Awake SAMSON, THE PHILISTINES Are Upon Thee! OR, A CAUTION TO ENGLAND, To take heed to her LOCKS, lest they being Cut off by Intrigues, she be made to Grind at the MILL of FRANCE.  
Being Preparatory to a more General Alarm.  
By a Lover of the True Interest of his Country.  
LONDON: Printed by S. Bridge in Austin Friars, and sold by E. Whitelock near Stationer's Hall, 1696.   

THE PREFACE.  
THE following Discourse being principally matter of fact, drawn from several Observations, made in the last Two Reigns, and since the late Revolution, with a short Account of the Endeavours used to bring us under the French Government, from which we have been so oft Providentially delivered, I have the less occasion to make any Apology for this short Narrative, intended only as a preparatory to a more General Alarm, to awaken us out of that dangerous Lethargy many of us are fallen into.  
I have waved Personal Reflections, without any self-prejudice to any body, because that sort of Writing is like throwing in Fuel, which inflames, instead of Water, to quench Fire; my desire being nothing else but to promote our real, general English Interest: That hath been and still is, and shall for the future continue to be my Endeavour, whatever it cost me, having hitherto consulted no Difficulty in the Public Service, though exposed to many audacious Repulses, yet have again rallied as a true Englishman.   

The Introduction.  
THE comparing our present condition, as it stands betwixt us and France, with Sampson and the Philistines, may not, I hope, be thought improper, who although he had several Warnings of their Design to destroy him; yet by his carelessness, trust, and sleeping in the Lap of her that was in the Intrigue with them, he was taken Captive by his Enemies.  
Tho we have had many Cautions, and signal Warnings of the Designs of France, yet (generally speaking) we would scarce believe ourselves in any danger; but though the Popish Plot in King Charles the 2d's time, was afterwards endeavoured to be shamm'd, yet is it not now (with a Witness) made out by the last part of the said Plot, viz. the adulterating the Coin.  
And although we are now under a present astonishing acknowledgement of Providence, in the late Preservation of His Majesty's Royal Person, and preventing the effusion of so much Blood, as was intended, by this last horrid Conspiracy, with the total destruction of the Protestant Religion; yet how insensible are too many persons already growing, and ready to cool, as if they were resolved not to see the Sun at Noonday, and consent (as Samson in the Lap of Delilah) to be overwhelmed with utter darkness.  
I must confess, there have been many Discourses Printed about this Subject, by much abler Pens; but it being generally in such Language, and so satirical, that it doth no way answer the end so necessary for enlightening, on the one hand, and healing on the other hand: I shall therefore endeavour, as much as possible, to use such cautions as may serve the ends proposed; and shall offer that to consideration which is matter of fact, with relation to France, (viz.) of the Design in both the late Reigns, to subvert the whole English Government, and subject it to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of the French King.  
To effect which, the Trade of England was to be, in the first place, transplanted to France, and it was so much effected, that in Twenty years' time, it gained from us, near Four Millions per Annum, as is fully demonstrated in a late Discourse, Entitled, The Usurpations of France upon England, by a Person who has made his particular Observations thereon in these words, viz. And though in Trade itself its generally reported, that France (by way of Barter) got from England upwards of a Million of Pounds Sterling per Annum, for several Years last passed, which is only known by the Entries made in our Custom-House-Books; yet this (to those that know the Intrigues of that People) may not be one half in value of the Goods imported from France. For that which comes in by Stealth (and of such some Persons are so fond, as to give double, if not triple the worth of it, only to have the name of French) may be as much in the Sum, if not more than what is truly and really Entered, which for the most part are bulky Commodities.  
And as our Loss in the Trade with France is about Two Millions per Annum, by the Importation of their Commodities here; so it's presumed (on very good grounds) that the Exportation of our Wool thither, unwrought, enriches France, much more than all the Importation of French Goods into England, etc.  
The same Author did publish his Fears of that evil about 27 years ago, which were afterwards in the year 1677, renewed by the same hand in a Discourse, Entitled, The Proverb crossed; and also much enlarged by Mr. Andrew Marvel, which he Published under the notion of a younger Brother in Ireland, to his elder Brother in England, occasioned by the Irish Act, Prohibiting the Importation of .  
And in the second place, the whole frame of our English Government, and the Protestant Religion, was to be subverted at once; and therefore the Plot in the year 1678, was so laid, and the adulterating the Coin was then designed to be the last part of the said Plot; and had we took that caution given us timely, we had prevented many of those evils, which we have so sensibly since felt, and have yet cause to fear greater.  
Nevertheless, since it hath pleased God (who alone hath done it) to discover those secret Plots, and late Designs of the Enemies of our Peace not only of England, as a Free Nation, but also the Protestant Religion itself; let us make that use of it, as becometh rational persons.  
And since the Designs of our Enemies have been variously exercised, (viz.) to destroy our Trade, to envade Property, to alter our Religion, and to Adulterate the Coin of the Nation; let us now consider, being so long ago told of the Design of our Enemies, and not gratify them, and ruin ourselves  
The following Discourse being mostly nothing but matter of fact, it requires little, if any Apology at all.   

Awake Samson, etc. Or, A CAVEAT to England, not to be Trappanned, by France.  
THAT the Revolution in 1688 (as just one Hundred years before) in preventing our falling both into Popery and Slavery, viz. the French King's Tyranny, was then looked upon by the Body of the Nation, to be the wonderful Providence of God, and next to a Miracle, That the than Prince of Orange (now our King) with so small an Army, to adventure at such a season of the Year, as the dead of Winter, and so long a Voyage, and to sail by such a strong Fleet, almost in sight, then in the Downs, and also such a great and Disciplined Army here in England, well paid, and the French ready to assist upon occasion; for I was informed that very evening that the News came of the late King's leaving Salisbury, by a person privy to that King's Design, that there were betwixt Calis and Bullen, about thirty thousand French Soldiers, designed to Embark for England; and Dover-Castle was to protect such as should Land there; and Shereness and Tilbury Fort were to receive others to block up London and Chatham; and had not the Lord by the same Providence defeated their Designs, partly by the Divisions of the late King's Council, (as in the case of Absalon) and by the measures that the French King took thereupon, (as in another Discourse enlarged) which had it not been thus, but that the French Army had Landed, and any considerable part of the King's Army stood by him, what Confusion must this poor Nation have been in, viz. England before now might have had the same fate of Germany and Flanders, where the French hath destroyed, or are in possession, and thereby the English Government, and the Protestant Religion at once, had been endangered, if not destroyed, and been subject to the French King's Tyranny.  
And that some of those persons that then invited and encouraged the Prince of Orange, now our King, not only to expose his Royal Person, in coming hither from Holland, but also, when come, in pursuance of the said Invitation, desired his acceptation of the Government, and put the Sword in his hands; why such persons in so short a time, should oppose what they had then just before done, I will not presume to be judge of; but this I may say, what was then matter of fact, viz. the hindering a speedy Reduction of Ireland, which for that reason, occasioned the spilling of so much Blood, and expending so vast a Treasure, to the undoing several Thousands thereby: And we cannot but own also a Divine Hand in that Reduction; when that whole Kingdom, except Londonderry, and some few Forts, were then in the hands of the French; for I look upon the late King to be but his Deputy, if so much: And why English Protestant's should so soon contradict themselves in so short a time, is strange, and oppose that Deliverance from the French Tyranny, which they well knew, was all along designed in both the late Reigns, and more plainly appearing by Coleman's Letters, and several other Transactions publicly detected since  
And that Freemen should so earnestly long to be in Bondage and Slavery to that most  King, may seem strange, who hath so much delighted in Blood, and not only destroyed (without cause) so many Thousand Subjects of other Princes, but also of those whom he hath himself owned to be his most Industrious and Loyal Subjects, which may appear in a Letter to the Elector of Brandenburg, dated the Sixth of September, 1666.  
The French King's Letter to the Duke of Brandenburg.  
BROTHER, I would not have Discoursed the matter you wrote to me about on the behalf of my Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, with any other Prince besides yourself, but to show you the particular esteem I have for you.  
I shall begin with telling you, that some persons, disaffected to my service, have spread Seditious Pamphlets among Strangers, as if the Acts and Edicts that were passed in favour of my said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion by the Kings my Predecessors, and confirmed by myself, were not kept and executed in my Dominions, which would have been contrary to my intentions. For I take care that they be maintained in all the Privileges which have been Granted them, and be as kindly used as my other Subjects; to this I am engaged both by my Royal Word, and in acknowledgement of the proofs they have given me of their Loyalty, during the late Troubles, in which they took up Arms for my Service, and did vigorously oppose, and successfully overthrow the ill designs which a Rebellious Party were contriving within my own Dominions, against my Authority Royal.  
What his Hypocrisy was then, appears in his Edict, October 1685. viz. when he thought he was ready to put in execution his Design, and had the late King James to join with him to carry it on, in which Edict he exposes his Granfather Henry the Great, who had so nobly declared himself in his Edict of Nants, April 1598. he gins thus,  
The Edict of Henry the Great, the French King's Grandfather.  
NOW it hath pleased God to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest, we think we cannot employ ourselves better, than to apply to that which may tend to the Service and Glory of his Holy Name, and to provide that he may be adored, and prayed to by all our Subjects, and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of Religion, that it may at least be in one and the same intention, and with such Rules, that may prevent amongst them all Troubles and Tumults; and that we and this Kingdom, may always conserve the Glorious Title of Most Christian; and by the same means, take away the cause of Mischief and Trouble, which may happen from the Actions of Religion, which of all others, are most prevalent and penetrating; for this cause, acknowledging this Affair to be of the greatest Importance, and worthy of the best consideration; after having considered the complaints of our Catholic Subjects; and having also permitted to our Subjects of the Reformed Religion, to assemble themselves by Deputies for framing their Complaints, and making a Collection of all their Remonstrances: Having therefore conferred divers times with them, we have upon the whole, judged it necessary, to give to all our said Subjects, one general Law, clear, plain and absolute, by which they shall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore risen among them, or may rise hereafter; having had no other regard in this deliberation, than solely the zeal we have to the Service of God; praying that he would henceforward grant to all our Subjects a durable and established Peace; And we Implore and Expect from his Divine Bounty, the same Protection and Favour he hath always bestowed upon this Kingdom from our Birth, and that he would give our said Subjects the Grace to understand; That in observation of this our Ordinance, consisteth (next to their Duty towards God and Us) the principal foundation of their Union, Concord, Tranquillity, Rest, and the re-establishment of this State in its first Splendour, Opulency and Strength; As on Our part We promise, that all the parts of it shall be exactly observed, without suffering any contravention; And for these causes, having with the Advice of the Princes of our Blood, other Princes and Offieers of our Crown, and other Great and Eminent Persons of our Council of State, well and diligently weighed and considered all this Affair, we have by this Edict or Statute, perpetual and irrevocable, said, declared and ordained, etc.  
That after the said Edict of Henry the Great, was so long quietly enjoyed by the Protestants in France, who continued always Loyal to their Prince, and as the present French King confesseth in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenburg, had been so serviceable to him when he was in danger of his Crown, and that they were so greatly instrumental in settling him upon the Throne, that yet for that reason they should be destroyed, is a strange return of Gratitude; and if it be so, that he hath been so false and base to his own Loyal Subjects, it is no marvel that he hath broken with others, and true to none, (if not consistent with his Ambition) let their obligations be never so great.  
These things considered, it's incredible to think, that any Englishmen should contribute to his Greatness, by creating objections against the present Government, and with so much industry, magnify and spread them abroad, in order to instill dividing Principles in honest, well-meaning men's Minds, than which nothing can possibly tend more to our own ruin, and promoting the French Interest. Nor can I see with what peace of Conscience, such Men can desire that Misery to befall England; yea, even those very persons that have had particular obligations, though never so great, to the late King James, especially if some of his actions be duly considered, even such as were transacted before his Abdication, as well as so lately attempted, which being matter of fact, carries its own evidence; for proof of which take the following account, viz.  
I remember at the latter end of the year 1687, when he had given a Commission to inspect what Fines had been Levied on the Dissenters, and not paid into the Exchequer, (which was designed, and afterwards appeared, not for any good to them, but to set Protestant's one against another, to make way for the Papists) amongst several illegal practices, there was one more notorious than others, (I speak my own knowledge, being in that Commission, and hearing the examination of the case) That a Justice of Peace in Middlesex, had caused the value of two hundred Pounds in household-goods to be seized upon from a Dissenter, yea his children's , and a Chimney-Piece to make it up, for several Meetings, (I could name both the Justice and the Dissenter, if it were necessary) which Goods were all carried to the Justice's Stables, and there divided without any Appraisment, and restoring the overpius back to the Owner; and so it fell out, one of the Commissioners, who had a great Interest in King James, did the next day inform him of the whole matter, who upon hearing thereof, seemed to be affected with the matter, insomuch that I expected nothing less than a restoration; but the contrary fell out, for when we had summoned the Justice to answer the Charge, which was some Weeks e'er he appeared, he did not deny the fact, but produced a Witness that it was done by the said King's particular order when he was Duke of York.  
What greater Hypocrisy could there be? and how much like his Brother in France before mentioned, to which may be added some other instances, viz. One was in answer to an Address, wherein he solemnly protested his aversion to Persecution; and in another he called God to Witness, how much Persecution was against his Judgement; and to a third Address, he said he had well considered the Spanish Inquisition, and wondered at his Brother the King of France's Proceed, how injurious they were to Trade; and added, That he would give them leave to Chalk his Back as a Fool, if he should follow their steps; and to add a fourth, Printed on the Address of the Quakers, he appealed to Mr. Pen, how for many years he knew him averse to Persecution, which calls to mind, a Passage I heard from the then Duchess of York's Secretary, in the year 1682, that he had often heard the Duke say, that to please some Dissenters, especially Mr. jon, and other Quakers, he declared he was troubled at their Suffering, but afterwards laughed at them; besides all which, many cannot but know, that most of the Severities used in King Charles the Second time, were influenced by the said King James, as in the instance before of the Justice of Peace, on purpose to put the Church of England to prosecute the Protestant Dissenters (when the Papists were quiet) to make way to promote Popery; and to conclude, his causing so many Worthy and Eminent Men, (averse to Popery) to lose their Lives, on purpose to deter others; and therefore its plain, what we may expect from Men of such Principles, let their pretences be never so fair, which is already too notorious in the practice of the French King, and in part, began by the said King James, in the last mentioned actions; and how near we were under the same kind of the French Government, by the late King's actions; and so long designed by both the said Kings, not only appearing in Coleman's Letters before mentioned, but in all their proceed pursuant thereunto, which for Englishmen to promote, is monstrous, and never to be pitied. I would upon this occasion, and the late Design of the French, only incert the fact of Grandaval, who was Executed in Flanders the 13th of August 1692. for the same Design against His Majesty's Royal Person at that time; the Relation is this, viz.  
Some of the Ministers in the highest Employments, and of the greatest Credit in the Court of France, having form a Design to assassinate His Majesty of Great Britain, they made use of the said Grandval, as their Instrument, to manage the Enterprise, to find out fit persons to be employed in it; to engage them by promises of great rewards, as also to be aiding and assisting in his own person.  
The said Grandval being informed, that one Anthony du Mont had already been engaged in this design, in the Life time of the late Marquis de Louvois, he proposed it to him again, to execute the same by order of the Marquis of Barbesiaux, and some others. Whereupon several Projects were drawn up, and resolution was taken to bring it to effect the Cawpaign 1691: but the Providence of God disappointed them; yet notwithstanding they did not let fall the Prosecution of this horrid Design; but Grandval was employed frequently to write to Du Mont (who was retired to Hanover) to stir him up to another attempt, the Campaign of 1692, which at last they agreed upon.  
One Loofdate coming to Paris about that time, Grandval making an acquaintance with him, discovered to him the said Design, which Loofdate showing a willingness to be concerned in, but soon after gave notice of it, by Letters, to his Relations in Holland, that they might inform his Majesty; and the like Discovery was made by Du Mont to his Highness the Duke of Zell, who acquainted His Majesty with it about the same time that he received the other account.  
In the mean time Grandval having appointed Du Mont a Rendezvouz at Vden in the Country of Ravestryn, he set out from Paris in company of Loofdate, passing thro' Brussels, where he communicated his Design to one John d' Amours, who was formerly a Domestic Servant to Loofdate's Father. From thence they went to Antwerp, and so to Eyndhoven, where Grandval was seized, and Bois le d●c.  
Loofdate upon Examination made out clearly all the circumstances of the Conspiracy; and said Grandval told him, That the King of Great Britain was looked upon as the only obstacle to the French King's Designs.  
John d' Amours being Examined next, Deposed, that Grandval told him at Brussels, he had a great business to do, which had miscarried the last year; and they two falling into Discourse about His Majesty, John d' Amours asked Grandval, if he had any thing to say to the King, Yes, answered he, To break his Neck.  
Du Mont being Examined, owned the fact in all its circumstances, adding several other particulars, viz. that Madam Maintenon (the French King's old Concubine) was acquainted with the Design: and that if he (Grandval) succeeded in the business, he should have an ample Recompense, even to be a Duke.  
Grandval himself was Examined, and perceiving that the matter was Discovered, and that his own Letter could be produced to convict him, he freely confessed all the circumstances of the Design, without so much as naming the Rack to him, either before or after Sentence. Grandval declared that he acted in this Damned Design, wholly in obedience to the Orders he had received from Monsieur Larbesieux, and Monsieur Chanlais, Ministers of State to the  King.  
Monsieur Barbesieux promised Grandval an Annual Revenue of 20000 Livres, and to make him Knight of the Order of St. Lazarus, in case the design took effect.  
Grandval, Loofdate and Colonel Parker, went to St.  on the 16th of April 1692, to speak with the late King James about the said Design, who had knowledge of it. They all had Audience of the said King, the late Queen being present. King James told Grandval, that Parker had given him an an account of the Business, and say, That if he and the other Officers would do him that Service, they should never want.  
Grandval owned himself Guilty of the Design, and said, He deserved Death, and that, He had an Original Paper under Monsieur Barbesieuxes own hand to justify himself.  
This Relation is so necessary at this time to be mentioned, because it agrees with our late discovered Plot, and Answers all the Objections produced by the French Advocates. This Conspiracy was carried on at that time when the late King James was preparing to Invade England that very Summer, 1692 And to this I shall crave leave to add an Abstract of what was not long since Published, which was the Relation of a Gentleman of very good Note, who had seen most of the Transactions at St. Germains, from 90 to 94, who reported,  
In the Year 92 the late King had great hopes to be restored with Triumph, and fed himself with the thought of being an absolute Monarch, having about that time received great encouragement, as well from the Pope as from the French King, which made him look above the reach of his late Subjects, (as he thought) and to reject all the Lord Preston's Undertake, and the rest concerned in that Intrigue; which was like to have cost the Lord Preston his Life, and for which he had no Thanks; but on the contrary, was despised for meddling; the late King protesting then, That he had rather never see England, (and it's hoped never shall) then Come To, or Capitulate with his Subjects again: But he soon altered his Resolutions, seeing Affairs abroad thwart his Designs, and meeting with such unexpected Disappointments, which abated much of the thoughts he retained but a little before; so that of a sudden Motion, he with great impatience, consulted some of his Protestant Council, telling them, that he was resolved to Treat with his late Subjects, and give them any Conditions rather than stand out any longer; concluding, that nothing would more conduce to his Restauration, than to reconcile himself to his late Subjects.  
In order thereto an Express was sent to England, with Instructions to the Lord Midleton, and some others, to Treat with the People, and to know their Inclinations, by feeling how their Pulses beat, and accordingly to proceed; which the Lord Middleton did, and drew a Declaration, answerable to the desires of the Churchmen of England and Ireland; and some other Heads of both the Kingdoms. After some Debates, the Lord Midleton went away for France, and arrived at St. Germains, the beginning of March 1692, (towards the beginning of the year 93.) produced the Declaration, which admitted of high Debates, and long Arguments Pro and Con, as their several separate Interests, moved the Ministers of St. Germains. But the Lord Melford started several Cases of Conscience, against the late King's signing the said Declaration, insomuch that to be satisfied therein, and to remove all scruples of Conscience, the late King consulted the College of Sorbon, and the Irish College likewise. The Faculty of Sorbon declared against the said Declaration, and the Irish College for it. The Irish College gave these Reasons, That the King was in Exile, banished his Kingdom by his own Children, and Subjects, for his Religion; that as the Case stood with him, there was no remedy for his Restauration left him, but to comply with his Subjects, and to sign any Instrument whatever, for to prevail with them to accept of him home again; and whatever he should sign while in Exile, and under Tribulation abroad, he should not in Conscience, be obliged to perform after his Restoration, as exacted from him per force in distress, which renders all conditions and agreements of that kind, neither obligatory, nor binding, any longer than a fair opportunity should offer to break them; (and wherein he would but imitate his Brother Charles the Second, who took the Covenant in Scotland, and after his Restoration, burned it at London by the hands of the Common Hangman.) The Faculty of Sorbon declared against this kind of Machiavilian Doctrine, and against the Declaration too: Yet notwithstanding, the late King did sign the said Declaration, on the consideration aforesaid. But the Lord Melford and the Lord Middleton fell out, and are to this day irreconcilable.  
The said Declaration so signed by the late King, was ordered to be sent into Flanders, to be read there at the Head of the Irish Troops, but was to them the most unwelcome and unacceptable Message that ever they met withal, or that the late King could send them, finding by the said Declaration that they lost themselves both at home and abroad by the late King; which caused such a consternation in the Camp, that the Soldiers (who would be glad of any occasion to quit the Service, and to return home) openly mutined, having started the Question, That now being Deserted by King James, why should they not go over to King William, and accept of Conditions? But the Question was carried in the Negative; and an Express sent immediately to St. Germains, to let the late King know the Discontent among the Soldiers, and the Disorders in the Camp, occasioned by the said Declaration.  
Here King James comes to himself again, and after his old custom of doing and undoing, gets another Declaration drawn, signs the same, to null the former, and sends away two Gentlemen, and two Clergymen of note, with this new Declaration for Flanders, to pacify the Irish, and to give them content; which for some days gave them satisfaction; but not so much as to harbour a good Thought of the late King, believing that if ever he should be restored, they would be all lost though his unconstancy; and that by reposing their Trust in him, they confided in a rotten Reed: But however, they were appeased for that time.  
Here the late King, forgetting his last Declaration and Protestation to the Irish, sends the first Declaration for England without any amendment, or taking any notice of the last Declaration to the Irish; but with the former Exception against them, he lets it pass for England; here (as they say abroad) it was published the 19th of May 1693; but several not believing the same to be the late King's Declaration, but the product of some other Invention to amuse the People, seemed disgusted at it, and would give it no Credit: But that the People may be undeceived in the said Declaration, notice was sent to St. Germains, what the People said about it; and immediately to remove all doubts touching the same, the late King caused it to be put in the Paris Gazette; where (to his great dishonour and disadvantage) it was Published by Authority; which gave content in England, and great discontent to the Irish Army, who were in great disorder about it; but the French King promised to see them righted, who are weary of King James (except some Officers that cannot live so well at home as in their station abroad) and willing to quit the Service upon any reasonable Conditions whatsoever, especially the common Soldiers, who are extraordinary poor and dissatisfied, would give any thing to be at home; and the constant Desertion confirms it.  
The Nobility and Gentry of France, finding a Declaration of King James in the Paris Gazette, were surprised at it, and seeing him desert the Roman Catholic Interest, did look upon it as great inconstancy of resolution, which in truth removed the Interest and Affection of the Clergy and Nobility of France from him, who, before that Publication, were all resolved for him, and to promote his Restoration to their power; but since are grown cold upon the matter.  
And is it not strange, after such a discovery of the Temper, and Principles of such a Prince, now present with such a Monster in France, whose influences over him will ever be more powerful than his Brothers, even at their first Arrival in the year 1660? I say again, is it not strange that Englishmen, yea, those very persons that were greatly instrumental in the said Revolution, and put the Sword into our King's hand, and whilst he is using it, with the frequent hazard of his own Life, to save ours, and to free us from Popery and Slavery, that such persons should cast away all sense of Mercy and Freedom, and long to be under Bondage to that most  King; (just as Israel, even without such occasions as they had of old, longed to go back again to Egypt) and thus exposing not only themselves at present, to be a scorn and reproach to all the World, but also by it to be instrumental in enslaving their own Posterity, so much degenerating from the Ancient and Generous Principles of rational Englishmen, even long before the word Protestant was ever known, as appears by the Act of Magna Charta, in Henry III. time, besides many others in the succeeding Reigns, by which England now enjoys those excellent Privileges, even beyond any Nation whatsoever; and shall this Age be so foolish, as to be willing to lose all, and subject itself to one of the greatest inhuman Tyrants in the World; Oh! that it may not be once named, that Englishmen should so much degenerate; but let us reassume that Ancient Spirit, and improve the opportunity of regaining our Honour, Peace and Liberty, pursuant to the King's Speech lately made to his Parliament, viz. That these Nations might be Settled, and the Peace of Europe made up; which Peace cannot well be made, nor long kept, but by bringing that aspiring Prince (the French King) low, that hath occasioned so much blood inhumanely to be spilt, for his Ambition and Pride, as well as of making so many Countries desolate; and therefore he that hath not only been so Tyrannical, but also Treacherous and False to his Word and Oath, can never be trusted by any new Contracts, as the Emperor of Germany and King of Spain have so lately observed; and therefore nothing but a Power above him, can bring him to any tolerable Terms to keep within bounds; for should a Peace be concluded at such a season as this, I do foresee, who have made it my business to observe the Intrigues of that King, that such a Peace would end in our Ruin, as is very well observed by another hand in these words,  'Tis true indeed, that Peace is the greatest of National Felicities, and aught to be our most desirable Blessing, especially if we look back to that effusion of blood, and expense of Treasure has already been made, and therefore to sound the Trumpet for the encouragement of War, must be somewhat ungrateful in our ears: However, when those two most potent Motives Honour and Interest, lay that unavoidable necessity upon us, That it's impossible we can sheathe our Swords with any thing less, than giving up our Necks to a most certain Slavery; War and only War is our common security, Peace made up with an Enemy, whose Power is too strong, and Fidelity too weak, is only a Web-lawn to break through at pleasure; and a reconciliation of Friendship with such a Prince, is the only means to empower him to be a more dangerous, because then a more surprising Enemy. Should France in her present height of Greatness, give a cessation to Hostility; 'tis certain, she can never give a cessation to her Ambition; and 'tis as certain, that War is only raked up, not quenched, when the Coals of Ambition are still glowing, that at any convenient Rupture, may sit it fresh a blazing to that Aspirer, that so visibly aims at Universal Monarchy. Universal Peace can be no more than Disguise and Stratagem, the Snake in the Grass is but too notoriously to be suspected under so foler, how seemingly fair Bed of Flowers. In short, in any present accommodation with France, her holding her hand, will be no other than to enable her to make a stronger Blow. 
So that if we consult our real Interest as Englishmen, we ought to promote it; for future success should encourage us, especially when we reflect upon the King's management of the Campaign the last Year, when he gave so great a Check to the French King's Pride at the re-taling of Namur; and that the Venetians and the Duke of Tuscany, that had so long stood out, come to acknowledge our King's Authority, let us not now lose Ground again; for if we will but observe the particular Providences of God to this Nation, we must needs own, it hath been still kept almost by Miracles.  
Let us consider some of our late Deliverances, and particularly that in the year 1692 (compared with that lately discovered) and a little reflect thereon, and call to mind how near we were then to destruction, and knew it not, and what the Providence of God was at that time, it may cause us to stand amazed; for I had some private hints at that time, and wrote them to a Friend of mine, attending the King in Flanders, which Person had been just then preserved from being drowned. An Abstract of which Letter I shall Transcribe,  
London, 25th April 1692. Sir,  
I am glad to hear of your great Deliverance since you Landed on that side, but sorry I have occasion to tell you what my fears are, viz. that if the Lord be not as wonderful at this time in the preservation of that Liberty he was pleased to work for us at His Majesty's first arrival from Holland in 1688; we are very like to go back again to that Bondage we were then delivered from; for the daily Collections furnisheth me with fresh occasions of mourning; and but yesterday I was cautioned not to expose myself in that Post I have stood so long in, viz by opposing the French Interest, for that the late King James would be here in a Month, and little opposition be made against him; having a security of a quiet reception; and many reasons were then given to induce me to believe it, which I shall, for other reasons, no ●omit naming them; and if the Wind continue long as it is, and that the French Fleet are joined, they may come and do what they please, because our Fleet are in no condition to oppose them, they being kept so long to Rendezvouz in the North; when it was urged long before to Rendezvouz at Spithead. I was in hopes that the King was ready to come back, but though despairing of that, am now informed that he will be in the Fleet to animate the Descent, etc.  
 
Postscript. Before Sealing, the Wind shifting, hath blowed away some of my fears.  
It was a great and wonderful Providence it was not effected; that had not the Wind shifted at that time, and prevented the French Fleet from coming upon us, they might have soon destroyed that Squadron then off the Isle of Wight, and have Landed there and at Portsmouth; but as before hinted, the Wind shifting, the French Preparations proved, not only abortive, but very destructive to them at that time.  
And it must be owned to be a Divine Hand at that time, in the very Wind, (as now lately upon this last Design of France) for as the Thoulon Squadron being stopped from coming, as was designed, into the Channel, and when we were informed of their Design to Invade us, that then the Wind served just so long, as to carry our Fleet from the North to the Downs, and then immediately in having it shift till the Dutch joined us; so that England may say of the Wind, as Deborah of old did of the Stars, who in their order fought for Israel.  
Let it be remembered, that the Wind at that time held West and South-West about 5 Weeks, was an apparent Providence to this Nation; and if we will observe any thing of that Nature, we may conclude by the same Providence, what a Noble Peer of this Nation said some years ago, upon a Defeat of some Rebels in Scotland, and discovery of a Plot in Lancashire, That God would deliver us whether we would or no.  
So that the Enemy's Preparations proved then not only abortive, but an opportunity was offered to gain a great Victory upon them; and had it been pursued, France (to speak humanely) had in a great measure been ruined; for I was credibly informed by a Relation of mine, who was in the Engagement, and after the Fight did burn two great Ships of War at La Hogue, who observed, that had there been a few Men Landed, the French had fled when none pursued; their temerity of the one hand, and oppression on the other, would have rendered them uncapable or unwilling to defend their Country; the two powerful Motives that rendered the Revolution among us in 1688 so feasible and easy. I speak not at random, but on good Grounds, from the Information I then received a little before the said Victory, by a person that had been in France about that time, who informed me, that although the Policy of the French King were such, as that his Maritime and Frontier Towns were not so much oppressed, yet most of the Inland Provinces were so depopulated and impoverished, that there were not Men left to Till the Ground, nor Dress the Vines, as afterwards was more plainly demonstrated; and were we once unanimous, we might strike Terror into the mind of that haughty Monarch of France.  
I am not ignorant what sly Insinuations have been used to undermine our present Government, by telling us by way of objection, viz. How the Authors of the Hungarian, and Piedmont Persecution, and the Spanish Inquisition should establish the Protestant Belief amongst us? I would answer, That the present War, in which we are engaged with the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, is not upon the account of Religion, but upon Property and Civil Rights in those Princes, who opposed the French King's Ambition; and the War with the Emperor, etc. was long before our Revolution. And therefore it was a very great Providence to us in England, as well as other Protestant Countries, that there is that agreement in all those Princes united against France: And should not England assist the rest of the Allies, they would soon be overrun by France; and should Holland be under that Government, England could not hold out very long; for when the Marine Forces in Holland is united to France, we may then rationally conclude, that not only England, but the two Neutral, Northern Crowns and Portugal, must at length receive Laws from France; I will not undertake, that his Holiness at Rome shall be exempt from his Jurisdiction. I might enlarge upon such reasons as may be convincing, if it were necessary, but it would be superfluous, matters of fact having been so much beforehand of that nature, how the French Monarch hath treated all persons that endeavour to thwart his Ambition, etc.  
So that it is our real Interest to assist the rest of the Confederates, notwithstanding all the present inconveniences, and evil consequents that do attend us, which in a little time may be avoided.  
It is not now a thing Disputable, for we have too evident Experience, and the Nation has been convinced, that the Growth of France would be the Ruin of England; as witness those many Parliamentary Addresses made to King Charles the Second, as well as by the many Bills brought in, and Acts passed in the Reign of His present Majesty; and he exposing his Royal Person in order to bring down that lofty Prince, and shall we now by a few false friends, and their sly insinuations, be prevailed upon to alter our minds, and take those methods that most directly ruin us. As for Example, should I pretend to go for Exon or Berwick, we know Ware is the Road to one, and Hounslow to the other, and should be met at Gravesend, Rochester, etc. and pursue that direct Road by Land and Water, any body that knows the Road, must conclude, I designed for France, let my pretences be never so much to the contrary.  
It's grievous to think, that when England is honoured with the greatest Privileges of any Nation under Heaven; and that it will be allowed, its Laws (as to the main of them) exceeding other Nations, but most backward as to execution, that which is wanting, is one general Law to put others in execution.  
I am sorry I have the occasion to mention a particular case that past in my own sight the last Year, viz. When some Overtures were made to settle a Trade betwixt us and the Duke of Savoy and Piedmont, and discoursing with a great Gentleman concerned in that Affair, gave me the sight of the Agent, who was then to go on this Affair, being a Frenchman, I asked him, whether since the Trade to be promoted, was for England, it would not be more proper to send an Englishman? To which he answered, No, for we were too sluggish to promote, even our own real good; had I not too much experience of the truth of his Answer, I should have argued with him; for I have generally observed the disposition of too too many guilty of this fault, and more particularly noted by another Pen (viz.)  
We have been more careful to receive the Law from France, in all their Modes, both in Eating and Wearing, than from the great Creator for our Conversation; and so prevalent is the humour of that Country, with us, and so powerful the Ascendant it hath over us, that we seem to be Frenchmen, only we live in England, so that they have sufficiently revenged themselves upon us, by the lose Manners they have brought among us; but I must needs say to their Credit, they keep their Wits in their Debaucheries, whilst we, by overdoing them in the imitation of them, lose both; What is become of that Ancient Education of the Kingdom, our Integrity, Gravity and Manhood, which gave our Nation so great Reputation in the World; is it not turned into Swearing and Drinking, a Duel and a Wench? their Profaneness is their Wit; and their base Crafts must be called Policy; and as this we have learned from France, as to our Men, so let us consider as to our Women; but where is that retired Breeding, which made our Women so famous for Virtue as they were always for their Beauty; Alas! there hath been a sort of industry used to subdue their native Modesty; as if it were an indecent thing to have it, and Arts practised to make them hardy against their own blushes, and master their shy and bashful disposition (so peculiar to Chastity) into an unconcerned Confidence; as if it were their Perfection, to be insensible of any ill, and to be tamed at all things. Strange! that sobriety should be turned into levity, and lust called love, and wantonness good humour; this have been the effect of the French Modes given us. And the same Author proceeds in the Description of a well-constitued Monarchy in ancient Times, with the Mischiefs that befell them when they grew slotful, and gave themselves to Pride, Luxury, etc. which I crave leave to mention only for a Warning for us to consider of, his words are these, The first Empire had Nimrod's strength, and the Wisdom of the Chaldeans to establish it; and whilst prudence and sobriety lasted, they prospered, no sooner came Voluptuousness than the Empire decayed; and was at last by the base Effeminacies of Sardanapalus (in whom that Race ended) transferred to another family. It was the Policy of an Assyrian King, to subdue the strength of Babylon (then under good Discipline) not to Invade it with Force, but to Debauch it: Wherefore he sent in Players, Musicians, Cooks, Harlots, etc. and by those means introducing Corruption of Manners, there was little more to do than to take it. Nabuchadnezzar by his Virtue and Industry, seen in the Siege of Tyre, and of many great Erterprises, recovered and enlarged it to a mighty Empire; and his Discipline was so excellent (those times considered) that it was praised in Scripture; but when he grew Proud and Foolish, for getting that Providence that had shown itself so kind to him, he became a Beast, and grazed among the Beasts, till God, whom he had forgotten, had restored him the heart of a Man and his Throne together.  
I wish we may take up in time, and observe how it was brought in amongst us; for when the two late Kings (to whom not only England, but great part of Europe, may attribute the present War) that during their abode in France, a foundation was laid for the ruin of England, which was gradually put in execution, as it would bear, and it had certainly been effected, had not the Revolution prevented. It is very pertinent, what is written by another hand on the observation of the 29th of May, the Birthday and Restoration of Ch. 2d, viz. Now let us see how great cause we had to fall into so high and exceeding demonstration of joy; let the event show, how great a Blessing this Restoration proved to the Nation. We know sometimes God gives Kings in his Anger, and takes them away in his Wrath. Plague, War and Fire came in with King Charles, but all little enough, in comparison of that Flood of Vice and Corruption, in the way of Profaneness, Impiety, Debauchery, etc. which being encouraged by Example and Impunity, followed him, and like a mighty stream, have so overflowed the Nation, that in all likelihood, it will require more Judgements, and many years to come, to purge the Land of it; 'tis overspread almost, from the Child in the Cradle, to the Old Man going to his Grave. Whoredom and Wine take away the heart, and our Understanding too, which make us grow an Effeminate Nation, contemptible to our Neighbours; and made us cast away the Honour and Interest of the Country, and become Tools of the Ambition and Greatness of those, whose growing Power we ought to have opposed; and which since, made Europe groan, and labour to be delivered from that Bondage or Danger we helped to bring it under: We slighted the suits and offers of many Princes and States, and Addresses of Parliament, who offered their Lives and Fortunes to stop the growing Power of France, which had her Emissaries of both Sexes in our Bosom; by whose counsels Parliaments were Adjourned, Prorogued and Dissolved, whilst in less than 2 Years time above 100000 souls, for Religion sake, forsook the Kingdom, insomuch that one person, viz. Tilham, carried 3000 unto the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, upon the account of Religion; and carried great part of our Trade; and that which is remarkable is, that we laid the foundation of the losing it, at least a great part of it, the same way we got it.  
But this was what was all along designed in both our late Reigns, and without doubt agreed unto by the French King, when those Princes were so long in France, which is plainly proved, and more enlarged by other Pens.  
Were the consequences of these things well considered, which is matter of fact, and were we more (as true Englishmen) unanimous (and abate those little peaks of no true value) and not suffer ourselves to be imposed upon, we need not fear the most daring and potent Adversary whatsoever; but on the contrary, if we should be led away by Jealousy and Discontent, and thereby give way to our Enemies, what confusion may not be expected? especially among the common Peogle (who hath hitherto, by almost a Miracle, been restrained by the Lord, who stilleth the noise or tumult of the People) for they, if let lose, not walking by Law, Rule or Reason, but through Rashness and Madness run themselves, and the Nation into great Confusion and Misery.  
And as the case stands at present, we cannot expect to enjoy the Liberty and Peace at home, without great cost to keep the War at a distance. I would therefore offer some Considerations in reference to those unavoidable Taxes, that though they may be great, and hard to be born, especially by some sort of persons, yet if we consider it's for the preservation of our future security and ease, as well as of, our lives, and the comfortable use of what is left.  
And if persons, though no present Distemper be upon them, are voluntary undertaking a Course of Physic, and are exposed to no little pain and trouble in its working, yet they bear it patiently, because they expect the effects thereof, both for the preserving their present Health, and preventing future distempers.  
Give me leave to add, that though the War is very uneasy to many, yet I may presume to say, and that upon good grounds, that had not the said War fell out as it did, it's more than probable, that we should e'er this time, have lost the greatest part of our Trade by France. And I am happily prevented in dilating my thoughts further on this Subject, by the remembrance of my old Acquaintance, the ingenious and faithful Monitor, Mr. Andrew Marvel, who, though dead many years since, yet as if he had beheld our present circumstances, expressed himself in these words in the year 1677. A more evident and certain reason of our decay in Trade, and the grand spring of this whole matter, lies in France; that King is a most vigilant and potent Prince, for he hath made War with all Europe, with his Sword against his Enemies, but against his Friends by Traffic, which is indeed, as the more just, so the more effectual way of destroying them; but among all, none hath on this latter account more suffered than England; for besides the Wine, which we purchase at most excessive rates, and for the most part for ready money; and besides these Trinkets, of which we are so fond, and to the making of which the French Genius was formerly adopted; he hath for many years applied his People to the making solid Trades of Cloth and Stuffs (made of our Wool) and indeed of all things valuable, embracing in effect, or in projection, the Universal Monarchy of Commerce. Never did any Prince so addict himself wholly to the encouragement of Trade and Navigation; to this he hath either wholly prohibited, or which is tanto mount, laid so excessive Impositions upon all our English Manufacture, that they are in a manner totally excluded, and we have no Commodity to exchange with, but whatever we have of his, must be bought with a Penny; insomuch that I have a particular, drawn up in Parliament, wherein they have computed, besides the lucrum cessorum, that the Nation sustained a clear loss of eleven hundred thousand Pounds yearly by the French Trade.  
He further saith, The French, who were not long since, but the Milliners of Europe, are now become, or pretend to be the Cape Merchants; and that King gives not only the Mode, but Garment to all Christendom, and the World puts itself into his Livery at their own expense. Well may we therefore complain of the death rather than deadness of our Manufacture, when from this cause it receives such an obstruction, even to suffocation; when we are not only deprived of that general and gainful vent that we had formerly in France itself: but in all other places where we Traffic, we meet the French at every Town, and the Foreign Post brings News from all Parts, that they come before us, and have undersold us in the same Commodity; and to this Disease which is so mortal, and which is beyond any private man to remedy, we do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of Wool which are Transported to France, so that Calais is still no less our Staple than when it was under the English Dominion.  
And if it was thus so long ago, we may by woeful experience, conclude the French had grown much more great in so many years after.  
Give me leave a little to reflect upon what past in the 2 last Reigns, both as to the Church of England, and also Dissenters, of which the Nation consists. First, As to the Protestant Dissenters, when they were violently persecuted in the later end of the Reign of King Charles, and beginning of King James, what would that sort of People have done to have purchased the Liberty now enjoyed?  
Secondly, And those of the Church of England, not only of the Clergy, but also of the Laity, both Nobility and Gentry, as well as Tradesmen, what would they have parted with to be secured of their Properties, when envaded, and the Bishops were Tried? Yea, some of our English Catholics themselves, that were thinking Men, some of which I could name, when the Irish was for burning; and as all knows what sort of People they are, making no difference wherever they come, even in France itself, amongst those of their own pretended Religion, if it may be called a Religion.  
As to our present Taxes, let us compare the state of Flanders and Germany, where the French come, and where the Seat of War is, who are forced not only to pay Taxes to both Parties, but at last, all and their Lives to boot.  
If we on the other hand, consider the value of Freedom and Trade, and particularly Holland, who at all times, both in time of Peace as well as War, bear great Taxes, yet their Freedom and Trade make them go through it, as if none at all; and we ourselves at this day, though some particular persons may be great sufferers, yet the body of the Nation, for many years last passed, never lived so great as now, if we may judge by outward appearance; and give me leave to say, had we no Taxes, and should lose our Trade, as before hinted, we should be miserable, for it's that which is the main Spring and Fountain that gives life unto, and doth support a People or Nation, and the want of which at present in the Bowels of France, doth greatly expose that People.  
I say again, when I consider the many Millions this Nation hath contributed toward the War, the great losses many of our Merchants have sustained, as also the general Damage by the abuse of our Coin; notwithstanding all these things, if we look through the Nation in general, (excepting some few persons in particular) where is the just complaint? where are the Countries, Cities or Towns, that doth visibly demonstrate their Poverty? where are Tables less furnished? where are the Backs or Heads of each Sex not ornamented? Let us therefore not befool ourselves, and court Poverty and Ruin to ourselves? for can it otherwise be expected, that if ever the late King should be settled here, he must of necessity be the French King's Deputy; and supposing we may escape the Sword of the French King's Forces, its easy to apprehend what our condition will be hereafter, if we look back and remember how the French encroached upon us in our Trade in the last Two Reigns, while we had Peace with them, that for near 20 years together, the overbalance of the Trade with France, was near 4 Millions per Annum, we cannot in reason suppose that our loss will be less for the future, when we are but a Province of France; and then let us consider, what our condition will be (if we escape with our lives, which will be difficult) when we shall lose our Trade and Freedom, and be liable to make good to France, all the Debts the late King hath contracted with the French since his Abdication (as Spain hath been, for the Money borrowed to make War with Queen Elizabeth) for can it be ever thought by any considering person, that the great and extraordinary Charge the French King hath been put to, both in the Defence of Ireland so long, and all the cost in France, together with all the Preparations in the year 1692, and this late intended Invasion; as also the Debts contracted in France ever since the said Abdication, must not be allowed him; besides the gratifying his Friends; let us therefore consider all these things together, and expostulate with ourselves, what state and condition we shall then be in? for my part I dread to speak or write.  
But should Peace be made up before he is brought so low, as not to be in a condition to hurt us, the consequence would be very bad; for 'tis plain, that there is nothing but what we have reason to fear, if France gets advantageously out of this War; and that after the Proof they have had of their Forces, they will treat their Neighbours hereafter with much more state than they have already done.  
This is certain, they have done things which they could scarce think themselves capable of doing, and therefore we have more reason to be jealous of that King than ever, and should make use of the present League to reduce them into their just bounds. Experience has but too plainly convinced us, That there was need of no less than all the Powers that are united in the present War, to make head against France. But who can assure us, that it shall be possible to unite them a second time? Can so many circumstances that meet together to give birth to the League, concur afresh to form a new one? Every one knows, that to produce and confirm this Union, it was necessary that all the Allies were convinced of the Injustice of the French Proceed; that every one of them in particular had experienced their unhappy effects; and that one common danger had put them into an indispensible necessity of defending themselves; and how many incidents have occurred since? The Retreat of King James; the happy Revolution that followed it, and the Reduction of Ireland, have been degrees by which the Nation has been put in a state to act with vigour against the common Enemy.  
It was not enough to be Governed by a Prince that would not be discouraged by difficulties, nor disturbed by dangers, who Commands his Armies in Person, and animates them by his Example: The State of Affairs required; besides this, that this Prince should have Credit in Germany, to oppose, with success, the Intrigues of France there; and that he should be at the Head of the Forces of a powerful Republic, both by Sea and Land; and sure there need no great pains to prove, That since we cannot promise ourselves a like Juncture hereafter, 'tis absolutely necessary, to make the best use of it while we have it.  
'Tis easy to foresee, That some years of Repose, would give France the means of making a stronger Party in Germany, and the Northern Courts; so that it would not fail to make use of the first Revolution that should happen in Europe, to renew the War. No body is ignorant, that 'tis their Policy not to disarm in time of Peace; and that the Revenue of that Crown is always the same, which gives it infinite advantage, when it Attacks those who are used to disband at the end of a War; and which keep up the Armies by Taxes, which are presently intercepted by Peace. Besides this, the French King is absolute in his Government; his Frontier Towns are extremely strong; and in such a situation as to command all the Neighbouring Countries; so that he is always ready to make Invasions, and out of danger of having them made on him; and the unquiet Genius of that Nation, together with the care that is taken to form it to Slavery, requires frequent Wars abroad.  
Besides, that Crown is so far from having the Hopes and the Repose of its Subjects in view, that its main study is to keep them low. The Clergy can no more vaunt of any Prerogative; the King is as absolute over the Spiritualty, as he is over the Temporality: All depends upon his good Pleasure, which is now become the only Law of the State. The Nobility have lost all their Privileges; they are reduced to a necessity of cringing severely to an Intendant of a Province; and have no other way to aspire to any distinction, but by low and unbecoming submissions.  
As to the Subsidies granted to our King, it is to be considered, though they are great, yet he himself doth not dispose them for his private advantage; but they are made use of for our own safety, the King adventuring the hazard of his own Royal Person in pursuance of the end designed in all the Taxes, That these Nations might be Settled, etc. Wherefore, take heed Oh Murmurers! lest God deal with you as with the Israelites in Samuel's time, when that People had such Experiences of the Goodness of God by his many Deliverances by his own Hand, and by the Persons he was pleased to raise as his Instruments; but (too much like unto you) this was not satisfactory unto them, but they would choose a King, and declined the method which God had been pleased to lead them by; but require of Samuel a King to Judge them, like other Nations, and the Lord permitted Samuel to answer their desire, saying, that they had not rejected him, viz. Samuel, but had rejected the Lord, according to all the Works they had done, viz the Murmurers (for there were always some that stood in the Gap) since the day they came out of Egypt: And when they were to be gratified, Samuel was ordered by the Lord, to show them the manner of their King, (viz.) This shall be the manner of the King that shall Reign over you, he will take your Sons and Daughters for Himself, and he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants: and ye shall cry out in that day because of your King, which you shall have chosen you, and the Lord will not hear you in that day; nevertheless the People refused to obey the Voice of Samuel; and they said, Nay, but we will have a King over us, etc. How plainly applicable this would be to our case, is easy to understand, should we by our Murmur, provoke the Lord to anger against us; and by our Divisions and Animosities one against the other, entice and animate the French King to attempt another Invasion, under the specious Pretences of a Magnanimous and Royal Act of Restoring King James to his Throne again: But alas! who can describe the consequence of such an Act, I tremble to go about it; and Methinks! the Israelites yoke under their King is easy to what we may expect: To begin with the first clause, He will take your Sons and your Daughters for Himself, denoting the absolute Authority the King was to have over their Children, for the placing of them here or there, this or that Employment, as is there expressed, noble and ignoble, some were to be Captains of Thousands, others of Fifties; Confectioners, Bakers; some to reap, some to sow, etc. as you may read in the Story: Here is Mercy mixed with Judgement, an ordinary variety of circumstances of humane Life, wherein no Man, even the meanest servant, was to be debarred the placid reflection (he having done his duty) upon the Law of God, Fear God, Honour the King, the meanest Israelite reaping, might rejoice in his happy state, compared with Egypt's cruel, oppressive Slavery. But oh fearful Thought! What can we expect from our Enemies, who, I am bold to affirm, are the Enemies of God and good Men? Stupid Souls! Can you think the French King will be kinder to you than to his own, Faithful, Loyal Subjects, who gained him the Crown by their indefatigable Labour and true Valour: Take a view of his Gratitude and their Recompense; Are they made Captains of Thousands and Hundreds; yea, tell me where is the poor Protestant Reaper allowed to dwell peaceably in all his Dominions? Instead of taking their Sons and Daughters to himself, some he hath sent to the cruel Slavery of the Galleys; some he has destroyed without Mercy, in most inexpressible Tragical manner; and, are not our eyes daily beholders of the many, miserably banished Subjects of that King, besides the innumerable multitudes, banished other Countries? Will your Sons and Daughters, think ye, be better used? No no, be not deceived, the Fire of his Ambition, Hatred, Covetousness, is rather seven times hotter; and instead of Delighting in the Flames of London's Houses, he would be glad to see (Nero like) your Sons and Daughters, (how delicate soever they are in your eyes) burned with them.  
And to the second description of the murmuring Israelites King, And he will take your Fields and your Vineyards, and give them to his Servants, etc. Here the King's peremptory will over his Subjects Estates is described; an Israelite with an Israelite; one advanced, and the other brought low; no Family exempted from such vicissitudes; but the most dejected Israelite, though never so abject in the King's sight, if free from blemishes of the Law, might have recourse to the Temple, and there rejoice in the God of his Father Abraham: Blessed Privilege, meliorating the sourest affliction. But what? Oh murmuring Englishman! Canst thou expect from the French King, that great Destroyer of Countries, Vineyards, Cornfields, Pastorage, etc. Do you Think, if you escape with your Lives, you shall dispose of your Houses, Riches, Lands, etc. Vain thought! Forget not how you have been served by your own Kings, born among you, who never arrived to so infinite Barbarity as he hath done; yet have not they banished several of your fellow Subjects to the West-Indies? disposed your Goods and Money amongst vile Informers. Is France more tenderhearted? What bravely erected Churches, curious Mansions, fair Estates of his Protestant Subjects hath he demolished and made heaps of Rubbish, even Dunghills of; and forced the Owners of them into other Countries, to seek for places of Refuge, where they might sigh out their piteous complaints, like the blessed Souls under the Altar, How long, O Lord, just and true, & c.? And will he be kinder to you, ye hardhearted Murmurers? No! He will esteem the meanest pitiful, flattering Vale de Chambre-Monsieur, before the most noble, generous-hearted Peer of England, and make him possessor of his Estate. Pray tell me, have ye not seen from among yourselves, a cunning, tricking, flattering person, to serve the Prince's by-ends, preferred before you? What! expect ye kinder usage from France? Don't mistake, if ye by your Murmur provoke the Lord to Anger, and your hatred one of another, break his commands, and bring the French among you, The Dogs of his Flock will he make to traverse your Estates, and when he has done, if it were possible, make them Heirs of them, rather than you. His Revenge is not a light matter. Provoke not the Almighty to let it out upon you.  
It may not be impertinent to re-mind you, the greatest Grievance you at present lie under, in reference to the Coin, is from the pre-meditated revenge, cunning intrigues of your Ancient Enemies the French, it being part of the Plot in 1678; as may be seen in the Narrative of the Plot, and in a late Discourse, called A Tragedy, etc. in these words— This Flot was to be effected by worse than Jewish Interest; Transportation of Trade, People, Stock and Money, ADULTERATING MONEY AND PLATE. To which end they have Bankers, Merchants, Goldsmiths and other Traders, whom they stock and set up with Money of their Society; of which they boast to have one hundred thousand pounds Cash, etc. What Stock they may have now, is inconceivably great. Oh England! how long will you nourish these poisonous Vipers of the World, by your Murmur and Jealousies, and discern it not?  
I shall conclude in the words of another, As the Case stands now, there are but two Ways, Victory or Slavery; We must either make the French stoop to us, or be forced to submit to them; there remains no Terms of Peace for us, but what will fix an everlasting Infamy upon the English Name: In short, the Greatness of England and France is incompatible, if they rise, we must fall; and the richer they grow, the poorer we shall be; their Glory will be erected on our Shame; and a Peace at this time would introduce far greater, and more certain Calamities than War, etc.  
Awake England! Thine Enemies are not only upon thee, but within thee.  
FINIS.