he shall be as fresh at h●s Journeys end, as when he comes out of the Stable in the morning. In such a Sled as this we travelled from Saratof to Moscow: The first three days we spent in passing through a Desert above Forty Leagues in length; where we met with neither Tree, nor House, nor Cottage: So that we were forced to carry along with us our Wood, our Water, and our Forage, which was a little burdensome to our Horses. But this trouble was over, so soon as we had gained Pinzer, a little Village some few Leagues from this wild and uncultivated Plain. The rest of our Journey was pleasant and commodious enough; the Beauty of the Wether not a little contributing to render it delightful. For in regard the Winter days are extremely serene and clear in Muscovy, and for that the ways beside are as smooth as a Looking-glass, all the Merchants make choice of this Season to drive their Trade, and by that means avoid the vast Expenses they would be oherwise forced to be at in transporting their Goods from place to place. The Company that composed our Caravan, was in truth of very great advantage for the security of our Journey, because the Roads are very much infested with Robbers, that make no more of killing a Traveller, then of rifling him; but it was the occasion that we made frequent stops by the way, where the Merchants have business to do; so that whereas it may be easily travelled in twenty days, it took us up five whole weeks to pass between Saratof and Moscow. We took care to get every night to some good Town, that we might not be put to lie in the open Air, which we never did in all that tedious Journey, but when we were engaged in some of those dismal Forests which we could not cross in one day, and then we endured very little Hardship neither. For in regard the Sledds which are ranged round about a great Fire that is presently kindled, are no less commodious, and as well closed up from the Air as most Houses you shall go into, you may sleep as warm and as quiet as in a Stove, nay more quietly then in a Country Stove, where Men and Beasts being higgledy piggledy together, greatly hinder a man from taking his rest. In this manner it was that we crossed over vast Plains, The Country between Astrakan and Moscow very populous. of which I can say nothing more but that they were covered over with Snow, and that of necessity they must be extremely fertile, considering the infinite number of Towns and Villages which I observed in those parts. 'Tis true, that they were not always so well peopled as now they are; but since the last Wars which the Muscovites had with the Polanders, they took from 'em such an infinite number of people, that they had enough to plant several Colonies, to whom they gave both Liberty and Encouragement to Till the Barren Lands between Moscow and the Volga, which are now the best in all the Czar's Empire. Besides these People, whose Original we could easily distinguish by the difference which we observed between the Natural Moscovites and Them; we found several Towns and Villiages inhabited by Tartars and Idolaters. The Tartars possess Cassimof, which is a considerable Town through which we past, and where there are some Mosques, wherein they Exercise their Religion with as much freedom as in their own Country; and the Idolaters live no less quiet in the midst of that Darkness wherein they are buried; no body troubling themselves, either to remove 'em from their Habitations, or to instruct 'em better. We were very much concerned one day, that we passed through a Borough belonging to those Infidels called Mordevates, for the little care the Muscovites take, whither Priests or Monks, of the salvation of those wretched Idolaters who are settled in great numbers in the very Centre of Muscovy, and whom it would be an easy thing to bring over to the knowledge of the true God. We came thither the Evening before the Festival of St. Nicholas, which the Muscovites solemnize ten days after us, with as much zealous observation as either Christmas or Easter. Now in regard all the people of the House which was appointed for us to lodge in, seemed to us to be in a manner out of their Wits, it was easy for us to judge, that the condition they were in, was the effect of the Liquor which they had drank a little too much to excess: So that when we saw 'em come to themselves, we could not forbear to rebuke 'em for their intemperance. But they believing they had a privilege to abandon themselves as they did to that ill Custom for which we blamed 'em, told us, they knew us to be Strangers, and therefore did not consider perhaps that they had been keeping the Festival of the great Protector of Muscovy; to whom they never found that the Muscovites paid ever any other Worship, then that which we seemed to disapprove, though it appeared that we were Christians as well as they. How much it were to be wished that that blind Nation had as much docility to suffer themselves to be convinced of the truth of the Gospel, as they have a proneness to conform themselves to the corrupt Manners of Schismatics; and how commendable it would be in the latter, if they were as zealous to make known to those Infidels the Grandeur of the true God, as they are to infuse into 'em, under the pretence of Religion, their impious and scandalous Maxims. But the Muscovites look upon Religion to be no other than as a means to shore up their Politic Government, as they have always done, and would never permit their Politics to give way to the Interests of Religion. We flattered ourselves that we should meet at M●skow with all encouragement and support, and we were so fully persuaded that the Christian Religion which is there professed, would levelly all the Difficulties which had till then opposed our Designs, that we thought ourselves beholding to all the dangers we had undergone, for bringing us among a people by whom we thought we should be soon assisted in the service of that God, whose sacred word we were going to preach to the Barbarians. Full of these thoughts we came to the Capital City of Muscovy, Our arrival at Muscovy. the spacious largeness, and extraordinary magnificence of which, when you behold it at a distance, is one of the most beautiful sights that ever I beheld in my life. Presently we repaired to the Jesuits House, which the Czar had settled about a year or two before, in consideration of the Germane Officers, who possess the chiefest Employments in the Czar's Army, and whom those Princes cannot be without, as not having Subjects of their own that are capable of Military Discipline, or to command the Soldiers of which they stand in need. The Civilities and Entertainment full of Tenderness and Friendship, which we received from the Fathers which cultivated that new Mission, were such, that nothing of addition could make 'em more complete; and by their cordial reception of us, they gave us sufficiently to understand, that the Charity of Jesus Christ makes no distinction between the Parthian and the Scythian, but that it embraces with the same affection all those that are united to it in the same Mind and Spirit. Now in regard they had already understood by Letters which we had written to 'em, the Motives of our intended Journey, they gave us notice very prudently, that the first step we were to make in order to the good success of our Designs, was to pay our Respects to Prince Gallichin, who was then Prime Minister of State, and to let him see, according to custom, the Passport which the Governor of Astrakan had given us. How unwilling soever we were to appear in our Foreign Habit before that great Chancellor of the Empire, we followed their advice however; and that Minister who was a Person of great ability and apprehension, instead of taking any exception, seemed extremely well pleased to see us in that condition. For when he understood the reason that obliged us to disguise ourselves, and the design we had to travel into China; he testified a great kindness for us, and assured us of all the Service that could be expected from him. However, Strangers obliged to undergod a rigorous Examination at Muscovy. not to excuse us from observing all the Formalities from which no Stranger, whatever he be, is exempted, unless he bear some public Character, he ordered us forthwith to repair to the Chancery, there to pass the usual Examination, and punctually to answer the Officers of the Chamber, whose business it is to take in Writing the Depositions of all newcomers. Therefore as near as it was to Night, and as much need as we had of rest, it behoved us to obey the Prime Minister's Orders. And no sooner were we entered the enclosure of the Court of Justice where our examination was to be taken, but we found ourselves surrounded by three or four Registers, who after they had caused us to sit down after the same manner as if we had been really criminal, tired us to that degree with so many ridiculous Questions, and so extravagantly from the purpose for four hours together, that we were afraid lest they would have convicted us of some Crime, of which however we knew not ourselves to be guilty. However it were, after they had filled several sides of Paper with the Answers which they extorted from us, they gave us leave to retire about Eleven a Clock at Night to the Father's House, who were more troubled for us than we were for ourselves; being assured by the Testimony of our own Consciences, that we had no other Design upon Muscovy, then to open ourselves a way to get as soon as we could into China. Which being the only reason of our going to Moscow, the next day we went to seek out our Chinese Merchants, to be instructed by them in the different Roads, which led to that great Empire; how long time it would take us up; of the nature of the people that lay in our way; and with what safety we might travel over all that vast extent of Country; and in a word, to be informed of every thing that would forward or obstruct our Designs. But those pretended Chineses, which we had much ado to discover in that great City, where there are no less than six or seven hundred thousand Inhabitants, were of those sort of Tartars, that possess the most Eastern part of that spacious Country, The Country of Kitay. which is called Kitay, which was always thought till now, to have been a particular Kingdom, and whieh borders upon China to the Northwest. But in regard the Muscovites have made considerable Discoveries on that side, and for that they have built several Cities for the security of the Colonies which they send thither from time to time; they have also drawn several of those wand'ring people to the same Cities, where after once they came to be fixed, they began by degrees to have a sense of the Benefits and Advantages of Trade. The Merchants that we went to discourse with were of this sort of Traders; and in regard the Muscovites call all that Country that lies beyond the Obi, by the name of Kitay, and the people that inhabit it, Kitachi; for that Reason most commonly those people are confounded with the Kitachi. However the Muscovites make a difference between the one and the other, and very well understand how to distinguish Kitay from China. When they talk of the former, which to speak properly, is all that Country between the Obi Volga of China; that is to say, that spacious portion and the Earth called the Great Tartary, which is divided into an infinite company of Hordes, every one of which has his Can or Taiso, they only mean Kitay; but when they would have you to understand that they intent China, they use the same Expression which the Turks make use of, who call it Ichim ma-Ichim, and using a Repetition as they do, give it the Name of Kitay-Kitay. However it be, the Merchants who were to us confirmed for Chineses, though they were only Tartars, gave us great insight in to both Countries, which had been but so obscurely known till very lately; and in regard they Traffic as well with the Chineses as with the Muscovites, and for that they had been both at Pekin and Moscow, both Roads were known alike to them. Then again all the Particulars that they told us were confirmed by so many other Muscovite Merchants that had travelled several times from Moscow to Pekin, that I never made any question afterwards of the easiness of passing from one City to the other, were but the Muscovites a little more tractable and good-natured than they are, that to go from France to China, by making choice of the Road of Archangel and Tobolsk, which is the General Rendezvouz of all the Merchants that traffic thither, six Months at most would suffice for that Journey, which is neither so long nor so difficult to be undertaken, as has been thought till now, as it will be easy to convince the Reader, by the farther Account which I shall give in the following Book. The End of the Second Book. AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL ROADS INTO CHINA. BOOK III. NOtwithstanding all the great care which the Ancient Geographers took to make known unto us that vast extent of Northern Countries that lie between the Obi, and the Famous Chinese Wall, we must acknowledge that they have had but very ill Success. Some have said nothing at all concerning 'em; and others desirous to speak more than they knew, have given us their Conjectures instead of real Truths. Nor have the Moderns been more lucky, in regard that to outdo those that went before 'em, all that they could do was to fill up the vast wide spaces with Forests, or several horrible Deserts. 'Tis to the Zaporoges Cosacks, The Cosacks Zaporoges, the first Discoverers of the Countries beyond the Obi. that is to say, to those Cosacks that inhabit beyond the Borysthenes, that we are chiefly beholding to the particular knowledge we have of those Countries, which were anciently looked upon as so many dreadful solitudes, into which no mortal could ever enter without exposing himself to inevitable destruction; yet are now so well known, that people Travel there with as much ease as in any other part of Europe. These people having been subdued by the Muscovites, and yet unwilling to submit to the Victors, took a resolution to quit their Country, which they could not defend. To which purpose they advanced in great Numbers to the Volga, and so went by Water to Cazan; from whence it was easy for 'em to advance as far as Irtibs; Whence they continued their March to the Confluence of Irtibs and Zobol; where they built a City which is called by the Name of the Last River. Afterwards they enlarged their Dominions, and possessed themselves of all the Country that adjoins to the River Obi, which is properly called Siberia, from the word Siber, which in the Sclavonian Language signifies the North. The few Commodities which they had for the subsistence of life, Why they submitted to the Muscovites. and the necessity of Vending their Sable martin's, obliged 'em afterwards to Accommodate with the Muscovites, and to surrender themselves under their subjection, though the Mountains and Rivers which divide the Country, secured them from all Assaults which the Muscoveites could make upon 'em. And the Muscovites have made a vast advantage of this Country since they possessed it, through the care which they frequently take to send their Yachutchiki, or Hunters of Sable Martin's; the number of which they augment every day, by banishing into the places where those Creatures are caught, not only the Malefactors of the State, but also the Officers and Boyars who have not behaved themselves well in their Employments, or of whom they have any reason to be afraid. Now in regard this gainful sort of Hunting of these precious Creatures has engaged 'em to advance farther and farther in bopes to discover still more lovely martin's; they have at length found out wherewith to content themselves in an Island of the River Yamour, of which they made themselves the Masters some years since, and where they have also built a Fort, which has occasioned the present War between them and the Chinese. Now then as to the manner of Sable-Hunting it is thus performed: The manner of Sable-Hunting. There is a Regiment of Soldiers sent into the Country where these costly Creatures are found, which usually stays there seven years. And every week a Colonel commands a certain number of Hunters, that seek 'em out in the little Islands to which they retire. They kill 'em with a kind of Cross-bow, for fear of spoiling or endamaging the Fur, should they make use of Fire Arms. Now in regard there is an extraordinary diligence to be observed in this sort of Hunting, the Officers are permitted to let the Soldiers be concerned in it, and to divide with 'em the surplusage which they are bound to kill for the Czars' profit, which makes those employments very considerable. For a Colonel may get Four thousands Crowns in seven years' service, and a under Officer proportionably: But a common Soldier never gets above Six or Seven hundred Crowns, though he be at all the trouble. Besides these Sable martin's, which are very plentiful over the whole extent of this vast Country between Muscovy and China; there is also another sort, which are of equal Value, and no less Beautiful. These are the Skins of Black Foxes, which are no where to be seen but in Siberia and Kitay: and which 〈◊〉 sought after with as much 〈…〉 ●●gard they come to a sure Market, 〈◊〉 ●ear a very great Price. I know not whether it be the scarceness, or the colour of the skin, that mak●s it so highly esteemed; but when any body comes to buy one, the owner will not let it go but upon condition the Purchaser shall fill it with as many Crowns as it will hold. Though it is a long while, that this Trade has been settled in Muscovy, 'twas none of their faults, that it was not formerly as great as it i● now. For, before the discovery of these Sable-martins', they were contented all over the Kingdom with common Furs; and, unless it were the Ermin-Furr, which only Persons of Quality made use of, they knew no other sort. But since the discovery of these Creatures so much sought after, which fell by chance, rather than cunning, into their hands; they have made appear such an eager thirst to satisfy their Avarice at the expense of those, whom they have found profusely fond of this sort of Ornament, that they have made no scruple to engage 'emselves in those forlorn Countries, in hopes to find wherewithal to enrich 'emselves. By the means of all these their irregular Incursions, it was, that they laid open several New Roads, which led 'em insensibly into China. Now in regard, that those, who have happened to hit upon the way to the Borders of the Country, have every one taken Roads quite different the one from the other; so they have been able to inform us which are those that are most certainly to be depended on for security and shortness. And here we shall give an account of what the Relations which are kept in the Chancery of Moskow more particularly instruct us. The first Road that carries a Traveller by Land into China, is that through India and the Mogul's Country; which the great number of Robbers, and the vast Deserts that are to be crossed over, render very dangerous, and almost impracticable. We are beholding to the Jesuits for the knowledge of it, whom those dangers have no way discouraged. The Tartars of Astrakan and Bokara, have sometimes taken this Road; but then they have been very careful to join with a numerous Caravan. The second is that which the Merchants of Bocara take, who Travel through the Cities of Samarkan, Kaboul, Kachemire, and Tourafan, and several other Cities of the Yousbecs, from whence they go to Barantola, which the Residence of Dala●-Lama renders the most considerable of all the Cities of the Greater Tartary. But this Road is not a little difficult by reason of the Sands that are to be crossed, and because of the Calmoves that infest the Roads But the Muscovites make choice of this way without any scruple: And they have been often known to fall down from Tobolsk to Bocara through Cazan, on purpose to Travel this Journey with the Yousbecks', notwithstanding the easiness of going to China by the River Ohi. The third is frequented by the Yousbeck Tartars, by the Trading Calmucs, and the Muscovites also. From Tobolsk, you ride along by the Lakes that yield great quantities of Salt near Irticks and Kama; after which you Travel for some time by Water upon the first of these two Rivers as far as a City called Sinkamè, where you continue your Journey by Land through the Territories of the Kalmoucs and Moguls, as far as Kokutan, which is not above Eight or Ten days Journey, from the Famous Wall which separates China from Great Tartary. Neither is this Road without some difficulties, as want of Water, and molestation of the Calmoves, unless well provided to make a stout resistance. However, the Taiso Ajonka, who is the Can, or chief Captain of the Horde of Tartars, who have no fixed Habitations but live after the manner of the Ancient Scythians, might, if he pleased, secure this way, and make it safe for Travellers, which sometimes he will vouchsafe to do for the sake of some little Presents. And from Kokutan, you may enter into China through many Gates of this great Wall. The fourth supposes, that you pass through Tobolsk and go by Water upon the Obi, and the Szelinga as far as the City of Szelingui, from whence you Travel by Land through the Country of the Monguls. From this last-mentioned City it will require Eight week's time to reach the place where the Can of Bechroesaim, and the Coutoussta-Lama reside. From whom, by the Intermediation of some few Civilities, you may obtain Guides and Carriages, and a good Convoy to carry you to China. This Road the Muscovites have held ever since the war between them and the Chineses near the River Yamour; and it is the safest and most commodious way of all the rest. Only you must make provision of Water and Wood in some places: And though you may sometimes meet upon the Road with Robbers, they are neither so Cruel nor so numerous as in other parts. The fifth is that which the Envoy of Muscovy, Spartarius made choice of for China; and than you must pass through Siberia to get to the City of Nero-Zinki upon the River Szilk●; after that you go to D●uri not far from the Kiver Naiunai, from whence you continue your Road to Cheria that lies upon the entrance into China. The distance is equal from Nerc Zinski to Dauri, and from Dauri to Cheria. If you will believe this Relation, of which I have thus far given a faithful Copy, this Road is as safe as it is short; for that from Nerc Zinski to the River Argus that falls into the Yamour, you shall meet all along with the Yachutchiki, or Martin-Hunters: After which you pass through the Territories of certain Monguls, who are terribly afraid of the Muscovites. But it is not probable there is now so much security, as formerly, in passing through those Monguls; for that Travellers at this time either take a little higher through Albazin, and fetch a compass to get from thence into China, or a little lower, passing from Szelingui, through the Territories of Beckroesaim. The sixth is also through Nerczinski and the Mongul; from whence you Travel on to the Lake Dalai; or you may go from Nerczinki to the Lake in one Week. There you meet with the Emperor of China's Subjects, who have manured all the Lands that lie about the Lake; from which you may go in three Weeks to China upon Wagons drawn with Oxen. Out of this Lake Dalai it is, that the River Argus, a very fair River, takes its rise. It is Navigable all along, and carries you by Water to the River Yamour, into which it falls. Near the River Argus are several Mines of Silver and Lead; and there it is that a considerable Tayso whose Name is Sebdenkan resides, who is bound to find Convoys for the Musoovites that Travel for China three times a year, and to secure the Road that they may Travel it in so much the shorter time. To all these Relations we ought to join one more, which affords us a very ample knowledge of all the People that inhabit the Countries joining upon China, which was imparted to us by a person of good Reputation, who had it out of the Treasury of Moskow, and to which so much the more credit may be given, because it agrees exactly with the Annals of China which are at the end of Confucius' Philosophy, Printed but a while since by Father Couplet the Jesuit, and which is also conformable to the Report of all such Travellers who have tried the greatest part of all those Roads of which we have made a description. The first Nation is that of the Bogdoi, The Bogdoi. by the Chineses called the Eastern Tartars, and whom the Monguls call Niouchi, or Nuchi. Their Country is of a very large extent, under several Taysoes, or Khans. There is in Bogdoi, a particular Province which the Muscovites call Diutchari, and the Monguls Diourski. It is seated between the Eastern Seas, and the great Rivers Chingala, and Yamour. The people that inhabit it, though tributary to China, were not formerly very well known: For in regard they had no Prince of their own, they were not looked upon as very considerable. Nor were they indeed either truly known or feared, till they had made an Invasion into China, and subdued Six Provinces. At what time they had made themselves absolute Masters of that spacious Empire, had not the Yousbecks' come to succour the Chinese, or rather expelled the Bogdoi and settled themselves in their Places. Which when they had done, they set upon the Throne the Family of Ivena; which after it had Reigned till the Year 1368. was expelled by the Chinese, who then Enthroned the Family of Tayminga. That Family swayed the Sceptre peaceably till 1644, at what time the same Diutchari re-entered China, and at length utterly subdued it. Chunchi, their Prince was the first Emperor of that Nation, and the Chief of the Family of Taitsingua, who Reigns at present in China. In all the Province of Bogdoi, you shall meet with none but houses of Earth, as also in the Province of Dauri; which people drive a great Trade in Sables and Black Fox-Skins, as likewise in Ginseng Roots: But they are not rich in cattle; their Horses are very small; nor do their owners ever shoe 'em. As for the people themselves, they resemble altogether the Krim Tartars, both in Features of Face, as in Stature and Proportion of Body: But they are much more Polite and Civilised, by reason of the Great Trade which they drive with the Chinese. To speak properly, they are of no Religion; yet you shall see several among 'em that wear Crosses, which they call Lamas. And indeed they have a great inclination to the Christian Religion, and there are not a few who are already become Catholics. They have no kindness either for the mahometans, or the Nestorians, because they formerly succoured the Western Tartars when they were repelled by the Chinese. However, since that time, the mahometans have settled themselves in China, insomuch that there are a great number of 'em at P●king, where there are Seven Mosques without the City; and where they also speak the Persian Language more commonly than that of Turkey. As for the Language of the Bogdoi, 'tis very like the ordinary vulgar Speech that is spoken in Persia; their Characters also very much resemble one another; but they write and read from the top downward like the Chinese, and moreover they have above sixty Letters in their Alphabet. The Rivers of Argus, Yamour, and Chingala, afford great Store of Rubies and Pearls, which the People continually fish for. Although they are not ignorant of Guns and Powder, yet they are not much in use among 'em, whether their great Artillery which is but very lewdly cast, are too troublesome to be moved from place to place, or whether it be that they find no great Effects of 'em, because their Powder, the Composition of which they understand but by halves, is but of little strength. And it is observed, that the Tartars, who are become Masters of China, begin to degenerate from their ancient Valour. Next the Eastern Tartars, lies a vast and spacious Country to the West, which is called Mongul. The Country of the Monguls. It begins at the Western Sources of the River Yamour, and extends itself to the Calmouc Tartars, Westward, confining upon Turquestan to the Southeast, and upon China to the East, and they are separated from the Culmoucs by wide Deserts, which are as good as so many Ramparts. They have three Princes, whom they call Kan's or Tuisoes, and who are all three of the same Family; so that they keep a good Correspondence together; Civil Wars very rarely happen among 'em. On the other side, they frequently send Presents one to another, and when any on of 'em is attacked, the rest immediately arm to his Relief. The chiefest of these Khans is called T●hetchinga, whose Territories border upon Bogdoi and China. But you see neither Town nor Villages, only certain Houses dispersed here and there, and those very few in number. So that these Monguls are continually making Incursions round about the Lake Dalai, or into the Lands that lie upon the River Szelinga. this Can has several Taisoes under him, among whom is the Becroesain Can, who borders upon the River beforemention'd. In these Territories it is, that the Coutousta Lama has his Residence. This Coutousta, who to speak properly, is no more than the Vicar of the Dalaè-Lama, or Lama-Lamalom, is the Patriarch of the Monguls, who adore him like a Deity, as having an extraordinary Veneration for all the Lamas. The same Mongul's keep a good Correspondence with the Muscovites, by reason of their Neighbourhood to Siberia. They are naturally very mild, and addicted to peace; 'tis very rare to see 'em quarrel one with another; or if any contest arises among 'em, the Coutousta, who follows 'em wherever they ramble, appeases the difference either by his own Authority, or by such Judges as he ordains among 'em wherever they cluster together. They are very wealthy, especially, in cattle, and drive a great Trade with the Muscovites. For their Country is watered with a great number of Rivers, that wonderfully enfertilize their Meadows and Pasturages, and all empty themselves into the Szelinga; and would they but take the pains to manure their Lands, they would bear all sorts of Fruit. The Second Can is called Octieroikan; and the Third D'Ian-Gari; but in regard there is no great Commerce driven with these two last, they are nothing near so well known as the former. The Monguls have a great Antipathy against the Bogdoi, because they made themselves Masters of China; but they can do 'em no harm, because they are not acquainted with the use of Fire-Arms. The Calmoucs The Calmoucs. possess all that vast extent of Country that lies between Mongull and the Volga as far as Astrakan, and they are divided into an infinite number of H●rdes, which have every one their particular Can. The Principal of all these Khans, The Can of the Calmoucs. is he who is called Otchiourtican, who pretends to be descended from the Famous Tamerlain. He is very Potent, and therefore forces the Muscovites and the Yousbecks' to pay him a certain Tribute, or else he would be continually Harrassing their Countries. 'Tis also reported that he is very Magnificent, that he goes always clad in White, and never eats but served in Gold Plate. We saw at Moscow a French Officer who had been in the Tent of this same Can, when he lay at Astrakan, at the Head of a Hundred Thousand Tartars to demand his Tribute, who confirmed all that has been said concerning his Magnificence, only that he never saw him make use of either Gold or Silver Plate. The Calmoucs have no Cities nor fixed Habitations, but only live in Tents made of Felts, which are very neat, and very commodious; nor is there any Nation so nimble at Camping and Decamping in an instant as they, there being no Nation so much accustomed to it, in regard they never stay long in a place, and are always making Incursions. They are all Idolaters, as well as the Mongulls, and all the rest of the Nations of Great Tartary as far as the Indians; and every one of these Pagan Nations acknowledge for the Head of their Religion the Dalaè-Lama, The Dalaè-lama Patriarch of the Idolatrous Tartars. or Lamalamalow, except those of Bokara and Samarkand, who make Profession of Mahometism. This Impostor has his Residence in the Kingdom of Sanshut, which extends from the Mongulls, the Calmoucs, and Turquestan, between China and Persia to the Indies. The Capital of his Territories is the City of Barantola, where there is a Temporal Prince also called Deva; but the Dalaè lives in a Fortress called Beatalaè, that stands very near the same City. 'Tis not to be imagined how he is in a manner worshipped over all Tartary. They send from all parts to desire his Benediction, and when he goes into China, he is received with more than ordinary Honours. The Jesuit Adam Schall used all his endeavours to dissuade the Emperor from going to meet him, or to pay him any respect. But the Emperor, as much convinced as he was that the Dalaè was an Impostor, durst not follow the Jesuits Counsel, but after he had heaped upon him all imaginable Honours and Favours, sent him back loaden with Magnificent Presents. The Tartars are fully persuaded that the Dalaè never dies, Tartars believe the Dalaè never dies. but that he renews like the Moon. To make this out, so soon as the Dalaè lies at the point of Death, they that are about him, make diligent search for a Lama, the likest to him that possibly they can find, and so soon as the Head of their False Religion is dead, they set him up in his Room, and carefully conceal the deceased Body, which they affirm to be renewed in his Successor. M. Tavernier reports the same thing of the King of Thebes; but there is some probability that he was misinformed, he not having been upon the place, as the Muscovites who make this Relation were, and who drive a very considerable Trade with the Tartars; from whom they learned moreover, that this Dalaè is never suffered to be seen by any body, unless they are willing to pay him all the Honours which they give him themselves; prostrating themselves before him, and adoring him as a God. This Relation adds, that the Chineses call the Tartars Totai, because they have not the Letter R in their Language. Nor do I know why we call 'em Tartars, seeing that in Poland, Muscovy, and even in Tartary itself, they abridge the Name, and call 'em only Tatar. It appears by what I have said of the Kingdom of Tanchut, The Delaè-lama is the Famous Presse-Jean. that the Dalaè-lama is without all contradiction that same Famous Preste-Iean, concerning whom Historians have written so variously. In a word, since that Title, and whatever many Authors have said of him, can be attributed to no Person more justly then to this Dalaè-lama, 'tis more natural to acknowledge him in this Country of Asia, where he has always been, then to seek him out in Habyssinia, where he never was. 'Tis also an understanding Observation of F. Kirker, who in his Polite Piece, touching the Particulars of China, after he has described the Manners and Customs of the different people that encompass that wide Empire, demonstrates the Ingenuity of the Portugueses in the search which they have made after this so extraordinary Prince, and so well known in the world under the Name of Preste-Iean, of whom they published so many particular things. To clear this part of History which is altogether perplexed, and at the same time to undeceive those who may have suffered themselves to be prepossessed by all those fabulous Tales that have been uttered abroad as real Truths, they are to understand, that while the Portugueses were in search of the East-Indies, john the Second sent one of his Subjects, by Name Peter de Coulan, to discover 'em by Land, and particularly charged him to inform himself where that same Preste-Iohn, so much talked of in Europe reigned, yet not knowing in what part of the World his Empire lay. The design of john the Second was to have made an alliance with him, persuaded as he was, and according as he had heard it reported, that he was a potent Prince, and professed the Christian Religion. In obedience to his Prince's Orders Peter de Coulan passed into Asia, and penetrated a great way into India, where he learned many things of great importance and curiosity: But notwithstand all his diligence, he could not hear of Preste-Iohn, nor meet with any body that could tell any Tidings of him; only coming to Cairo, in his return homeward, he heard, that in Ethiopia, beyond Egypt, there reigned a Rich and Potent Prince. Who every time he showed himself in public, had a Cross carried before him, and that he was a declared Protector of the Christians. Now in regard these Marks agreed with the Character that had been given him, to discover the Prince he was in search of, there needed no more to persuade that Traveller into a belief of what he most of all things in the world desired to know. So that he made no farther doubt but that Preste-Iohn was that same Monarch of the Abyssins', and he believed it so truly, that he wrote his Discovery into Portugal without any farther Examination▪ Nor were they more scrupulous at Lisbonne, where the news was received with a great deal of joy and applause. Upon which they who sailed into Africa the following years, prepossessed with this Opinion, contributed not a little to confirm it by their Relations; so that as false as it was, the Mistake was soon spread all over Europe. Now though this same stupid Error was refuted by several learned persons, and though the falsehood of it might be easily discovered by what Damian the Goez, Nicolas Godigno and Baltazar Tellez have written of it, as being perfectly informed of every thing that concerned Ethiopia, where they had been long resident, yet I cannot forbear to observe with F. Kirker, that the Latin Chronology of the Kings of Habyssinia makes no mention of Preste-Iohn; and therefore all the Authors of any Antiquity that have taken occasion to mention him, still place him in Asia, though they cannot agree in what part of the World he reigned, no more than they can about the original of his Name. A Modern Author imagines Preste-Iohn to be a Corruption of Preste-Arkan, that is to say, King of the Adorers. Others with as little reason derive it from the Latin, Pretiosus jahannes. Some would have it to be, that as the Name of Caesar was common to all the Roman Emperors, so john was no less common to these Princes we speak of; and that they bore that Name in honour of the Prophet jonas, to which the Eastern people afterwards added the Title of Priest, or Pressed; not that these Kings were really dignified with the Sacerdotal Character, but because they had usually a Cross carried before 'em, as Protectors of the Christian Religion. But Scaliger's Conjecture seems to me more probable than all the rest, where he says, That Preste-Iean was a corruption of the Persian Word Prestegiani, which signifies Apostolic; that it was very likely that the Europaeans who trafficked into the East, having heard confusedly of that Prince, whom they heard frequently called Padischah Prestegiani, gave him by chance the Name of Preste-Iean, which sounded very like to Prestegiani, of which they understood not the real signification. As to the part of Asia, where Preste-Iean reigned, methinks there is no reason to doubt of it, considering what the Ancient Authors have written. For upon a strict examination it will be found, that the greatest part of these Author's place him in that vast Country which extends itself from the Mogul, towards the East and North as far as China: Which is that▪ which St. Antonius sufficiently makes appear in the Third Tome of his History, where speaking of the Tartars, he observes that their Emperor sent a puissant Army under the command of his Son, to subdue those people that inhabited the lesser India; which Conquest being accomplished, the victorious Tartars advanced against the Christians who inhabited the Greater, or the Upper India; but that their King called Preste-Iean by the Vulgar, having drawn his Forces together, marched against 'em, and overthrew 'em. This is also that which Paul the Venetian, who knew the Country better than any body, tells us more distinctly, as having resided several years at the Court of the Great Can of the Tartars: For the Kingdom of Tenduc, or as others read it, Tanchut, this Kingdom, I say, where Marcus Paulus places Preste-Iohn, is still in being, if we may believe those who have travelled through it, and lies between China and the Empire of the Great Mogul. Which perfectly agrees with the Sentiments of those who have made Preste-Iohn to reign in Kitay; seeing that as I have already observed, it is not to be thought that by Kitay the Ancients meant China only, or some particular Kingdom; it being sufficiently probable that they comprehend under that name all the Country that lies between Obi, the Volga, and China, as the Muscovites understand it at this day. The only thing▪ that seems to raise some doubt in what we have said concerning Preste-Iohn is this; that Preste-Iohn and the people under his subjection were Christians, whereas the Country that lies between the Mogul and China is now full of Mahometans and Idolaters. But certain it is that things were not always in the same posture as now they are, but that the Christian Religion once flourished in these barbarous Countries, where now Infidelity prevails. 'Tis known that St. Thomas, after the Apostles had made a division of the Universe among themselves, departed from India, to cultivate those Unbelievers; that he penetrated into the most remote parts of it, and died at length at Meliapor. And some Authors have written, not without some probability, that China itself received the Gospel by the Ministry of that Holy Apostle. However it were, there is no question to be made, in my Opinion, but that the Faith might be dispersed in Countries more on this hand toward the West, in regard there is a Country which the Moors, professed Enemies of the Christians, still in derision call Kiaferstan, or the Country of the Infidels, the Inhabitants of which are called Christians of St. Thomas to this day; who though they have forgot their Ancient Christianity, yet still retain certain Customs that sufficiently demonstrate what Religion their Ancestors professed. For beside that they baptise their Children, they have painted in their Churches, and bear upon their Foreheads three Crosses of a Red Colour, being a Tincture squeezed out of Sanders-Wood. But though it might be true, that presently after the Birth of Christ, the Gospel might not be promulgated in these Barbarous Countries, yet certain it is that it was preached there in the succeeding Ages. The celebrated Monument that was found in China in 1625. near the City of Siganfu, is an invincible proof of what I say. For it is observed, that Six hundred years after Christ, the Syrian Priests having scattered themselves all over Asia, had divulged the Christian Law in the Extremities of the World, where their Zeal for the Glory of God drew drew. And Hay●on, a Christian Author, who was of the Blood Royal of the Kings of Armenia, testifies, That in the Thirteenth Age, Tartary was full of Christians; that Cublai their Emperor embraced the Christian Faith; and that his Brother who had been a Christian for some time, entered into a Religious War for the sake of Religion, against the Caliph of Babylon, won Palestine from the Mahometans, reinthroned the King of Armenia, being expelled his Territories by those cruel Enemies of Christianity, restored to peaceful freedom those people whom the Infidels had proscribed and banished, and rebuilt a great number of Churches at his owe costs and charges; and all this at the solicitation of the Princess his Wife, who gloried in being descended from one of the Three Kings that came to adore Christ, when but newly born. This was the same Hae●on, who wrote to St. Lewis, when he lay in Cyprus at the time of his first Expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land. St. Antonin also, in whose History may be seen that Letter of the Tartar Prince, observes that St. Lewis sent him, under the Character of Ambassadors, two Monks of the Order of St. Domini●, with very rich Presents, among which was a piece of the true Cross, and a Canopy of State of an extraordinary value, upon which were embroidered in Gold, the principal Mysteries of the Life of Christ. This happened in the year 1256. and about forty or fifty years after, that is to say, toward the beginning of the fourteenth Age, several Franeiscan Monks being sent to the Great Can, visited all parts of the Kingdom of Thibet, which is next to that of Tanchut, and converted a great number of Infidels and Pagans. Father Andrada, a Porteguese Jesuit, travelling also into these Countries in 1624. reports that the people had still an Idea of the Christian Mysteries, though confused and corrupted; that they used among themselves a sort of Confessiion, feeble Remainders of the Faith which they had formerly embraced, and which by degrees was utterly extinguished. There is no doubt then, after what has been said, but that the Kingdom of Tanchut, not having been always Idolatrous as now it is, the Delaè-Lama who at present resides there, may be the true Successor of the famous Preste-Iohn, who reigned there formerly; and it is no less probable, that that same Monarch happening to change as the Religion corrupted, became sometime after Head of a new Religion which degenerated at last into Idolatry. 'Tis true, that he is not a Temporal Prince; but that may be the effect of the Wars and Revolutions that happen in all Kingdoms. However it were, he is still in high veneration among all the Eastern people, who acknowledge him for the Head of their Religion. And that which is farther remarkable is this, that he bears the Name of Lama, which in the Tartar Language signifies a Cross: And the Bogdoi, who conquered China in 1644. and who are subject to the Dalaè in all matters of Religion, wear always Crosses about 'em, which they call Lamas also, and for which they have an extraordinary Respect, which sufficiently demonstrates that they were formerly instructed in those Mysteries, of which that sign is in some measure an eternal Memorial. Besides these different sorts of Tartars, Other Tartar People. of which I have spoken, there are others who are called Ostiaki, Bratski, jacuti, and Tongusi, who are scattered all along the Lakes and Rivers that lie between Siberia and the Country of the Monguls. But in regard they have all the same Physiognomy, and use the same Language as the Calmoucs, 'tis very probable that they are only some separated Hordes, that having been domesticated by degrees, by conversation with the Muscovites, at length became subject to their Dominion. They are all swarthy complexioned, but more inclining to Olive-Colour then Black. Their faces are usually broad, falling in below, and jutting out above; their eyes are small, but sparkling and full of fire; their noses short and very flat, with little hair either upon their upper Lips, or Chins: Their Stature somewhat above the common size, well set, and clean limbed, with an Air stern and resolute, without any thing of Cruelty or Savageness. Their Habits are for the most part all alike, consisting of several Sheepskins sowed together, which they fit to their bodies in the form of Vests, and gird about their Wastes with a Cord, wherein hangs their Bow and Quiver, with which they go always armed. They shave their Heads to the very Crown, where they preserve a Tuft thick enough to make a double lock, one of which hangs down before, the other behind; having no other covering for their heads, than a round Bonnet of the same with their Habits, on the top of which they wear a Tuft of Red Silk, or of some other Colour: Which is the mark by which you may distinguish the different Hordes; every one having a particular Colour to difference the one from the other. But they that live in the Places where the Martin's are taken, make themselves Garments of those Furs, as also of Dogs-skins, of which they keep a vast number; and sometimes they join both together, and make the one serve for a Lining to the tother, wearing the Sables, though the richer and more beautiful, innermost, and the Dogs-hair outermost; not believing it just, that the Dog who stops and catches the Martin, should be debased below the Martin, but that he should be always preferred after his death before his Enemy, which he vanquished when alive. It may be easily judged by the Enumeration▪ which I have made of the different sorts of Tartars▪ which inhabit all the Country that lies between the Obi and China, that the Muscovites, being assisted by the Cosaques, found no great difficulty in opening a way from Siberia to this great Empire. For in regard they met with no body that would, or was able to dispute the Passage with 'em; and moreover, for that the people, which they had subdued either by mildness, or by force of Arms, had some kind of Correspondence with all the Hordes that are dispread on both sides, by their means they have made all their Discoveries, and at length have advanced by different Roads to the very Confines of China, where they have also built some Fortresses, the better to secure their Conquests. The farthermost of all these Fortresses is Albazin, Albazin three week's journey from Pekin not above three week's journey from Pekin, though it be above three months Travel remote from Moscow. It is seated upon the River Yamour; which was the occasion of the present War between the Chinese and Muscovites; while both the one and the other claimed a Right to fish for the Pearls, of which that River produces great store; and hunt the martin's, that are very numerous in an Island of that River. But in regard of the vast distance between that Frontier and Moscow, will not permit the Muscovites to send Recruits sufficiently considerable to support a War, which the nearness of it to China, renders easy to the Tartars who are Masters of it, the Czars thought it more expedient to propound an Accommodation, then to expose an Army to all the Hazards and Hardships which of necessity they must undergo, before they can get to the Confines of the Empire. Nor did the Chineses refuse the Proposals that were made 'em. They sent an Ambassador a good way beyond the Great Wall that separates their Territories from the Western Tartars, and joined two French Jesuits with him, of the number of those whom the K. of France sent about six years ago to the extreme parts of the world, to serve the Ambassadors as his Interpreters; but as yet we know not the success of the Negotiation. If we may judge by a Letter which a Germane Officer who was then in Garrison in a place upon the River Yamour, wrote to one of his Friends at Moscow, who imparted it to us, 'tis very probable, that those Affairs are more embroiled then ever. But in regard that Letter is before the last Endeavours of the Muscovites to obtain a Peace, and for that their Ambassador was not then arrived at the appointed place of meeting, there is little heed to be given to what that Officer than wrote: however, it gives us a good account how affairs stood about four years ago. We thought, said he, that the Ambassador sent from Peking some days since, was come with a design to conclude a Peace with us: But we have been surprised at the Proceedings of that Ambassador, who after he had stopped three days near Albazin, without proposing any thing, retired of a sudden. We make no question therefore, that being arrived upon the Frontiers with a great army, but that the War will be soon rekindled, and prove more bloody than before; so that we stand very strictly upon our Guards, etc. From Dauri upon the Confines of China, july 15. 1688. But whatever may be the Issue of the War, we may assure ourselves by what I have said, That the Road from Muscovy to Chinae, is no Chimaera nor impracticable thing; and that it would be likewise the most commodious and shortest way, were there but never so little reliance upon the Muscovites, who after several Journeys have made themselves such absolute Masters of all the Roads that lead thither, that they take indifferently sometimes one and sometimes another, according as their occasions prompt 'em. I know, they did not presently accomplish their design, and that it cost 'em a world of Trials and Experiments, before they could find out all the means to secure themselves and others in their passage; but in regard they spared for nothing to bring about this Discovery, and that they have been careful from time to time to send away Supplies of Hunters to view and take an account of Countries through which they thought new ways might be opened, they have so levelled and removed all Difficulties, that they make no more of going to China, then of travelling to Archangel or Astrakan. This Reflection, which some perhaps would not vouchsafe themselves the leisure perhaps to make, when they imagined the way from Moscow to Peking neither safe nor easy, may serve to adjust and reconcile the several Ruttiers or Cards that have been drawn these several years ago; and to explain at the same time, after what manner divers Ambassadors sent from one Court to another, came to spend some more time than others, in this Journey, which some have finished in four or five months, while it has cost others near eighteen. In short, The principal aim of the Muscovites in these sorts of Ambassies having always been to discover the vast extent of Land that lies between their Territories and the Empire of China, 'tis no wonder, if they who were entrusted with this affair, travelling as they did like true Adventurers, rather than sedulous Ambassadors, have showed less earnestness to arrive with speed at their journey's end, then to consider the nature of the Country through which they travelled, and the course of the Rivers which they met with upon the Road. 'Tis to be thought, that 'twas in this manner that the Knez Theodore jacowitz Boicow travelled from Tobolsk to Peki● in 1653. at what time the Czar sent him his Ambassador to China: For in regard he mounted up the River as he did, as far as the Springs of the Irtish, I know not what should make him turn out of the way so much to the right hand, had he not had private Orders rather to mind looking after the Establishments all along the River, then to treat with the Chinese, for whom the Muscovites had little or no esteem at that time. However it were, the Merchants who are more for their own then the Czar's Interest, perform this Journey at present so safely, Muscovites never spend above four months in going to Peking and returning to Moscow. and in so little time, that for the most part they never take up above four months in going to Peking, and returning to Moscow. And this we learned about three years since from certain Merchants who set out of Peking after they had heard Mass in the Jesuits House, upon St. Peter and St. Paul's day, and got to Moscow much about All-holland-Tide, the same year, where they stayed till the end of Winter, to join the Caravans at Zobalsk, from whence they duly set out every year. After all these convincing Proofs and Demonstrations, upon which I thought myself bound to insist thus particularly as I have done, I make no question but the Reader will abandon all the false Ideas which he had conceived touching the distance of Eu●ope from China, and suffer himself to be convinced, that of all the ways that lead to that flourishing Empire, that which the Muscovites make choice of now-a days, is both the safest and the shortest. But besides these Advantages, which are not a little to be considered, the convenience of carriage contributes very much to mitigate the Fatigues inseparable from these sorts of Journeys. Usually you set forward from Moscow toward the end of February; and in regard the Snow by that time is become more beaten and solid, by reason of the great number of Sledds that pass continually to and fro at that time, far more than at the beginning of the Winter, Travellers in less than three Weeks get to the Capital City of Siberia, though it be eight hundred Wersts, or three hundred and fifty French Leagues off. There they stay some time for the thaw, to take the Sudais, or Vessel which carries 'em by Water in the Rivers which they meet with on this side, and beyond the Obi; which thaw if it happens later than usually, than they continue their Journey by Land till they come to a H●rde of Tartars, who are called Ostiaki, and are subject to the Muscovites. There they change their manner of carriage, and take a new sort of carriage much more nimble and commodious than the former which are sent back to Tobelsk: For whereas the Sledds made use of by the Muscovites are always drawn by one Horse, whose keeping is somewhat troublesome and chargeable, to the other Sledd they only fasten a Rhine Deer, such as the Samoedes make use of in their Winter-Travels; and to make 'em go more swift, they tie a great Dog behind, that scaring the poor Beast with his barking, sets her a running with that speed, as to draw her Burden no less than forty Leagues a day. But that which is more wonderful as to these sort of Sledds, Sledds that Sail▪ by Land with the Wind. they are also driven along by the Wind sometimes over the Land covered with Snow, sometimes over the Ice of frozen Rivers, as our Vessels, that sail upon the Sea. For in regard the Country beyond Siberia is open and extremely levelly as far as Mount Gaucasus, the people who inhabit it making use of this advantage to spare their Beasts, have so ordered their Sledds, as either to be drawn along by the Reine-Deer, or else to carry Sails, when the Wind favours 'em. This manner of Carriage is so much the more commodious, in regard you meet with no interruption in your Travels. For as in a Bark you have recourse to Oars, when the Wind slack'ns, or proves contrary, so the Deer and the Dog labour when the Air is calm, but are put into the Sledd when the Wind serves to drive it along. Thus, so long as the Ice continues to bear, you come to the River Genessai, where the Muscovites have built a City of the same Name for the convenience of Travellers; and there it is that you take Boat to remount the two great Rivers Tongusi, and Augara, which rise out of the Lake of Baikala, The Lake of Baikala. and which are commonly allowed to be 500 Wersts in length, and forty broad. 'Tis said, that the Water of this Lake is extraordinary clear; and that notwithstanding the depth of it, you may clearly discern the colour of the Stones that lie at the bottom. It is encompassed with several high Mountains, where the Snow lies all the Summer long, as well as in the midst of Winter. And doubtless this it is that constrains Travellers to spend many times seven or eight days in crossing it, though it be not above eight Leagues over. For this Lake being, as it naturally aught to be, the general Rendezvouz of various Winds that blow through the hideous Rocks with which it is environed, 'tis to be thought that when they happen to blow from several points at the same time, they must put the Vessels which they meet, to a great deal of trouble, and that it requires and extraordinary forefight, or good luck, to prevent a stop for some time. After you have quitted this Lake, if you please you may enter into a River called Scheling●, and then going still by Water, you meet about fifty Leagues from the mouth of it, with a City of the same Name, which the Muscovites built to facilitate the passage of their Caravans: or if you rather choose to land immediately after you have crossed the Lake, than you find yourself among the Monguls that lie to the South, of whom you buy Mules and Dromedaries to continue your Journey to the first City of China, to which you come after fifteen days travel. After this manner the most part of the Muscovite Merchants travel, that traffic with the Chinese. By which 'tis plain, that all the Countries that were formerly but confusedly known under the Name of the Grand Tartary, are neither so desert, nor so untilled, as people to this day imagine; and that the not taking the benefit that might have been taken by a narrower search, has been a considerable loss; those Countries being watered with a great many fair Rivers, and furnished with so many valuable Commodities as are daily discovered. Not to speak of Rhubarb, Azure-stone, and Castor's, which are very plentiful among the Yousbecks' and Monguls; the Sables and Black-Foxes that are taken all along the Rivers of Obi, Tongusi, and Angara; the Ginseng-Roots, the Pearls and Badian which the River Yamour- affords, the Silver and Lead-Mines near Argus, the Muscovites have found out, more especially in the Lands that advance more to the North, several other Rarities, wherein they drive a considerable Trade. Besides Furs of all sorts, which they fetch from all Quarters, and of which the sale is so great, that the City of Gen●ssia alone pays every year to the Grand Duke's Treasury fourscore thousand Roubles custom, which amounts to near Sixscore thousand Crowns of French Money; they have discovered a sort of Ivory, which is whiter and smother then that which comes from the Indies. Not that they have any Elephants that furnish 'em with this Commodity (for the Northern Countries are too cold for those sort of Creatures that naturally love heat) but other Amphibious Animals, The Behemot furnishes the Muscovites with Ivory. which they call by the Name of Behemot, which are usually found in the River Lena, or upon the Shores of the Tartarian-Sea. Several teeth of this Monster were shown us at Moskow, which were ten Inches long, and two in Diameter at the Root: Nor are the Elephant's Teeth comparable to 'em, either for beauty or whiteness, besides that they have a peculiar property to staunch Blood, being carried about a person subject to bleeding. The Persians and Turks who buy 'em up, put a high value upon 'em, and prefer a Scimitar or a Dagger Ha●t of this precious Ivory before a handle of Massy Gold or Silver. But certainly no body better understands the price of this Ivory, than they who first brought it into request; considering how they venture their Lives in attacking the Creature that produces it, which is as big and as dangerous as a Crocodile. They were beholding for the discovery of this to the Inhabitants of a certain Island, The first Colonies that peopled America came out of Tartary. out of which, if the Muscovites are to be believed, issued the first Colonies that ever peopled America. And thus much we learned upon this subject from the Vayvode of Smolensko, whose Name was Mouchim Pouckhim, a person of as great a wit as a man can well meet with, and perfectly acquainted with all the Countries that lie beyond the Obi, as having been a long time Intendant of the Chancery of the Government of Siberia. After he had asked us in a Discourse which we had with him, in what manner we thought that America came to be first peopled, upon the general Answer which we gave him, grounded upon the common Opinion; he gave us to understand that he had a Conjecture more probable than any of ours. There is, said he, beyond the Obi, a great River called Kawoina, into which another River empties itself, by the Name of Lena. At the mouth of the first River that discharges itself into the Frozen-Sea, stands a spacious Island very well peopled, and which is no less considerable for hunting the Behemot, an amphibious Animal, whose Teeth are in great esteem. The Inhabitants go frequently upon the side of the frozen Sea to hunt this Monster; and because it requires great labour and assiduity, they carry their Families usually along with 'em. Now it many times happens, that being surprised by a Thaw, they are carried away I know not whither upon huge pieces of Ice that break off one from another. For my part, added he, I am persuaded that several of those Hunters have been carried upon these floating pieces of Ice to the most Northern parts of America, which is not far off from that part of Asia which juts out into the Sea of Tartary. And that which confirms me in this Opinion is this, That the Americans who inhabit that Country which advances farthest toward that Sea, have the same Physiognomy as those unfortunate Islanders, whom the over-eager Thirst after Gain exposes in that manner to be Transported into a Foreign Climate. We might add to what the Vaivode told us, that there are also in that part of America several of those Creatures that are so common in Muscovy, more especially Beavers, which might have been Transported thither after the same manner. And this Conjecture seemed to me to be so much the better grounded, in that it is frequently to be seen in Poland, that such great pieces of Ice keep whole and entire, from Warsaw, till they come to fall a great way into the Baltic Sea. But it would be requisite, for the better confirmation and assurance of a matter of this importance, to be well informed of the Language of those People that so nearly resemble the Islanders in Face and Body; for if there were any thing of Affinity between their Languages, methinks there should no farther question be made of the Conjecture. We might have learned many other Curiosities of this Vaivode, who without doubt is the most Accomplished Person in all Muscovy, but that we were afraid of awaking his jealousy by multiplicity of Interrogatories: And besides, we observed by some answers which he made us, that he was fearful of creating himself trouble at Court, where his extraordinary Merit had already raised him many Enemies, and therefore we forbore to press him any farther. Some People perhaps may wonder, considering the great numbers of Rivers which come from China, that the Muscovites take no more benefit of the advantages that seem to offer themselves for settling a more safe and easy Trade then that by Land with the Chinese and japanners; but in my opinion they ought not to be blamed for preferring the course they take before any other. For beside that they have but very little Experience in Sea Affairs, they have met with Obstacles never to be surmounted in those Rivers, whose Names are hardly known in Europe. To make out this yet more apparent, you must know, that there are in the Country that lies beyond Siberia, four principal Rivers that fall into the Frozen Sea, or the Sea of Tartary, and into the Sea of japon; not to speak of an infinite number of others that discharge themselves into the latter, as may be seen in the Map of Siberia, which is a faithful Copy of that which is preserved in the Chancery of Moscow. The most Westerly of all these Rivers is Obi, after which as you Travel to the East you meet successively with Genessai, Lena and Yamour. But as considerable as they are either for the abundance of Water, or the extent of their course, there are so many inconveniences to surmount, if you go by Water, and so many hazards to undergo at the mouths of every one, that the Merchants always rather choose to Travel by Land into China then to go by Sea. For to speak something in particular of every one of these Rivers; The Mouth of the Obi dangerous. the Obi is extremely dangerous at the mouth of it, by reason of the horrid heaps of Ice with which it is pestered almost all the year long; and the Muscovites still bear in mind the misfortune of the Hollanders, who by reason of their being engaged too far in the Frozen Sea lost several of their Ships toward Nova Zembla. The River of Genessai, besides the inconvenience which is common to it with the Obi, Genessai no less inconvenient. has one particular, which consists in Nine Water-falls, which the Muscovites call Poroki, or Poroges, and are distant several Leagues one from another; and therefore because there would be a necessity of unlading the Vessel as many times as there are Water-falls to pass, the Merchants have reason sufficient to avoid all that trouble, and take a more convenient Road. 'Tis true the course of the River Lena is more uniform, but the mouth of it is no less difficult and dangerous to pass then that of the Obi; for though it be not so much pestered with Ice, yet the great number of Rocks and Shelves will afford no safety for Vessels of very small Burden; only some flat-bottomed Gondola's will venture to pick up certain black and white Fish which they find among the Rocks, and make use of for several occasions. As for the Yamour, which is the most Easterly of all, and falls into the Sea of japon, though it have none of those annoyances, that render the other Rivers unpassable, yet in that part where it mixes with the Sea ', there grows such a prodigious number of Sea-Bulrushes, that you would take the mouth of it for a real Forest. An Obstacle, that might perhaps be removed were the Rushes like those, which commonly grow in our Rivers▪ But the People have assured me, that they are of such an excessive bigness, that a man can hardly grasp one of 'em with both his Arms; by which you may guests that it would be as great a labour to clear that passage, as to cut down and grub-up a whole Forest. However these Rivers, notwithstanding they are so full of Obstacles and Difficulties, yet are of great use to the Muscovites for the more commodious crossing those vast Countries that lie between Siberia and the Empire of China: For besides that they Travel more easily over 'em, when they are Frozen, than they can by Land, where the Roads can never be so level, they are much more conveniently Navigable toward their Sources, then toward the end of their Courses. And though you may meet with some Falls of Water in rowing upward against the Stream, yet they are neither so deep nor so dangerous as those that are nearer the mouths of the Rivers. But that which is more remarkable where these Water-falls are, is this, that all the circumjacent Air seems to be as it were Embalmed, casting forth such a pleasing Fragrancy round about, as if the most exquisite Perfumes had spread themselves over all the adjoining Fields. If what those Travellers assure us, from whom we learned these particulars, be true, 'tis no difficult thing to unfold this Riddle. For they affirm, that on the tops of those Rocks that cause these Water-falls, there grow most Odoriferous Flowers, and those in great abundance. To which may be added, that as ordinary Perfumes never diffuse their Odours more powerfully then-when they are frotted, or held to the Fire, so the Air being thus presumed, diffuses a stronger scent, being agitated and heated by the motion of the Water precipitating with such a rapidness, then that which exhales in places where there is nothing but an undisturbed and quiet calm. Here it is that I ought to say something of Siberia, had I any thing particular to observe concerning it; but there is nothing remarkable that distinguishes it from the rest of the Provinces of Muscovy, unless it be the excessive Cold it is subject to, by reason of the extraordinary elevation of it. Moreover, as I have sufficiently observed how the Muscovites won it from the Cosaques, I have nothing more to add to what I have said, but that any man may be easily convinced by the multitude of Towns and Villages that are in it, that that same Province of Muscovy is not so wild nor so desert as it is commonly thought to be. Moreover, what I have hitherto discoursed concerning the different Roads that lead to China, and the various Countries through which a Traveller must pass in his way thither, are sufficient, if I am not mistaken, to give the Reader at least some Idea of the greater Tartary, so little known to this day, and concerning which no man dares over-curiously inform himself in Muscovy for fear of giving a Jealousy to that Nation, on, the most distrustful and suspicious of any other perhaps in the World; so that we were forced to observe our measures to discover that little which I have made known. And 'tis very probable, that, had we come to Moscow in a Conjuncture less favourable, we had not learned so much. But in regard the Muscovites werethens designing to send an Ambassador into France, to solicit the King to enter into the League, which they were then about to conclude with Germany and Poland against the Ottoman Empire, we gave ourselves a little more liberty to obtain those Informations we desired, then at another time we durst have done. But as the Embassy encouraged us to be less reserved in our inquisitiveness, so the Muscovites made use of it as a reason and pretence to refuse the Passage we had been requesting ever since we arrived at Moskow. However, that their Ambassador might be the better received in France, they made it their study to find a fair pretence to be civilly rid of us, and at the same time to engage us to return back into France, there to represent the advantages that might accrue to our Nation by a free Passage through Siberia. Nor was it long before they met with one to their wish. For having learned by the Commissioners who examined us, according to custom, that we were come out of Persia into Muscovy without any Letters of Recommendation, nor indeed without any Passports; they told us, That since they could not have any assurance in us, in regard we had no Authentic Testimonials, 'twas a great trouble to 'em, that they were forced to refuse us, what they plainly saw we requested only out of our Zeal for the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls; that they were deeply sensible of all the Hardships we had endured in so tedious a Journey, upon no other motive then that of the Conversion of the Chinese: But in regard they were obliged by the Maxims of their State, not to grant free Passage through their Territories, but to Persons that they knew, we were not to think it strange that they required some Assurances from us before they allowed us that Permission. They added, to mitigate the extremity of our sorrow occasioned by this denial, that we had a fair opportunity to return into France, for that they were just a sending thither one of the Principal Lords of the Court; and therefore if we would take the advantage of going along with him, he should make it his business when we came home, to join with us, in order to the procuring from our King such Passports and Recommendations as were necessary for the success of our Enterprise. How much in vain soever we knew it to be to signify the least reluctancy to their complimental Proposal, we ceased not however to press 'em with all the importunity imaginable, not to expose us to so many delays, and consequently to those great expenses which they might so easily spare us; that since they were convinced of the King's sincere Zeal for the Service of God, they had no reason to question but that they would do him a most acceptable kindness, in facilitating the means for us to go and Preach the Gospel in the remote extremities of the Earth. But notwithstanding all this, having received a precise Order to be gone, which Prince Gallichin also imparted to us in the Czar's Name, there was no farther contending; we must resolve to depart, and prepare ourselves for a Voyage quite different from what we had designed some years before. Nevertheless, we would not Embark in company with their Ambassador: For in regard we mistrusted the success of his Negotiations in France, we thought it our surer course to manage our business by ourselves, rather than to concern him with us in the least. To this purpose, we went to wait upon him before we left Moskow, nor was he sorry to see us. And therefore being willing to inform himself before his departure of several things in relation to France, he sent us Sleds about Ten a Clock at Night, to the end he might discourse us more freely at Night, and to avoid his being checked by the Court, which prohibits all the Boyars, who have any Employments, to have any Communication with Foreigners, under any pretence whatever. We stayed with him near Three Hours; and in regard he asked us with a great deal of Civility what course we thought was most proper for him to take, to the end he might be kindly received in France; we told him frankly, That one of the surest ways, was to show an open-hearted generosity and impartial disengagement in all his Conduct; without which, people under his Character were never esteemed in the French Court; and there was no question to be made, but that for want of these precautions, his Predecessors had not met with that satisfaction with which they flattered themselves. But whatever we said, we found him but very little inclined to listen to us upon that Subject; and all the while we were discoursing with him, his People were busy below in the Court, lading several Wagons with Furs, the sale of which we knew to be the principal end of his Embassy. Now in regard there is but very little Money stirring in Muscovy, nor indeed any at all to be seen but what comes out of Foreign Countries; it behoves 'em therefore, since they have not enough to Trade among themselves, to fetch it in by the Sale of their Furs of all sorts into Foreign Parts, which is the best Revenue the Czars have. For which reason it is, that they cannot live without sending into remote Countries a Numerous Troop of Merchants, under the protection of an Ambassador, who, besides that he defrays their Charges in all Countries where he goes, frees 'em also from the Payment of Custom, which would eat up a great part of their Gains, were they obliged to pay the rigour of what might be demanded from 'em. 'Tis true, the person, of whom I spoke, and who is one of the most considerable Princes of Muscovy, and one of the best head-pieces in the Empire, would not have been sorry perhaps to have seen himself rid of this same Train of Merchant's luggage, which he readily foresaw would be prejudicial to him in the conclusion; and, as he is a person in love with Honour beyond the common rate of the Muscovites, he would have been glad to have been in condition to support his Character. But the interest of the Court, to which it behoved him to sacrifice his own, would not permit him to do otherwise then had been practised all along. So that he was obliged to put himself at the head of several Merchants, who then assume the Title of Gentlemen: A Title however, which they can easily throw aside, when they are to act the Pedlars in the Sale of their Skins. Two days after this Nocturnal Visit, we departed from Moskow in company with a Muscovite-Boyar, who was returning home to his own house upon the Frontiers of Lithuania; and who, having been formerly a Roman Catholic himself, preserved a kindness still for us that were so. Yet, notwithstanding that the Muscovites refused to let us pass thorough their Territories, we did not despair of reviving our designs upon the Promise they made us, to grant us the favour that we demanded, so soon as they should understand, that our King approved our enterprise. And with this prospect it was, that my Companion and myself took the way of Poland, in company with the Muscovite-Boyar, already mentioned, who showed us all the Civilities imaginable upon the Road; no less kind to a Dominican Friar, that Travelled along with us, being entrusted with Letters from the Cha of Persia to the Pope and the Emperor. The Letter to the Pope was enclosed in a Purse of Cloth of Gold, and that to the Emperor in another of Cloth of Silver. And the substance of both was an Answer to certain Letters, which those two Potentates had written at the same time to the Persian Monarch, exhorting him to take the benefit of the success, wherewith God had blessed their Arms, to recover those Places, which the Turk had wrested from the Persian some years before. But the Cha, it seems, was unwilling to regain his losses at the expense of his ease and pleasure, to which he sacrificed all other considerations in the world. Besides that, the Atamadoulet, or Prime Minister of the Persian Empire, could by no means be induced to make War against the Ottomans; whether it were, that he were doubtful of the success, or whether he were willing, that the Grand Signior should think himself beholding to him, for having diverted so furious a storm from his Empire; And perhaps, more than this, he was no less glad of the opportunity to testify to the Ottoman Sultan, the Devotion, which he had for the Religion of the Sunni, as much a Persian as he was; and notwithstanding, that the Duty of his Employment bound him to be, at least in outward show, one of the most Zealous Defenders of Aly's Sect. But whatever reason the Cha of Persia had, not to be swayed by all the reasons which the Ambassadors from several of the European Princes laid before him; certain it is, that his Answer to the last Letters, which he received from 'em, imported no more, but that there was still a vail before his eyes, that hindered him from seeing clearly into all those Affairs, that were propounded to him. And this was the purport of those, wherewith that Germane Dominican was entrusted, in whose company we crossed one part of Muscovy, Lithunia, together with the White-Russia, and parted at length at Warsaw, where we arrived the 12th. of March in the Year 1686. about Eleven Months after Father Barnaby and myself set out of Irivan. The End of the Third Book. TRAVELS IN MUSCOVY. Book the Fourth. WHat a certain Author reports of an Ancient Hero, whose Character he designed to heighten, may justly be applied to those who profess the Apostolical Life; when entering upon the particulars of his Actions, he affirmed, that the end of every one of his laborious Exploits, served only as an introduction to a new one, into which he was engaged by the greatness of his Courage. Notwithstanding all the hardships and fatigues Father Barnaby had undergone for Father Barnaby leaves me to go back into France, where he happily negotiates our return. several years, in his Mission into the East, and all the Miseries he had suffered in the Execution of the design that had driven us out of Persia, he was forced to renounce the Repose that was offered him at Warsaw, to repair forthwith to Dantzic, in hopes of finding a Vessel there, to Transport him over into France. Whereas it was necessary, that one of us should remain near Muscovy, in order to be the better informed of the disposition of those People in relation to us, that certain notice might be given thereof from time to time, it was agreed among us, that while he should go to manage our Concerns with our Superiors in France, I should tarry in Poland, there to take other measures to facilitate the Success of our Enterprise. In order to this, he left me, and Providence seconding our design, furnished him with a Ship in the Port of Dantzic, ready to set Sail for Amsterdam, where he arrived safe after some days Navigation, and from thence proceeded with speed towards Paris. While he Negotiated our Affairs there, with all the Success we could expect, I was sufficiently employed at Warsaw, by the Pity of the French Inhabitants that are settled there in great numbers. They having been long desirous to have a French Jesuit among 'em, to give them those Spiritual Advices they could not easily meet with in a Foreign Kingdom, I no sooner arrived there, but they sent their Burguemaster to me, to entreat me, during my abode in that Royal City, to take the Conduct of their Souls upon me, and more particularly the Care of Preaching, which they had been deprived of for many Ages. I accepted that Employment freely, and continued it until our Affairs were absolutely regulated to undertake a second Voyage into Muscovy. Although the earnestness those Zealous Christians expressed for the Word of God, and for all things relating to Salvation, took up the best part of my time during my abode among them, my Labour was very well recompensed and eased by the Holy Use they made of all the Instructions they received from the Holy Ghost by my Ministry; and I never was so sensible, as on that occasion, how easily a Heart that has a good Foundation of Christianity, recovers out of those disorders to which it had abandoned its self, when truly made sensible of the Duty of its Profession, and of those Obligations unto which we are engaged by our Religion. But whatever Consolation I received from the Zeal I observed in the Catholics, I received another from above, which seemed yet more particularly to relate to my Profession of Missionary, the main end of which, is the Conversion of Infidels and Heretics. Prince Tsartoresky famous throughout all Poland for his Virtue and Merit, whereby he had acquired the Veneration of all the Polanders, had a Tartarian Slave among his Servants, into whom his Illustrious Master's good Examples had inspired an inclination to Christianity: but whereas this Virtuous Palatin, Baptism of a Tartar. could meet with no body to Instruct that poor Mahometan, for want of Understanding his Language, he was very much troubled at his not being able to second the Pious Desires of his Servant, in his good intention for the Christian Religion, of which till then, he had had but a superficial Knowledge. As soon as he understood that I could speak Tartar, he sent this half Converted Infidel to me, desiring me to explain the Mysteries of our Faith to him, and to acquaint him with all the Engagements that are contracted by him that Embraces it. I met with no difficulty to unseal the Eyes of this poor Blind, whom the misfortune of Birth, rather than obstinacy had kept till then in Idolatry. He being of a very mild disposition, I soon disposed him to receive his Baptism, which was performed on Whitsunday, to the great satisfaction of his generous Master, who gave him his Liberty as soon as he cast off the Bondage of the Devil, who endeavoured, by many reiterated Menaces to regain this precious Conquest from jesus Christ. I received this information from this new Converts own Mouth soon after his Regeneration by the Waters of Holy Baptism, the which I am the more inclined to believe, by reason of the sincerity, and the candidness of his Soul. Talking with him one day, about the Happiness of his Condition, and the Mercies of God in calling him to his Church, he told me with his usual simplicity, that he had purchased it very dear, and that it had like to have cost him his Life; after which, having given me a small account of all the violent Temptations he had undergone, while I was most earnest to Instruct and fit him for Christianity, he declared to me, that a hideous terrible Phantasm had appeared to him several times, threatening to strangle him, in case he persisted in his Resolution of becoming a Christian. To this he added, that the said Apparition had frightened him to that degree, while we were disposing him by the usual Ceremonies of the Church, to receive this first Sacrament, that he would certainly have run away, had I not been with him, and stopped him by my Presence; but that all those horrid Apparitions had ceased as soon as he was Baptised, and that he had found the saving Virtue thereof, by the Peace and Tranquillity it had infused into his Soul, from that happy moment. The Conversion of this Infidel, Abjuration of an Hungarian Lutheran. was soon after followed by that of an Hungarian Lutheran, whom I had all along taken for a Zealous Catholic; he was very exact in coming to all my Sermons, and the regularity of his Conduct, answered the Idea I had formed to myself about him, before my being perfectly acquainted with him. And therefore I was strangely surprised when he came to acquaint me, at a time when I least expected it, with the Error in which he had lived till then, and his sincere Resolution of obeying the Voice of God, which pressed him earnestly to abjure his said Error: And whereas he was fully instructed in all the Points of our Religion, and seemed very well confirmed in them, I had nothing to do but to receive his Abjuration, and to prepare him afterwards to Receive the other Sacraments of the Church. In the mean while, I was not so absolutely taken up with the proper Functions of my Ministry, and the Satisfaction I received thereby, as to neglect the furthering the grand Design that had obliged us to come into Poland. The necessity of keeping a Correspondence of Letters with my Companion, who was in France, made me apply myself to the Marquis of Bethune, to fix it with less trouble. This Lord who has resided long at the Court of Poland, convinced me in that occasion, as well as in many others that offered themselves in the Sequel, not only of the Hereditary Affection of his Family to our Society; but also of all the Zeal, the greatest, and most Christian of all our Kings can expect of his most faithful Ministers. As soon as he was informed by a Letter I wrote to him, with the motive for which I begged his Protection, besides the assurances he was pleased to give me of it at that very time, in the most obliging manner imaginable; he was moreover so kind as to acquaint the King of Poland with our design, from whom he learned such particular things, concerning the way we designed to discover, that he engaged me to come soon to the Court, there to draw, as at the spring head, the great and certain informations that would have been so useful to us, had we been able to overcome the obstinacy of the Muscovites. And therefore, as soon as it was known in France, how much the King of Poland, who is one of the most curious and most knowing Princes in Europe, seemed to affect this discovery, and what advantage might be deriv●d from the proximity of his Territories to Muscovy, in order to facilitate the Execution thereof; My journey to the Court of Poland. I was ordered to go to kiss his Hands, and to implore his Royal Authority, for the accomplishment of our Designs, which he could second the better, by reason that he had lately concluded a Peace with the Muscovites, whereof one of the most considerable Articles for Religion, was; that the Czars should grant a free passage through their Countries, to such Religious as the King of Poland should be pleased to send for the future, to Preach the Gospel among the Infidels. These happy conjunctures which flattered our hopes so agreeably, occasioned me to quit Warsaw forthwith, to repair to javarow, where the Court resided at that time. The Marquis of Bethune presented me to his Majesty, and procured me the Honour of Kissing his Hands, soon after my Arrival. I had the satisfaction to be convinced, by myself, of all that I had heard both in Europe and in Asia, of the great Qualifications of that August Prince, who is so much admired in all parts for his Heroic Virtues. As he was no Stranger to the Design that brought me to Court, he was so kind as to begin the Discourse himself about the project of our Journey into China by Land, and he gave me such grand overtures to contrive it, yet more advantageously than we had been able to do; that I shall ever regret the occasion, which Hell being broke loose against us, has made us lose, of putting it into Execution, where circumstances were so favourable as they were at that time. An Ambassador from Muscovy, The King of Poland gives me the Memoirs that had been given him by an Ambassador from Muscovy, called▪ Nicephore, who had been in China, through the great Tartary. called Nicephore, whom the Czars had sent to the King of Poland, some time after his return from Pekin, where he had Resided in the same Quality; had Communicated these Secrets to this Prince, who Honoured me with the knowledge of them, and gave me the Map, or Book of Roads, which Monsieur d'Ablancourt had framed upon the Memoirs that Envoy had left him. These Memoirs agree so exactly with the Relation of His Map ●is faithful, excepting the Degrees of Longitude. all other Travellers who have Travelled that way since, that nothing can be added to the exact and faithful Description he has given of all the Countries and People he has discovered in his Journey: In my second Journey into Muscovy, I had often the satisfaction of convincing myself, as to the Uniformity of the Sentiments of all those I consulted on purpose, to discover the truth of that passage. They all agreed to the position of all the Cities and Forts mentioned in the said Map, which would be perfect, had the Degrees of Longitude and Latitude been faithfully set down. But it will be very difficult ever to be certain as to that point, unless the Muscovites, who are not capable of making any regular Observations themselves, would permit some Mathematician that has more skill than they have to do it. Whereas, what I have already related, in the preceding Book, as to the way the Muscovites use to Travel into China, is partly Extracted from the Memoirs the King of Poland did me the favour to Communicate to me, and that all that I have done since, was only to get a confirmation thereof, it would be needless to repeat it here, since I can add nothing to it; but that the World may the better rely upon the Truth of what I have written, as to the facility of Travelling into China by Land, which till now had been looked upon as impracticable, by Reason that it has been examined and approved of, by the most knowing Prince, and least liable to be imposed upon, in the World. All these Instructions which I immediately sent to France, together with all the other Informations, we had already received from divers parts, on which we could rely, induced our Superiors very much to favour our Designs, in which they foresaw such considerable advantages for the promoting of our Religion. They being convinced, by what his most Christian Majesty had lately done for the Conversion of the Kingdom of Siam; that we should not want the Protection of the Eldest Son of the Church, they concluded, that the best way to succeed in our Enterprise, was to propose it to that Monarch, who is so Zealous for whatever relates to the Service of God. They were not deceived in their Conjectures; The King to Authorize our Designs, grants us Patents, as being his Mathematicians, Passports, and Letters of Recommendation to the Czars of Muscovy. for they had no sooner represented to him, the great advantages that might accrue from that discovery, which promised no less than the Conversion of all Tartary, but that Prince instantly granted what ever they desired for the facilitating of that important passage. Besides most advantageous Passports, and other particular assistances we received from him, he gave us Letters Patents, as being his Mathematicians, to Authorise us the more in all Countries, through which we should be obliged to pass, with other particular Recommendations to the Great Duke of Muscovy, who had expressed so much earnestness to us, to have those assurances of the Interest the Monarch, they most esteem and respect on Earth, took in the Execution of our Designs. I am persuaded, the Reader will be glad to see the Contents of them, and perhaps will be very well pleased to see the Fantastical List of the Pompous, Magnificent Titles the Czars affect, and are ●o jealous of; that were any of them omitted in the Letters that are written to them, they would never receive them. This is the Copy of that which his Majesty did us the Honour to Entrust us with, for the two Princes that are now Reigning. A LETTER. MOst High, Most Excellent, Most Puissant, A Copy of the King's Letter to the Czars. and Most Magnanimous Princes, Our Dear Beloved Brothers, and perfect Friends, Czars and great Dukes, John and Peter Sons of Alexis, A●tocrators of all the great and lesser white Russia, Muscovy, Kiovia, Wolodimeria, Novogord, Czars of Cazan, Czars of Astrakan, Czars of Siberia, Lords of Pleskow, Great Dukes of Smolensko, 'tTwere, Inhor, Permo, Westquiá, Bulgaria, and others, Lords and Great Dukes of the inferior Novogord of Tzernikovia, Resens, Rostof, Jeroslaw, Bielejezor, Udor, Obdor, Condomir, and of all the Northern parts, Lords of Iberia, Czars of Cartalania, Garsinia, Dukes of Cabadin, and Dukes of the Dukes of Circassia and Georgia, and of several other Oriental, Occidental, and Septentrional Lordships, and Estates, Paternals, great Paternal Heirs, Successors, Lords and Rulers. Being desirous to savour, as much as in Us lies, the Pious Designs of the Fathers jesuits, Our Good and Loyal Subjects, who go Missionaries into China, and other Oriental Countries, to Preach the Gospel, and to give the People that inhabit those cold Climes the knowledge of the True God, as also, at the same time, there to make all necessary observations for the promoting of Arts and Sciences, in which all Nations are equally concerned; and being also informed, that there is an easy cut through your Territories into China, We entreat you to grant those Fathers all such permission and passports as they shall have occasion for, not only to pass and repass through those Territories and Seas that are under your Command, but also there, to receive all manner of Protection, and Assistance, We engaging and promising to do the like, in the like case, when desired and required so to do by you. Whereupon we pray God, Most High, Most Excellent, Most Puissant, and Most Magnanimous Princes, Our Dear Beloved Brothers, and perfect Friends, to keep your Majesties under his Holy Protection. Written at Fontainebleau, the 8th day of October, 1687. Your good Brother, and perfect Friend, Lewis. Colbert. The Muscovites being the greatest Formalists in the World, one is obliged not only in the Letters that are written to the Czars, to specify distinctly all the Titles they affect, but also in all the Speeches that are made to them in public whenever their Names are mentioned; in so much, that should the Memory of any Ambassador, or other, chance to slip in the least, in the enumeration of all those lofty Titles, he would expose himself to receive an Affront from the Ministers, who had rather one should take a Province of the State, than omit any of those Qualities of their Master, which they look upon as so many appurtenances of the Crown. The Court of France not being ignorant of their niceness upon that Subject, omitted none of those Formalities, in hopes thereby to engage them to be the more favourable to us. While Father Barnaby was labouring on his side, Order to associate ourselves to some Polish jesuits. to procure us all the security that could be thought on for the Execution of our Enterprise; I received Order from our Superiors, to choose out some Companions in Poland, equally Zealous, and capable to facilitate the Success thereof. It was no hard Task for me to find out such in a Kingdom, where our Society has two great Provinces. Both the one and the other would have a share in that important design, and offer a Victim a piece to God. Although several Jesuits had long aspired to that Happiness, we only picked out two, which indeed were worth many others. The first whom we took out of the Province of Cracovia, Character of the two jesuits who were chosen to go Missionaries into China. was called Zapolski, and had been extraordinarily solicitous for upwards of Twenty Years together, to go a Missionary into China. His Family was one of the most Illustrious in Poland, and he had possessed the most considerable Offices among us: Besides Philosophy, Mathematics, and Divinity, which he had Taught many years with Credit; he was a great Linguist, and particularly versed in the Russian Tongue, to which he applied himself most, in expectation of the occasion that was offered him by us, the which he had long been desirous of. He was Rector to one of the chief Colleges in Prussia Royal, when he was informed that we designed to call some Fathers of his Nation to our assistance; whereupon he made such earnest solicitations at Rome, for leave to join with us, and expressed so much Zeal to enter into the happiness of a Life altogether Apostolical, which he had not been able to obtain till then, that he got leave to quit his Superiour's Place, in order to apply himself wholly to an Apostolical Life. The Second was named Terpiloweski, of whom the Province of Lithuania made a Sacrifice to God, which cost them very dear. He was a Man of an extraordinary Merit, he taught the Mathematics in the University of Vilna, when he heard that I was employed in getting some Travelling Companion. Whereas he stood possessed of all the qualifications that could be desired in an accomplished Missionary; a known Virtue, a Charming Sweetness, an Admirable Address for all handy works, a great deal of Skill in Playing upon all sorts of Instruments, and in handling an Ingraver; I excited him as much as possible I could not to omit any thing in order, to obtain of his Superiors, the favour of which his profound humilty made him to seem unworthy, altho' he was very desirous of it; he did it accordingly, and by reiterated Prayers, and Supplications, he overcame all the obstacles that opposed the accomplishment of his Holy Desires. The Esclavonian and Russian Tongues which those two Missionaries understood perfectly, together with the Turkish and Tartar, which Father Barnaby, and myself spoke sufficiently, enabled us to cross all Siberia, and all the Great Tartary, to the Confines of China, without wanting any foreign Interpreters, which was the reason for which we engaged Poland to enter into our design, and to join with us in order to discover that passage with ease, which in the sequel would have proved so much the more easy to all our Society, by reason that it seemed to secure us a Communication with the most distant Countries in the World. The happy disposition I met with on the side of the Polish Fathers in Order to promote the word of God, was no sooner known in France, but they laboured with all the speed imaginable to obtain us all the assistance they judged proper to facilitate more and more the execution thereof. Father Barnaby, who knew better than any Man what was necessary for the discovery of the new way we were going to attempt, took care to provide abundance of Trinkets, and a world of excellent Remedies, in order to present them to those Tartarian Princes, whose Protection we should stand in need of: He was likewise provided with all manner of Mathematical Instruments to observe the Longitudes of the different Countries through which we were to pass; in a word, he was furnished with all things that could render our Journey of use to Religion, and Sciences. Being thus provided with all things, Father Barnaby embarks at Rouen, in order to join us in Poland. besides the King's Recommendations, he repaired to Rouen, there to embark with a young Jes●it, who had only entered himself in the Society, in order to dedicate his Life to foreign Missions. In the mean time, as the season of the Year was far spent, it being then about the middle of November, I thought fit to depart from Warsaw, where I had spent the best part of the Year, to go to Dantzic, there to tarry for my Companions, with whom I hoped to reach Moscow before the end of Winter. But God Almighty's Providence, He is Shipwrecked with his Companions upon the Coast of Norway. whose Judgements are unfathomable, having suffered the Vessel, in which our dear Conductor was embarked, to miscarry, put me to a new Trial, and by that Affliction, the most sensible that ever I underwent, disposed me to a great many others, to which I was exposed in the sequel. Although this fatal Accident happened while I was at Dantzic, where I had some secret presages of it; I was not certainly informed therewith till some time after, which hindered me from taking such speedy measures as were necessary to repair so great a Loss. Notwithstanding the violence of my Affliction at the Confirmation I received of it from France, Amsterdam, and Hamburg, I endeavour to renew our design, notwithstanding our measures were absolutely broken by so considerable a loss. I resolved not to droop, and God Almighty inspired me with Courage enough to renew a design which had cost us so much Labour, and which nothing but the motive of his Glory could ind●ce me to persist in, considering all the oppositions we had met in it. The truth is, I found myself more at a loss than ever; the fatal Shipwreck of our Companions had also deprived us of all the assistance they brought us. The ill reception the Ambassadors of Muscovy had received in France through their bad Conduct, made us fearful of an ill success at the Court of Moscow, where they are used to Sacrifice all to their resentment: The seeds of the War which France has since waged against Germany, with whom the Czars had lately made a League, began already to alarm Muscovy. All this, I say, seemed to thwart our Project, and to break all the Measures we might have taken at a more favourable time. However I did not give over my hopes, tho' I had but little prospect for any, and I began to act with the more confidence, by reason that I was then convinced of the vanity of Human Succours, which I had been deceived in, in so many different occasions. While I was at Dantzic poring upon our misfortune, I leave Dantzic to repair to Grodno, where the Diet was held, in hopes to find some assistance there. the Diet of Poland was held at Grodno, which is a small City in Lithuania, whither Count Sylli, whom I shall shortly speak of, was gone to endeavour to obtain the Embassy of Persia, (where he had formerly been with the same Character) from the King, and the Assembled Republic, in which he expected to meet greater advantages for Christendom, than those he had been able to manage till then with the Cham Whereas he had been extraordinary kind to me during my abode at Moscow, where he arrived soon after us, I thought he might prove of great use for the re-establishment of our Affairs, the rather because he had always appeared to me a great Votary to our Society, and that he was very desirous to be known to our Monarch, whose Virtues he published every where, with as much affection as if he had been the most Loyal of his Subjects, or most Zealous Minister. In hopes of his assistance, The Travel from Dantzic to Koningsberg performed upon the Frozen Sea. I left Dantzic in the beginning of February, and after eight hours march upon the Haff, or Golf, which is formed by the Baltic-Sea, which was frozen at that time, I arrived at Koningsberg, which is the Metropolis of Prussia, about 24 Germane Miles from Dantzic. Had I been less concerned than I was for the fatal end of my Companion, A Prodigious number of Sledges upon the Weasel in the Winter time. I should certainly have been delighted as well as all other Foreigners who are not used to Travel upon the Ice, with the prodigious multitude of Stately Magnificent Sledges, which cannot be expressed; wherewith the Vistula was covered; for notwithstanding my thoughts were wholly taken up with our misfortune, I was diverted by that Spectacle, which was agreeable to the beholders, as pleasant to those that are in them. This Machine is not unlike a Triumphal Carr, drawn by one Horse, that runs full speed without being hardly tired; the which notwithstanding the swiftness of its Course, causes no other movement than what is necessary to convince People that they do not stand still. Although it was very necessary for me to arrive at Grodno before the breaking up of the Diet, I make some stay at Koningsberg, at the request of the Catholics, who are numerous there. I was obliged to stop some days at Koningsberg, to indulge the Devotion of several Catholics, whom Commerce had drawn into that City, which belongs to the Duke of Brandenburg; where they had not the free exercise of their Religion. Having Sacrificed to them part of the time I designed for other uses, I arrive at Grodno, a small City in Lithuania, while the Diet was held there. I endeavoured to repair it afterwards by an extraordinary diligence, not to lose the occasion of recovering our Affairs, which were in a desperate Condition. I fortunately met at Grodno, where all the Nobility of Poland was assembled at that time, with all the Persons that were most like to assist me, and to draw me out of Trouble, particularly the Marquis of Bethune, whose Protection I relied very much upon, and Count Sylli, whom I came on purpose to meet there, being persuaded, that I should easily engage him to enter more particularly into my Projects. Having acquainted them both with the misfortune of our Missionaries, and found that they were really concerned at it, I conceived new Hopes for the reviving of our ancient Project, or to contrive a new one upon a better foundation, and perhaps more advantageous than before. Whereas the Deputies the Court of Moscovy had sent to the Diet of Poland, according to Custom, had mentioned on several Occasions the discontents of their Ambassadors, who were lately returned from France, and that besides they underhand spread a Rumour of a Combat between the Czars, and the Emperor of China's Forces, in which they pretended two Jesuits had been taken by the Muscovites; I concluded from thence, that those Reports were forerunners of the Refusal they designed to make us of a Passage through Siberia, altho' they had promised it solemnly. But, to be the better satisfied, Monsieur de Bethune writes to Prince Gallichin. and to avoid any cause of reproach to myself in the new measures I was resolved to take, I desired Monsieur de Bethune to sound Prince Gallichin upon that Subject, whereupon he writ the following Letter to him, to which he received no Answer, they being resolved to cross our Project. SIR, THE Most Christian King my Master, A Copy of his Letter. being desirous to send some jesuits his Subjects to China, there to Preach the Gospel, and to fill up the room of those Fathers whom Age has rendered incapable of performing the Functions of their Calling, has thought no way so proper as to send them through Muscovy. The Alliance that is contracted between the two Empires, the which has been lately renewed in the last Embassy your August Masters have sent into France, being added to the obliging manner wherewith your Highness received the two Missionaries that returned from Persia last year, have engaged His Most Christian Majesty to prefer that Road to all others, tho' never so secure, or Convenient. That Great Monarch therefore hopes that the Czars, and your Highness in particular, will honour the Fathers that shall pass through Muscovy with your Protection, and that you will be pleased to grant them all the assistance they may stand in need of to Travel securely through Tartary, and other Countries, they will be obliged to cross. As for my own part, having ever had a particular Respect and Veneration for those Zealous Missionaries, and for their Society, and being very Solicitous to ease the difficulties of so long and so penible a journey, I take the liberty to apply myself to your Highness, in whose Power it is to procure them those advantages; and to recommend them to you in a particular manner. I shall think myself infinitely indebted to you, if you will do me the favour to inform me what Sureties or Measures they ought to take before their setting out. I expect your Answer with impatience, and am Sir, Your Highnesses, etc. BETHUNE. I easily concluded from that Ministers affected silence, Prince Gallichin's silence obliges me to take new Measures. that there was no hopes of entering into Great Tartary, through Siberia, which we had flattered ourselves with till then; and that we should be obliged to think of another Road that had no dependence on the Capriccios of the Muscovites, who never grant any thing, especially to Strangers, unless compelled to it by force, or interest. This made me apply myself to Count Sylli, who having obtained the Persian Embassy at that Diet, was capable to protect us in Muscovy, which he was shortly to go through, and afterwards to open a secure easy way for us by the Credit he had gained in several parts of the East, as far as the Kingdom of the Yousbecs, which is the entrance into Tartary, which above all we were desirous to discover. This Ambassador who was Originally an Armenian, was carried very young into Portugal, his Family having been involved in some Misfortunes, where he was bred among the King's Pages, till he was about Eighteen or Twenty years of Age. As soon as he began to know himself, he was possessed with a desire of Travelling, which is so natural to all those of his Country, and to advance himself in the World by means of the Asiatic and European Languages which he had learned with an extraordinary application. To which end, having obtained very advantageous Letters of Recommendation from Their Majesties of Portugal, to several Persons of Quality in most Kingdoms, he Travelled through France, Italy, and Germany, and finally arriv●d in Poland, where he soon made himself known both by his Wit, and his agreeable Behaviour, which did not in the least savour of a Stranger. The King of Poland who was then about sending an Ambassador to the Port about Affairs of Consequence, His Employments. made use of Count Sylli on that occasion, because he spoke both the Turkish and Polish Tongues, and obliged him to accompany his Ambassador to Constantinople. The Court was very well pleased with his Services on that occasion; and for an acknowledgement sent him soon after to Moscow, and afterwards into Persia, where he discharged the Trust reposed upon him incomparably well. Finally, the War which the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Republic of Venice have waged against the Turk for seven or eight years' last passed, having induced these Princes to send an Embassy to the Cha, to solicit him to enter into their League, and to make him sensible of the advantages he might draw from thence to recover such Places of his Empire as the Ottomans had formerly taken from him; Count Sylli was likewise chosen for that important Negotiation, and sent to that Emperor with the Quality of Plenipotentiary from the Pope, and all the Princes of the League. As all those Honourable Employments served to fix his Reputation in all those Courts, where he always made a very considerable Figure, they also proved very profitable to him: For whereas the Embassies of Europe are only honorary, those of the East are as Profitable, as Honourable. That which contributes most to render those Commissions advantageous, The Embassy of Persia is very advantageous to those that perform it. is the Trade of the Levant, which the Europeans are so fond of; the which is easily and safely performed by those who are in the Retinue of an Ambassador; who besides his having all his Charges born, either in Money, or otherwise, as soon as ever he enters upon the Territories of the Prince he goes to Treat with, until he gets out of them again, is never liable to any Duties whatever. For that Reason, the Merchants, whether Muscovites, or Armenians, are very Solicitous for those Occasions, and are very grateful for the advantages they receive by the Protection that is given them. Although Count Sylli was not insensible to Interest in the several Embassies the King of Poland Honoured him with, The Zeal Count Sylli expressed in all his Embassies for the Catholic Religion. I must needs declare to his praise, that he applied himself as much to maintain those of Religion, and of his Prince, as he did his own. The Boldness he discovered more than once at Ispahan, and elsewhere, in taking away from the Infidels, unhappy Christians who had been so-weak as to renounce their Faith, is sufficiently known to all the Missionaries that are dispersed in Persia; and I myself know how haughtily he used some of the Prime Officers of the Court, who made him Propositions in the Cha's Name, which perhaps would have shaken a Heart less possessed with Christianity than his was. This sincere Zeal for the Catholic Faith, induced him to settle a Residence of Missionaries at Schamaki, to labour towards the Conversion of the Armenians, and other Schismatic Infidels, which Trade drew in shoals into that City. The same Zeal likewise induced him the last time he was sent into Persia, to desire the King of Poland to Authorise his Design of procuring Settlements for Apostolic Labourers throughout the whole extent of the Cha's Empire, where any ●opes should be found of labouring successfully towards the Saving of Souls, of which he carried many along with him into the Levant, who have since dispersed themselves in all parts, where they expected a proper Harvest. But, as sincere as his Zeal appeared to me, Sincere Piety of Count Sylli. I should not have regarded it, had it not been accompanied by a Conduct equally regular, and edifying; and indeed I may affirm, after having made it my business to study him with all the application imaginable, that I never observed any thing in him but what was very honourable, and worthy of a good Christian. He has done me the savour to discover his most secret Thoughts to me, and to make me the depository of his Conscience for a whole Twelvemonth, and that knowledge he has given me of his heart, obliges me to declare that I have seen but few Persons of his Character more devoted to God, or who applied themselves more fervently to their Salvation. He confessed himself regularly once a Month, and approached the Holy Table as often; and that always with such lively marks of Faith, and with such a deluge of Tears, that it would have inspired the most insensible with Devotion. Tho Count Sylli is hardly known in France, I nevertheless think myself obliged, as well out of a sincere desire to publish the Truth, as out of gratitude, to give this Testimony of his Virtue, since that besides his having gained the esteem of all those that knew him by his Merit, I am particularly indebted to him for considerable Obligations. For besides his Generosity at Astrakan, where he offered to pay our Ransom himself, to redeem us out of the hands of the Calmo●es, being informed that we had been taken by them in crossing the Volga, he expressed so much Zeal afterwards for the furthering the execution of our design, which the loss of Father Barnaby had quite overthrown, that I cannot forbear incerting in this place the obliging Endeavours he made at my request, to secure the success thereof. Being convinced by all the favours and kindnesses I had received from him during my abode in Poland, I pr●pos'd to him to conduct us into China▪ and to desire Letters from the Court of France to that end. that I might rely upon and trust him, I freely proposed my whole dedesigns to him, being certain that he wo●ld approve them, by Reason that they were suitable to his own Inclinations. Therefore I told him, that since he desired to make himself known at the Court of France, he could never hope for a more favourable occasion to succeed therein, than that which offered itself at that time; and that none being so capable to assist us as himself, as well by his Credit; as by his being particularly versed and acquainted with the Countries and Languages, in the discovery of the grand Tartary; I made no doubt but our great Monarch, would willingly employ him in that great Enterprise, and grant him all the advantages he could desire, to acquit himself worthily of a Commission so useful to Religion. He desired some time to consider my proposals, He accepts my Offer, and writes to the R. F. de la Chaise. and after a Month's deliberation, he yielded to my desires, and writ the following Letter to the R. F. De la Chaise, to desire him, to intercede for him with his Majesty, to accept his Zeal for his Service. Most Reverend Father. I Have been informed by Father Auril, Count Syri's Letter to the R. F. De la Chaise. how much his most Christian Majesty Interesses himself in the Design of discovering a more secure and easier way by Land into China, than any that have been attempted hitherto by Sea, and through the Indies. My earnest desire to contribute on my side towards the Success of so great a Work, which is certainly worthy the great Soul of the most Generous, and most Christian of all Monarches, induces me to acquaint you with my Zeal, for the endeavouring to establish the Honour of God, and the Glory of his Majesty, in the Execution of this Heroic Enterprise. Whereas the different Negotiations in which I have been employed, both in Muscovy, and Persia, have given me occasion to make myself known at the Court of the Czars, as well as that of the Chà, where the King of Poland is sending me at this very time his Plenipotentiary; I imagined that your Reverence, who is without doubt, one of the main promoters of this Expedition, would not be displeased at the proffer of my Services with those Princes, in order to obtain, for those Fathers of your Society, who are destined for China, all the help and assistance, they stand in need of, to succeed in that design. It is true, that the way of Siberia and the great Tartary, which they designed, is the shortest of all; but it is to be feared, that t●e discontent of the Ambassadors, which the Czars have lately sent into France, being added to the actual War, they are engaged in against the Chinese, will serve as a pretence for those Princes to refuse the passage that is desired of them. For those Reasons I presume to tell your Reverence, that the way through the Kingdoms of Yousbec and of Thibet, seems more advantageous to me than the first▪ and I am persuaded, that abundance of People might be found in those Countries, that would receive the True Faith. I know that Father Barnaby was resolved to follow this way, and I have all along told Father Auril that it was the safest. I am known in th●se Kingdoms, and I know, that the Ambassadors of those Princes, whom I have seen at the C●urt of Persia, have spoken favourably of me to their Masters. This is the Reason for which I offer my Service, through the intermission of your Reverence, to his Most Christian Majesty, to conduct the Fathers myself into China, from whence I design to return by the way of great Tartary and Muscovy, and thereby to make a discovery of the two Roads, the knowledge of which, will be of great use for the establishing of a Commerce so useful to the Christian Religion. In case his Majesty will be plea●'d to accept the tender of my most humble Services, I only desire the Character of Envoy to the Emperor of China, to be able to cross those vast Countries with Honour, and to make my Services more useful to the Church, and to your Society, which I have ever had a great respect for. I have desired Father Auril to write about it to the R. F. Verjus, Director of the Missions of the East, and to acquaint him particularly with my intentions upon that Subject. In the mean time, I desire your Reverence to be persuaded, that none can be more Respectfully than myself, Most Reverend Father, Your most humble and most Obedient Servant, SYLLI. Our Superiors being very much at a loss by Father Barnaby's Death, The King accepts Count Syri's offers, and causes the Letters he desires to be expedited. and the loss of all that they had sent by him, joyfully accepted the Expedient we proposed to them, and easily obtained his Majesty's consent, who being convinced by the Example of the Illustrious. M. Constance, that one may sometimes confide in a Stranger, and being moreover informed from several parts with Count Syri's Excellent Qualifications, caused such Letters as he desired, to be expedited, to the Kings of Persia, of the Yousbecs, and of China. All these Letters being written after one and the same way, I shall only insert the last here, both to show our King's indefatigable Zeal, for whatever relates to the Glory of God, and to publish the great Obligations he has Honoured us with, in seconding our design so Generously, and in so effectual a manner. MOst High, most Excellent, most Puissant, The King's Letter which Count Sylli was to carry to the Emperor of China. and most Magnanimous Prince, Our Dearly Beloved Good Friend, may God increase your Grandeur with a happy end. Being informed, that your Majesty, was desirous to have near your Person, and in your Dominions, a considerable number of Learned Men, very much versed in the European Sciences, we resolved some Years ago, to send you six Learned Mathematicians Our Subjects, to show your Majesty what ever is most curious in Sciences, and especially the Astronomical Observations of the Famous Academy we have established in our good City of Paris: But whereas the length of the Sea Voyage, which divides Our Territories from Yours, is liable to many accidents, and cannot be performed without much time and danger: We have formed the design, out of a desire to contribute towards Your Majesty's satisfaction, to send you some more of the same Father jesuits who are Our Mathematicians, with Count Sylli, by Land, which is the shortest, and safest way, to the end they may be the first, near your Majesty, as so many Pledges of our Esteem and Friendship, and that at the return of the said Count Sylli, we may have a faithful account of the admirable and most extraordinary Actions that are reported of your Life. Whereupon We beseech God, to augment the Grandeur of Your Majesty, with an end altogether happy. Written at Marly, the 7th of August, 1688. Your most Dear, and Good Friend, LEWIS. While these new advantages were preparing for us in France, Father Beauvollier comes to join with us in Poland. to make amends for those we had unfortunately lost, I heard with a great deal of Joy, that one of the Missionaries who was designed to accompany Father Barnaby was happily saved, he not coming to Rouen till some days after his departure, and that he was coming by Land to me in Poland. It would have been a great pity to have lost at once two such Excellent Men. If I had the same liberty to speak of Father Beauvollier, whom Providence has Saved by a kind of Miracle, as of the first, whom Death has unfortunately Ravished from Us, I should joyfully publish the things I have seen him do while I had the satisfaction to Travel in his Company; and if I may be allowed to draw happy presages from the sequel of his Apostle-ship, by the marks of the Heroic Zeal he has demonstrated in the beginnings, I will be bold to say, that he will prove one of the most Illustrious Instruments to advance the Glory of God. As to what relates to Father Barnaby, Father Barnaby's Character. whom I may speak of at present, without fear of being suspected of Flattery, I am obliged to declare out of Justice to his Memory, that he was one of the most accomplished Missionaries, perhaps that ever travelled into the East. He had a surprising faculty of Learning Languages, and an undaunted Courage to go through the greatest dangers. He had applied himself to the Study of Physic, Physic is of great use in foreign Missions. altho' he had no inclination to it, being fully persuaded by experience, that it was one of the best means to succeed in his Functions, among People that only receive Eternal Truths, according as they receive Temporal Benefits. He used it effectually in two Missions he established, the one in Curdistan, and the other in Armenia, where his quality of Physician gave him more Credit than the most Authentic Credentials could ever have done; and by virtue of that Science in which he had acquired a great deal of Skill, he Baptised a great number of Children, who soon after departed to increase the number of the Angels. Among all his Successes, God put him to many Trials, and made him taste the Fruits of that Cross which he Preached with so much Zeal. He was stripped several times by the Arabians, and the Curds; while he was Labouring for the Conversion of the jasidies, he had the happiness of being twice Imprisoned for maintaining the Cause of jesus Christ, and was often Abused, and Cudgeled for the Glory of his Name: In fine, to sum up all in one word, he generously ended the Sacrifice of his Life, abandoning himself as he did, to the excess of his Charity, which far from being extinguished in the Waters that swallowed him up, became the more fervent and purer, in order to deserve, as we have reason to believe, that Recompense which God promises to all those who expose and lose themselves for his sake. The Diet of Grodno breaking up much about the time I received notice of Father Beauvollier's arrival in Poland, I depart from Grodno, after the breaking up of the Diet to meet Father Beauvollier at Warsaw. I repaired to Warsaw to receive him, and to take certain Measures with him for the execution of our Project. We both arrived there much about the same time; and I cannot tell which of us received more Joy at our meeting, after having formerly laid the foundation of the same design, which brought us so happily together again. After some days repose, which he stood extremely in need of to refresh himself of the Fatigues of his Journey, and to apply some remedy to the swelling of his Legs, occasioned by the excessive Cold he had endured in crossing Holland, Germany, and Prussia, we applied ourselves jointly to instruct those of our Nation, until our departure, which Count Sylli had appointed to be about the latter end of August, by reason that the Instructions for his Embassy were not ready yet, and that he could not receive the dispatches he expected from the Court of France till about that time. In the mean while, whereas our Superiors designed to take the advantage of Count Syri's Embassy to send several Missionaries safely into Persia, The occasion of Count Syri's Embassy is made use of to send Missionaries into the Kingdoms of Iveria, of Mingrelia and Persia. we received Orders to take some along with us from Poland, besides those two they had already granted us for China. The Superiors of that Kingdom, who were sensible, that our Provinces of France had very much drained themselves, to supply the Missions of China and of Siam, which had been lately established, were so much the rather inclined to second our design, by reason that they were informed at that very time that the Prince of Iveria desired to have some Learned Jesuits in his Territories, the Government whereof, he was going to reassume again, after some Years absence. This Prince, whose Name is Archilla, The History of Prince Archilla, King of Iveria, and Mingrelia. had made himself a Mahometan, although he was Originally a Georgian, for the peaceable enjoyment of the Kingdoms of Iveria and Mingrelia, which were his by right. The Châ of Persia, to purchase whose favour he had changed his Religion, was pretty favourable to him in the beginnings, and tho' he afterwards returned to his former Christianity, he did not torment him near so much, as he did other petty Kings his Vassals. But his insatiable Lust for Women, inclined him at last, no longer to have any of those regards he had formerly had for him; for being resolved at any rate, to Enjoy that Unhappy Prince's Wife, whose Beauty had been very much commended to him, he troubled him as much afterwards, as he had been kind to him till then. At first, he used fair means to obtain his Desires. From Mildness and Promises, he proceeded to Threats, and from that to open Force and Violence; insomuch, that Archilla, who was not strong enough to oppose the Forces which the Châ, being full of indignation at his refusal, had caused to advance to take him, was obliged to fly with the Princess his Wife, to the Confines of his Kingdom, which were most distant from Persia; but they did not remain long in quiet there: For the Emperor being more Enamoured than ever, having cunningly engaged the Grand Signior on his side, whose Territories are adjoining to the King of Iveria's, on that side towards the Black Sea, obtained some Forces from him which easily surprised that fugitive Prince, and conducted him to a Castle belonging to the Turk, where he was kept a while. In the mean time the Princess with whom they would keep some measures, The Princess of Iveria marches at the head of some Gentlemen to rescue her H●sband out of Prison. lest the thing should make too much noise, being strangely exasperated by a proceeding so violent, without losing time, assembled some Gentlemen her Subjects, with whom she forced the small place where her Husband was kept Prisoner, and notwithstanding all the resistance the Soldiers could make, carried him away, and put him at liberty. After this bold Action, they were both sensible, that they could no longer tarry in their Kingdom, without exposing themselves to an inevitable ruin. Therefore having abandoned their Kingdoms to the mercy of the two Princes, of whom they are, as it were, Tributaries, they sought a Refuge in Muscovy, where they were very well received by the Czars, who having assigned them a Palace in the Metropolitan of their Empire, have maintained them there about three years with a pretty deal of magnificence. At that time Prince Archilla discovered the happiness of those Sovereigns who have Christian Subjects. The Extraordinary respect the Muscovites pay their Emperors, whom they look upon as being real Divinities, convinced him fully that the Christian Religion which he had abandoned to ascend the Throne, preferably to all others, inspires those Sentiments of Veneration that are due to a Lawful King; for which reason, being very much solicited by his People to return to his Kingdom, in which they promised to defend him against the King of Persia, with whom they were not very well satisfied, he made great applications to the Patriarch of Moscow, to obtain some Missioners from him, upon whose Zeal he depended very much for the safety of his Restoration. Being persuaded that the absolute dependence he had observed in all the Muscovites, He desires the Patriarch of Muscovy to get him some Missionaries. in relation to their Great Dukes, was an effect of the Unity of the Religion that is professed in all their Dominions, he thought that if he could once put things upon the same foot in Iveria, and Mingrelia, where there are several different Sects, he might make himself as Independent as they were, and make use of the Loyalty and Affection of his Subjects, whom he was in hopes of reducing all to one and the same Faith, as of a strong Bulwark against the attacks of all the Neighbouring Princes. But he mistook the Genius of the Patriarch, in ask him for Evangelical Labourers. There was not one to be found in all Muscovy, tho' it abounds so very much in Priests. After his refusal he applied himself to the Germane Jesuits who were at Moscow, who made no such difficulty of getting some for him, as the Patriarch had done, whose insensibility proved more advantageous to that Prince, than his Zeal would have been. Upon this Occasion, Some jesuits are destined out of Poland for the Mission of Iveria. some Polish Jesuits associated themselves with us, to pass into Persia, in Count Syri's Company, who having received all the Expeditions for his Embassy, left Warsaw at the beginning of September, in order to reach Moscow about the time that the Ice and Snow render the Road of Astrakan agreeable, and convenient. We advanced as far as the Frontiers of Lithuania, We advance to the confines of Muscovy. where we had appointed a Rendezvous to the rest of our Companions who were dispersed up and down, and who had sent us word they would be there at the appointed day: Yet whatever precautions we had taken, he whom we wanted most was not there; we tarried some days for him, and Count Sylli, notwithstanding the numerous attendance he was obliged to carry along with him, vouchsafed to stop to afford him time to come up to us, but in vain, for we heard that that Father whom we were loath to lose, was fallen Sick at Vilna, and that he was not in a Condition to follow us. This Accident troubled us so much the more, by reason that the Missionary we wanted was one of those that were most serviceable to us; besides, he had all the Mathematical Instruments, and several other Curiosities that had been sent us out of France, in the room of those things the Sea had deprived us of. However, there was no other Remedy than to beg of Count Sylli, whom in reason we could not stop any longer, nor expose ourselves to so much Charge, to give me leave to repair to Vilna, there to take up our Sick Brother in case he were any thing better, or at least to fetch our Mathematical Instruments, while he went forward himself as far as Smolensko, where I knew he would be so kind as to tarry for us, in case he did not find the Muscovites inclined to receive us. This Resolution being approved of, I repaired with speed to Vilna, and Count Sylli advanced slowly towards Muscovy, and arrived at Smolensko, where the Governor, who was a Man of Honour, received him incomparably well, and promised him to be very kind to us upon his account, and to furnish us at our arrival with Guides, and whatever should be necessary to follow him. Count Sylli being satisfied with the Civilities of that Vaivode, continued his March towards Moscow with our other Companions, being persuaded that whenever we should appear, we should be favourably received, and as speedily dispatched, as he had assured me we should, by his Letters. My Journey to Vilna proved useless; for the Person I went to seek there, being recovered sooner than he expected, went from thence the very day I arrived there: However, I overtook him fortunately at Minsko, which is one of the most considerable Cities in all the black Russia, about 30 Germane Miles from Vilna; after which we crossed the huge Forests that lie between Minsko, and Cazin, which is the last City of Poland on the Frontier of Muscovy, where a little Brook divides the two Countries. In that Journey I had the satisfaction to see that prodigious quantity of Bees, Abundance of Bees in the Forests of Lithuania. which composes part of the Wealth of the Lithuanians. I cannot imagine by what Instinct those Animals choose those obscure Parts, since Virgil order them to be plac●d with so much Circumspection; but there are few Forests on that side, where one does not find many Swarms of them; that which in my opinion draws them thither, is the conveniency of the Hives they find ready made in the hollow of the Trees, where they could not be safe, were not care taken to secure them from the Bears. Those Cruel Beasts, that are passionate Lovers of Honey, The Bears wage a cruel War against those Animals. are very troublesome to the Bees, and prejudice the Peasants, for whom they work considerably. However they secure them by making kind of Fence round about the Trees they are in, with Spikes at top of them, or by covering the hole they come in at with several Branches of Thorn; which, without stopping their passage, secure them from the cruel Enemy, that persecutes them. As the Forests of Lithuania furnish the Inhabitants with Honey, and Wax, they also yield them abundance of Skins, and Furs. Elks, Foxes, and Bears are as common there as in Muscovy; and, would the Polanders make War to those Animals, as the Muscovites do, they would soon take away part of their Neighbour's Trade. The Objects, that offer themselves to Travellers, Bears are friends to Men. being commonly the Subject of their Discourse; seeing a Bear pass before us, I enquired about several curious things relating to that Animal. I heard in the first place; that, as wild as he appears to be, he is Naturally a Friend to Man. Besides▪ the Example of the Child, that was Suckled by a Bear in the time of the Late Queen of Poland, Lovise Maria, I was assured, that the same Prodigy happens often, and that Children are often found in their Caves without the least hurt, tho' they have lain there several days. They also showed me the Academy, where they are managed, before their being led through the Cities of Europe, as they commonly are. It is a Town called Samourgan, where they are taught what we see them practice with so much dexterity, and as it were Judgement. But that, which appeared most surprising to me, How Bears commonly pass the Winter. and which I cannot forbear relating, is the manner, how those Animals commonly pass the Winter. They pretend, that about the beginning of that cruel Season, before the ground is covered with Snow, they nibble a sort of Herb, which stupifies them to that degree, as casts them into such a profound Sleep, that they remain altogether insensible for several Months of the Year. They told me moreover, that the Virtue of that Herb had been discovered almost in the same manner, the Coffee-Herb had been observed, the effect of which is contrary to this. A Peasant of Lithuania going about the beginning of Winter to visit his Bees, perceived a she Bear with three or four young ones coming under a Tree, a top of which he was got; he imagined at first she had only brought them to that Place, to give them a share of the Honey she expected to find in the hollow of the Tree he stood upon. In this opinion, which made him much more apprehensive for his Life, than for his Swarm, he studied carefully all the motions of the Bear, fixing his eyes constantly upon her; however, he recovered his Spirits a little, seeing her employed under him, in pulling up a kind of Herb she often presented to her young ones, after having eaten some herself. But his fear vanished quite, when he preceiv'd that little Flock retire into the Wood the same way it came. He came down a little after, and being curious to know what Herb it was that had enticed the Animal, that had frighted him so much to that place, he gathered some of the Leaves of it, which he chewed going home. He had no sooner done so, but he found himself seized with such a drowsiness, that being no longer able to stand, he laid himself down upon a Haycock to sleep. In the mean time his Family being alarmed at his stay, of which they could not guests the Cause, went in search of him. Some days after they found him in the aforesaid place, but so fast asleep, that all the Cries, Shakes, and Agitations they tormented him with for a long while, could hardly awaken him. However, they did awake him at last with a great deal of Torment; and then he informed them with the Cause of the obstinate drowsiness that had seized him, which he found to be the effect of the Herb he had discovered. As to this Story, which People are free to credit, or to reject, it is not improbable but that Simples may be found yet stronger than Opium, the Virtue of which is sufficiently known in the World: And since God has given to all Animals whatever is necessary for their maintenance, and for the preservation of their Being, why may not he as well have imparted to the Bear, which is no less the work of his hands than the Hart, or Lion, the knowledge of an Herb that may supply the Prey, the Cold and Snows deprive him of during the Winter. Our first Care at our arrival at Cazin, The Muscovites will not permit us to enter into their Territories. was to send an Express to the Governor of Smolensko, according to the Orders I had received from Count Sylli, to give him an account of our arrival, and to desire him to remember his promises to the Ambassador from whom we had been separated by an unexpected accident. Notwithstanding this Vaivode's being very much a Gentleman, he durst not answer us, having received positive Orders from the Court, to oppose our entrance into Muscovy. What ever pressing instances Count Sylli made to Prince Gallichin, to give us leave to come speedily up to him, to continue his Voyage, which he could not do without us, that Minister amused him with fair words, assuring him that he had sent an Express to fetch us, and to bring us a Passport from the Court, without which we could not move. But notwithstanding all this, and all the Interest that could be made from all parts, the Muscovites had determined and were resolved to refuse us, not only the passage of Siberia, which we had formerly requested of them, but also the entrance into their Territories. However in spite of all their precautions, An Envoy from Poland takes us along with him to Moscow. and the vexations they made us endure for three weeks together, during which time, they left us at Cazin without any Answer, Providence offered us an occasion to reach Moscow, which proved so much the more welcome to us, by reason that we had languished long, in the uncertainty of what we had to hope or fear. A Polish Gentleman, named Lazinski, passed through Cazin while we were there, going to Moscow with the Character of Envoy from the King of Poland. He freely offered to Conduct us to Moscow, and lest the Muscovitoes might put us to any trouble, he told them we were his Chaplains, as indeed we were during all the Journey, in which we should not have had the satisfaction of saying Mass, had not we been in his Company. The favour we received from this Polish Minister, The Muscovites, having notice of our March, order Count Sylli to depart immediately from Moscow. irritated the Court of Moscow, and it was not long before they expressed their resentment of it to us. They began by taking away from us our main supporter, upon whom we had grounded all our hopes for the success of our Enterprise, I mean Count Sylli, whom they obliged to depart from Moscow, as soon as they heard that the Envoy Lazinski had taken us under his Protection. However, the first was allowed to take the Jesuits he had brought out of Poland along with him, and the reason why Father Beauvollier did not follow him, was because I entreated him to tarry for us, being very uncertain what Fate would attend our Affairs. When we arrived at Moscow, They sent us the same Order some days after. we were yet more particularly convinced, that they were resolved not to spare us, for two days after our arrival the Czars sent a Pristave to Father Beauvollier, and myself, (it is the Name of the Officer that carries their Orders) to order us to depart, and quit their Dominions, adding that if we were so bold as to take a Sanctuary either at the Envoy, or Resident of Poland, they would find a way to force us from thence, and to oblige us to do that which perhaps we thought to elude by the protection of those two Ministers. This violent proceeding surprised us a little, The Resident of Poland receives us under his Protection. but it did not abash us quite, we went immediately to the Polish Resident, called Dominc d' Aumont, who all along publicly declared himself our Protector, to Consult him upon the measures we should take, and to entreat him to employ the credit of his Character, to shelter us from the storm that threatened us. The only expedient this Minister could give us in those troublesome Conjunctures, was to show the Letters our Great Monarch had honoured us with for the Czars, assuring us that they were so prepossessed with the Grandeur and Power of our King, especially since the taking of Philipsburg, which they had just received notice of; that notwithstanding the discontent of their Ambassadors, they would infallibly revoke the Orders we had received from them, if we made them sensible, according to the hopes we had given them of it two years ago, that his Majesty really Authorised our Designs. The Sequel convinced us that he had Counceled us well: They alter their Behaviour, hearing that we had Letters from the King. for Prince Gallichin was no sooner informed that we had Letters for the two Emperors his Masters, but he sent an Excuse for the ill treatment we had received, and promised to give us a particular Audience to make amends for what was passed. This first Minister of State, Prince Gallichin's Character. who was of the Illustrious Race of the jagellons, was undoubtedly the most accomplished, and most knowing Lord at the Court of Moscow, he loved Strangers, and particularly the French, because the Noble Sentiments he had observed in them, were very consonant to his own; for which reason, it was rumoured that his Heart was as much French as his Name. It was no fault of his, that we did not receive all the satisfaction he made us hope for, the first time we had the honour to speak to him; and had he been absolute Master, and not obliged to keep great Measures with all the Boyars who were concerned in the management of Affairs, he would willingly have granted us the Passage of Siberia, and have facilitated our entrance into China, out of respect to Lewis le Grand, whose Admirer he was, to that degree, that I have often been told that he caused his Son to wear his majesty's Picture in the form of a Cross of Maltha. We waited upon him, being introduced by the Resident of Poland, He gives us a particular Audience. on the day he had appointed us; and he received us with all manner of Civility. He took the King's Letter, which we presented to him, with great respect, and having spoken very obligingly to us, he assured us he would cause it to be interpreted as soon as could be, in order to give us a speedy and favourable answer. We tarried however a fortnight for it, The Council deliberates a fortnight upon our demand. during which time the Hollanders, and the Envoy of Brandenburg, who had contributed considerably to the ill Treatment we received at first, did us all the injury they could, and omitted nothing to animate the Boyars, nay even the Emperors themselves against us, whether upon the account of our being Frenchmen, or else out of jealousy of our profession, as being Jesuits. However it is certain, that never any Affair was so long under Examination as ours was, considering that the whole stress of it consisted only in granting, or refusing leave, to some poor Missionaries, to pass through the Dominions of the Great Dukes, in order to Preach the Gospel among the Chinese, who perished miserably for want of assistance; but that's a Misfo● tune, the Muscovites are little concerned at. While the Council was deliberating upon the Answer they were to give us, In the mean while we inform ourselves of what relates to Muscovy. and in examining our Letters of Mathematicians, which we thought fit to show them, we ●mploy'd ourselves in being fully instructed in the Spiritual and Temporal State of Muscovy, of which we will inform the Public, in a separate History from this, which will be the more acceptable, by reason that it will give a better account than ever was published yet of that Empire, which has been for so many years the Theatre of the greatest Revolutions, that have happened in Europe. However, not to omit any thing, that may be Essential to the Relation I am writing, I cannot forbear relating, in this place, some things we were Eye-witnesses of, while we were obliged to wait the deliberation of the Boyars, concerning the passage we came to desire, upon the assurances we had received of a grant thereof, after having taken all 〈◊〉 the precautions that had been prescribed to us. I have already hinted, An Envoy from Brandenbourg does us ill Offices at the Court of Moscow. that one of those, who did us the most diskindness with the Czars, and their Ministers, was the Elector of Brandenburgh's Envoy, who came to Moscow some days before us. This Deputy, whose Name is Richer, a Calvinist by Profession, and confequently a sworn Enemy to the Jesuits, had been sent to the Court of Moscow by the present Elector, to carry the Czars the News of his Exaltation, upon the Elector his Father's Death, lately happened. He was charged with two different Letters, with orders to deliver them in two different Audiences: But he, instead of the two draughts he stood in need of for his Commission, unfortunately took a Duplicat of the Letter the Elector writ to the two Czars, to acquaint them with his Ex●ltation; he delivered the said Letter to them in the first Audience he had with all the usual Ceremonies at that Court. Some days after it, having another Audience, he delivered his second Letter; but the Court was very much surprised, to find, that the last was only a repetition of the first, and more yet to be informed of the Exaltation of the Son, without any notice of the Death of the Father. This mistake, which occasioned some Laughter at the Court, was a just Subject of Mortification for the Envoy of the New Elector; but it did not hinder them from expressing a great deal of kindness to him, by reason of the agreeable propositions he came to make to the Czars, in the Elector his Master's Name, on the occasion of the Prince's Radz●vil, who had lately taken, to her Second Husband, one of the Palatin of Newburg's Sons, instead of Prince james of Poland, to whom she had been promised. The King of Poland, out of a just indignation at this New Marriage, concluded without his Knowledge, contrary to her former Engagement, being necessitated to express his Resentment thereat, proposed at Warsaw, the Confiscation of the Estate, that Princess possessed in Lithuania, as the most effectual way to be revenged of the affront, both he, and the whole Kingdom of Poland had received thereby. The Elector of Brandenburg being informed with the King's Design, and being obliged by the strictness of his Alliance with the said Princess, to oppose what ever might be attempted to the disadvantage of his Sister-in-Law, thought no way so proper, as to fortify himself with the Protection of some Foreign Power, and not being a Stranger to the Natural Antipathy, that reigns, time out of mind, between the Polanders and the Muscovites, he endeavoured on that occ●sion, to contrive a League Offensive and Defensive with Muscovy, and this was the real Motive for which this Envoy was sent, and his Elevation served only as a pretence. However, a very great distinction was made between the two Envoys, who were at the same time at Moscow. They cavilled continually with the Polander, and took a delight in vexing him, whereas the Brandenbourgher, daily received new Testimonies of Kindness from the Czars, and was Treated with as much Respect, as they could have shown to an Ambassador from the greatest Princes in Europe. In that Conjuncture of Affairs, Tragial Story of a Brabander, who was Beheaded. the Hollanders and the Lutherans together, conspired the ruin of a Roman Catholic Gentleman, Named du Rovillé, who was put to Death at Moscow, while we were there, whose end equally Glorious and Tragical, I cannot forbear inserting here. This Gentleman, was about 25 Years of Age, of one of the best Families in Brabant; he was very well Shaped, had a very quick Understanding, and was of a Charming Disposition. The desire of seeing, and of being acquainted with Europe, had induced him to Embark upon a Dutch Ship, which set him down at Archangel, from whence he Travelled to Moscow, where he soon got acquainted with Father Beauvollier, who came there a little before me. This Father, who had always made an advantageous use, for the Glory of God, of the Mathematics, which he is very well versed in, easily insinuated himself into the mind of this Gentleman, and engaged him so far by his winning Behaviour, that he afterwards inspired him, with whatever Sentiments he pleased. He begun by representing to him, what continual dangers Travellers expose themselves to, and the necessity they lay under, of clearing their Conscience, in order, to be above all the accidents that might surprise them. After which, having persuaded him to make a general Confession, he engaged him so cunningly into all the Exercises of solid Piety, that in a very short time, he made him a New Man, altogether different from what he was before. Yet notwithstanding the regularity of his Conduct, he had the misfortune to be engaged in a contest, which at one and the same time occasioned his Ruin, and yet proved the source of his Happiness. He happened to have a dispute with an unfortunate Germane, whose Name was Schuts, who, to Marry a Lutheran Woman, he was foolishly fallen in Love with, had made no difficulty of committing a double Apostasy, in quitting a very Reformed Order, in which he had Lived long, and in renouncing the Catholic Faith which he had professed all along. After some words that had passed between them in the heat of their Dispute, this Brutal Apostate drew out a Sword to run the Brabander through, who was come to visit him without any ill design. The last avoided his violent thrusts, as much as he could, and endeavoured to dis-arm him, in hopes of calming his mind; but not being able to do it, and finding himself more and more endangered, he took hold of a Pistol, that hung in the Room where this Tragedy was Acted, wherewith he shot him through. This being done, this Gentleman, less Criminal than Unhappy, being sensible that it was impossible for him to get out of M●scow, immediately judged that he was ruined, however he got out of the House, with a a great presence of Mind, and about two in the Morning came to Father Beauvollier, to whom he made a general Confession of all his Life to dispose himself to all the Events he had Reason to fear. At break of day, the Judges being informed with what had happened, sent out Officers to apprehend him. He was accordingly taken and carried to the Chancery, where he was Examined according to Custom. However, they could not well Condemn him to Die, by reason, that the Person he had wounded, who Lived two days after he received his Wound, had absolutely cleared him, declaring sincerely, that by his own obstinacy he had drawn this Fate upon himself. Therefore they were obliged to defer their Judgements upon the matter, in expectation of new Informations. While things were thus in suspense, two sorts of People employed themselves to obtain a Pardon for this Guilty Unfortunate. The Polish Resident, seconded by all the Zealous Catholics, used this utmost endeavours, to represent this Gentleman's Innocence, to the Emperors and to the Boyars. The Muscovites were likewise desirous to save him, but to their own advantage, obliging him to embrace their Schism, and serve in their Armies. However, the efforts both of the one and the other proved successless, by reason of the steadiness of that truly Christian Soul, and by the Cabals of the Lutherans and Dutch, who engaged the Envoy of Brandenburg in their Party, whose Credit was too great at that Court, for any body to cope with him. This Passionate Minister being informed, with how much Courage the innocent Prisoner had rejected the Propositions that had been made to him about changing his Religion, and the Generous disdain he had expressed, for all the advantages that had been proffered to him, in case he would turn Roux, being moreover sensible of the small regards the Court expressed for the Polish Resident and Envoy, cunningly made use of the conjunctures which he judged favourable, to Sacrifice to the Resentments of the Lutherans and Calvinists, the Life of that poor Gentleman, whose Religion made his greatest Crime. What ever pretence the first could have to desire his Death, and what ever Animosity their Minister had inspired them with, in a Sermon he preached on purpose to incline them to vengeance, they appeared less eager of it than these who were resolved at any rate to make him pay for a favour they had formerly done him, taking him then to be one of their persuasion, which Error he undeceived them of Courageously, declaring to them, that he was a true Son of the Roman Church. The Envoy of Brandenburg at the Instigation of those dangerous Enemies, prosecuted and obtained a Sentence of Death against this poor stranger, at a time when he, and all his Friends were most in hopes of a Pardon. His Condemnation being pronounced, after a Conference the Deputy had held with Prince Gallichin, it was not hard to judge that it was the effect of his pressing Solicitations, to which they consented, the rather because they had lost all hopes of prevailing with a Person who had appeared all along insensible to all the advantageous propositions they had made to him, to persuade him to change his Belief. But notwithstanding the injustice of this Sentence, he did not complain so much of it, as he did at their Cruelty during his Imprisonment: He had often desired leave to see his Confessor, in whom he had an absolute Confidence, the which had been constantly denied him: insomuch that he could only confer with him by Letters, and even that, they endeavoured to deprive him of with great Inhumanity. The very day he was Executed, he writ one to Father Beauvollier, in which, after having given him an account of his Conscience, and the interior Sentiments God had inspired him with during his Imprisonment, he acquainted him with the assurances he had received of being soon put at liberty: But our joy was very short lived, for while we were rejoicing about it, we heard, with an incredible surprise, that he was going to the place of Execution, there to be Beheaded in the quarter of the Germans; pretty near the House where his misfortune had guided him some days before. Father Beauvollier being more surprised and concerned thereat, than any other, ran out immediately, armed with his Crucifix, and having crowded through an infinite number of People that filled up all the passages, he threw himself (notwithstanding all the opposition of the Soldiers) into the Sledge in which his Illustrious Patient lay. Whatever his Guards could do to oppose his Zeal, and to oblige him to retire, he overcame their obstinacy, showing them the Sign he had armed himself with, and giving them to understand that he designed nothing but to perform the last duty towards his dear Penitent. He found it much more difficult to defend himself against the secret attacks he resented at the sight of an Object so full of pity; but whereas he had no time to Lose, he forced himself to prepare his Generous Friend to Die, who was the more sensible at that interview, by reason that he had not expected it. The secret Testimony of his Conscience having altogether cleared and satisfied him as to the cause of his Condemnation, he assured the Father who accompanied him, that the Death he was going to suffer, was so far from frighting him, that it afforded him a real Consolation, in hopes that God would be pleased to accept of it, not only as a satisfaction to his Justice, for all the Sins he had formerly committed; but also as the most sensible proof he could give him of his Love and Fidelity. Being thus Penetrated with the most lively Sentiments, the Holiness of the Religion he professes can inspire a Christian with, he began his General Confession anew, although he had lately done it in two different recounters; and having ended it with Marks of a really Penitent Heart, he disposed himself by several Religious Acts his Confessor reminded him of, to the Sacrifice he soon after consummated, with a presence of Mind, and Devotion, which drew Tears from all the Spectators. When he came to the place of Execution, he came modestly out of his Sledge, then kneeling down, he repeated the Devout Ejaculations his Confessor fortified him with. Finally, having thus disposed himself above an hour and a half long to this last action of his Life, he was desired to make himself ready to receive the stroke of Death. He immediately got up, without being surprised, and having himself taken off a large Vest of Brocado he had on, he delivered it to the Executioner, who allowed him yet as much time as he desired to assure the Spectotors that he died a Son of the Catholic Church, out of which there is no Salvation; and to protest that he heartily forgave all his Enemies, to whom he did not impute his Death so much, as to his sincere Zeal for his Religion, in which he would persist with the assistance of God, to the last moment of his Life. Having said this, he turned to his Consessor, and thanked him for all his Charitable Cares, and for all the Salutary Instructions he had been pleased to give him from the happy moment in which he was first acquainted with him; he desired him not to leave him, till after his Execution, and to continue his fervent Exhortations to him, until he had delivered up his Soul into the hands of his Creator: After which, stepping into a small Retrenchment that was made on purpose, he laid himself down upon the ground that was covered with Snow, and placed his head upon the Block, in expectation of the Stroke he received soon after, pronouncing the Sacred Names of I●sus, and Mary, the sound of which was heard through his Wound, even after his Head was divided from the rest of his Body. It is impossible to express how much noise his Death caused in Moscow, and how much every body was Edified by the Zeal Father Beauvollier expressed on that occasion: It appeared sufficiently by the applause he received coming home again: Although every body was concerned at the unhappy destiny of this young Gentleman, yet they esteemed him happy to have ended his Life in the hands of a Person who had given him such holy dispositions; and nothing perhaps ever gave more Lustre to the Roman Religion, than this Example of Piety, and Charity, which for a long while was the whole Discourse of the City, which sensibly convinced all those who were Witnesses of it, how happy it is to live in a Religion, in which they Dye so Holily. There was Reason to believe that this Death would appease, and altogether stifle the sentiments of Vengeance that Party had appeared so unjustly animated with; but they resolved to add Ignominy to their Cruelty; and to that end prevailed with Prince Gallichin that the Body of the deceased, on whose Memory they would fix Infamy, should be exposed three days together in a Public Place, but the Zeal of the Catholic prevailed over the Fury of the Lutherans. The Polish Resident being exasperated at the obstinate malice of those Enemies of our Faith, went to the Emperor's Minister, and urged such strong Arguments to him, to revoke those Orders, that he could not refuse leave to remove the sad Object, which was instantly transported to the House of the Jesuits, where it was kept until it could be Buried Honourably. In order to do it with all the Magnificence that was judged necessary to check the Envy of the Cabal, a day was chosen in which all those who were considerable among the Catholics might assist at the Funeral Pomp. None was thought so proper as that of the Purification of the Virgin. I Celebrated the Mass that day, and the King of Poland's two Ministers, together with all the Catholic Officers that served in the Czars' Armies, accompanied with all the Persons of Quality among the Strangers, honoured my Sacrifice with their presence. The Afternoon was Consecrated to pay the last deuce to our Illustrious Friend, whose edifying Death had so much honoured our Faith. His Corpse being laid in a sumptuous Coffin, was carried to the place of Burial, with all the Ceremonies practised in Catholic Cities, and Buried in the Churchyard that is common to all Christian Foreigners. The thing which seemed most particular to me in that Action, An extraordinary event at his Burial. and passed for a kind of Miracle, was the surprising ease that was met in digging the Grave into which we were to lay those precious Remains, which was very extraordinary. As the Cold is very violent at Moscow in the Winter time, it hardens the ground to that degree, that it is very difficult to move it on any occasion whatever; insomuch that there is an absolute necessity to heat it with a considerable quantity of Wood, long before one begins to dig it. Those Precautions had been omitted out of forgetfulness, at the Burial of this young Man: Yet notwithstanding the Grave-diggers that were employed, far from meeting any resistance in the ground, found it as soft as if it had been moistened many Summer days by the most favourable Showers. Although I would not affirm this to be altogether Miraculous, yet at the same time I dare not contradict the Opinion of all the Spectators, who believed that God by his extraordinary Event, had been pleased to express how much he delighted in the generous Confession of his Servant. The same motive that had engaged the Envoy of Brandenburg, The Envoy of Brandenbourg thwarts our Designs. to espouse the Quarrel of the Lutherans, likewise obliged him to thwart our Designs, and to break all the measures we had endeavoured to take, to secure the success thereof: He easily gained his ends, reminding the Muscovites with the discontents of their Ambassadors in France, and in representing to them, how prejudicial the Conquest of the Palatinate was to the League they had lately concluded with the Emperor, as well as by making them jealous of the Quality of Mathematicians, his Majesty had Honoured us with. All these seeming plausible Reasons, obliged the Boyars at last, to declare against us, and to refuse us a passage, the hopes of which, had engaged us to such Charges and Fateigues. This was the result of all the Deliberations of the Council, The Council refuse to grant us a passage through Muscovy. which we were informed with at the Chancery, where the first Secretary, who had summoned us by Order from the Court, told us with a trembling Voice, returning us our Letters of Mathematicians, that the Czars Commanded us, for Reasons we could not be ignorant of, to retire forthwith out of their Dominions, and to make ourselves ready to go with the same Deputy who had Conducted us to Moscow. Notwithstanding these Orders were very pressing, and that we were forced to submit, we made a new effort with the Friends we had about Prince Gallichin, who represented to him how prejudicial this would prove to Christianity, and even disadvantageous to the Reputation of the Emperors, who seemed to confess their weakness, in choosing for the Victims of their Resentment, two Poor Religious, who had no other end, in their long Pilgrimage, than the Conversion of Infidels; nor other Interests to manage, than those of the True God, whose Word they were going to Preach to the end of the Earth. The Prince was moved by those Reasons, Prince Gallichin intercedes for us, but in vain. and whereas he had a great deal of honour, he used all his interest to prevail with the Boyars to alter their minds: But they, thinking, perhaps, that their honours were concerned in it, kept obstinately to their first Resolution, and refused to hearken to any Propositions made on our behalf. The truth is, that, had he been minded to make use of his own Authority on that occasion, he might easily have obtained from the Czars, the revocation of the Orders we have mentioned: But having already too many Enemies against him, he was obliged to sacrifice us, for fear of imbroiling himself the more, and of being involved into more troubles than he daily met with already, notwithstanding the high Post he possessed, which was not capable to secure him from the Shaft's Envy. We were very sensible, at that very time when he laboured to obtain the favour we desired, that he had a great deal of reason to behave himself prudently towards every body, and not to take too much advantage of the Credit he derived from his Place of Prime Minister, nor of the consideration the Eldest of the Czars expressed for him, as well as the Princess Sophia, whose Creature he was. This were a proper place to unravel the divers Intrigues of that Princess, who, during the Minority of the two Czars, her Brothers, took possession of the Government, in which she has continued for some years, by means of that faithful Minister; but I have bounded myself to speak of nothing but what is essential to the Relation I am writing; besides, the Public will soon receive a particular History, of whatever relates to the present State of Muscovy; therefore I shall only mention here, the different Events I have been an Eye Witness of, to satisfy the Reader, with the Reasons that have hindered us from succeeding in the discovery of a way by Land into China, which we had undertaken, and with the Sequel of our proceedings, after the Muscovites had refused to allow us a passage through their Territories. Whatever inclination Prince Gallichin had to favour our Designs, he could not possibly do it, under his present Circumstances, and two vexatious Accidents that befell him, much about one and the same time; hindered him from declaring for us, as openly as, perhaps, he would have done at another time. The first was by a private Man, who having flung himself into his Sledge, as he was going to the Palace of the Czars, threw himself upon him, and seized him by the Beard to stab him. While he was drawing his Dagger, which stuck in his Girdle, as the Muscovites commonly wear them, the Prince's Servants, who followed the Sledge, ran up to him, and stopped him just as he was about sticking it into his Breast. And yet this Wretch was not in the least daunted, but on the contrary seemed more enraged, having missed his Blow, than he was before; and without regarding the consequences of his pernicious design, he made many vain efforts to put it in execution; but finding that it was in vain, since he was overpowered, he alarmed that Prince, as much by his insolent seditious discourse, as he had frightened him by his Resolution in attacking him. Infamous Tyrant, said he to him, with an Air both Fierce and Terrible, since I have been so unfortunate as to fail in this attempt, to deliver my Country from the most horrid Monster, that ever was bred in it, by making thee a Sacrifice, know that some happier hand than mine will be found, and that among upwards of three hundred Citizens, who pity the People, that is daily oppressed by thee, some will take better measures than I have done. He was not permitted to go on; but was immediately dragged to Prison, where he was Executed, to avoid making too much noise, after having been forced by the Rack, to declare the number and quality of his Accomplices. This Outrage was followed by another, which made an end of convincing this first Minister of the extraordinary danger, to which he was daily exposed, by his great Elevation. Some days before his departure for the Army, a covered Coffin was found at his Palace Gate, with a Note in it, containing these words: Gallichin, unless the Campaign thou art going to open, prove more successful than the former, thou canst not avoid this. Those Menaces which proved as so many fatal Presages of the misfortunes that he fell him afterwards, obliged him to stand continually upon his Guard, and to avoid doing any thing that might displease the Boyars in the least, who underhand set those Instruments at Work, which pressed him so close, after his return from Krimea, that finally they caused him to be banished into Siberia, where to this hour he leads a languishing shameful life. The unfortunate Success of our Enterprise, may partly be imputed to those violent proceedings, since they hindered the Prince, who had been favourable to us all along, from opposing the decision of the Council against us, the which appeared very unreasonable, even to such among the Muscovites, who knew the Motives of our Journey. However, we were obliged to submit to the Orders we had received, and to take new measures, not only to go back to Poland; but also to follow Count Sylli into Persia, from whom we daily received fresh assurances of his sincere Resolution, to be our Conductor to the Place we were bound for, in spite of all the efforts of the Muscovites to the contrary. Having no longer any hopes of re-establishing our affairs in Muscovy, we turned all our thoughts on our return: Yet we were obliged to tarry a fortnight longer at Muscow, for fear of exposing ourselves to the Injuries we dreaded by the way; the very Polish Envoy, whom we were to accompany, looking upon it as the safest way to secure himself. It was about the time the Muscovites keep their Carnaval, Horrid excesses committed in Muscovy, at the Carnaval. which may be styled the time of the most excessive Debauches, and of the most enormous Crimes. The use of Flesh is not allowed of at that time, they only use Butter, wherewith they commit horrid excesses, and having melted it, drink it as if it were a most delicious Liquor. Neither are they sparing of Brandy, and other Liquors of that kind: Insomuch that all Muscovy, at that time, is a wretched Empire, exposed to all manner of Vices. Violences, Persidiousness, and Treasons, are committed in it Licentiously, and woe to those Strangers, who appear abroad at that time, without being very well guarded. The disorders were yet much greater formerly, and Murders more common, than they are at present; however, I was informed, that the first Night of those brutish rejoicings, to the end of which we were obliged to tarry; above forty Persons were killed in the City of Moscow only, and that the People, who out of a strange Impious Superstition, draw good or ill Omens for that year, according to the number of those that are Murdered at that time, seemed dissatisfied with the inconsiderableness of that small number, which was nothing, in comparison of the preceding years. At that very time the youngest of the Czars, Marriage of the youngest Czars. who was about eighteen years of Age, Married the Daughter of a private Officer of the Army, his Marriage was proclaimed to all the City by the sound of the great Bell, which is one of the finest in the World. It contains about 20 Foot Diameter, 40 in height, and at this very time a Cubit in thickness, altho' they have been obliged to take away 40000 pound of Metal from it, to make it sound. As it is extremely Massy, the only way to sound it, is to strike upon it with a Hammer, which is seldom done but on Twelfth-day, which is the greatest day of the year among the Muscovites, or when the Prince Marries. The Marriage of the Czars is seldom published until it be performed, by reason of the danger that would attend the discovering of it sooner. For whereas it is an established Custom among them, never to make any Alliance with a Foreign Crown, they are obliged to choose a Wife in their own Dominions, among the Daughters of their Subjects: But as the Person they make choice of, is exposed to the Envy of the others, the vexation they receive by that preference, inflaming them to a desire of vengeance on their Rivals, as well as on the Prince, by whom they are refused; they are necessitated to take the Precautions I have mentioned to avoid those misfortunes that are but too frequent. The young Prince, within a few days after his Marriage, was seized with the Falling-Sickness, a Distemper that is Hereditary to all his Family. It was looked upon at first, as an effect of the Jealousy of the several Families that had been excluded from the Honour to which they aspired, but this accident not being attended with any other ill Consequences, they continued the rejoicings that are common on those occasions. The Polish Envoy, finding Muscovy restored to its former Tranquillity, set forward for Poland; we accompanied him to the confines of Lethuania, from whence we proceeded to Warsaw, where we met a Protector, Heaven had raised us, to recompense all our passed Sufferings, who by his Credit opened a way for us, as far as Constantinople, where he caused us to be Conducted, with as much Generosity as good Fortune, as will be seen by the Sequel of this History. The End of the Fourth Book.. TRAVELS IN MOLDAVIA. Book the Fifth. IF the constancy God inspires amidst the greatest Misfortunes, that seem most to oppose our designs, is a sensible proof that God approves them, we have a great deal of reason to believe, that the discovery of a way to China by Land, which we had undertaken, has been agreeable to him, since, that far from being disgusted, by all the difficulties we have met in it, we never had greater hopes of Success, than at the time when they seemed altogether desperate. After the refusal we had from the Muscovites, we had but one resourse for the execution of our Project, which was to follow Count Sylli into Persia, whose good Intentions, seconded by his admirable Qualifications, promised us a more prosperous, and more certain Success, than that we had flattered ourselves with till then. Indeed, Our perplexities at our return from Muscovy. it was a very great risk, to venture on so long a Journey, after all our passed Fatigues; a thousand dangers seemed to attend our enterprise of going for Constantinople, at a time when the War between the Christians and the Infidels, seemed to shut up all the Avenues thither; but what can be impossible, when seconded by the Grace of God, we abandon ourselves to the care of Providence? Notwithstanding the dangerous conjunctures of that time, we took our measures to pass into the East, and to leave no means unattempted to succeed therein. We applied ourselves at first to the Emperor's Envoy, The Emperor's Envoy refuses us Passes. called jerowski, who was at Warsaw at that time, thinking he would not refuse us the Passports we wanted to go to Vienna, from whence we might easily repair to Buda, and from thence to the first City, possessed by the Grand Signior, upon the Danube. Some Political Reasons having hindered that Minister from favouring our Designs, Heaven fortunately inspired us with the thoughts of applying ourselves to the Great General of Poland, We apply ourselves to the Great General of Poland. whom we only knew by the extraordinary and admirable things, we had formerly been told, and were still daily published about him. The Civility and Kindness he expressed to us, the first time we had the honour to speak with him, soon convinced us of the truth of those reports; and we had leisure to discover in the sequel, during two months' time, in which we conversed with him, that his Reputation, tho' great, was much below his Merit. This Lord, the most lovely, He receives us very kindly. and the most beloved of any in Poland, being informed with all our past Adventures and with the Motive which made us apply ourselves to him, made us very sensible, from that very moment, that he took a great deal of Interest in our Concerns, and how much he desired we should rely upon him for the execution of our Enterprise. My dear Fathers, said he, embracing us, being Frenchmen, Jesuits, and Missionaries, as you are, you need not question but I will be proud to serve you: Whatever vexation you have received from the Muscovites, by the refusal of the Passage you desned of them, I cannot be displeased with them, for the trouble they have occasioned you, since it affords me an opportuninity to serve you. As the only favour your Zeal requires, is to put you in a way to reach Constantinople, assure yourselves, that I will get you thither. If you have no business here, prepare yourselves to go to Leopold with me, and there we will take all necessary measures for the Jonrney you undertake for the Glory of God. Tho' Father Beauvollier, and myself, We follow him to Leopold, where he entertained us two Months, at his Palace. were extremely tired with the fatigues of our return, and stood in want of rest, we received new Vigour, upon the agreeable assurances our generous Protector was pleased to give us, and we followed him full of Joy and Confidence to Leopold, which is the place of his usual Residence. As soon as we came there, He dispatches two Couriers to secure us a Passage from Poland to Constantinople. he dispatched two Couriers, the one to the Hospodar of Woldavia, and the other to the Bashaw of Caminiec, who were best able to favour our Passage at that dangerous time. Besides his Application to remove all the difficulties that stood in our way, We receive extraordinary marks of his kindness, during our abode with him. he extended his care to our Persons, with an extraordinary kindness. Being sensible that we had suffered considerably in our last Voyage of Muscovy, he omitted nothing that was capable to restore us to our former Health, in order to enable us to perform that we were shortly to undertake. He entertained us in his own Palace, in which he gave us a five conveniont Apartment, and would in no wise permit us to Lodge with our Fathers, that are settled at Leopold. We remained there about two Months, in expectation of the return of the Couriers; during which time, we sensibly discovered the singular favour we had received from Heaven, in the Potent Protection of the incomparable Palatin of Russia, whose Holy Example served as much to animate our Zeal for the Service of God, as his Eminent Qualifications, to challenge our admiration of him. This Illustrious General, Character of the Great General of Poland. whose Heroic Actions have rendered his Name as formidable to the Enemies of the Faith, as venerable in all Europe, possessed, to the highest degree, all the advantages of Mind and Body, that may concur towards the forming of an accomplished Hero. His Air is Noble, his Port Majestic, his Heart Great, his Genius Incomparable, his Humour Agreeable, his Behaviour Charming; he is Learned, Curious, Magnificent, Liberal, Prudent in all his Military Expeditions, Undaunted in Danger, Bold in all his undertake for the good of his Religion, and the advantage of the State. But that which surpasseth all his Noble Qualifications, is, the solid Piety he professes, the which he joins so admirably to the Functions of his Place, that he passes for the Bravest and most Religious Lord in Poland He daily allows himself two or three hours for Prayer, he hears several Masses every Morning, he employs a considerable time in reading of Books of Devotion, he often participates to the Holy Mysteries, and always disposes himself to that great Action, by a Rigorous Fast. Although he is a severe observer of Virtue, his Conversation is sweet and engaging: He argues incomparably well upon all Subjects, insomuch that every body delights in his Conversation; he loves to be among the Learned, and is seldom without some about him. Above all, he delights in discoursing of Mathematics and History. We have often had the honour to pass the best part of the Night with him, to observe some Constellations, and some Planets, with several fine Mathematical Instruments he sometimes employs. Besides all this, he has a very particular Respect for our King. Having thus described some of the Virtues of the Illustrious jablonowski, no body will be surprised at the high Reputation, wherewith Heaven rewards his Merit, and has given him the most accomplished Family, that can possibly be seen. Besides, the two Palatines of Plock and of Posnania his Daughters, who are two Models of Virtue for all the Polish Ladies to imitate, he has three Sons, who, like their August Father, are the delights of all Poland. The two first have already some of the most considerable employments in the Army, where they distinguish themselves, not only by their Bravery, and other excellent Qualifications, but also by their Regular Christian Behaviour, for which they gratefully acknowledge themselves indebted, in part, to th● good Education they have received in th● College of Lewis the 14th. The third● who begins already to imitate his Brothers likewise promises much. The Wit an● Vivacity he discovers in his tender years are infallible signs of what he will prov● one day, after having received the same Education with his lovely Brothers, whose room he is coming to supply. I have never had the happiness to see the Virtuous Mother of those Children; she dved 〈◊〉 little before my first arrival in Poland; but by all the Commendations I have heard of her, and by what I have learn● from the Incomparable Palatine, her Husband, I do not in the least wonder at the Virtue of their Noble Offspring. While we began to enjoy the sweets, Endeavours are used, in vain, to make the Great General of Poland jealous of us. of the Potent Protection of our generous Benefactor, we were informed, with a great deal of trouble, that the Emperor's Envoy, I have already mentioned, used all his Interest to cross our designs, and to create Jealousies about us. He was not satisfied with having refused us the Passports we had desired of him, but he used, moreover, his utmost endeavours, both by word of Mouth and in Writing, to ruin our Credit with the Great General of Poland. Nay, more, he prevailed with Persons of great Note to do the same. They did all they could to persuade him that we were dangerous Spies; and publicly reported, that we had taken the exact Plan of the strongest places in Poland, to make a present of them to the Grand Signior. But all their attempts proved vain, the Person they went about to persuade, having too much Sense and Generosity to be imposed upon by them. Notwithstanding their earnest Solicitations, the Motives of which we did not discover till we came into Moldavia: We still received new favours from the great Palatin of Russia, who, far from forsaking us, daily loaded us with fresh Obligations, being fully persuaded that their Animosity against us was very ill grounded. He sufficiently testified, on all occasions, that his Sentiments were much more advantageous for us, than those they endeavoured to inspire in him; and that he was very well satisfied with the uprightness of our Intentions, by the extraordinary care he took to secure us the Passage, which his Zeal for the Glory of God inclined him to procure for us. The two Couriers, we had expected so long, being arrived with the most favourable answers we could expect, the Great General thought it more proper for us to go by the way of Moldavia, than that of Caminiec, whether he judged the first less dangerous, or whether he did not confide so much in the Bassa, with whom he had no great acquaintance, as he did in the Hospodar, whom he looked upon as his particular Friend. The Sequel soon made us sensible, God's Providence over us, in the Choice the Great General of Poland mad for us, in the choice of the way of Moldavia, instead of Caminiec. that this determination was a very particular effect of the Providence of God over us: For soon after our arrival at Yassy, which is the Metropolitan of Moldavia, we heard that some Armenians, who had not been able to join us to pass from Poland to Constantinople, had unfortunately met a Party of Tartars, near Caminiec, who had plundered them, and beaten them to that degree, that they remained half dead upon the spot. Besides these Judicious precautions, which testified the Zeal of our incomparable Benefactor for the success of our Journey, His obliging care, 〈◊〉 have us safely conducted to Constantinople. he gave us many other sensible proofs of his goodness, before our departure. He did not only Equip us, and give us whatever was necessary to defray the Charges of our Journey, but he obliged us, moreover, to take one of his Servants along with us, to be our Guide and Interpreter as far as Constantinople, and a Guard of thirty Moldavian Troops, whom he charged not to leave us, until they had conducted us to the Hospodar. He writ to that Prince, and other Persons who could facilitate our Journey, in such a manner, that we were received every where, as if we had been his Children. But as considerable as all these favours were, nothing made more impression upon us, than the Tenderness and Affection he expressed to us at parting: It wrought so powerfully upon us, that it was impossible for us to express our gratitude to him, for all his extraordinary favours, otherwise than by our Signs and Tears, to which this Noble Lord showed us that he was not insensible. Being thus loaded with the Liberalities of the great Palatin of Russia, Having crossed Pokutia, we arrive at the confines of Moldavia. and accompanied by several of his Attendants, we crossed part of Podolia, and of Pokutia, and lastly arrived at the Castle of jablonow, from which the Illustrious Family of the jablonowski derives its Name. There we took the Guard which accompanied us to a small City of Moldavia, called Campolongo, which the Great General has made himself Master of, since the beginning of the War between the Poles and Turks, to keep the Moldavians in awe, and to hinder them from making Incursions upon his Lands. Before we reached thither, We cross the Forest of the Boukovines, famous by the glorious actions of the Great General of Poland. we were obliged to engage ourselves in the famous Forest of the Boukovines, the extent of which contains above forty Leagues, the same which has been made so famous by the great Victories the Great General of Poland gained there, some years ago over the Turks and Tartars, which came with numerous Forces, commanded by Sultan Galga, with an intention to make an Irruption into Poland. The Passage of the Forest is very difficult, The Passage of it is dangerous and uneasy. the Roads are bad and narrow, and the Ground is soaked every where by a foul. Marshy Water, which renders them almost impracticable. However, we were necessitated to pass through it, and to follow those oblique disagreeable Roads, the end of which I thought we should never have seen. But the illness of the Way was not the thing that troubled us most; the surprise of the Thiefs alarmed us yet much more: And as soon as we were got a pretty way into that horrid Solitude, we discovered several Separate Bands of them; but our Conductors being known to them, their Companions no sooner perceived them but they retired. Thus we got safe out of the Boukovines, and entered into the Plains of Moldavia, where we Travelled some time with more satisfaction, than we had done in the gloomy Forests we came out. Moldava is one of the Finest and Pleasantest Provinces in Europe. Description of Moldavia. There are great Plains watered by divers Rivers, the chief of which is the Moldava, which has turnings and windings, not unlike the Seine; and seems, throughout its whole extent, to carry Plenty every where. Those Waters would certainly render those Plains very Fruitful, and would contribute to make that Province one of the Richest in Europe, were it less exposed to the Insults of the Turks and Tartars; but the Forces, that the one and the other of them continually send through it, to defend Caminiec, have destroyed it so much, that it lies unmanured in many places, for want of Inhabitants to Cultivate it, especially in the Eastern part, which confines to Tartary, where such of the Inhabitants that live in the open Country, are obliged to dig Lodges under Ground, to avoid the fury of those implacable Enemies of Christianity. Having crossed those Plains without any difficulty, Our arrival at Yassy, the Metropolitan of Moldavia. we arrived at Campolongo, where we took a fresh Guard, which Conducted us with as much Fidelity and Success as the first, to the Metropolitan of Moldavia. When we came near to it, we sent our Interpreter before, according to our Orders from the Great General of Poland, to present our humble Respects to the Hospodar, until we were in a condition to do it ourselves. We really expected much from the Recommendations of the Grand General, and the Letters he had given us for that Prince; but yet had we been able to foresee the effect they were to produce, we should have begged that Palatin to moderate his kindness, and to spare us a little more. The Hospodar, who had more regard for the pressing Letters of the General, than for our Character of Religious, put no bounds to his Respects; and I question whether he could have done more to the Ambassadors of the greatest Prince on Earth. As soon as he had notice of our arrival, How were we received by the Hospodar. he assigned us a convenient house, and the same day he sent us one of his Secretaries, to Congratulate our Arrival, and to let us know that he was impatient to see us. The next day he sent us his Coach, and a Guard of fifty Soldiers, together with the Lord Chancellour's Son to be our Interpreter: We were Conducted in this manner to his Palace, where the Hospodar expected us. All the Militia was in Arms in very good order, from our Lodgings to the Court. Being alighted, we found two Gentlemen who tarried for us to lead us to the Audience. They lead us under the Arms up a pair of Stairs of about thirty steps, and so into the great Hall, where the Barons of the State did commonly Assemble. There were a great many of them there at that time; we saluted them as we passed along, and then went up to the Prince's Closet, at the Door of which we met the Master of the Ceremonies, who introduced us. As soon as we appeared, The Conversation we had with him. the Hospodar arose from his Throne, and stepped forward to receive us. He entertained us with all the Civility imaginable, above two hours long. We made our Compliment to him, to which he answered in a very obliging manner; after which, having commanded us to sit down, he turned the Conversation upon the Conquests of our King, of which we gave him a particular account, wherewith he was very much delighted, as it appeared by the obliging words he spoke to us, as we were going; seeming then to have forgot his Rank and Dignity, Dear Fathers, said he to us, since the King, whom you have the honour to belong to, and under whose Influence you are going to Preach the Gospel to the utmost extremities of the World, is so accomplished a Monarch, that he challenges admiration from all the Earth, I beg your Friendship as a Favour, that I may have the satisfaction, for the future, to reckon among my Friends two Subjects, and two Mathematicians, belonging to so great a Monarch. We did not expect to receive such honours at that Prince's Court; and though we had foreseen it, we could not have avoided it, considering the great Recommendations he had received from the Great General of Poland, who had written to him, and to all the Officers of his Acquaintance, to receive us like his own Children, and to be as tender of us as of his own Eyes. It was the Hospodar's Interest to receive us as he did, The true Motive that induced the Hosspodar to receive us as he did. thereby to cover the Conspiracy he was framing against Poland, the which we discovered soon after our arrival, notwithstanding all their precautions to keep it from our knowledge. I will relate the reality of this Intrigue in few words, the which this Envoy jerowski designed to keep us ignorant of, by opposing our passage through Moldavia. Constantin Cantemir Hospodar of Moldavia, being conscious of the piece of Treachery he had been guilty of four or five years ago towards the King of Poland, feared with reason, that should his Territories once be subjected to that Crown, the King would be revenged of the infidelity he committed during the Campaign of Budziac: He had promised the King, who advanced as far as jassy, the Metropolis of his Territories, to take an Oath of Allegiance to him, and solemnly to acknowledge his dependency on Poland, and to supply his Army with all necessary Provisions: But while he amused that Prince within a League of the City by the Deputies he continually sent to him, he fled another way with the Inhabitants, who carried away whatever they could remove. The King entered the City with his Army, which committed great Spoils there, and reduced it to the miserable Condition in which we have seen it. This violence of the Soldiers, though just, The Emperors makes Propositions to them, to put themselves under Protection of the Government. contributed very much to incense the Moldavians against the Poles, and particularly a considerable number of Grecians who are the chief boyer's of that little Court. They willingly harkened to the Propositions that were made to them from the Emperor, by a Deputy who was sent thither on purpose, and they promised each other an inviolable secrecy, which they swore upon the Holy Gospel. The Hospodar obliged the Illustrious Mir●n Lord High Chancellor of the State, to take the same Oath, altho' both he, and all his Family, and the Great General of Moldavia his Kinsman seemed very much affected to the Interest of Poland, but he could not oblige him to Sign that Treaty, without reiterated menaces of cutting-off his Head, and to extirpate his Family, which is the most considerable in that Province. This Treaty, Articles of the Treaty between the Emperor, and the Hospodar. which had been lately concluded, and which all the Boyars had been obliged to Sign, consisted of five Articles. I. The first was, that Moldavia should be under the Protection and Dependency of the Emperor, for which tke Hospodar should be obliged to pay him a Tribute of Fifty Thousand Crowns. II. The Second, That the Emperor should furnish him a sufficient Body of Men to force the Poles out of Campolongo, and other Places of Moldavia in which they kept Garrisons, and that he should assist him, whenever he should be engaged in War against Poland. III. The Third, That the said Emperor in his Treaty of Peace with the Port, should oblige the Grand Seignor to set the Hospodar's Eldest Son at Liberty, whom he kept as an Hostage at Constantinople. IV. The Fourth, That the Principality of Moldavia should be Hereditary to the Descendants of the Hospodar. V. The Fifth, Finally, that the Emperor should allow the Schismatics the free Exercise of their Religion, and that he should never press the Moldavians to be reunited to the Roman Church. This Treaty was just concluded when we arrived at jassy, The Agent who managed this Treaty, is concerned at our Arrival. and the Agent who had been employed about it, was very much concerned at our coming there, lest we should disabuse the Court from all the false Reports he had spread against France, to gain his Ends the better. And indeed we did so, even before we had heard any thing about the Treaty, and discovered the falsity of the News he had spread that the French had been totally Defeated near the Danube, thereby, as he thought, to give a greater Idea of the Emperor's Power. We had the satisfaction to see that Court absolutely undeceived in what related to France, during our short abode there, and to inspire them with Sentiments very different from those they had before our Arrival. And this without doubt was the Reason which induced the Hospodar to treat us yet more respectfully, and with greater kindness at our last Audience, than he had done at the first. I am apt to believe that his Proceedings at that time put him to a great loss at present: But the Evil is done, and I doubt it will not be long before he finds the effect of it, and that the Polanders, or the Turks, to punish him for endeavouring to withdraw from under their Dominions, will totally ruin that wretched Principality, the which without having had any War, is at present the most ruinated Province in Europe. The Hospodar detained us a Week at jassy, The Hospodar gives us Letters and Passports for the Seraskier of the Turks. for the expediting of the Letters and Passports we wanted to go to the Serasquier, who was Encamped upon the Danube, on the Confines of Moldavia, We received them at last at the coming out of the last Audience the Hospodar was pleased to give us, with the Ceremonies that were used in the first. While we were employed about our departure, Before our departure from Jassy, we receive a Letter from the Great General of Poland. we received with a great deal of joy, a Letter from the Great General of Poland, which satisfied us, that he had not forgot us during our absence, and that he preserved the same tenderness for us, which he had formerly given us such signal proofs of. Although it proceeded from a Heart a little too prepossessed in our Favour; I cannot forbear incerting it here, to avoid the just reproaches I should be liable to, should I suppress any of the Favours we have received from that Great Man, who has put no bounds to his kindness towards us: It was conceiv●d in these terms. Reverend Fathers, I Want words to express my grief for your absence, A Copy of his Letter. and I shall never be at rest until. I receive certain news of your safe arrival at Constantinople. I am overjoyed to hear that you are safely arrived upon the Confines of Moldavia, and that my Men have performed their Duty by the way. God grant you as prosperous a journey, not only to Constantinople, but also into China. I shall not be wanting on my part to make it my earnest request to him, and to entreat him to preserve you, and to prosper your Great and Pious Designs. Your Acquaintance, the kindness that engages me to you, and the Confidence you reposed in me, in making your application to me, will never be razed out of my Mind and Heart: I am very sorry I could detain you no longer, and that I could no longer enjoy the satisfaction I received in your Company. I shall esteem myself very happy, in the Sequel, to find an occasion to do you more considerable Services, than those you have hitherto desired of me. You will oblige me infinitely to let me hear from you as often as you can: In the mean time I desire you to remember me still, especially in your Holy Sacrifices, together with all my Family; and I do particularly recommend to you the Soul of my Wife of Blessed Memory. And assure yourselves that no body can be more than I am Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant JABLONOWSKI. Palatin of Russia, and Great General of Poland. The Consolation we received by the generous assurances the General of Poland gave us, We cross the remainder of Moldavia, and arrive at the Turkish Camp. of the continuance of his kindness, supported us in all our Journey. We departed from jassy with the Convoy the Hospodar gave us, and after four days March we arrived at Galatz, which is a small Town Situate upon the Danube, where we found a Bark ready, which conducted us safe to the Turkish Camp, which was about 5 hours distant from thence. As soon as the Seraskier's Lieutenant received notice of our arrival, he assigned us a House in the nearest Burrow to the Camp, and sent some janissaries to secure us against the injuries we might have received from the Soldiers of the Army. He used us thus Civilly, because he had been informed by our Convoy that we were Frenchmen, and that the King had done us the Honour to send us with the Quality of his Mathematicians. The next day the Seraskier from whom we had desired an Audience to deliver the Letters we had received from the Hospodar, The Seraskier gives us an Audience. sent us a Chaoux followed by three janissaries, with two Turkish Horses Richly Harnessed, to conduct us to him, and thereby to evidence the great Respect the Ottomans bear to our Great Monarch. As we had been obliged to disguise ourselves, to pass more securely through all those Schismatical Infidel Countries, where our Clothing would have exposed us to many affronts, we found ourselves once more engaged to play a part that did not please us, the which we retained no longer, than while we judged it proper to advance the Work of God, which we had undertaken. We went in State, being conducted by the General's Officers to deliver the Letters we had received from the Hospodar of Moldavia. The Seraskier who expected us under his Tent, surrounded by all his Icoglans Richly attired, received us with an air altogether grave and serious, according to the Custom of the Turks, and having answered our Compliment pretty civilly, he told us that he had ordered his Kiaia to give us satisfaction in what we had to propose to him. We were better pleased with the reception of this Lieutenant of the Turkish Army, We Visit his Lieutenant. than with the Seraskier's. Although he was a Grecian, and an Apostate, he treated us with all the Civility imaginable: He presented us at first with the usual Liquors, and Perfumes; he was very well pleased with our Letters of Mathematicians, and having some Skill himself in Geometry, and Astronomy, he obliged us to entertain himself a considerable time, and proposed some questions upon those Matters to us. While we were employed in explaining them to him, a young Man entered his Tent in great heat, A vexatious Adventure, which happened to us in the Turkish Camp. who having kissed his Vest, delivered some Letters to him from the Seraskier, that had been intercepted some days before near Kaminiec, the which he had received that very moment. They had been taken from a Polander, disguised like a Tartar, and they having observed a Crown in the Seal, imagined straight that they came from the King of Poland, and that we, who were lately come out of that Prince's Territories, would undoubtedly know the Contents of them. The Seraskier's Secretary, who was a wretched Renegado, came into the Tent where we were, with this wicked supposition, and showed us those Letters, and would needs have it that we were acquainted with the Secret that was hid under cyphers which he did not understand. He used his utmost endeavours to discover the Mystery thereof, he put several odd questions to us, and forgot nothing that he thought might put us to a loss. However, we cleared ourselves, notwithstanding all his Malicious Interrogations, and having acquainted the Ki●ia, how much our profession was opposed to all Worldly Intrigues, which we had long since forsaken, to apply ourselves entirely to the Service of the true God; we told him, to disabuse him quite, that those Letters came from the King our Master's Ambassador in Poland, and that they were written to him that he was sending to the Port, who would be very much surprised to hear that the Courier who carried them had been thus unjustly stopped. We acquainted him at the same time, in presence of the Secretary, with the difference of the Coronets that are used in Europe upon Coats of Arms, and explained to them in general the manner of using Ciphers, which they seemed very well pleased with; and it also made them sensible that it was impossible for us to unravel the Mystery of the Ciphers they saw, which caused so much jealousy in them. However, notwithstanding they seemed satisfied with our Sincerity, The Turks being jealous of us, confine us. this unhappy Adventure created a thousand suspicions in them to our disadvantage; but whereas our Letters of Mathematicians had gained us some credit among them, they caused us to be conducted back to our house, in the same Order we came from thence; altho' at the same time, to be the more sure of us, they gave us some new janissaries, and ordered them to have a watchful eye upon us, and not to suffer any body to speak to us. This precaution did not hinder some Renegadoes, Some Renegadoes being troubled in mind, come to us by stealth. whom the News of our arrival had checked, to come to us by stealth; and whereas they seemed exceedingly concerned at the unhappy Condition in which they were obliged to live, after their having basely abandoned their Religion, we endeavoured to encourage them, and persuaded them to take such measures as were necessary, to draw them out of it as soon as could be. The Turks themselves being moved by a certain Curiosity, often deceived the assiduity and vigilance of our Guards: We had several Conferences with them about Religion; which convinced us, that it was a vulgar Erour to believe, that a Mahometan never enters into any Dispute; and that it is not lawful for him to propose any doubt in case of Religion, though never so desirous to inform himself of the truth of that which he professes, and to know those, that are opposite to it. In the mean while, as we heard nothing from the Chiefs, and that we were still kept very close, tho' otherwise we received no other ill treatment from them, we desired a new Audience from the Kia●a, to know what Resolution had been taken in our Case. He received us as kindly as at the first time, and having Discoursed us above four hours, upon several Mathematical Questions, he assured us that they only tarried for the return of a Courier, whom they had sent to the Grand Visier to dismiss us, since they durst not permit us to go any further, without leave from him. However, this was only a put-off, and had we tarried until the return of the Express, whom they pretended to have sent, we should have tarried long enough in their C& but the Abbot Girardin having been informed by a Spy, how we were used by the Turks, complained to the Grand Visier about it, who ordered us to be put at Liberty again, after five Weeks Confinement. The Seraskier having received Orders by an Express to release us, The Seraskier releases us by the Grand Visier's Order. had no sooner acquainted us with the Orders he had received from the Port, but we immediately crossed the Danube, and instead of going through Romania, where we feared some new Adventure, we Embarked upon that River for Kili, which is a little Town of the Lower Arabia, where we were assured to meet with a Saique ready to Sail for Constantinople. In going down towards the Mouth of that River, we met a Bark, which carried the Pay of the janissaries: This Encounter proved advantageous to us: for one of them who had undertaken to conduct us thither, made the more haste, in order to return time enough to receive his pay. As soon as we came thither, the Patron of the Saique being informed of our design, came to offer us a place aboard his Vessel, we agreed about our Passage, and disposed ourselves to go away the next day, he having assured us that he would tarry no longer. He kept his word punctually, and weighed Anchor at the appointed time, and having reached the Mouth of the Danube, we tarried a whole day there for a favourable Wind, to set out to Sea. In the mean time our Captain and his Men remained upon the Watch all Night for fear of being surpriz●d by the Cossacks, One makes a st●p at the mouth of the Danube. who often come to that place, The Cossacks come sometimes in small B●ats, to attack the largest Ships. there to insult the Ships they can attack with advantage: To this end they straggle up and down in light Sloops, that are so little, that they cannot contain above one Man: They are covered at top by a well stretched Leather, which hinders the Water from getting into them; a Cossack sits in the middle of it with a pair of Oars to guide himself, and has his Arms by him to Combat in case of necessity. A hundred of those small Boats sometimes surround a Ship, in order to make themselves Masters of it; and thus one is often exposed to be surpriz●d by those dangerous Pirates, unless one be in a Condition to make a good defence, and stand continually upon ones Guard. The next day a North East Wind arising, We reach the Black-Sea. soon carried us in open Sea, which cannot be done easily, by reason that the Danube being very shallow at the Mouth of it, it must be continually sounded, and great care taken to avoid the Banks of Sand that are very dangerous, as we found it soon after our having weighed our Anchors. The third day of our Navigation, towards night we discovered the Coast of Asia, and perceived the Beacon that stands at the Entrance of Bosphorus: We discover the Beacon of the Black-Sea, after three days Navigation. but whereas it was night we were obliged to tack about for fear of stranding somewhere or other. This Precaution seemed really necessary, The Pilot's want of Experience exposes us to the danger of a Shipwreck. but yet it had like to have cost us our Lives; for while the Men were employed about it, the Wind and the great Sea, against which the Turks know not how to defend themselves, agitated our Ship to that degree, that we were upon the point of being Shipwrecked, but every body put a hand to work not to be lost in the Port; we passed all the Night in that agitation and fear, and it proved the worst that ever I passed in my Life. However, we continued to steer our Course the next day at break of day, Over arrival at Constantinople. and being got happily into the Canal, we discovered the Great and Famous City of Constantinople, the Prospect of which is incomparably fine. We advanced as far as the Port of Galata to dis-imbark, and being come ashore, we went directly to the Jesuits House. We were informed there with the arrival of Monsieur de Chateau Neuf at Gallipoli, We tarry there for Monsieur de Chateau Neuf the King's Ambassador at the Port. where he was stopped near three Weeks by contrary Winds. We were obliged to tarry for him, to deliver some Letters of Consequence to him, from the great General of Poland, and to obtain an Order by his means from the Caimacan of Constantinople, for the safety of our Passage into Persia. Having obtained it, and being almost upon the point of our departure, A new accident stops our Project. I was unfortunately seized for the third time in less than a year, with a cruel spitting of Blood, which broke all our. Measures, the Physicians and our Fathers obliging me to go back into France, to endeavour my Cure. While the Ship, that was to carry back Madam de Girardin, after the decease of the late Ambassador her Husband, was preparing to go away, I employed the little time I had left, to prepare myself also: At that time above Six Score Christian Slaves Saved themselves, one of which had the Confidence to fling himself on board our Ship before the face of his Aga, who was passing by in a small Boat: On the 23d of October we hoist our Sails, the Ambassadrice, and the Abbot Girardin her Brother-in-Law being come on Board, who were received with the discharge of all the Cannon, which echoed throughout the whole Bosphorus. Whereas the Man of War called the Adventurer, which was to carry us, The Captains Orde's for the Regulation of their Course. had engaged to Convoy a Bark and a Tartane which were going back into France. They weighed their Anchors as soon as she, having first received the following Orders from our Illustrious Captain for the regulation of their Course, and for what they were to do in case of a Combat, Viz. In case the Adventurer prepares for a Combat, he shall signify as much by a Blue Pennant under the fane of his Main Mast, whereupon both Ships shall likewise prepare for it. In case the Adventurer thinks fit the two Ships should go before him, he shall put a White and Red Pennant under the fane of his Mizzen Mast, in which case they shall place themselves in a file before him, and when he shall remove it, they shall return behind him as before, and Sail like him. In case he would have them to remain under the Wind, he shall put out a Blue and White Pennant at the end of the Yard of the great Scuttle. In case he would have them keep above the Wind, he shall place a White Penn●nt under the fane of the Top-gallant. In case he would have the Masters to burn their Ships, and to come on board of him with their Sloops, he shall signify as much by placing a Red Pennant at the end of the Main Yard. In case he would have them to look out for a Neighbouring Harbour, he shall put out a white Streamer at the end of his Mizzen Yard, When he shall desire to speak with the Bark, he shall put out a Blue Pennant at the end of his Ancient-Staff, and his Flag in the same place, to call the Tartane All things being thus disposed, and the Signals as aforesaid given, we passed the Seven Towers at the beginning of the Night with a good Northerly Wind, the which blowing briskly, we soon crossed the Sea of Marmora, and the next day being the 24th, we reached the Canal of Gallipoli betimes. We met the Ottoman Fleet there at an Anchor, composed of Eleven Great Ships only, in the middle of which appeared the Ship of Captain Paul a Famous Pirate of Legorn very much disabled, who having fought some days before like a Lion against the Algerines, and Turks together, was at last obliged to yield to their numbers, and to surrender after an obstinate Combat. As soon as we perceived this Fleet, An Officer is dispatched to the Captain Bassa to agree about the Salutation. we sent out an officer of the Ship to the Captain Bassa, to agree about the Salutation: but that General having answered that the Grand Seignior's Ships never returned any Salute while they lay at an Anchor; we passed by without any Ceremony on either side, and we came immediately over against the Old Castles, where we were obliged to Anchor, to tarry for the Tartane, that had not been able to follow us. We passed the night very quietly in that place, and the next day being the 25th, we set Sail again about Nine in the Morning with a fair Wind. We Saluted the Old Castles as we passed by with five Cannon shot, to which they answered with nine sharp: we did the same passing by the two new ones, which answered with as many Shot as the former. I am now very sensible that I was in a very great Error, The Castles of the Dardanella are not so strong as they are reported to be. when I imagined, that those Castles were impregnable: Nothing can be more simple than those Forts; the which, excepting some Ramparts, have nothing that can defend them. The truth is, there are some large Pieces of Cannon in them, the effects of which appeared to me very inconsiderable. The rebounds of the Boulets of the Old Castles indeed reached far beyond the middle of the Canal, but those of the last could hardly reach it. What should hinder eight or ten great Ships, that may easily pass there upon the same Line, from covering themselves on the Flanks on both sides, with other Ships, and from Steering their Course as far as Constantinople? As soon as we got out of the Canal, We pass over against Tenedo, Troy, Metelin, and Schio. of which those four Forts defend the Entrance, we discovered the Isle of Tenedo, together with the City that bears the same name, without being able to observe any particular thing there, or in the Famous City of Troy, which stands opposite to it. Virgil tells us more of it in his Verses, where he describes the ruins of it, than we could find by our Eyes. The Wind continuing to blow briskly, we soon after discovered the Isle of Metelin, and having during the Night passed the Golf, one must pass, steering ones Course towards Smirna, we found ourselves the next day over-against Schio. The North Wind having sorsaken us there, The Wind becomes contrary. we had a Calm for three or four days, which was followed by a Southerly Wind, which being directly contrary to us, we tried in vain to reach the Canal, that lies between the Isles of Schio and Ipsera; and, the Sea being very rough at the same time, we were obliged to steer above those two Isles, in order to reach the Port of St. George of Schirro, where we thought fit to put in for considerable Reasons. Having lost two Passengers since we embarqu●d, The ill weather, and the fear of a Plague, obliges them to put in at St. George of Schirro. and being fearful of a Contagious Distemper among our Men, by reason of some Plague-Sores that had been observed about one of those that died, Monsieur de la Roque-Perin our Captain resolved to Anchor in the Port that is formed by that Island, in order to cause his Men to be visited, and to ease the Ambassadrice, who was very ill by continual Vomitings occasioned by the toss of the Ship. We entered happily into it, and having found a good ground, we dropped our Anchors, and undesignedly alarmed a small French Bark that likewise Anchored there. However, we put out our Colours to reassure her, but she looking upon it as a Snare to catch her, durst not draw near us. While time was allowed her to satisfy herself who we were, the Commissary of our Ship was sent on Shoar, to get some Provisions, by reason that ours began to fail. Some Officers followed him to divert themselves with Hunting: In the mean while the Patron of the Bark, which we had discovered to be French by her Colours, which she hung out having descried ours, not coming up to us, like the other Ships that had followed us, we sent a Sloop to her to mind her of her duty. Whereupon the Patron immediately weighed Anchor, and having Saluted our Ship in passing by her, he came on Board to Salute our Captain, who strait caused a Strappado to be prepared for him, for having tarried so long to submit to the King's Colours. But my Lady Ambassadrix obtained his Pardon, and he came off with the fear. The same day about Eight at night the Hunter's being come back from the Village of St. George, A satal Accident happened to the Commissary of our Ship. brought us the ●ews of the fatal death of our Commissary, who was killed by one of our Store-keepers, who shot him in the Right Shoulder, of which wound he died upon the Spot. This Accident stopped us l●nger than we had designed; for whereas our Captain was resolved to secure the wretch who had committed the Murder, and had made his escape, he thought fit to send an Officer a shore, with a Company of Soldiers, to Summon the Chief Magistrate of the Village to use his utmost Endeavours to secure the Murderer, thereby also to oblige his Islanders to deliver him into his hands. The said Officer and his Men arrived two hours before day at the Village, the Inhabitants whereof, were terrified at the Ringing of the Allarum-Bell, and at the sight of our Soldiers. Five or Six Hundred Grecians dispersed themselves immediately in all the parts of that small Island, and at last found the unhappy Fugitive, who being brought back to the Ship, was put in Irons, until he could be Tried in due form. While some were employed in search of him, We put out to Sea, and go to Anchor near Argentiere, to inquire the Algerine Fleet. the deceased was Buried on the Sea-Shore, near a little Chapel, built as 'tis most likely, by the Inhabitants of the Country: After which we weighed our Anchors, and put out to Sea with a favourable Wind, which in a short time enabled us to double the Golden Cape, and to discover the Isle of Argentiere, where we Anchored, in order to inquire about the Fleet of Algiers, which we had all along been in dread of, not having as yet been able to hear any thing about the Conclusion of a Peace, between that Republic and France. We remained two whole days in that Road, We meet the Venetian Fleet and could not put out to Sea until the Second of November, upon which, being favoured by a fair Wind, we passed by the Isles of Sapienza, having met the Venetian Fleet by the way, Steering towards Coron: having passed the Golf of Venice, we discovered the point of Sicily towards night. However, we were somewhat disquieted all Night, about a Fire we perceived at a distance; some imagined it was the Lantern of a Ship that Conducted some Squadron, which obliged us to stand upon our guard, and to prepare our Artillery in case of need: Others on the contrary affirmed, that this Fire proceeded from Mount Gibel, which was within ken; but the next day we discovered the falsity of our Conjectures, when we came over against the Cape of Passaro. The Spaniards keep a Garrison there in a kind of Fort, which they have built for the security of the Coast, and as soon as they discover any Ship, they are obliged to light Beacons from space to space, to warn the Country People to precaution themselves against the Pirates that land but too often there. While we doubled that Cape, M. de Persin put on the Signal to give notice to the Barks, and the Tartane to draw near to his Ship, to be in a posture of defence, in case the Spanish Galleys should appear. Some time after we discovered the Isle of Maltha, We pass over against Maltha. which lies about 20 Leagues from Cape Passaro. We met with a Storm in that place, which was followed with some Whirlwinds, and great Claps of Thunder, after which the Wind becoming favourable to us, we advanced as far as the Isle of Panteleria, which notwithstanding the smallness of it, yields very considerable Revenues to the Spaniards who are Masters of it. We remained two days in sight of that Island, being surprised by a great Calm there, occasioned by the extraordinary heat of the weather; but a Southerly Wind happily arising, we continued our Course, and soon after discovered the Cape of Bonae. It is a point of afric where there is no Fort, Precautions of those of Tunis to descend their Coasts. but those of Tunis keep a Beacon there for the security of their Ships, and of the Inhabitants of the Country, which a Maharbou or Dervich, who makes Penance there, taketh care to kindle, to give notice, by as many fires as he makes, of the number of Sails he discovers. On the left hand of this Cape, stands the Fort of Galipa, situate upon a very high narrow Promontory, almost inaccessible, where the Cannons that are very numerous, are capable to defend the place from all parts, and to hinder the approaches of the Enemy. While we were considering all this, the South-East-Wind increased to that degree, that we did run about three Leagues an hour, and we soon lost sight of the Isles of Sembrow. Had it continued, we had soon come within sight of Sardinia; but about Midnight it turned to North-West, and tormented us strangely all the remainder of the Night. This tossing and rolling of the Ship which agitated us by turns, We are obliged to put into Barbary by stress of Wether. discomposed us extremely, and the Contrary Winds, which from time to time occasioned Whirlwinds, took from us all hopes of doubling the Isles of St. Peter so soon as we had expected, and the Wind still rising more and more, insomuch that we could no longer resist it, we were obliged to put into Barbary, which we did on the 14th of November, and dropped our Anchors over against Portofarine, which is a pretty good Haven, and where the small City of the same name, is pretty well Situated to shelter Ships from the great Northwest, and Westerly-Winds. It is built at the foot of a high Mountain, upon a Peninsula, where the Ships may Ride securely. It belongs to those of Tunis, whose Capital City is not above 7 Leagues from thence, and there is no other way to it but through Goletta, where the Famous City of Carthage formerly stood; from whence you enter into a fine Lake, upon which Tunis is Built. The North-West-Winds, which the Provencals call Mistral, obliged us to remain in that Road the 15th, and 16th. However we did not remain idle there: Some of our Men went into a small Island, where while some were shooting Pigeons, which were very plenty there formerly, others employed themselves in Fishing with Success. They took a Sea-Calf, which they wounded with Fire-Arms, and then made an end of him with Stones. The Flesh of it not being eatable, they only took the Skin to make Muffs and Pouches with it. They brought it aboard with the Head fixed to it. The Skin was about the largeness of a small Ox's Hide: The Hair of it was extraordinary thick and smooth, blackish at the top, with two large whitish spots under the Flanks, A Sea Calf is taken. it had no sign of a Tail, and the four Extremities were limited with the four Finns, which this Animal equally uses in the Water, and on the Shoar, where it often spoils the Vines. Every one of the Finns was armed with five pretty large black Nails. The foremost appeared considerably, whereas the hindermost were hardly seen, being covered with the Skin, and much smaller than the first. The Head resembles that of a Lion, or a Leopard, excepting only that you can see no Ears it has. I used my utmost Endeavours to discover the Conduit of Sound, and could not discover it until I had laid the head quite bare, and then I perceived two small hairy Conduits, within three or four finger's breadth of the Eye, which abutted to two little holes almost imperceptible, which I discovered with a Probe upon the Skin. It's Tongue is very short and thick, the Jaws and Nostrils are like a Bulls, whose Bellowing it imitates exactly, as I was told by those who took it, and heard it as it was struggling for Life. While we were thus agreeably employed in our Ship, we discovered four Sail coming from behind the point of the Mountain which covers the Road where we had Anchored, which frightened us at first; but we soon recovered our fright, seeing them keep very close to the Shore; whereby we sound that they were only Privateers. And indeed it was only a Squadron of four small Ships belonging to Tunis, which were going to Porto-Sarino, with a Prize they had taken, which our Adventurer would have regretted Eternally, had he not been Informed soon after, that a Peace was concluded with Algiers. We heard the next day that Mezzomorto Dey of Algiers had passed before us in one of those four small Ships. Mezzomorto is taken by four Privateers of Tunis. A Sedition among his People, had obliged him to fly in a little Bark, in which having been surprised near the Golf of Palma, by those four Brigantines that were Cruising thereabouts, he was carried to Portofarino, and from thence to Tunis, where he was kept a while. The next day being the 17th of November, We reach Sardinia, and Anchor before Cagliari. we put to Sea again with a S. W. Wind, and continued our Course towards Sardinia, after having discovered the Isle of Guerite, otherwise called Fratelly, by reason of two small Points that are discovered from afar. At Night the Wind failed us, and then turned against us to a North West: However, we still endeavoured to continue our Course, and notwithstanding a great Sea that tormented our Ship exceedingly, we made a shift to reach the Cape of Poule, near the Gulf of Cagliari. We were obliged to tarry all the Night at the Cape, for fear of coming too near the shore. The next day betimes we advanced into the Gulf, there to Anchor and to refit our Ship which was much disabled by the preceding days Wind and Sea. While our Men were employed in refitting our Ship, Strange Adventure of Mezzomorto's Wife. the City of Cagliari which stood before us, made us reflect on the dismal Adventure of Mezzomorto's Wife, the same who passed before us two or three days before. That Queen was Daughter to the Precedent of Cagliari, who was sending her under the Conduct of one of her Brothers into Spain, there to be Married to one of the Grandees of the Kingdom. They were no sooner got out of the Port, but they were surprised by the Algerines, who having taken them without any difficulty, carried their Prize directly to Algiers. The young Slave pleased Mezzomorto, who omitted nothing on his side to gain her. She made use of that Dey's kindness for her to obtain leave for her Brother to go back to Sardinia there to fetch their Ransom, which that Prince granted her; but still without discontinuing his pursuits, against which this Generous Heroine defended herself bravely. Finally, the Brother came back, after some Weeks absence, and paid the Ransom that had been agreed on, for his Sister, and for himself; which being done, this young Maid, who till then had expressed so much bravery of Mind, seeing the Ship ready to set Sail, changed her resolution all of a sudden, and turned Mahometan to Marry the Dey, who is at present as well as herself, Chastised for her infidelity, and his Abjuration of the Christian Faith. The following day being the 20th, we put out to Sea again, in order to endeavour to reach the Isles of St. Peter, which were about a hundred Miles distant from us. The Wind having been long uncertain, at last became favourable for us, and we doubled a considerable part of that great Island before Night, but it soon turned about again, and made us pay severely for the short repose we had enjoyed part of the day. Never was any Ship more agitated by Wind and Sea than ours was at that time, or exposed to more frequent Whirlwinds, and never did any Man take more pains than M. de Perin on that occasion. Heaven rewarded him the next day for his assiduity and vigilancy, for the preservation of those that had been committed to his Charge. It was on the 21st of November, being the day of the Presentation of the Virgin, that we discovered about break of day a Ship, at sight of which we immediately prepared for a Combat. When we came within ken, we putout our Colours to oblige her to discover herself; but she not answering our expectation, we fired some Guns at her which made no Execution, by reason that we were at too great a distance. The Wind driving her upon us against her will, she endeavoured to deceive us by putting out French Colours; but we soon discovered the Cheat, by her endeavours to avoid us, and to Steer another Course. We began anew to fire briskly upon her, whereat they being extremely daunted, she made a contrary motion to what she had done till then. Whereupon we immediately pulled in all our Sails, to allow her time to surrender; she was no sooner come up to us, but our Captain commanded the Patron to put out his Longboat, and to come on board of him. The Wretch obeyed and confessed that he was a Majorcan, and that his Ship was a good Prize. Monsieur de Perin received him very kindly; and in order to secure his Prize the better, he caused all the Money, and all the Men that were in her to be brought on board his own Ship, and sent some of his own Men in their room, with an Officer to conduct her during the rest of the Voyage. Tho' this Encounter was very happy, we could not forbear pitying the Fate of one of the Passengers that was taken on Board that small Ship. It was a Man of 70 years of Age, who having made great Efforts to raise the Ransom of an only Son, who had been long a Slave at Algiers, had embarked himself at Majorca, in hopes of freeing him securely. The misfortune he had had of being taken and stripped twice by Privateers before in going to Algiers upon the same account had not discouraged him, and he was returning thither again with Joy and Confidence, when he unfortunately fell into the hands of an Enemy he little thought on. After this Expedition, we made up to the Gulf of Palma, there to tarry for an Easterly Wind, which we stood in need of, and to allow the Sea time to Calm. All things happened according to our desires, for having had a very quiet night where we road, the next day being the 22th, an Easterly Wind arose, which having carried us by the three Rocks that are over against that Gulf, which are call●d by the Names of the Bull, the Cow, Having happily passed the Isles of Sardinia, and of Casica, we discovered the Coast of Provence. and the Calf, made us double the Isles of St. Peter in an instant. We lost sight of them the following night, and found ourselves at break of day at the Extremity of Sardinia. That very day we passed the Mouths of Boniface, where our Ship was very much tormented by a great Sea; but finally, we got happily out of them by a favourable Wind, which having enabled us to double the Isle of Corsica in a short time, we discovered the Coast of Provence. However, notwithstanding our earnest desire of coming soon ashore, we were obliged to sustain the rage of the N. W. Winds for some few days, and to tarry at the Isles of Yera, until the Sea was grown calmer, so to continue our Course safely. Finally, the Sea being calmed, though not so soon as we desired it, we arrived at Toulon on St. Andrew's day, We arrive at Toulon the 30th day after our departure fro● Constantinople. where we applied ourselves, as soon as we had dropped our Anchors; in the first place to return our most humble thanks to Almighty God, for the happy success of our Navigation. It may be easily concluded from the faithful sincere Relation I have given of my Travels, that those who dedicate themselves to an Apostolical Life, must make provision against all the disquiets that attend their Employment. I leave to the Learned and Zealous the liberty of judging of the design that has been formed for several years of opening a passage by Land into China, through the Great Tartary, and other Countries, into which the Lights of Faith have not yet been able to penetrate. I am sensible that most of those who only Judge of things by the exterior part, will perhaps Condemn my long Travels, since they have been of no use to the principal end I did propose, and that I have never had the happiness of seeing those happy Countries, the Spiritual Conquest of which, had so much flattered my hopes: But besides that, I find a great Consolation in the Example of the Apostle of the Indies, whom Heaven thought fit to stop, when he thought himself nearest to it: I am sure, that those who will reflect on the different ways through which God Almighty's Providence has been pleased to lead me, will be obliged to confess that all my Misfortunes have perhaps served as much to advance the Glory of his Name, as the most happy and most easy success could have done. And tho' we have not met with that full Harvest, we expected to gather in our Travels, after being arrived to the term of our Mission, yet we have convinced ourselves by the small taste we have had of it; of the pleasure one enjoys in Christening an Infidel, in Instructing an Idolater, in Converting a Heretic, and in gaining a Sinner; the more than Paternal Tenderness of the great Master whom we serve, having afforded us those occasions, to apply ourselves more fervently to his Service. But tho' we had not found all those supernatural Consolations amidst all our Fatigues, the happy Tidings we have received since of the particular Blessings Heaven has been pleased to pour upon our Travelling Companions, who have expected us long in Persia, and in Turkey, does sufficiently recompense us for all our past Labours, and makes us sensible that we have not been stopped in the midst of our Career, without a particular design of Providence. It will appear evidently by the Comfortable Letter we have received from Hispaan, from one of those fervent Missionaries whom God seems only to have detained in that Metropolitan of Persia, to reunite the Armenians to the Catholic Church, who have expressed so much Earnestness and Zeal for the Holy See, on the occasion of the Jubilee, which our Holy Father Pope Alexander the 8th of Blessed Memory, granted to all the Faithful, after his Exaltation to the Sovereign Pontificate. Here are the Contents of it word for word. The End of the Fifth Book. A RELATION OF What passed at julfa, at the Publication of the Jubilee. In the Year, 1691. HAving received the Letters, whereby a Jubilee was granted us, from our Holy Father, Pope Alexander the VIIIth. We thought ourselves obliged, to make use of that favourable conjuncture, to set forth the Authority of his Holiness, to the utmost of our Power, and at the same time, to Establish several Doctrines of our Holy Faith, in a City, which we may call the Geneva of the Armenians, and the Seat of their Heresy. In order to succeed in an Enterprise so necessary for the Glory of God, and so advantageous to all Christians, whether Catholics, or Heretics; we concluded, that our best way, was to act jointly with all the Missionaries, that are numerous in this place; and particularly with Monsieur Pidou, Titular Bishop of Babylon, who in Quality of Apostolical Vicar, represents his Holiness' Person in this Kingdom of Persia. In order to take just measures, and to do all things with Order and Edification during that Holy time; we thought fit to divide the Exercise of the Jubilee, in the three Catholic Churches that are at julfa, the first and most Ancient of which, is ours, not only free for the Francs, whose Parish it is, but also for the Armenians who frequent it. The second is, that, which they call here, the Church of the Cherimanis, who are five Brothers, the chief Catholics, and most considerable Armenians of the Country. The Church is Officiated with a great deal of Zeal and Prudence, by the R. R. F. F. the White Friars, the Provincial of which, whose Jurisdiction extends as far as the Indies, resides in this place. The third, is that of the Reverend Fathers the Dominicans, which is vacant by the Death of a Religious, who was an Armenian by Birth, come from Abbenner, Monsieur Samson Missionary of Hamadam, has taken the care of that Church upon him, until it be provided for. All things being thus regulated by the general Approbation of every body; we pitched upon the first Sunday in Lent to make the overture of the Jubilee, and the third to close it. But first, we got his Holiness' Bull Translated into the Armenian Tongue, and we made three Copies of it, which we Adorned, with his Holiness' Coat of Arms in Gold, to please the Armenians, who have a great Veneration for those kind of Bulls, when they come to them from the Pope, or from the Patriarch, and they call them Letters of Benediction. The Overture of this Jubilee should of right, have been performed in one of the Franc Churches, to make the Armenians sensible, that they ought to expect all their Jurisdiction from the Roman Church, as from the Springhead: But whereas, the main end of this Jubilee, was to make, both the Ancient Catholics, and Heretics, whose Conversion we aimed at, sensible, that the Francs and the Armenians, were but one and the same in Jesus Christ; we made no difficulty, to allow the Armenians to have that Overture made in their Budding Church, and to conclude it in ours, provided, that while a Function should be performed in one Church, all the Missionaries should assist at it, and assemble all the Catholics of both sides there. Thus the Overture of the Jubilee was made on the first Sunday in Lent, being the 24th of March, in the Armenian Catholic Church of the Cherimanis, where a world of People repaired from all parts, to assist at the Reading of the Letter of Benediction, of the Holy Pontif of the Universal Church, and to learn at the same time, whas was to be done, to profit of the Favour he imparted to all Christians. The Latin Clergy, composed of twelve Missionaries, all with their Copes on, and as many Franc Scholars, all with Surplices, having the Lord Bishop of Bagdat at the head of them, appeared there on one side, and on the other the Armenian Clergy, composed of three Priests, four or five Deacons, and abundance of Children, employed in the Service of that Church, having at their Head two Vertabiets, Catholic Arch-Bishops, who declared themselves of late, for the Roman Church. This Solemnity began with High Mass, which was Sung in Latin, with Dean and Subdean, by my Lord of Bagdat, assisted by the other Missionaries, and our Scholars, who on that occasion, did all things with as much Exactness, Regularity, and Decency, as if it could have been done in one of our Cathedrals in France; at the Offertory, the Archbishop Michael, who resides in the Church of the Cherimanis, advanced to the middle of the Altar, and put his holiness's Bull upon his head, after which he read it with a laudable voice, and explained it in few words: In the next place the R. F. Hely Provincial of the R. R. F. F. the White Friars, who possesses the Armenian Tongue perfectly, made a very fine Sermon, to explain the importance thereof more at large, and at the same time to inform the Armenians, who are lately come to our Communion, what a Jubilee is. The Explication of the Bull being ended, the Archbishop took it into his hand again, and made every body kiss it, and put it upon their heads out of respect, beginning by the Clergy, and ending by the Franc and Armenian Catholics. The Mass ended, and the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament given by my Lord of Babylone concluded that first action, which was one of the most Solemn of the Jubilee, by the sincere and indissoluble Union it created between the two Franc and Armenian Churches, to the admiration of the Heretics, and extreme joy and satisfaction of the Catholics. The next day being the Monday of the first week in Lent, all the Service was performed in our Church, which was as well adorned as ever I saw any in France, with great Tents of China Satin, Damask, and Tafeta, which set it off incomparably well. In the morning I sung High Mass there, the which was followed by the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament according to Custom. In the Evening after Complyne was Sung, Part of the Popish Even Song. the Reverend Father Provincial of the White Friars made an excellent Controversy upon the marks of the true Church, at which abundance of Heretics were present out of Curiosity. The Controversy was held in the form of a Thesis, maintained and defended by the same Father, and Combated by the Assistants. My Lord Bishop Argumented first, I was the second, and Father Cherubin of the Order of St. Francis was the third, and all in the Armenian Tongue. The manner of explaining things debated on both sides by way of Syllogisms was very agreeable to the Principal Armenians in that City, who have a great deal of wit, and are capable of those kind of Disputes, particularly by reason that their Litteral Tongue, as well as the Arabian, does not want necessary Terms for that way of Arguing. The Controversy being ended, the R. F. Gaspar, a White Friar, Preached upon the Enormity of the Mortal Sin, and after Sermon, this second day ended with the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament. On the Tuesday every body repaired to the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominicans, Administered by Monsieur Samson in the absence of those Fathers, and every thing was done there as it had been done at ours, excepting the Controversy. In the Morning High Mass was sung there: The Benediction given. In the Afternoon the Complyne was Sung. The R. F. Cherubin Preached upon the importance of Salvation. The Benedictioa followed as in the Morning, which ended the day. On the Wednesday, which was the third day of the Armenians Great Fast, we returned to the Church of the Cherimanis, there to Celebrate the Ceremony of the Ashes, which we thought fit to give them, in order to use them incensibly to the Holy Practices of the Church of Rome. Monsieur Samson, who has an excellent Talent for Languages, explained that Ceremony to them by a very fine Sermon. After which my Lord Bishop of Bagdat performed the Ceremony of the Ashes, and Administered them to every body. High Mass was Sung with Dean and Subdean, by our R. F. Superior, and all being ended, Coga Mourat, who is the third of the Cherimanis, would needs treat the Missionaries, as Coga Marvara his Brother had done the preceding Sunday: That which afforded most matter of Consolation in those two Banquets of Devotion, was, That these Gentlemen, out of humility and respect would needs serve us at Table themselves, with their Children, who are the Chief of that City, and all made Gentlemen by the King of Persia, out of consideration of the Services their Ancestors have done to the Crown. The Repast being ended, we went back to Church, where Father Hely made a Controversy, as he had done before with us, about the State of Souls after Death. This Controversy was necessary to Cure the Armenians of their Error, in believing that the Souls after the separation neither go immediately to Heaven, nor Hell, nor yet in Purgatory; but that they are preserved in a certain place which God assigns them, until at the Day of the Universal Judgement; they are sent to their Eternal Abode, either Happy, or Unhappy, according to the Merit of their Actions. The Controversy was very Solemn again, my Lord Argumented in it as before, and after him our R. F. Superior, and the R. F. Gaspar White Friar. The Benediction being given, and the compline ended, every body retired. On the Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, High Masses, and Predications were performed as before, still with a great Concourse of People, insomuch that there was a necessity of Preaching twice a day, as had been done the Monday and Tuesday before, and as we did all the following week. On the Monday, which was the day on which the Service was to be performed in our Church, the Archbishop Michael Vertabiet Preached about the Wrath of God, which extends so far as to Condemn a Soul to the dreadful Pains of Hell On the Friday the R. F. Provincial of the White Friars, Preached upon the Torments of the Damned, and the Eternity of Hell Fire against the Error of the Armenians, who are of Opinion, that after some time God will have mercy on the Souls that are in Torment, which they ground upon some Traditions of their own, and the Translation of their Fathers, whereby they are taught that Jesus Christ by his Holy Passion, and by his Triumphant Resurrection has vanquished and destroyed Hell. This Sermon was Preached in the Church of the R, R. F. F. Dominicans. The following day which was the Saturday I Preached in the Church of the Cherimanis, the terrible but yet certain truth of the small number of the Elect, which surprised every body; so much the rather, because I showed them that it was not only to be understood of the Insidels and Heretics, but also of the Christians and Catholics. I observ●d in this place, what I had formerly observ●d in France, in my Missions among the Hugonots, that the best way to Convert Heretics and Schismatics, is to Preach Eternal Truths to them, and the terrible Maxims of our Religion; which being exposed to them plainly, but yet pathetically, strikes them, and obliges them to declare here, what I have often heard them say in France: Our Ministers and our Vertabiets deceive us, and we have never heard this from them. The same Saturday I did what I had done before. I went from House to House to Inculcate what had been said in the Churches, and to dispose every body to gain the Jubilee. But I went particularly among the Slaves, and other abandoned Persons, to the end that both Rich, and Poor, Blind, and Lame, all might participate to that great Banquet of the Father of the Family, whi●● was prepered for all. They began to bring Women to me who desired to be Converted, and who having never been Confessed by any Catholic Priest, were willing to make their Abjuration in the Tribunal of Penitence. The second Sunday in Lent, which was also the second Sunday of the Jubilee, was very solemn, by reason of the Office that was performed in the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominicans; High Mass was Sung there by my Lord of Pidou, who afterwards Preached an Excellent Sermon upon the Subject of Receiving the Sacrament unworthily. That Prelate is sufficiently known in France, both by the Greatness of his Birth, and by the Missions he has made in Poland, especially at Leopold, where jointly with the Famous Clement Gallant Theatin, his Master, he has established a very fine College, maugre all oppositions, for the instructing of the Armenians. As this Prelate is perfectly acquainted with the Errors of the Armenians, having read all their Books, besides his being very well versed in their Tongue, he Combats their Superstitions in a way which they can no wise answer. The Devotion was great on the day that Prelate Preached. A Controversy was held in the Afternoon upon the particular Judgement, and the rest as before. The next day, being Pope St. Gregory's Day, so much Reverenced by all the Eastern Nations, and even by the Armenians, whose Schism and Heresy he Condemns, absolutely ordering all People to submit to the four first Ecumenical or General Councils, and consequently to that of Chalcedon, in the same manner as they submit to the four Evangelists: We thought it Very necessary to render the Name and Memory of that incomparable Doctor of the Church yet more Famous in a Place where his Authority could be of use. Therefore his Festival was Solemnised with all the Pomp that could be in our Church; where all the Religious assisted with their Copes on, and our Scholars in Surplices, as the Seminarists are in France. High Mass was Sung by Monsieur Samson, and Celebrated with all the Regularity and Exactness imaginable. And whereas he speaks the Armenian Tongue perfectly well, he made a very moving and very pressing Sermon about the Love and Charity we ought to have towards our Enemies. He showed a Crucifix, and drew Tears from all the Auditors. The rest followed as before. On the Tuesday there was nothing extraordinary. The Wednesday was Famous by a solemn Service we made for the Souls of the Dead, in order thereby to Establish the Truth of Purgatory, which the Armenians reject. We had erected a Monument in the middle of the Church, very neat, and very full of Lights. The Altar was covered with Black Velvet and Satin. The R. F. Provincial of the White Friars Sung High Mass upon it, and Preached about Purgatory. He showed that the practice of Praying for the Dead, was very necessary, and Holy. After which the Solemn Absolution was pronounced round about the said Monument, and all ended with the Benediction of the Crucifix, which was exposed, as it is Customary, in several of our Churches in France. All these Ceremonies being practised with Majesty and Devotion, move the Armenians extremely, and inspire them insensibly with Love for our Holy Religion. For which Reason, they say that Rome is above all, and that they see nothing like it among them; they confess freely, as I have already observed, when they hear us Preach, that their Vertabiets who are Reverenced among them as their Chief Doctors, cannot do it; thus by degrees they fall off from them, and join with us, out of Esteem and Affection. The Morning Service being thus ended, a Controversy was held in the Afternoon, about the same Purgatory. The Armenians, who had relished the preceding Disputes, came to propose their difficulties themselves, to the end, that they might not have any thing to reproach themselves with upon that Subject. Finally, to show that the Union we desired to Establish between the Latin and Armenian Church, was not only an Union in relation to Living Persons, but that it ought also to extend to the Dead; we went all in a Body to the Churchyard, to pray upon the Graves of the Armenian Catholics. The Armenian Priests, who Officiate at the Catholic Church of the Cherimanis, performed at the Graves of ours, what we had done at theirs. The Thursday and Friday passed as usually, excepting, that my Lord Preached on the Friday at the Cherimanis, upon the Subject of Receiving the Sacrament Worthily; and at Night, the R. F. Hely, made another Controversy upon the two Kind's, which the Armenians pretend aught to be Received at the Holy Communion, and upon the obligation that lies upon the Catholic Priests, to put Water into the Chalice at the Holy Sacrament of the Mass. The Armenian Priests and the other Assistants, proposed their difficulty upon the Article with more heat than before. On the Saturday, the concourse of People was very great in the Church of the R. R. F. F. Dominican, but especially of Armenian Catholic Women, being drawn thither by the report, that the Armenian Catholics where to Sing Mass, and to perform a Solemn Service there. It was performed with all the Majesty their Church is capable of, which indeed, neither wants fine Music, nor fine Ceremonies, as I have often seen it myself, especially at jehmiarin, which is their Patriarchal Church, where their Patriarch and other Archbishops and Bishops Officiate, with an Order and Exactness, little inferior to that which is practised in many Churches of France. Monsieur Samson Preached upon the Subject of Backbiting and Reviling. The Saturday, abundance of People began to take the Sacrament at the Cherimanis; but the most Solemn Action of all the Jubilee was, the last which was performed in our Church, for the conclusion of it, we took all necessary measure to render the general Communication that was to be performed the most Solemn that possibly could be, and to Solemnize the Procession of the Holy Sacrament, that was to conclude all with Success, Pomp, and Devotion. In order whereunto, we Adorned our Church beyond what it was before, and took from the other Churches, all the Ornaments that could contribute to render that Festival the more Solemn. As for the outside, we disposed the walks of our Garden in such a manner, that the Holy Sacrament might pass very conveniently through them. At the same time we prepared all things necessary to make a Volley of Shot, with the Muskets and small pieces of Ordinance, of a reasonable size, which we fortunately found among our Francs: We caused a very fine Canopy to be made, adorned with a fine Curtain of green Damask, supported by four painted sticks, adorned with four fine knobs on't he top, without mentioning the neatness of the Altar we had Erected in the middle of the Garden, to serve as a Repository or Resting place for the Holy Sacrament. The Report of this Solemnity, assembled such a prodigious number of People, betimes in the Morning, that our Church was immediately filled up; in so much, that we were obliged to place Ladders, for People to get up into the Galleries. In the mean time, the Missionaries were employed in all parts to Confess People. The time of the Service being come, those that were to Officiate, where placed in such a manner, that the Latin Clergy was on the Right, in the Choir, and the Armenian Clergy with two Vertabets and an Archbishop, on the Left; both the one and the other were Dressed according to the Custom of their Country, with Surplices, Stoles, and Copes. The Spectacle charmed every body. High-Mass was begun with more Solemniry than ever. The Bishop Officiated with the Deacon and Sub-Deacon: When they came to Gloria in Excelsis, it was first Sung in Latin, and then in Armenian: The Epistles and Gospels were Sung in the same manner. After our Creed, an Armenian Priest made a Solemn Profession of Faith, in the Name of all the Members of his Church, sounding the Name of Alexander the VIIIth, whom they acknowledged as their Chief and Pope: That being done, our young Scholars Sung their Himns in French, and the young Armenians Answered them in their own Tongue. This variety of Singing of Hymns, and Praises offered to God, lasted as long as the Mass, in so much, that every body Triumphed with Joy to see that Union, which had never been seen before in that City, where besides their Natural Aversion to the Francs, they are the most obstinate in their Heresy of any in all Armenia. But the general Communion which was performed at the same time, was a spectacle capable to rejoice the very Angels. The young Children, both Armenians and Francs, were the first that drew near the Holy Table, and after them, the Men and womans separately. During all this time, the Church sounded with Franc and Armenian Hymns. Never was so much Devotion, or so many Communicants seen at once in julfa, or in all Armenia. The Francs and Armenians, Embraced each other mutually, with all the Testimonies imaginable of a sincere Kindness and Union. Public Prayers were made for all Christian Princes; in fine, notwithstanding all the opposition of the Heretical Vertabiets, who continually Exclaimed and Preached against us, and declared all those Excommunicated who should come to our Assemblies; above two or three hundred Armenians Communicated at this Jubilee. There were also several general Confessions, and I received some of them, which gave me a great deal of comfort. As soon as the general Communion was performed, I went away with my Surplice and Stole, to conclude the Jubilee by a Sermon, upon the Subject of Relapses; in which, I showed them, that that Sin is the greatest Sin in the world, and that which is the most opposite to the Glory of God, and to the Infinite Goodness of our Saviour, to the Honour of the Church, and to the Salvation of Mankind; in a word, the Sin, which of all Sins, makes us most despicable in this Country, to the Infidels and Heretics: At the end of the Sermon, I made use of the Idea Moses used, to remind all these fervent Catholics, of the Promise they had just made to God; placing the Franc Catholics on one side, and the Armenian Catholics on the other, pronouncing to them, the Maledictions and Benedictions contained in the Book of Deuteronomy. The Sermon and Mass being ended, we began to dispose ourselves for the Procession. It was contrived in this manner: An Armenian * Novices, or such as Minister to the Priest at Mass. Acolyte, bearing a fine Banner, marched at the head: He had two other Armenian Acolytes at his sides, dressed according to the custom of their Church; after them, came a Franc Acolyte, bearing a fine large silver Cross: He had two other Franc Acolytes at his sides, with Surplices on, bearing two fine silver Candlesticks; after which, came the Armenian Acolytes, Deacons, and Subdeacons, and after them our Acolytes, with lighted Wax-Candles. The Priests followed in the same order, with Copes on. Two Armenian Vertabiets preceded the Holy Sacrament, one of them was an Archbishop, followed by two Acolytes, casting Incense continually before it. My Lord Bishop of Bagdat, carried the Holy Sacrament under a Rich Canopy, supported by four Catholics, two of them Francs, and the other two Armenians, all four the most considerable of their Nation. When the Procession appeared in our Garden, which is one of the finest in julfa, the Holy Sacrament was saluted by a volley of small Shot, and of Ordinance placed to that end. It continued in this Order as far are the Altar, we had Erected in the middle of the Garden, where after a little rest, we gave the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament, and then we had a second discharge of our Artillery. Finally, we went back to the Chuech, while the Air was filled with the Latin Hymns, and Armenian Canticles, which succeeded each other. The Procession being come into the Church, and the Solemnity was concluded, by a third Benediction of the Holy Sacrament, and a third discharge. There never was a greater concourse of People. nor more earnestness expressed, than there appeared that day, to see Jesus Christ Triumph in the middle of his Enemies. The Women who are extremely reserved here, forgot the custom of their Country in some measure on that occasion: For being Transported with the same Zeal that moved Zachy, when he mounted on the wild Figtree, they clambered upon the Lattices that are fixed against the walls of our Garden, to behold that Edifying Ceremony, the like of which they had never seen. Indeed, I can affirm, that I never saw so comfortable a fight in my Life before, and the Tears of Joy which I spilt on that occasion, made me forget all the Sufferings we had undergone in the former Persecutions. All things having succeeded so well, we thought fit to conclude all by a Treat we made for the Armenian and Franc Clergy, in order to keep them in an indissoluble Union. But it was a very modest Treat, altogether like to those of the Primitive Christians, in which a thousand Blessings were given to his Holiness, and to the Roman Church. Finally, the Zeal of that day was so great, that after Dinner we were obliged to Sing Vespers solemnly, at which I desired Monsieur Samson to give us one Sermon more, to satisfy the Auditors who desired it. He Exhorted them to preserve and maintain the Union that had been made. The Sermon was followed by the Benediction of the Holy Sacrament. Thus passed our Jubilee. I may say without Lying, that comparatively, I have never seen any better performed in France. The number of those who Confessed themselves, and took the Sacrament, has been very considerable, considering the Country in which we are. Several Persons are come to us to abjure their Errors. Those who were only Catholics out of Policy before, have convinced us that they were really Converted. We have had the satisfaction to see a perfect Union among them. The good Party has been extremely strenghtened. Two of the seven Vertabiets that are at julfa, have declared for us, and a third is a true Catholic, at the bottom of his Soul. Our Enemies are surprised, to see the Blessings that God pours upon us, after so many Persecutions they have raised against us, in order to ruin us, and drive us out of julfa. The Calanier our mortal Enemy begins to be better Natured: The great Vertabiet of this City can hardly harm us for the future, and we do not question, but we shall be able to Establish the Kingdom of Jesus Christ here. Finally, the next day after the conclusion of the Jubilee, which was the day of great Saint joseph, Protector of our Church, the Cherimanis sent me word that they were resolved to build us a larger Church, and that they would provide for it themselves: This News raised our Joy to the utmost degree, and that it was increased the next day, when the chief of those Gentlemen confirmed his promise to me, assuring me that in few days he would come to us himself to take proper measures about it; in order to which, Brother Balee, who is an excellent Architect, will be very useful to us, either to give us a good draught, or to help towards the putting of it in Execution. Blessed be the Son who turns all things to his Glory, and to the Advantage of his Servants. The End of the jubilee. A SUPPLEMENT out of Hacluyt and Purchas, Describing several Roads and journeys over Land to China. Notes Collected by Richard Johnson, who was at Boghar with Mr. Anthony Jenkinson, of the Reports of Russes, and other Foeigners, giving an Account of the Roads of Russia to Cathaya, as also of sundry strange People. THE first Note from one Sarnichohe, a Tartarian, and Subject of the Prince of Bogara, whose Subjects are Tartars, bordering upon Kizilbash or Persia, showing the way from Astrakan, which is the farthest part of Russia to Cathaya, as follows. From Astrakan to Serachich by Land, Travelling leisurely, as Merchants use to do with their Goods, is Ten days Journey. From Serachich to a Town called Urgenshe, 15 days. From Urgenshe to Boghar, 15 days. From Boghar to Cascar 30 days. From Cascar to Cathaya 30 days Journey. By the same Party a Note of another way more secure for the Traveller, as he Reports. From Astrahan to Turkemen by the Caspian-Sea, 10 days with Barks. From Turkemen to Urgenshe by Land, especially with Camels carrying the weight of 15 Poods for their ordinary Loads, 10 days. From Urgenshe to Boghar 15 days. Note, At the City of Boghar is the Mart or Rendezvous of the Turks, the Nations of those Quarters, and the Cathayans. The Toll to be there paid, is the 40th part of all Goods or Merchandizes. From thence to Cascar is one months' Journey; and from Cascar, which is a Frontier Town belonging to the Great Can, passing through many Towns and Forts by the way, is also a Months Travel for Merchants by Land to Cathay: Farther, as he has heard, not having been in those parts himself, Ships may Sail from the Territories of Cathaia into India. But of other ways, or how the Seas lie by any Coasts, he knows not. The Instructions of another Tartar Merchant living in Boghar, as he learned it from others of his Countrymen who had been there. From Astrakan by Sea to Serachich is 15 days Sail; affirming also that a Man may Travel the other Roads before mentioned, by Turkemen. From Serachich to Urgense 15 days. From Urgense to Bokar 15 days. Note, That all these last 30 days Journey you meet with no Houses; therefore Travellers lodge in their own Tents, and carry their Provision along with 'em; and for Drink, you shall meet with Wells of good water every day at Baiting Places equally distant one from another. From Bogar to Tashent, Travelling leisurely with Goods, 'tis accounted 14 days by Land. From Tashent to Occient, 7 days. From Occient to Cascar 20 days. Cascar is the Chief City of another Prince, lying between Boghar and Cathaia, called Reshit Can. From Cascar to Sowchich 30 days. This Sowchich is the first Frontier Town of Cathay. From Sowchich to Camchick, is 5 days Journey, and from Camchick to Cathay is two months' Journey through a Country all the way Inhabited, temperate, and well replenished with innumerable sorts of Fruits; and the Chief City of the whole Land is Cambalu, 10 days Journey from Cathay. Beyond this Land of Cathay, where the People are reported to be extremely Civil, and vastly Wealthy, lies the Country which in the Tartarian Language is called Cara-Calmack, Inhabited by Black People: But in Cathay, the greatest part of the Country stretching to the Rising Sun, the People are of a White and Fair Complexion. They also profess the Christian Religion, as the Tartars report, or something like it; and they speak a peculiar Language, quite different from that of the Tartars. All the Roads before mentioned, are free from any Great or Furious Bears, but pestered with Wolves both black and white. For by reason that the Woods are neither so thick, nor so numerous as in many parts of Russia, but only here and there a Forest of small extent, the Bears never breed that way. But those Woods that are, are haunted with some other Beasts, and more especially, and particularly with one that the Russes call Barse. This Barse, by the Skin of one that was here put to Sale, seems to be near as big as a great Lion, spotted very fairly, and therefore here we take it for a Leopard or Tiger. Note, That all this 20 days Journey from Cathay, you Travel through a Country called Angrem, where those Beasts chiefly breed that yield the best Musk; the choicest Presume is cut out of the Belly of the Male. The People are Tawny, and because the Men have no Beards, nor differ in Complexion from Women; for distinction sake, the Men wear round Bosses of Iron upon their Shoulders, and the Women upon their Privities. In this Country the People feed upon Raw Flesh, as also in another called Titay, or Kitay, the Prince of which is called Can. They Worship the Fire; their Country lying 30 days Journey from Great Cathay, and in the way between both, lie the Beautiful People, that cut their meat with Knives of Gold: These People are called Comorom; but the Land of the Pigmies, or little People, is nearer to Moscow, than Cathay. Instructions of one of Permia, who said he had Travelled to Cathay the way before mentioned; as also another way near the Sea Coast, as follows; which Note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holms. FRom the Province of Duina, the way to Pechora is known; and from Pechora, Travelling with Olens or Harts 'tis six days Journey by Land, and in Summer as many by Water to the River Ob. Ob is a River full of Flatts, the Mouth of which is 70 Russian Miles over. And three days Journey from thence, upon the Right Hand, is a Place called Chorno-lese, or the Blackwoods: And not far from thence, a People Inhabit, called Pechey-Cony, wearing their Hair by his Description, after the Irish fashion. From Pechey-Coni to jolt Calmachey, 'tis three days Journey, and from thence to Chorno-Callachey three days, tending to the South East. Both these People are of the Tartar's Religion, and Tributaries to the Great Can. Certain Countries of the Samoeds that dwell upon the River Ob, and upon the Sea Coasts beyond the said River, Translated word for word out of the Russian Language, and Travelled by a Russ born in Colmogro, whose name was Pheodor Towtigin, who by Report was slain the second time that he was Travelling those Countries. Upon the Eastern part, beyond the Country of Ugori, the River Ob runs upon the most Westerly part thereof. Upon the Sea Coast live the Samoeds, whose Country is called Molgomsey, who feed upon the Flesh of Olens or Harts, and sometimes eat one another. If any Merchant come to Traffic with 'em, they kill one of their Children, as the greatest Feast they can make. If any Merchant happen to die among 'em, they never Bury him, but eat him; and in the same manner they eat their own Dead. They are very ill favoured, with flat Noses, but are swift of Foot, and Shoot very well. They Travel upon Hearts, and Dogs, and Cloth themselves with Sables, and Hearts Skins. Upon the same Coast, beyond the People before mentioned, live another kind of Samoeds by the Sea side, that speak another Language. These People one Month in a Year live in the Sea, and never dwell upon Land for that Month. Beyond these People, still upon the Sea Coasts, live another sort of Samoed, that feed upon Flesh, and Fish, and Trade in Sables, white and black Foxes, Hearts, and Fawn Skins. The Relation of Chaggi Memet, a Persian Merchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and other Eminent Citizens of Venice, concerning the way from Tauris in Persia, to Campion, a City of Cathay, by Land; which he Travelled himself before with the Caravans: Days journey. FRom Tauris to Sultania, 6. From Sultania to Casbin, 4. From Casbin to Veremi, 6. From Veremi to Eri, 15. From Eri to Bogara, 20. From Bogara to Samarchand, 5. From Samarchand to Cascar, 25. From Cascar to Acsu, 20. From Acsu to Cuchi, 20. From Cuchi to Chialis, 10. From Chialis to Turfon 10. From Turfon to Camul, 13. From Camul to Succuir, 15. From Succuir to Gauta, 5. From Gauta to Campion, 6. Campion is a City in the Empire of Cathay, in the Province of Tangut, from whence comes the greatest quantity of Rhubarb. A Long and Dangerous JOURNEY From Lahor, a City of the Great Mogul, to China over Land, by Benedict Goez. UPON the Relation of the Mahometan mentioned in Xaverius' Letters, Pimenta, Father Visitor of the jesuits, sent notice thereof to the Pope, and Spaniard. They hearing of such a mighty Christian Nation, the Viceroy of India was Commanded to follow Pimenta's Directions, who employed Benedict Goez, a Portuguese Jesuit in that Discovery: Furnished like an Armenian Merchant, and changing his Name to Abdula Isai, which latter appellation signifies a Christian. Thus obtaining the Great Mogul Achabar's Letters Patents to his Vice-Roys, and Governors, as also to the Neighbouring Princes, he departed in Company with one Isaac an Armenian, from Lahor the sixth of january, 1603. Every Year there is a Caravan of Merchants that pass out of these parts into the Kingdom of Cascar, about 500 together, for their better defence against Robbers. With these he joined himself, and in a month's time came to Athec in the same Province of Lahor. After the passing of a River, and a months stay, he came in two months to Passaur, from whence Travelling to a certain small Town, they met with a Hermit, who told 'em, that about 30 days Travel from thence lay the City of Capherstam, into which no Saracen might be permitted entrance; but Ethnics might enter except into their Temples. He tasted also of their Wine, of which that Country was very fertile. They likewise go to their Temples in Black. In the place where they met the Hermit they stayed 20 days, and were forced to hire 400. Soldiers of the Governor for their defence. in 25 days they Travelled from thence to Gtrideli, the Merchants keeping Armed upon the tops of the Hills, and the Carriages in Valleys, to prevent Thiefs that are accustomed from the tops of those Hills to stone the Travellers: However, they were assailed, and many wounded by those Robbers. After 20 days more they came to Cabul, where they stayed eight months. At this place there happened into their Company the Sister of Mahomet Can, King of Cascar, by whose Country they were to pass toward Cathay. She was called Agehane; Age being an Honourable Title annexed to her Name, as a Pilgrim to Mecca, from whence she was then but newly returned, and being in some want, borrowed 600 Ducats in Merchandise of Goez, which she afterwards repaid in Merchandise more proper for Cathay: That is to say, in a kind of Marble, by some called jasper, by the Chineses Tuscé, which is of two sorts; the one taken out of the bottom of the River Cotan, by such as Dive for it, as they do for Pearls, being like to great Flints: The other, meaner, and drawn out of the Mountain called Consangui Cascio. The Solitariness of the Place, distant from Catan 20 days Travel; and the hardness of the Stone which they mollify with Fires over the place, make it very dear: And the Merchants that purchase this Privilege of the King, carry along with 'em a Years Provision for their Labourers. From Cabul they went to Ciarcar, where the mogul's Patents, by virtue of which they hitherto had been Tribute-free, were neglected by the unruly Borderers; from thence to Parua, the last Town in subjection to the Mogul. After five days stay, they passed in 20 days over exceeding high Mountains to the City of Aingharan, and in 15 days more to Calcia, where the People resemble the Hollanders. After a Journey of ten days more, they came to Gialalabath, where the Brahmins' exact Custom, granted 'em by King Bruarate. Fifteen days after, they got to Talhan, where by Civil Broils, they were stayed for a Month, the Calcians being in Rebellion. From thence they Travelled to Cheman, under Abdulahan King of Samarhan, Burgavia, Bacharate, and other Confining Kingdoms, where the Catlians robbed 'em of a great part of their goods. After 8 days troublesome Travel they came to Badascian, where they were fleeced a second time; neither were they free at Ciarciumar, which was their next Resting Place; from whence in ten days they arrived at Serpanel, a Desert place, and 20 days after to Sarcil, a Country full of Villages. In two days Journey from thence, they reached Ciecialith, a Mountain all covered with Snow, where in six days Travel many of the Company perished with cold. From thence they attained to Tanghetar, in the Kingdom of Cascar, and in 15 days after to jaconich, which Journey was likewise so tiresome, that Goez lost six Horses. From thence he went to Hiarchan the Royal City of Cascar, in November, 1603. a Mart Famous for Concourse of Merchants, and variety of Merchandise. He Presented the King with a Watch, a Looking-Glass, and other European Presents, and thereby obtained his Letters Patents for furtherance of his Journey. From thence he went with the Caravan Bassa, who purchases his place of the King at a dear rate, about the midst of November, 1604. to jolci, Hancialix, Alceghet, Hagabateth, Egriar, Marcetelec, Thalec, Horma, Thoantac, Mingrieda, Capetalcol, Zelan, Sarc Guebedal, Cambasci, Aconsersec, Ciacot-Acsu in 15 days; a very tedious way over Stones and Sands. In this Journey they passed the Desert of Carcathay. Thence ●hey Travelled to Oitograch Gazo, Casciani, Dellai, Saregabedal, Ugan, and Cucia. And ●ftr a Months stay there, in 25 days more ●o Cialix, Governed by the King of Cascar's ●ase Son, with whom at first he had some difference about Religion, which was pacified with a Gift. And in a Disputation with the Mahometan Doctors, before him ●he Viceroy sided with Goez, affirming ●hat the Christians were the true Muzzelmen, and that their Ancestors professed that Law; a thing worthy to be observed. Here ●e met with some Merchants in their return from Cathay, who gave him an account of Ricci, and some other Jesuits at Pequin; and ●ere it was that he learned first of all that China was Cathay. At his departure from Cialix, the Governor gave him Letters of Pass, and inscribed him a Christian, according to his desire; at which a Mahometan Priest very much wondered, affirming, that theirs with the Region, shifted also their Religion. In 20 days they came to Pucian, then to Turphan a Fortified City; thence to Aramuth, and so to Camul, the last City of the Kingdom of Ciales. In nine days we came from Camul to the Northern Walls of China, where they stayed 25 days, expecting the Viceroy's Answer for their admission, at a place called Ciaicuon. And then being entered the Walls, they came in one days Journey to the City Socieu. All the space between Cialis, and the Borders of China is subject to the inroads of the Tartars, which is the reason that Merchant's Travel in the day time in great fear, looking out ever and anon, to see whether the Coasts be clear, and Travelling in the Night with great silence and Secrecy. They found several Saracens slain in the High way. The Country People they seldom kill, but Rob them of their cattle: As for Corn and Rice, they hold it food for Beasts, and not for Men; and feed upon Flesh, living a hundred years. The Saracens in these parts are effeminate, and might easily be subdued by the Chinese, if they would attempt it. On the West parts of China stands a Wall, raised on purpose to exclude the Tartars, and two fortified Cities with strong Garrisons, having their Peculiar Viceroy, and other Magistrates; Canceu, the Capital of the Province Scensi, and Soceu, which is divided into two parts; of which, the one is Inhabited by Saracens, who Trade there for Merchandise; the other by the Chinese, whom the Saracens there call Cathayan. Every Night the Saracens are enclosed in their own City, in other things like the Chinese, subject to the same Laws and Magistrates. Neither may any Foreigner return to his own Country, who has lived there Nine Years. Every sixth Year Seventy two Commissioners come according to an Ancient Custom, to pay a kind of Tribute to the King: This the pretence, but the intent is to enrich themselves with Merchandise, as being maintained under that pretence, during their stay, at the King's Charge. Into Soceu, Goez came at the end of the Year 1605. and there met with other Saracens returning from Pequin, who informed him of the Jesuits there residing; adding withal, that the King did not Sell, but poured without measure a daily allowance of Money into their hands. Which I mention the rather, to show, that a Man must be sparing of Credit to Saracen Travellers, and Merchants. But Goez could not in a long time certify these his Fellows of his Arrival, as being ignorant of the Chinese Names, and it was some Month's Journey from Soceu to Pequin, and the Winter Cold is there very extreme. However, in that bitter Season, they sent one of their Converts a Chinese, called johannes Ferdinandus, who after a tedious Journey found Goez lying on his Deathbed, when he brought him the Letters from the Society. Eleven days after he died, not without suspicion of Poison given him by the Saracens, to make themselves Masters of his Goods: Besides, that they have a Custom, that if any one Dies by the way, his Goods are shared among the rest. His Companion the Armenian was sent from Pequin to Macao, and thence into India; and being taken by the Hollanders in the way to Sincapura, was Redeemed by the Portugueses, and returned to Ciaul, where he still Lives, as our Author Trigautius affirms. A RELATION Of two Russ Cossacks Travels out of Siberia, to Catay, or China, and other Countries thereunto adjoining. TO our Lord Michaelo Fedrowich Emperor and Great Duke of all Russia, your Majesty's Vassals, Evan Koorakin, and Evan Koboolitin, do knock their Heads, etc. Lord, this present Year 1619. we wrote to your Majesty by a Cossack of Tobolsko, Clement Oboshkin; that there came to Tobolsko Ambassadors out of the Dominions of Catay, and from the King of Altine, with the People of Tobolski, Euashko Petlin, and Andrashko Madiegene, and with them together do go to you Great Lord Ambassadors out of the Dominions of Labin, and the Altine Char, from Skiugia with Presents, the which we dispatch to your Majesty with Burnash Wickonove, the sixth of July; and before them we dispatch to your Majesty Evashko Petlin, and Patoy Kizall, by whom we sent to your Majesty a Letter from Tambur King of Cathay, and a Copy of the King of Altine's Letter Translated; together with a Cart and Description of the Places which way Euashko Petlin, and Andrushko Madagene passed from the Castle of Tomao, into the Dominions of Cathay; as also in what other Dominions they were. The Letter itself which came from Altine Char, Labatharsham carries to your Majesty: But as for the Letter that comes from Cathay, there is no body in Tobolsko who is able to Translate it. THE COPY OF THE Altin Chars, or Golden King's Letter to the Emperor of Russia. TO the Lord, Emperor, and Grand Duke. The Golden King received your Letter. In former times (Great Lord) it came to my Hearing, that your Princely good Ambassadors, sought out a way or passage to come to me; since which time, it is now thirteen Years; but then the People of Iskicgi, Tubents, Mattara, and black Kolmacks, would not suffer your Princely good Ambassadors to come to me. Since that time, ten of your Majesty's People are come to me, and I have sent to you Ickmen Kickenga, to do Obeisance to your Majesty, and see your Princely Eyes, whom your Majesty vouchsafed to do their Obeisance, and see your Princely Eyes. And to me, you sent of your Grace, three Cups of Silver, a Bow, a Sword, two Guns, and two Garments; all which, you. Princely Favours I have received, and what shall be proper for your Majesty from hence, I will furnish you withal. I am farther to request of your Majesty, in regard the Ambassadors do pass between us in a very miserable and poor Condition, by Reason there are now some small Wars between us and the black Colmacks, and for that there are but very inconsiderable Garrisons at Tobolsko, nor in the Castles of Tomo, Tarko, or among the Barban People; now therefore if your Majesty will favour me, and defend me, with these People, from Karakula, and be pleased to enter into a War on your side, as I am engaged on mine, that matter will be remedied between us, and all Kindnesses continue betwixt us. By which means and by your Princely Favour, Ambassadors may continually pass between us. Juan Turchan Varchies, and Andrei Turchan Varchies, conducted two of your Majesty's Messengers into the Dominions of Cathay, according to your Majesty's Command, and they are returned to me again out of Cathay. Also (Great Lord) there is come to me, the Zurchad of Labaia, and I have sent you together with my Presents, the said Turchan Labar, and Kitibacshij Anchaij, and with them ten Men, with two Men of Sirgos. By their Letter you will understand, that there is sent to your Majesty, three Leopards with their Claws, a red and yellow Damask upon a Gold Ground a piece of Velvet, and an Ambling Horse. And I am humbly to request your Majesty, if it be your Majesty's Pleasure to do the favour, to grace me for your own Honour, with a Garment of Cloth of Gold, and of divers Colours, fine Garments of fine Cloth, a Head-piece, a Shirt of Mail, a Sword, a Bow, twenty Guns, a Flagon of Gold, a Kettle of Silver, and five sorts of Precious Stones, of each one, a jennet, a Dwarf, with Workmen to make Guns and Powder, and two thousand sand Pence. Your Majesty's Name is become Renowned and Famous every where; therefore it is, that I do Reverence to your Majesty, because many Kings of many Countries have spread abroad the Fame of your Majesty's Name far and near. And I request, that Ambassadors may come and go between us; and if it be your Majesty's favourable Pleasure, I desire you to dispatch these my Ambassadors with speed to me back again. Anno 1620. the 23d of September, in the Emperor's Dominions at Soldata, a Cosack of Siberia, named Euashko Petlin, being Examined concerning his Travels, made the following Report. The last year, said he, being the Year 1619. the Boyaren, and Vayvod Knez Euan Simonowick Koorockin sent him from the Castle of Tomo, together with his Companion Andrashko, to conduct the Altine King's Ambassadors, as also to inquire into the Kingdoms of Cathay. They went from the Castle of Tomo about the 9th of May, and Travelled from Tomo to Kirgis, with much expedition, in ten days; in which Kirgis Reigns a Can, who is subject to the Emperor's Majesty, whose Name is Nemi, and who gave them Victuals and Postage. Through this Territory of Kirgis they Travelled half a day together, and reaching to the Dominions of Mutalla, came to the Altine King, who gave them Provisions, allowed 'em Postage, and dispatched 'em from thence. After which, they Travelled through his Dominions for five weeks together, and reached the Country of Sheremugali, were Reigned a Queen called Manchika, who ordered Provisions and Postage to be allowed 'em. In this Country of Sheremugali, or Sheromogula, they Travelled four days, and then came into the Dominions of Catay, called Crim, where stands a Wall built of Stone fifteen fathoms high, by the side of which Wall they Travelled ten days, and saw several petty Towns and Villages belonging to Queen Manschika; but in all those ten days they saw no People upon the wall. At the end of those ten days, they came to the Gate, where lie very large pieces of Ordnance, discharging Shot as big as a Man's Head. This Gate is guarded by a Watch of three thousand Men, and Merchants come with their Goods to Traffic at the Gate, and bring their Horses to sell to the Catay Men; but are not permitted to come within the walls, except very few at a time. Thus their whole Journey from Tomo Castle to this Gate, took up twelve Weeks, besides some days that they stood still; and from the Gate, to the great Empire of Catay ten days, and so arrived at the City or Castle of Catay, about the beginning of September; where they were lodged in the Great Embassador's House. During their stay in Catay, which was four days, they were Visited by a Secretary, attended by two Hundred Men upon Asses, well Apparelled, and Entertained and Feasted 'em with Sack, and other sorts of Wines, and told 'em that the Emperor, or King Tambur, had sent him to know what Business had brought 'em into the Dominions of Catay. To which they made Answer, that their Great Lord and Emperor had sent 'em to acquaint themselves with the Dominions of Catay, and to wait upon the King of the Country: But the Secretary replied, that without Presents they could not be admitted into the King's Presence; and withal gave 'em a Letter; which Letter they brought with 'em to Tobolsko, and from thence they were sent with it to the Emperor's Majesty. They left Cathay about the Twelfth of October, and arrived at the Castle of Tobolsko about Whitsuntide, in the Year, 1620. FINIS. BOOKS Printed for Tim. Goodwin, against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. MEMOIRS of Emerick Count Teckely in Four Books; wherein are Related all the most Considerable Transactions in Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire, from his Birth, Anno. 1656. till after the Battle of Salankement, in the Year 1691. Done out of French. The Life of Lewis of Bourbon, late Prince of Conde, digested into Annals; with many Curious Remarks on the Transactions of Europe, for these last Sixty Years. Done out of French. Lex Parliamentaria, or a Treatise of the Law and Custom of the Parliaments of England. With an Appendix of a Case in Parliament, between Sir Francis Goodwin, and Sir john Foretescue, for the Knights Place for the County of Bucks; 1 jac. I. From an Original French Manuscript. Translated ●nto English. Pollitica Sacra & Civilis, or a Model of Civil and Ecclesiastical Government; wherein, besides the positive Doctrine, the State and Church in general, are Debated the Principal Controversies of the Times, concerning the Constitution of the State and Church of England. By George La●son, Rector of More in Salop. An Enquiry into the Power of Dispensing with Penal Statutes; together with some Animadversions upon a Book written by the late Lord Chief Justice Herbert, Entitled A short Account of the Authorities in Law; upon which, Judgement was given in Sir Edward Hale's Case. A Defence of the late Lord Russel's Innocency: Together with an Argument in the great Case concerning Elections of Members to Parliament; between Sir Samuel Bernadiston Bar. Plaintiff, and Sir William Soams Sheriff of Suffolk, Defendant; in the Court of King's- Bench, in an Action upon the Case, and afterwards by Error Sued in the Exchequer-Chamber. The two last Wrote by Sir Robert Atkyns, Lord Chief-Barron of Their Majesty's Court of Exchequer.