THE HISTORY OF THE Late Conspiracy AGAINST THE KING AND THE NATION. With a Particular Account of the LANCASHIRE PLOT, AND All the other Attempts and Machinations of the disaffected Party, since His Majesty's Accession to the Throne.  
Extracted out of the Original Informations of the Witnesses, and other Authentic Papers.  
LONDON, Printed for Daniel Brown, at the Black Swan and Bible without Temple-Bar, and Tho. Bennet at the Half-Moon in St. Paul's Churchyard.  
M DC XCVI.   

THE HISTORY Of the Late Conspiracy, etc.  
SInce the late Conspiracy in this Kingdom, has been for some time the Principal Object of the Curiosity of the Public, and since it may furnish us with so great a Variety of Important Instructions; 'tis presumed the History of it will be equally useful and acceptable to the present Age and to Posterity.  
Here future Ages may behold a King, variously Censured and Represented by the several Parties of Mankind; 
T●e People of England thanked His Majesty, ●y their R●presentatives, for their Great and Miraculous Deliverance from P●pery and Arbitrary Power, of which he was the Instrument. S●e the Parliament's Address, May 18. 1689. The Parliament of Scotland thanked him also for th●ir Deliverance and Preservation, of which they acknowledged him next to God, to be the great and only Instrument. S●● the Answer of the Convention to His Majesty's L●tter, in 1689.  loved by some, hated by others, but esteemed by all, tho' in so different a manner, that some Conspire his Death for the same Reasons that prevail▪ d with others to offer him a Crown: A Prince to whom his Subjects own themselves indebted for Immortal Obligations, and whom his Enemy's for that very Reason accuse as the Author of all their Mis●ortunes: Advanced by the Gratitude of the one, rendered Illustrious by the Hatred of the others; endued with a Generous Moderation, that raises him above his Fortune, and makes him the absolute Master of his Passions.  
Here the Reader will find Gentlemen and Officers dishonouring the●r Birth and Character by acting the unmanly part of Murderers; a barbarous Assassination carried on under the spe●ious pretext of a Military Expedition; a handful of Traitors contriving the ruin of the public Liberty, and re●dy by one terrible Blow to execute their pernicious Design; a Secret that had been exactly concealed for Six Years, discovered by Four Men in Six Days; The King not only assisted by Providence, but established by the treacherous Malice of his Enemies▪ endeared to his Subjects by the Greatness of the Common Danger, and receiving new Assurances of their Affection and Fidelity; E●gland once more delivered; The Prince and the People inseparably united by mutual Obligations, and more than ever in a condition to procure and maintain the Peace and Happiness of Europe.  
This is a general View of what the Reader may expect to meet with in the following Relation. I have marked every particular step of a Transaction, which is too important to be forgotten, though it can never be remembered without Horror. And th●t t●e progress and Management of the Design might appear in ● clearer ●ight; I have traced it ●●●m it● dark Original, and have given a succinct Account of the several Projects and Attempts that precluded, or mad● way for the Conspiracy.  
I have taken care to ●urnish my ●elf ●it● such Instructions as might enable me to compose an exact History▪ I have endeavoured to write without Heat and Partiality; nor was there any need of aggravating a Crime that is so black in its own nature, and so apt to possess the calmest Mind with a Just Abhorrence and Indignation. But, above all, I have been scrupulously careful to mention nothing but what is grounded upon Authentic Testimonies.  
To give the Reader a just Idea of the Conspiracy, 'twould be necessary in the First place to acquaint him with the importance of his Majesty's Life; if it were not unreasonable to suppose that any Person can be so much a stranger to the Transactions of the Age he lives in, as to be ignorant of the interest which the Nations of Europe have in the preservation of that Sacred Life. 'Twas on him that Spain founded the first hopes she had the courage to entertain, of seeing a happy turn of her declining Fortune. 'Tis to him, next to the blessing of Heaven, that the Dutch owe the safety of their State, and the English their Laws, Religion and Liberty. The Former entrusted him with the management of all their concerns, and the Latter made him their Sovereign to secure their own Happiness, and to prevent a return of those Miseries from which he had delivered 'em. The Allies, in general, combined together to erect a kind of Empire for him in the present Confederacy; being sensible that they could not defend themselves without his Assistance, and that they might, without any Jealousy or Apprehension, rely upon his Integrity and Virtue. And, which is yet a brighter and more surprising part of his Character, 'tis certain that none of all these Honours which he enjoys, cost him the trouble of Ask. The great and important Services, which the World had either received, or might expect to receive from him, were the only Solicitations he used to obtain these glorious advantages. This is the only Circumstance of his Life, which shall be particularly considered in this place, because 'tis This that will contribute most to give light to the following History, and This alone which Malice or Envy durst ever presume to contradict.  

History of the Revolutions in England. Book II. pag. 437.  It never entered into the Thoughts of any considering Person, says a late Writer, that the Prince of Orange was so fond of the English Nation, as to undertake the security of their Liberties, at the expense of so much Treasure, and so many Fatigues, instead of destroying 'em, as he ought to have done, being the next Heir to the Crown, after the Prince of Wales.  

See the Preface to the Third Time of the History of the Revolutions in England.  I cannot forbear observing on this occasion, that this Author, though chosen as the fittest Person to write a History of the Revolutions in England, according to the Instructions; and, as it appears, by the Orders of his Party, was, at least in this case, a perfect Stranger, both to the Affairs and Temper of that Monarch. For, 'tis certain that his Majesty, in so pressing a Juncture, could not forget England, without neglecting his own Interest, and that of the Princess his Consort, and without consenting to the irrecoverable Ruin of Holland, of the Protestant Religion in general, and of all the Princes and States in Europe, both Protestants and Roman-Catholics, who were equally threatened with unavoidable destruction. And besides it will appear that the Author of that History was less acquainted with his Majesty's Temper, than with his Interest and Affairs.  

When the People stopped his Coach, at Dort, and asked whether he was their Statholder; he replied that he was satisfied with the Honours that were conferred upon him. But we are not answered the People, unless we have you for our Governor.  When that generous Prince was placed at the Head of a potent Republic in the heat of his youth; and when at the importunate solicitations of all the Members of that great Body, he was advanced to such a degree of Power and Grandeur as might have enabled him to execute whatever his Ambition could have prompted him to undertake; 'tis known, that he made no other use of so inviting an opportunity, than to settle a good correspondence betwixt the Magistrates and the People. 'Tis known that he refused the 
An. 1674. The Deputies of the Nobility and 〈◊〉 representing the 〈…〉 of the Duchy of Guelderland and County of Zutphen, ossered him the Sovereignty of the Province, in the ●●me of their Master's.  Sovereignty of Guelderland, which was offered to him, because he would not confirm the jealousy of some Persons who seemed to dread the consequences of such an Innovation. And even when an attempt was made to bribe his Virtue with the alluring prospect of the Sovereignty of the Netherlands, and a promise to favour and support his pretensions to England, at a time 
'Tis notoriously known that these Proposals were made by France.  when he could not expect to maintain his Right without the assistance that was proposed to him; 'tis known that he rejected the tempting Offer, and that his Enemies could not forbear admiring a Moderation that broke all their measures, and convinced 'em that he would never be prevailed with to accept a Crown on the inglorious Condition of destroying those who had a Title to his Pro ection.  
'Tis from such Instances as these that we ought to Form an Idea of his Majesty's Temper, rather than from the groundless conjectures of a biased ●ancy. And all the actions of his Life are so many convincing Demonstrations, that he has always looked upon it, both as his Duty and Interest, to preserve, rather than to destroy the People.  

* M. Fage● wrote on this occa●ion to Mr. Stewart. And when the Court of England endeavoured to persuade the World that thus was a supposititious letter, and that it did not give a true a●●ur of their Highness' Sentiments, having published a Book to that E●e●t called Parlamentum Pacificum; Mr. Fagel complained openly of the disingenuity of their Proceedings, and by a second Letter confirmed the Declaration he had formerly sent in their Highness' Name.  'Twas in pursuance of this Maxim, that while there was any hope left of composing the Disorders in England, without having recourse to the last, and most violent Remedy, he endeavoured to prevent the Ruin of his Father in Law, and the Miseries that threatened the Nation, by tendering an advice which that Prince had the misfortune to reject. This is undoubted Matter of Fact, and consequently, aught to make a stronger impression upon us than if it were only a probability grounded on plausible Presumptions. 
* After the death of Charles II. he rejected the advice and assistance of the late Elector of Brandenburg; and when that Prince would have engaged him to go over to England, he replied that he would never make any Attempt against the King his Father in Law, without an absolute necessity; but at the same time he protested that if he could not otherwise prevent the subversion of the Laws and Religion of England, he would undertake the Voyage, tho' he should be obliged to Embark in a Fisherboat.  Nor was he either soon or easily prevailed with to go over to England; for he deferred that Expedition till he could delay it no longer, without neglecting at once his Honour, Conscience and Interest.  
These who exclaim against so many Sovereigns for favouring the descent in England, do at the same tacitly acknowledge, that 'twas then the general opinion of those Princes, that their common Safety and the Liberty of Europe depended upon the success of that Expedition: And 'tis plain from the event that they were not deceived.  
The Prince of Orange's arrival in England filled the World with an impatient expectation of the approaching Crisis that was to determine the Fate of Europe. Every Man was an attentive Spectator of a Revolution in which All were so nearly concerned; and none but such who are uncapable of regarding the public Interest, can be supposed to be unacquainted with the Circumstances of so important a Transaction: And therefore, instead of entertaining the Reader with a particular account of his present Majesty's Proceedings on that occasion, I shall content myself with observing in the general; that 'twas his first and principal desire, that a Parliament might be called to settle the affairs of the Nation; That, to secure that great Assembly from the apprehension of any disturbance or constraint, he offered to retire Threescore Miles from the Capital City, provided King James' Army would withdraw to an equal distance. That, when 
His Enemies could not forbear commending this Effect of his Moderation. See the History of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II.  the late King fell into his Hands, he suffered him to make his escape, without considering the dangers to which the Life of an implacable Enemy, would in all probability expose him. That afterwards he ordered 
See the Act 1 Gulielm. & Mariae, entitled, An Act declaring the Rights and Privileges of the Subjects to regulate the Succession to the Crown.  his Forces to March out of the Places, where the Members of the approaching Convention were to be chosen, that the Elections might be managed with an absolute Freedom. That at last the Representatives of the Nation, of their own accord, declared the Throne vacant, and presented him with a Crown which he had never demanded.  
'Twill not I hope be denied, even by our Enemies, that England is too potent a Nation, and too considerable in all respects to be frighted into a servise complaisance; and too Wife and Provident to make so great an Alteration, without considering both its Nature and Consequences. And therefore, since the Representatives of such a Nation looked upon this as the only Expedient to secure their Liberty; the Prince to whom they made their address could neither fancy himself wiser than so great a People, who desired his Protection, and offered him the Crown after long and mature deliberations; nor prefer some private considerations before the general Good of a whole Nation, or rather of many Nations, whose Interests were linked together. 'Tis plain that an Action of this Nature may be either censured or commended according to the Principle from which we derive it, and that the Judgement we give in such Cases depends on the Intention we ascribe to the Actor; and consequently there is nothing but Prejudice and Ill nature that can hinder us from acquiescing in the Justice of his Majesty's Proceedings.  
satire may raise Suspicions, or invent Crimes, and afterwards endeavour to fasten the imaginary Gild upon those whom she resolves to 
History of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II.  attack: But unbyass'd History judges a Prince's Actions by his Deportment upon other occasions. Those who fancy it unreasonable to suppose that one may be King of England, or even Heir to the Crown, without endeavouring to destroy the Nation, will never be able to comprehend the Motives that should oblige his Majesty to expose his Person for the preservation of his People: They know not, or at least do not consider, that a true King may be distinguished by the same marks by which Solomon distinguished the true Mother. However, 'tis certain that all the spiteful Reproaches which are levelled against his Majesty for accepting the Crown, rebound with greater force upon the Nation that presented it to him; and that those who are possessed with so Brutish a Fury, as to imagine that he may be Assassinated without a Crime, because he suffered our Representatives to place him upon the Throne, do at the same time pronounce a bloody Sentence against the Parliament, and condemn the whole Kingdom to Havoc and Desolation. This is the natural Tendency of the Maxims of that Party, and we must do 'em the Justice to acknowledge that their Actions are suitable to their Principles; for it will appear that the Conspiracy against the Nation, and the barbarous Design against the Person and Government of its Deliverer had the same beginning, and advanced with equal Steps.  

1689 The Discovery was made by a French Protestant, who insinuated himself into the Favour and Confidence of the Conspirators, by pretending to be engaged in the same design. He was hindered, by several Accidents, from giving such timely Notice to the Court, that the Assassins' might be apprehended. The Discovery was communicated, in Holland, to some zealous Friends of the Government; and, in England, to My Lord Sidney.  IMMEDIATELY after His Majesty's Accession to the Crown, he received advice from Germany and Holland, and even from France, that several Persons were landed in England with a resolution to Assassinate him: And not long after he was informed that they had left the Kingdom, because they could not find an opportunity to execute their Design. It seems that He either did not believe, or, at least, did not much regard these Informations; but He could not behold, with 〈…〉 the Dangers 〈…〉 his Subjects. There was 〈…〉 Conspiracy discovered in 〈…〉 here the secret 〈…〉 Government had 〈…〉 such as 〈…〉 for their 〈…〉 to His Majesty, to 〈…〉 Edinburgh on Fire in 〈…〉 different places, and 〈…〉 retire to the Highlands: 〈…〉 were not the main Efforts of the Disaffected Party, nor the principal Difficulties with which the Government was obliged to encounter.  
The Late King having put himself at the Head of his Party in Ireland, had reduced the Protestants of that Kingdom to great Extremities. If he had consulted his Interest, he would never have made so false a step, in a juncture that would have required all the Caution and Dexterity of the most refined Politician; but it seems he could not resist the impetuous Motions of a Council of French and Irish Bigots, who were accustomed to govern him. 'Twill perhaps be expected, that I should take this occasion to attempt that Prince's Character; but I must confess, I have not courage enough to venture upon so nice a Task. For 'tis certain that, in such a case, the most scrupulous Caution can hardly preserve an Author from transgressing the narrow Limits that are prescribed to him, by the respect which is due to those, whose Honour, as well as their Lives, aught to be Sacred even to their Enemies. Few are capable of managing a Subject of this Nature with a tender and wary Hand; and even the modestest Performances in this kind are obnoxious to the unjust Censures of a biased Reader. And therefore, instead of assuming the Liberty to speak of his Person, I shall content myself with making some Reflections upon the Proceedings of his Council, which I could not omit without rendering my Work obscure and defective.  
'Twas the Opinion of every judicious Person, who observed their Maxims and Conduct, that, even from the beginning, they gave the World too plain a view of their Designs, and proceeded with too hasty an eagerness in the Execution of 'em.  

In this account I have neither magnified nor multiplied the Disorders that were committed by the Government. They were either corrected by the Late King himself, upon the News of the Prince's Expedition, or after his Flight, by the Convention. The Laws that were made upon that occasion by the Parliaments of England and Scotland, are undoubted Testimonies of the several Attempts that were made to subvert our Laws and Religion; nor will any reasonable Person expect any other Arguments to prove the Truth of a matter of Fact of which all the Inhabitants of these Nations were either Eye or Ear-Witnesses.  Here, under their wont pretext of dispensing with the Laws, they established an Ecclesiastical Commission that was equally terrible to the Church and to the State. The Incorporations were dispossessed of their Charters, the Council was filled with Roman-Catholics, and the Universities were deprived of their Privileges. The Temporal Lords were obliged either to quit their Places or renounce their Religion, the Bishops were imprisoned, and an Irish Army was brought into the Kingdom in time of Peace.  
In Scotland, they were so far from observing any measures, that they looked upon it as too mean a Condescension to preserve the least regard for the Laws. They persuaded the King to assume a Despotic Power, and taught him to use a Language which till then was unknown to the Freeborn People of Great Britain; for they had the confidence to make him declare that, 
See his Proclamation published in that Kingdom.  by virtue of his Sovereign Authority and Absolute Power, he abrogated the Acts of Parliament that were made against the Roman▪ Catholics.  
The unsuccessfulness of the Attempt was a convincing Argument of the temerity of the Project, but could not oblige its Contrivers to alter their measures, as it appears by their Conduct in Ireland; for the Promises that were made in King James' Name to the Protestant Inhabitants of that Kingdom, both before and after his arrival among 'em, could not protect 'em from the barefaced violence of their Tyrannical Oppressors.  
Their Effects, Cattle, Wool, Money and Merchandizes, were seized and employed in the maintaining of a War against their Friends in England; Their Lands were laid waste, their Houses pillaged, and the Benefices bestowed on their ancient and most implacable Enemies the Priests. The Act of Settlement, which was the only security they could depend upon, was violated, and the Roman Catholics were authorised by the Government to take Possession of their Estates. Both the Protestant Religion and those who professed it were in a manner proscribed, and exposed as a Prey to those who were equally prompted by interest and inclination to destroy 'em. The People were persecuted and murdered by their domineering Enemies, who were rather encouraged than punished for their Barbarity. They were forced to resign their Churches, and were even denied the liberty of meeting together to perform their Devotions. At last all the Protestants in Dublin were secured; and when the Prisons were full, the Churches were turned to Goals. These disorders are particularly described by 
Dr. King, the present Bishop of London-derry, than Dean of Dublin, in his Book entitled, The State of the Protestants of Ireland under the Government of the late King. The whole Book is full of Instances of this Nature, of which I have not mentioned the Twentieth part.  a Bishop of that Country, who had the misfortune to be a considerable Sharer in the common Calamity.  
The King was so sensibly touched with the deplorable Condition of Ireland, that he resolved to go thither in Person, tho' he placed an entire confidence in the 
* The Duke of Schomberg.  Person whom he had entrusted with the command of his Forces: And that generous Undertaking was so visibly attended with the Blessing of Heaven, that in the space of Three Months he reduced Two Third parts of the Kingdom, and gave his Enemies a Fatal blow which broke all their Measures, and ruin'd their unjust Hopes. 'Twas by the wise Direction of that Providence which had so often delivered him from the Hands of bloody Traitors, and preserved a Life that was to be exposed to more honourable Dangers, that the Wound he received at the Boyn gave occasion to a false Report of his Death, which occasioned as public a joy in France, as the true account of his Victories did in This, and all the other Nations of Europe.  
The Parliament thanked him for exposing that Life to the greatest Dangers, on which the Fate of Protestants, and the common Liberty of all Europe depended: And the happy Change that appeared every where in the public Affairs on that occasion, is a more than sufficient Ground to vindicate that Illustrious Body from the Imputation of Flattery. People were surprised to find themselves safer in the midst of a bloody War, than they were in time of Peace: The Swissers were no longer apprehensive of their encroaching Neighbour: The Protestant Religion was preserved without any prejudice to the Roman-Catholics: The Princes 
1690.  and States upon the Rhine were either secured from Danger, or in a condition to defend themselves: An effectual stop was put to the Pretensions and Conquests of the Chambers of Metz and Brisac; the Electorates of Mentz and Cologn were reconquered; and a King of the Romans was chosen according to the Inclination and Interest of the Members of the Empire. Three Kingdoms were delivered from Oppression, and raised to their wont Glory of protecting their distressed Neighbours. The Netherlands had the satisfaction to obey a Governor whom they had long and ardently desired, but could never obtain till now. The Branches of the Houses of Austria were happily reunited to one another, and to those whose Interest 'twas to support 'em. England and Holland resolved at last to pursue their mutual Interest, and to cherish an Union which is absolutely necessary to their I reservation. France had the mortification to see herself exhausted by the prodigious efforts she was obliged to make; as the rest of the World had the satisfaction to perceive that ere long she would either be confined within her ancient Limits by our Arms, or ruined by her own dear-bought Victories.  
These were the Glorious consequences of his Majesty's Establishment upon the Throne of England: Every Nation was sensible of its particular Obligations, and the Eyes of all the World were fixed upon their Great Benefactor. Even We, who owed all the Happiness we possessed, or could hope to enjoy, to his generous Assistance, and whom he had lately delivered from the greatest danger that ever threatened a Nation, could hardly outdo the rest of Europe in expressing our Gratitude and Affection. For, after he had received the Blessings and Applauses of his Subjects, when the managing of the Public Interest required his Presence at the Hague, he was attended by a Court of Sovereigns, who seemed to come thither on purpose to present him with the Compliments and Acknowledgements of Europe.  
But while so many Illustrious Persons were endeavouring with a kind of Emulation to express their Esteem for his Person, and the confidence they placed in his Virtue; and while he was receiving the Testimonies of their Respect and Affections with a Modesty that secured him from Envy in the midst of his Triumphs; there was a design set on Foot to rob the World of its Hope and Delight, by such Ways and Means as are very rarely suspected or foreseen by Persons of his Courage and Temper.  
'Twas about this time that a French Minister of State, whose Name makes an inglorious Figure in Grandval's 
1691.  Examination, engaged one Dumont to Assassinate his Majesty. I dare not charge that Minister with the first contrivance of so detestable a Project; since we have so much reason to believe that he acted only in pursuance of the Instructions he had received from those whom he thought himself obliged to obey. 'Tis not without Reluctancy that I enter upon a Subject, which carries Horror in its Idea, and is so inconsistent with the common Principles of Humanity, that the matter of Fact would appear incredible if it were not confirmed by unquestionable Evidence. Murder in the general, without the aggravating circumstance of Assassinating a Sovereign, is equally accompanied with Gild and Shame; and even the most hardened Assassins' are oftentimes sensible of the Infamy that attends their Crime. 'Tis impossible to imagine a Provocation strong enough to excuse either the Committing or Encouraging of so barbarous an Action; nor would a Man of Honour be tempted to execute his just Revenge by so dishonourable a Way. Such unmanly Resentments as these are peculiar to those mean and degenerous Souls, whose Merit consists in Baseness and Envy, and who are only able to defend themselves by Villainy and Treason.  
But supposing that the French Ministers neither were, nor cared to be reputed, Men of Honour; they ought never to have formed a Design, which would have left an indelible stain upon the Gratitude of the Prince whom they pretended to serve. 
* The Magistrates of Rotterdam imprisoned a Villain who offered to kill the French King. They sent an accounted of the project to Mr. Montausier, and offered to deliver up the Offender.  'Tis known, that when some desperate Persons in Holland offered their detestable Service to Assassinate that Monarch, they were so far from being encouraged or protected, that an offer was made to put 'em into the Hands of those whom they had injured. 
† Another Proposal of the same naturewas made to the King, when he was Prince of Orange. The Person who offered to undertake the Murder, gave an account of the place where he was to be sound; and the Prince sent Mr. Dickfelt immediately to acquaint the Count d'Avaux with the whole Project.  And both the Count d' Auaux and Mr. Dickfelt can testify, that it has been in the Power of a Prince, whose sacred Life has been so often endangered by the Treachery of his Enemies, to execute his Vengeance upon 'em by their own inglorious Methods.  
Besides, what could be more injurious to the boasted Glory of Lewis XIV. than that his own Ministers should contrive a Project which could not be executed without fiixng so black a scandal either upon his Virtue or Dignity; for he could not decline condemning it without rendering himself eternally infamous, nor afterwards suffer it to be executed without proclaiming to all the World that he was not Master in his own Dominions. At least, it might have been expected that the Project would have expired with its Author, and that the succeeding Ministers would be either afraid or ashamed to pursue a Design that left such a Blot upon the Memory of its Contriver. Yet the Reader will find that it was carried on after his Death; and, I shall have occasion to give a particular account of its Progress and Success, after I have taken a Succinct view of the intended Invasion.  
As soon as the Roman-Catholics in this Kingdom perceived that there was a Party formed in Ireland who had openly declared for the late King; they began to carry on the same design here, in secret Cabals, tho' with little appearance of Success: For the smallness of their Numbers secured us from open violence; and the Sense of our Duty and Interest kept us from being deluded by their Artifices. They could neither have so mean an Opinion of our Courage nor Judgement, as to imagine that we would voluntarily submit to an impotent and implacable Enemy; or that a few canting Sophisms would prevail with us to neglect Self-preservation.  
And therefore, since they could never expect to be Masters, they ought to have contented themselves with the quality and condition of Subjects. They might have continued to enjoy whatever they could justly call their own, under the protection of a Mild and easy Government, that allowed 'em all the Liberty they could desire, except that of subverting the Laws, and destroying their Country and Fellow-Subjects. But their Minds were still possessed with the Remembrance of those aspiring Hopes that were defeated by the Revolution; and their Ambition was rather inflamed than allayed by so unexpected a Disappointment. Besides, they thought themselves obliged to support a Prince who had sacrificed his Crown to their Advancement; and fancied that notwithstanding their present Weakness, they might easily make good their pretensions by the assistance of their French Protectors. These were the Motives that engaged 'em in a Design which could not be carried on without disturbing their own Quiet as well as that of the Nation, and made 'em resolve to shut their Eyes against the visible Dangers to which they exposed themselves by venturing upon so hazardous an Attempt.  
'Twas on the 18 of October 1689. that a Minister of State received a Letter from the Assizes, held by adjournment at Manchester, by which he was entreated to advertise the Council, That many of the Roman-Catholic Younger Gentry, some of good Quality, were absconded for some Months, that to some of the Gentlemen now absconded there had been sent from London several Boxes with Scarlet Cloaks, Pistols and Swords, directed for safer conveyance to Protestants, who knew nothing of them, and by that means discovered. That some had been Modelling Officers and Men preparatory to their hope of an Invasion or Insurrection, that tho' the Goals were full of Irish Papists, yet many were entertained at Popish Houses, etc.  
The Correspondence which the late King entertained with the Papists in Lancashire, was managed by one Bromefield a Quaker, who lived at Redland near Chester, in the House of one Wilson, who was acquainted with, and engaged in the Conspiracy. But perceiving that they began to be taken notice of, and not daring to continue longer in a place where they were looked upon as suspicious Persons, the First fled to Ireland and the Second to Lancashire.  
After them, the management of the Intrigue was committed to Gordon, Lunt, and Thrilfall, who came from Ireland with Declarations and Commissions from King James to the Roman-Catholics in several Counties of England. They landed in Lancashire, where they opened their Commissions, by which Gordon was appointed to go to Scotland, Thrilfall to Yorkshire, and Lunt to Staffordshire, Cheshire and Lancashire. In pursuance of these Orders they parted, and went immediately to the respective Places that were allotted 'em, where they executed their Commissions, tho' with different Success.  
Thrilfall had already finished his Negotiation in Yorkshire, and was returning through Cheshire to Ireland, when he was pursued upon Suspicion, and killed as he was endeavouring to defend himself. Lunt having performed his Commission, was sent to London, to levy Soldiers, to be distributed among the Conspirators in the North. In his return from thence, after he had Executed his Orders, he was Seized at Coventry, by one of the King's Messengers, brought back to London, and Committed to Newgate. Five Months after he was set at Liberty; having given Bail to appear next Hillary Term, at the King's Bench, from whence he was sent to be Tried, at the Assizes in Lancashire. He was Committed for High-Treason, to the Castle of Lancaster, upon the Evidence of the Master of the Ship, who brought him over from Ireland, and the Officers of the Custom-house, who found some of King James' Commissions among the Papers which he left in the Vessel.  
But these were not the most Terrible Witnesses, that were like to appear against him: For about that time, the Conspiracy was discovered, by two several Persons. The first was Kelly, who declared what he knew, to the Mayor of Eversham, in Worcestershire; the Earl of Bellamont, and some Persons of Quality, in that Country, who Communicated the Discovery to the Council. But tho' his Deposition remained in the Hands of the Government, his Person disappeared so suddenly, and in so strange a manner, that we could never afterwards hear an account of him. His Fate continues a Mystery to this day; but, whether he was killed or carried away, 'tis certain that the Conspirators from that very time began to resume their Courage, which was extremely sunk upon the News of his Discovery.  
Dodsworth was the Second who alarmed the Party, by discovering the Conspiracy to a Member of Parliament, who sent an account of it to one of the Secretaries of State, by whose Order the Informer was brought from Lancashire to London: And 'twas found that his Deposition agreed exactly with that of Kelly, tho' they were at a hundred Miles distance when they were examined.  
Dodsworth was sent to the Castle of Lancashire to join his Evidence to the Testimony of the other Witnesses that were to appear against Lunt, who, nevertheless, could not be convicted according to the usual Forms of Law. For, when he was brought to his Trial, the Master of the Ship, who brought him from Ireland, either was, or pretended to be sick: And the Officers of the Custom-house could not swear that the Papers which were produced in the Court were the same which they found in the Ship, because they had forgotten to mark 'em. Thus the whole Evidence being reduced to the single Testimony of Dodsworth, Lunt, tho' apparently Guilty, was acquitted; and both the Court and Jury chose rather to absolve a Criminal, than to violate the least Circumstance of the Law. A rare Instance of Justice and Moderation, which, at once, may serve to convince us of the Mildness and Clemency of the present Government, and of the extravagant Prejudice of those who would exchange it for Arbitrary Power; and, of two things which seem to be equally the Objects of our Admiration, leaves us in doubt, whether we have greater reason to Love and Esteem the Former, or to Hate and Detest the Latter.  

November 1691.  Lunt, by his Services and Sufferings, had so far insinuated himself into the Favour and Confidence of his Party, that, in a Meeting of Jacobites at Standish-Hall in Lancashire, he was chosen to go to France, to acquaint King James with the present posture of his affairs here, and to know what Assistance might be expected from him.  

December 1691.  The Answer he brought was, that the late King was preparing to come in Person to England the next Spring; and that in the mean time, he would send 'em his last Instructions by a sure 
Febr 1691/2.  and faithful Hand. Not long after Walmuly and Parker came to England by that Prince's Order, and appointed a Meeting of the principal Persons of their Faction at Dungen-Hall, where they delivered the Commissions and Presents they had brought from France; and at the same time assured 'em that King James would speedily land in England with a sufficient Force to support 'em.  
In the mean they were putting all things in readiness, at la Hogue, for the intended Expedition: The Preparations they made were very 
April 1692.  great, and the Measures they had taken seemed to promise Success, as it will appear by the following account of 'em.  
By the Articles that were agreed upon at the surrender of Limerick, the French had cunningly reserved a Liberty to retain a very considerable Body of the Irish Forces in their Service, whom they designed, upon the first convenient occasion, to send over to England. These Troops consisted of such as were most deeply engaged in the routed Party, and longed for a Second War to make up the Losses they had sustained in the First. They were rather irritated then discouraged by their late Misfortunes, and so unaccustomed to Labour, that the love of Idleness joined to the desire of Booty had made 'em forsake their native Country. Besides, they looked upon our Happiness with Envy and Rage, and could not endure to be Subject to those whom they once hoped to enslave. Such Men as these were the fittest to be employed in a Design of this Nature, and, in all probability would have proved the most effectual Instruments of our Destruction, if they could have found an opportunity to join the Disaffected Party among us.  
There were Three sorts of Persons in this Nation, whom we might justly look upon as Domestic Enemies. First the zealous and bigoted Roman-Catholics, or rather all Roman-Catholics in general; for tho' some of 'em appeared more cautious and moderate than the Rest, 'twas the general opinion of the Party that all the Papists in England would take up Arms on that occasion. The Second Order of Jacobites consisted of the late King's Servants, who owed their Fortune and Preferment to his Favour: And the Third comprehends those whose Interest and Safety depended upon the Subversion of the Laws; Men of turbulent Spirits and desperate Fortunes, who hoped to raise themselves upon the Ruins of their Country.  
Such Persons as these are at once our Plague and our Reproach, but the Breed is not peculiar to England; for every Nation has its share in the common Calamity, and has the misfortune to produce a Set of Men who seem to be in Love with Disorder, and are never more apt to appear in their native and hideous Colours, than when they are protected by the Indulgency of the Laws and the Clemency of the Government, and meet with an opportunity to cover their pernicious Designs with a false pretext of Duty and Allegiance. They are perpetually talking of Fidelity and Obedience, and seem to make Loyalty their Idol; tho' they are usually the Principal Promoters of Rebellion, and seldom or never well affected to the Government under which they live. Plotting is their Business and Recreation; they love Confusion and expect to live by it, and are ready to join with every Faction upon the cheapest Terms that can be proposed. When there is no present Advantage in view, they work for Expectation; Plunder is all the Pay they require, and their Prosperity consists in the Desolation of their Country.  
Besides, the French were preparing to land a considerable Body of Forces in this Kingdom, to support the disaffected Party: For the Court of St. Germane repent that they had formerly placed too much confidence in an Army of English Men, who loved their Country and their Religion.  
'Twas the general opinion of the Party, that the placing of too much Confidence in Subjects who were unworthy of it, deprived King James of the assistance he might have expected from others. They remembered the advice of some of his Councillors, who, 
History of the Revolutions in England, Book II.  looking upon his Army as the Nerves and support of his Undertake, and the only Way to secure him against the obstinacy of those whom neither the lawfulness of his Authority, nor his Moderation in using it could retain in Obedience to the Government, would have persuaded him to entertain a sufficient number of Catholics in his Army to keep the rest in awe, and to put it out of their Power to betray him; and were of opinion that both these Effects might have been produced by joining the Irish Troops to such of the English and Scotch as were Remarkable for their Fidelity to his Interest. Thus 
History of the Revolutions in England, Book II. p. 428.  we may easily perceive, by the reflections they made on their former Conduct, what Measures they resolved to take for the future.  
They concluded that an Army of French and Irish, with some pretended Protestants who regarded neither their Country nor Religion, would never show King James a Copy of his Salisbury Expedition; and that with such Forces as these they might make an entire Conquest of England as soon as they should think fit to undertake it.  
In pursuance of that design the French laboured with great application to increase their Naval Strength; ping that, if they could corrupt the Officers of our Fleet, or be in a readiness to put to Sea before the Dutch Men of War could join Ours, they might easily find an opportunity to fight us with advantage, and afterwards Land their Soldiers without Opposition.  
In the mean time, to oblige us to send our Land Forces to Flanders, and at the same time to hinder our Allies from assisting us, the French King appeared at the Head of his numerous Armies, as if he had resolved, in one Campaign, to conquer a Country, which for Sixty Years had been both the Seat, and Cause of the War. He intended to invade England, if our Army continued in the Netherlands; or to make himself Master of those Provinces, if we should be obliged to recall our Forces. But the Principal Design of all the vast Preparations he had made, was to keep this Nation embroiled in a Civil War, till he had broken the Confederacy, that he might fall upon us with his united Forces, and by subduing England put himself in a condition to conquer all the rest of Europe.  
But though the Conspirators expected a considerable Reinforcement from France, and a powerful diversion in Flanders; though they were sure of the Assistance of so many false Protestants, and (as they imagined) of several Officers in our Navy; notwithstanding all these Advantages, they looked upon His Majesty's Life as an invincible Obstacle to the Accomplishment of their Designs, and despaired of succeeding in their Attempt against us, while we enjoyed the Protection of our Great Deliverer.  

1692.  They dreaded his Power, Forces and Alliances; but were more afraid of his single Person, than of the united strength of the whole Confederacy. They had oftentimes had the unwelcome experience of his Constancy, Resolution, and unwearyed Application; and knew, to their sorrow and cost, that his Courage was never shocked by the most terrible Dangers; that upon a pressing Exigency he could brave a thousand Deaths, and cut his way through the most vigorous Opposition; that when the posture of his Affairs required more Prudence than Valour, he could proceed with all the Coolness and Policy of the wariest Statesman; that he was peculiarly happy in baffling the Designs of his Enemies, and in turning even their most successful Contrivances against themselves; that he was equally unmoved in Good and Bad Fortune, that he was never capable either of Vanity or Fear, and could only be overcome by Himself. These Considerations made his Enemies resolve to take away a Life that secured Europe, and England particularly, from the utmost Efforts both of their Policy and Force: And in pursuance of this execrable Resolution they engaged some desperate Villains to Murder him. But God saw, and blasted their dark Contrivances, and delivered Him whom He had made the Deliverer of so many Nations.  

1692.  The Assassins' were taken near Bosleduc; and by their Examination it appears, That Dumont and Grandval were solicited to undertake the Assassination of the King. That the Design having miscarried in 1691. was resumed the next year. That one Leefdael, formerly Captain Lieutenant of a Troop of Dragoons in the Service of the States, coming to Paris, Grandval communicated the Design to him, and desired him to be concerned in it, with Dumont and himself, because he thought Dumont would not be able to execute it alone. That Grandval went with Leefdael and Colonel Parker to St. Germains, and that King James said to him, Parker has acquainted me with your business; If you and the other Officers do me this Service, you shall never want any thing. That upon this assurance, a" Letter was sent to Dumont who was then at Hanover, desiring him to meet Grandval and Leefdael in the Country of Ravestein, where they were to take their last Resolutions, and entreating him to hasten his departure, lest the King, in the mean time, should return to England. That Dumont was to lie in wait, and to kill His Majesty as he passed the Lines, or went to visit the Posts at the decamping of the Army. That Grandval told Leefdael, upon the Road, that if their Design succeeded, the Confederacy would be broken, that every P●●nce would recall his Forces, that the Country being left without defence, the French King would soon make himself Master of it, and that King James would be restored to his Throne.  
To keep Leefdael from being discouraged by the Difficulties and Hazards to which the prosecution of their Design might expose 'em, he told him that they were only to follow the King, that Dumont was to give the Blow, and that after the business was done they might easily make their escape and leave Dumont to take his Fortune.  
But both Dumont and Leefdael repented their Engaging in so black a Villainy, and discovered what they knew of it almost at the same time; the one to a Prince in Germany, who was his Majesty's particular Friend, and the other to some Magistrates in Holland who had a sincere affection to the Person and Interest of that Monarch.  

1692.  Grandval was taken and received the just Reward of his Crimes, after he had made a full Confession without being put to the Torture. He seemed to be very penitent, and declared with some resentment at his Death, that he was ruined by the Authors of that detestable Project.  
There was a Detachment made from the Duke of Luxemburg's Army, consisting of Three Thousand Horse, who were to be Posted at the Advanced Guard to receive the Murderers. This is a Circumstance that ought not to be forgotten; for 'tis plain they took this way that the Assassination might be looked upon as a Stratagem of War: And 'tis probable that either it was proposed at first as an Attempt to carry away the King, or that they resolved, after the Blow was given, to make it pass under that Notion.  
'Tis evident that this barbarous Design was the Favourite Project of the Party, since they continued to pursue it after so Remarkable a Disappointment. If we examine the whole Course of their Proceedings since that time, it will appear that the Conspiracy which was lately discovered in this Kingdom, was the same with that in which Grandval was engaged; and this is more than a bare Conjecture, since 'tis confirmed by the Deposition of one of the Conspirators. The Conspiracy, says he, hath been carrying on a great while, 
Larue, in Charnock 's Trial.  for some Years. And it originally came from Colonel Parker, especially as to my knowledge of it, and that was Five or Six Years ago, at St. Germains, when I was there: He proposed it to me, and said he would propose it to my Lord Melford, etc.  
We have already observed that the Assassination of his Majesty was contrived and resolved upon, in order to the Invasion of his Subjects; and we have reason to believe that the Design of God, in preserving his Life, was to make him once more our Deliverer: For 'twas He alone who opposed our impending Ruin, and and baffled the Designs of our Enemies.  
He prevented the Loss of the Netherlands, by wise Delays; and took such Measures as might one Day put him in a Condition to Recover what he could not then Preserve.  
He hastened the Sailing of the Dutch Fleet, and fitted out his own with such diligence and expedition, that, notwithstanding the utmost Efforts the French could make to prevent us, they were obliged to encounter with Two Fleets, when they expected only to have met with One.  
When his Enemies had recourse to their wont Artifices, and endeavoured to corrupt the Officers of his Navy, he not only defeated their Treacherous Project, but made their Stratagem Fatal to themselves: For Admiral Carter was ordered to Treat with 'em, and amuse 'em with a seeming Compliance, till they sell into the Snare which they had prepared for us.  

1692.  He sent the Earl of Portland with secret Instructions to the Queen, that She might not, even in his absence, be obliged to depend upon the Advice and Opinions of any other Council but himself. In pursuance of these Orders, Warrants were issued out to apprehend suspected Persons; the Arms, Horses and Magazines of the disaffected Party were seized; the Army was put into a posture of defence; care was taken to prevent Tumults and disorderly Meetings, and the Officers of the Fleet were engaged by new obligations to continue Faithful to the Government. These were the Measures that were taken to preserve us, and God was pleased to bless our Industry, and to assert the justice of our Cause by a glorious and important Victory.  
The Fate of Europe was decided in one Day at La Hague, and every Nation had its share in the Consequences of that memorable Action. We, who were more immediately concerned in the Danger and Deliverance, and who had been so long alarmed with the Expectation of the approaching Storm, could hardly forbear Trembling, even in the midst of our Joy, when we reflected on the dismal Alterations which we must have beheld if the success had answered the Hope and Design of our Enemies. For, after such a Victory, the French might have drawn immense sums from England, either as a Reimbursement for the Charge of the War, or as a Subsidy imposed upon a subdued Nation. They might have added above a Hundred Men of War to their Fleet, and increased their Land-Forces with the formidable Addition of Fifty Thousand English Men, by whose Assistance they might have enlarged their Conquests, while we should have been obliged to entertain an Army of Enemies, to complete the destruction of our Country, under pretext of supporting the Authority of their Ally.  
In Ireland the Papists would have reacted their former Barbarities, and dispossessed the Protestants a second time of their Goods and Estates. In England, they would have renewed their Claim to the Church-Lands, and made us feel the severest Effects of their irritated Fury. In both the Kingdoms those who had refused to take the Oaths to the present Government would have been rewarded with the Places of those who had taken 'em; and the Non-Swearing Clergy preferred to the richest Benefices. The Offices of State and the best Posts in the Army would have been bestowed on those who had expressed the greatest Zeal in enslaving the Nation; and the House of Peers would have been filled with the most notorious Betrayers of their 
History of the Revolutions in Engl. Book II.  Country. The Nobility, whom they had the Impudence to represent as a Company of Traitors and Villains, would have been punished for their Fidelity to the State, and for asserting their just Privileges with (at least) the Banishment of their Persons and Confiscation of their Estates; and the Representatives of the Nation Proscribed for Loving and Serving their Country. To conclude, the Laws would have been at the Mercy of those whose Interetst obliged 'em to violate and subvert Them; and none must have expected Preferment but such as had merited the Favour of our Enemies, by striving to increase our Misery.  
These Considerations which served to confirm all True English-Men in their Affection and Fidelity to the Government, were so many powerful Incentives to its Enemies to pursue their former Designs. They continued still to hope that France might repair her Losses, and be again in a condition to assist 'em; but the Prospect was too distant to satisfy their eager Impatience: And therefore they began to consult how they might be able to destroy the Nation without the Assistance of Foreigners.  
'Tis thought the Party were not Novices in the Art of ruining their Fellow-Subjects. They have been frequently Charged with the Massacre in Ireland, and the Burning of London; and 'tis strongly suspected that the Public Robbers, Pirates, Incendiaries, Debasers of Money, Spies and Assassins', were employed, as Instruments, in carrying on the great Design. The Reader is left to judge of the Truth or Probability of these Conjectures.  
Whatever Opinion weo ught to have of the Design of the Conspirators, we must do 'em the justice to acknowledge their Skill and Dexterity, in contriving the most probable Methods and Expedients, to accomplish it.  
Of these Means and Expedients, foam have been long since Foretold, some are universally known, our Enemies have betrayed their own Secret by divulging others, and we may discover the rest by a heedful Examination of the Proceedings of the Conspirators, and the Progress of the Conspiracy. I will discourse of 'em in order, because the Subject is both Curious and Important.  
About Seventeen or Eighteen Years ago, Titus Oates made a Discovery to the Parliament, which was variously censured by Persons of different Principles and Inclinations. Some gave credit to it, others rejected it as a mere Fable, and there were some who looked upon it as a Mixture of Truth 
Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey's Murder, which cannot be reckoned a Fable, is a strong Confirmation of, at least, part of that Discovery.  and Fiction. I will neither pretend to justify nor condemn all his Depositions, but content myself with observing, that there are some things which were looked upon as incredible, by reason of the Enormity of the Crimes, though later Experience has convinced us that they were really true; especially what relates to Trade, Exportation of Species, and the Debasement of Money.  
Oates acquaints us, in the Appendix to his Information, Sworn before Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey, Sept. 27. 1678. That the Conspirators could not endure King Charles II. because he was not of their Religion, and that they resolved to cut him off with all possible Speed. That they Charged him with Tyranny and Designs of oppressing, Governing by the Sword, and without Parliaments, and exposing his most Faithful and Valiant Subjects to be wasted and slain in foreign Service. 2. That they aspersed, derided, exposed and declaimed against his Person, Counsels and Actions, in Parliament and elsewhere; and particularly scoffed at his security and confidence in them, and by this means animated and encouraged their Party and Assassins' especially, to attempt upon his Life, and hasten his Ruin. 3. That they disclosed the King's Counsels to France. 4. That they raised false News of his Affairs. 5. That they disaffected his Majesty's Allies, Holland, Spain, the Germane Emperor and Princes, by false Intelligence, etc. 6. That they disturbed Trade. 7. That they set up, sent out and maintained Seditious Preachers and Catechists, and directed 'em what to Preach in their own, or other private Conventicles or Field-Meetings. 8. That they animated different Parties, one against another to Arm and put the People in Blood upon the King's 
See, how they designed to bring the Irish over to England. The application of the rest of the Particulars is obvious.  Death. 9 That our best Cities and Towns were to be Fired and Plundered by Irish, French, Lay-brothers and others, disguised in Frocks and otherwise. 10. That they endeavoured to Poison and Assassinate by picked Quarrels, or otherwise, those whom they supposed to be ready or able to detector otherwise obstruct their Designs. 11. That they designed the Transportation of Trading, People, Stock and Money, ADULTERATING MONEY and Plate; to which ends they had Bankers, Brokers, Merchants, Goldsmiths and other Traders, whom they Stocked and Set up with Money of their Society, of which they boasted to have a Hundred Thousand Pounds in Cash.  
Those who reflect upon what they see or hear, and consider the Temper and Actions of these who make a noise in the World, may easily judge whether the Party has continued to pursue the same Methods: And therefore, without insisting longer upon this Subject, I shall proceed, in the next place, to take notice of such of their Maxims as have been discovered by themselves.  
As for Parliaments, 'tis their Opinion, That a King of England's Condescension 
History of the Revolutions in England, Book II. p. 357.  to his Parliament seldom produces a good Understanding between 'em. And particularly they tell us, that King Charles II. was advised to stand firm against the Attempts of an Assembly that made it their usual Custom to oppose and contradict him; that they would still be starting new Claims and Demands, and would at last raise 'em to such a Height, that His Majesty would not be able to grant 'em, without consenting to his own Deposition, and consequently would find himself to be still in the same condition; that is, after a thousand Condescensions against his own Interest, he would at last be obliged to break with his Parliament, and find that his Complaisance had increased their Boldness, and made 'em less afraid to oppose him.  
They have left no means unattempted to set these Stratagems on foot against the present Government, by employing all their Artifices in a successless attempt to engage the King to invade the Liberty of his Subjects, or to make the People encroach upon the Prerogative of the Crown. They endeavoured to revive the ancient Jealousies that disturbed the Quiet of the former Reigns; as if it had been possible to keep us from perceiving the difference betwixt a Deliverer and an Oppressor, whose Characters are so opposite, that they can never agree either in the Manner or End of executing their Authority; for 'tis a necessary consequence of their respective Maxims, that the Former should endeavour to Preserve, and the Latter to Destroy his People. 'Tis both the Interest and Duty of an English Parliament to protect the People whom they represent from a Prince who treats 'em as Enemies or Slaves; but they cannot, without consenting to their own Ruin, oppose a King who makes the Honour and Prosperity of the Nation the End of all his Designs and Undertake. And we have reason to adore the favourable Providence of God, who has freed us from the Apprehensions of so terrible a Misfortune, and established His Majesty's Throne by the most perfect Union that ever was observed betwixt a King and his Parliament.  
Besides these Ways to destroy the Nation, which they have known and practised so long, the present Juncture has furnished 'em with new Expedients. In the beginning of the War, our Trade was extremely disturbed by French Privateers; but since their Defeat at La Hogue made 'em both afraid and unable to engage our Fleet, they seem to make no other use of their Men of War than to surprise our Merchant-Ships. And our treacherous Countrymen are always ready to give 'em secret and timely Notice of our Motions, and consequently betray the Riches of the Nation to its most inveterate Enemies.  
In the mean time they were secretly fomenting our Divisions, and animating the different Parties that are among us, against us and one another. The Scotch Presbyterians were incited to take up Arms, by Sir John Cochram, and those of the same persuasion in England were managed by Mr. Ferguson and others.  

Deposition of Brice Blair, March 12. 1695.  About the time of the Siege of Mons, Sir John Cochram sent a Person in whom he confided, to King James, assuring him that, in some parts of Scotland, there were several Presbyterian Ministers who were the Leading Men of the Party, and some Gentlemen of Note that were entirely at his disposal. He offered his Interest to King James, from whom he had received Fifteen hundred Pounds Sterl. which he said he had faithfully distributed among his Creatures; and desired him to send Three thousand Pounds more. In the mean time he pretended an extraordinary Zeal for Liberty of Conscience, and declared if King James would not comply with his Subjects in that point, he would Wade thro' a Sea of Blood to go thither. Thus he was equally unfaithful to the Nation and to that Party which he seemed to espouse, by selling the Blood and Liberty of the Former for so small a Sum; and by obliging the Latter to depend upon the Late King's Word for an Advantage of which they were already in possession, and betraying 'em to those who are particularly animated against 'em.  

See the Character of the Presbyterians, in the History of the Revolutions in England, Book II.  Ferguson, the noted Contriver of those Intrigues which at last proved Fatal to the unfortunate Duke of Monmouth, famed for Inconstancy and Treason, that Prodigy of Plotters whose whole Life is One black Mystery, was also a busy Promoter of this execrable Design. The Character that is given of him in the History of the Conspiracy against King Charles II. and the Duke of York, which was Written by their Order, is very remarkable, and serves to show us what use the Party intended to make of a Person, with whose Temper they were so well acquainted.  
The Author of that Book informs us, that Ferguson was not only engaged in the Design of Assassinating those two Princes, but applauded it as a Glorious Work, saying, that it would be an Admonition to all Princes to take heed how they oppressed their Subjects; and adding upon another occasion, that it was never thought Injustice to Shoot, or set Traps for Wolves and Tigers. And one of the principal Conspirators speaking of a Blunderbuss which he intended to use in the Assassination of his Majesty, broke out into this profane Jest, That Ferguson should first Consecrate it.  
In the same Book we are told that the Duke of Monmouth confessed to the King, That in all their Debates Ferguson was always for cutting of Throats, saying, that was the most Compendious Way. That Ferguson himself, when he took his leave of the Conspirators, declared, That he would never be out of a Plot as long as he lived, and that at one of their Consults he proposed, that Five or Six of the Old Rich Citizens should be killed at First, and their Estates given to the Mobile, to terrify the rest. That 'twas his constant Custom to outdo all the rest of the Conspirators, by some peculiar Circumstance of Cruelty of his own Invention. That upon all accounts of his restless Spirit, fluent Tongue, subtle Brain, and hellish Malice, he was perfectly Qualified to be the great Incendiary, and common Agitator of the whole Conspiracy; and that after Shaftsbury's Death, he was the Life and Soul of all, especially for the carrying on of the Assassination.  
While such Persons as these were endeavouring to incite the Presbyterians to Rebellion, the Episcopal Party was cajoled by some of the Deposed Bishops, or by certain Prelates that were sent as private Emissaries from King James. And the same design was also zealously promoted by some Clergymen, who despaired of Preferment under a Prince, who makes Merit and Virtue the only Objects of his Favour and Bounty. They were enraged to find themselves disappointed of the great Expectations they had conceived in the preceding Reign, when the Government, designing to render the Church of England weak and contemptible, made want of Merit one of the principal Recommendations to Advancement. It must be acknowledged even by those who envy our present Happiness, that the constant Care which is taken to bestow the Benefices and Dignities of the Church upon the most deserving Persons, and to prefer the Desires of the People, in the choice of their Pastors, before the most pressing Solicitations of particular Persons, is one of the distinguishing Beauties of this Reign. The Merit of those who have been advanced to the Episcopal Function since the Revolution, is sufficient either to stop the Mouths, or baffle the Impudence of their most virulent Enemies: And 'tis known that these worthy Prelates are not only encouraged, but enjoined to make a conscientious use of the Power with which they are entrusted, by virtue of their Office and Character to dispose of a considerable number of the Inferior Benefices. So that 'tis hard to imagine where the most impudent Malice can find a pretext to censure His Majesty's Conduct in this Point.  
Nevertheless 'tis certain, that the Conspirators carried on their black Intrigues in all places, and among all sorts of Persons; and even were not ashamed to contradict themselves by endeavouring at once to persuade all the several Parties in the Kingdom that they had just cause of Complaint. They suggested to the Rigid Presbyterians, whose ungoverned Zeal made 'em capable of such Impressions, that they ought not to support a Prince who protected the Church of England: And at the same time the Toleration he had granted to Dissenters, was made use of as a pretext to render him odious to the hottest Asserters of Episcopacy.  
He had already given us a sufficient Intimation of his Sentiments in this Case, and of the Maxims he intended to pursue; when he declared in the beginning of his Reign, That He would be King of his People, and not of a Faction. He loved moderate Persons in all Parties, and resolved to maintain all his Subjects Indifferently in the Possession of their Privileges and Properties. He would never permit any Order or Set of Men to domineer over the rest of their Fellow Subjects; but suited his Maxims to the Free and Manly Genius of his People, who love to be Governed by Law. He is naturally inclined to Goodness and Clemency; and though his Temper alone were not sufficient to secure us against uneasy Apprehensions, the Consideration of his Interest would infallibly restrain him from abusing his Authority. The preceding Reign furnishes him with Instructing Examples, and his Virtue is confirmed by the Faults of his Predecessor. He was advanced in opposition to Arbitrary Power, and can never consent to the abolishing of those Laws on which his Authority is founded: Nor can he endeavour to render himself absolute in one place, without ruining his Interest in another; for he is equally obliged to maintain the Laws of England, that he may preserve his Authority in Holland; and to preserve the Liberty of the Dutch, that he may maintain his Power among us. Never was the Interest and Happiness of a Prince so inseparably united to that of his People; and never had Subjects less reason to be Jealous of the Authority of their Sovereign. This is unquestioned Matter of Fact, a Truth that can neither be denied nor concealed; nor can the Conspirators themselves be supposed to be ignorant of it. And therefore, since they cannot discover, or so much as pretend to discover any Faults in His Majesty, to excuse their Malice against him, they endeavoured, under the Shelter of his Virtues, to carry on their execrable Designs.  
The Honesty and Integrity of his Temper makes him incapable of Jealousy or Distrust, and even seems to invite his Enemies to conspire against him. Besides, he has so great a regard to the Laws, that he will not suffer 'em to be violated under any pretext whatsoever; not even for the security of his Person and Government. And 'tis this which encouraged the Conspirators to proceed with less Caution and Fear, as the Reader will easily perceive by the Continuation of the History of their Proceedings.  

1692. His Depositions are in the Hands of the Government.  Lunt was very active in performing his Commission, and had made a considerable progress about the time when the French were expected in England. He had been at London, where he bought Arms, Carabins, Swords, Pistols, etc. which he sent to Lancashire. He had also listed Soldiers whom he sent to the same County; and had received Money for their Subsistance from the Lord Molineux and others. And by his Diligence and Success he had insinuated himself so far into the Favour and Esteem of the Party, that he was sent back to France, about a Year after the Action at La Hogue. But, before I proceed to give an account of his Voyage and Return, it will not be improper to acquaint the Reader with the State and Disposition of the Court of St. Germains, about the time of his Arrival there.  
'Tis observable that the Policy of the Late King's Council has always consisted in altering their Measures according to the Circumstances of their Affairs. That this has been their constant practice, is plain from their Conduct at the beginning of the Revolution. For upon the News of the Preparations in Holland, he began to remove those instances of his Arbitrary Power that had rendered him odious to his People; but as soon as he received advice of the pretended Shipwreck of the Dutch Fleet, he repented his former design, and sent Counter-Orders to Oxford. Again, when he left the Kingdom, he endeavoured to amuse us with new Promises, which were industriously dispersed among the People, both in England and Scotland: Particularly, to oblige the Scotch to support his falling Interest, he assured 'em, That they and their Posterity should see 
See his Letter to the Lords and Commons of that Kingdom, Dared from on board his Ship.  the Effect of the Promises which he had so often made 'em, to maintain their Religion, Liberty and Privileges. But no sooner was he at the Head of his Party in Ireland, and in a condition to pursue his old Maxims, than he seemed to have lost the very remembrance of his Promises, and began immediately to persecute the Protestants. The Defeat of his Army made him afterwards change his note, and resume a Language of Sweetness and Moderation: But after the Preparations at La Hogue had revived his sinking Hopes, he ventured once more to put off the Mask, and talked of nothing but Conquest and Revenge. At last their were two Parties formed in his Court; and while one of 'em would have engaged him to oblige himself to preserve the Ancient Laws of England, the other were still suggesting to him that 'twould be too mean a Condescensien to enter into a Treaty with his Subjects. The two Cabals were headed by Middleton and Melford, who enjoyed their Master's Favour by turns, and were successively entrusted with the Management of Affairs, according to the variety of his Circumstances.  
When he fancied himself in a Condition to subdue the Nation by Force, Melford was his Favourite; but when the posture of his Affairs obliged him to have recourse to Flattery and Complaisance, Middleton was the principal Director of his Counsels. The Factions were directly opposite, and were distinguished both by their Names and Sentiments; for the Middletonians were usually known by the Name of Compounders, and the Melfordians had the Title of No Compounders.  
Melford had still a Share in the Management of Affairs; but his Interest was sinking proportionably with the Hope of Conquering England, when, to recover his Credit, he contrived the Project of Assassinating his Majesty.  
He had already engaged Bromfield and Griffin, who had their Correspondents in England. And upon Lunt's arrival, he proposed the Design 
July 1693.  to him, engaged him in it, and sent him to Dover to concert the means of executing it with Captain Noel, Captain Walter, Captain Roberts, Pepper, and Preston.  

Decemb. 1693.  They had promised to Assassinate His Majesty, and even Signed an Obligation to that Effect: But after they had consulted with Lunt about the Means of Executing it, they were seized with Horror and Remorse, and resolved to atone for their Crime by discovering it to the Council.  

January 1693.  And that their Information might neither be slighted nor suspected, they made use of one Taff, who not long before had done a considerable Service to the Government, and consequently was neither unknown nor unwelcome at Court. By this Man Lunt was introduced, and had an opportunity to make his Discovery. Some time after the Council sent 'em 
July 1694.  both to Lancashire with Captain Baker to seize and convict the Conspirators in that County.  
The Search and Prosecution continued 
July 14. 1694.  several Months with various Success. The Accused Persons, whose Names 'tis thought fit to conceal, absconded as soon as they were informed of the Discovery, and the Design that was on Foot to bring 
July 17. 1694.  'em to Justice. In the mean time their Houses were searched, and in them were found Saddles, Swords, Carabines, great Quantities of Powder and Bullets, Standards, a Commission from King James, etc.  

Octob. 17. 1694.  At the Trial at Manchester, Octob. 17. 1694. the Witnesses deposed, That the Persons whom they accused had received Commissions from the late King to Levy Troops; that they had listed Soldiers, and formed 'em into Bodies, with a Design to assist the French after their Landing; that the Papists in Lancashire contributed for the Subsistence of these Troops; that they were furnished with Officers, Arms, and all sorts of Ammunition for War, etc. But an unexpected Accident put a stop to the further Discovery of the Conspiracy, and saved the Traitors from the just Punishment of their Crimes.  
They had Money to offer, and consequently could neither want Friends nor Protection. The First whom they gained was Taff: He had been well rewarded for his late Service, and expected a new Recompense for this Discovery, though he had contributed nothing towards it, but the Assistance and Testimony which he gave to the Discover. The disappointment of his Hopes made him listen to the advantageous Offers of the Faction, and resolve to save his new Masters at the expense of his own Reputation; for he was not ashamed to declare that the Lancashire Plot was a Fiction concerted betwixt Lunt and himself, to Ruin some Gentlemen in that County. This Declaration was followed by Objections that were made against the Witnesses. They were accused of Corruption and Misdemeanours; some of the Judges were preingaged and possessed with groundless prejudices against 'em, and care was taken to disguise the whole Affair to the 
Sir William Williams took Post for London immediately after Taff's Declaration, and gave a horrible Character of the Witnesses; having obstinately refused to hear any thing that was offered to be alleged in their Favour, or to comply with some of the Judges who would have proceeded to the Examination of other Witnesses.  Council. The Witnesses were represented in the blackest Colours that Artful Malice could invent, and committed to Newgate upon suspicion of having Conspired against the Lives and Honour of the Lancashire Gentlemen.  
The Affair was afterwards brought before both Houses of Parliament, who heard the Witnesses, and others who gave in new Informations. Some of 'em discovered the secret Treaty betwixt Taff and the Conspirators; and all of 'em justified I unt and his Accusation. And after a full Hearing and Examination, that lasted about six Weeks or two 
See the Votes of the House of Commons on that occasion.  Months, 'twas declared by both Houses, That there had been a horrible Conspiracy against their Majesty's Life and Government, etc.  
This Vote was an Illustrious Testimony that the Witnesses were not only Innocent, but merited the Thanks of the Nation; yet the Prejudice of those who ought to have protected 'em, and the Interest of the Faction they had offended, were so great, that the Resolutions of a whole Parliament could neither put a stop to their Prosecution, nor procure 'em a fair Trial. They were indicted at the Lancashire Assizes, and, by the prevailing Force of the secret Springs that were employed against 'em, were found Guilty of Perjury.  
Thus, by an unhappy and preposterous Turn, the Criminals were become Witnesses; and the horrible Conspiracy against Their Majesties was reduced to a Conspiracy against Traitors.  

1695▪  But their Artifices were at last defeated, and Truth prevailed over the Power and Treachery of its Enemies. The Discoverers asserted their Innocency by the Testimony of Forty new Witnesses: The Lancashire Gentlemen could not prove their Allegations, and those who were Guilty of no other Crime than endeavouring to serve the Government, were sent away with assurances of a suitable Recompense.  
In the mean time though the Conspirators could not succeed in their main design of discrediting the Witnesses; they had spread such a Mist upon the whole Affair that they hoped they might easily conceal their Intrigues for the future from the less penetrating part of Mankind. The Discoveries that had been made were imperfect and controverted, and served only to give us a new instance of the difference betwixt the King and his Enemies. He was so far from imitating either the Arbitrary Violence, or Ungenerous Politics of some Princes in Europe, that he openly protected those who had Conspired against his Life, so long as there was the least appearance of Reason to doubt of their Gild. So dear is the Life or Honour of a Subject to a King, that is (what every Sovereign aught to be) the Father of his Country.  
On the other hand, the Conspirators endeavoured to prevent a new alarm, by the Death of those whom they suspected. For, not to repeat what has been said concerning Kelly, Dodsworth was killed by two Jacobite Brothers after he had discovered what he knew of the Conspiracy: And Redman was Murdered two days after he had communicated his design to one who betrayed him.  
While the Jacobites in Lancashire were pursuing their beloved Project, of destroying the Nation, with so much Heat and Diligence; their Friends in London were continually forming new Designs against His Majesty's Life.  
When Parker came to England, to execute the Orders he had received from his Master, he entertained an intimate Correspondence with Porter and Goodman, Two of the most zealous Instruments and Promoters of the Treasonable Designs of the Party. The First was born a Gentleman, and a Protestant; but had spent his Estate, and renounced his Religion. The other was a Comedian by Profession, and had been formerly Tried for endeavouring to Poison the Dukes of Northumberland and St. Alban; but either his Interest, Innocency, or Subtilty had saved him from the Punishment that is due to such a Crime. Parker gave 'em the Two 
Goodman 's Deposition, April 24. 1696.  First Companies in his Regiment, with a large share in his Confidence, and in the secrets of the Faction; but would never acquaint 'em with some of the most Mysterious Circumstances of the Design. He ordered 'em to take a House in, or near London, with large Stables, fit to lodge and accommodate Fifty or Sixty Horses; that they might be in a condition to receive the Troops of Horse, that, from time to time, were to pass through London, in their March to the Place of Rendezvous. This is the account he thought fit to give them; but if we consider what happened both before and afterwards, 'twill perhaps appear to be more than a bare conjecture, that, since the Design to Assassinate His Majesty was then on Foot, these measures were taken to Facilitate the Execution of it.  
His Imprisonment diverted his Thoughts to other Objects, and found new Employment for his Friends; among whom, Charnock and Harrison, deserve a particular Remembrance. The First, who went also by the Name of Robinson, was Born and Educated a Protestant, but changed his Religion, to Merit the Late King's Favour; which was the sure Reward of those that were willing to deliver up their Conscience, as a Pledge of their Loyalty. He and another, were the only Persons who complied with King James' Order to Magdalen College; and his Complaisance, on that Occasion, procured him the Dignity of Vice-President. But when Honest Men began to recover what they had lost; 'twas fit that Persons of another Character should lose what they had gotten: The Laws that were re-established by the Revolution, rendered him incapable of enjoying his Place, and by depriving him of his new Preferment, made him an Enemy to the Government, both by Interest, and Resentment. He had an equal Aversion to the Laws, to the People, and to their Deliverer; for after he had incurred the Hatred of his Countrymen, he thought he could neither recover his Reputation, nor Fortune, but by destroying their Liberty.  
Harrison, alias Johnson, was a Priest, who, for a considerable time, had 
This agrees with the Character, that Brice Blair, gives of him, in his Depositions.  been entrusted with the Management of King James' Affairs. He was a Violent Melfordian; ●an Active and Zealous Agent of the Party, and so far from being troubled with the Scruples, and Checks of a tender Conscience; that he never looked upon any thing as Difficult or Criminal, that might serve to promote the Interest of the Faction. He had entertained a long Correspondence with Melfort; who lost his Credit at the Court of St. Germains, upon the miscarriage of the intended Invasion; for, as we observed before, 'twas the constant Practice of the Late King's Council, in such junctures, to advance Middleton, in Complaisance to the Protestant Jacobites.  

Good man 's Deposition, April 2 d, 1696.  After Melford's Disgrace; Harrison chose Caryl, the Late Queen's Secretary, for his Correspondent. He was the Instrument of Delivering Colonel Parker out of the Tower; which was an Important Service to the Party. He agreed with those, who suffered him to make his Escape, for Five Hundred Pounds; Three hundred of which were paid, and the rest promised.  
Charnock and Harrison, were looked upon by the Court at St. Germains, as Persons in whom they might place an Entire Confidence. The Project of Assassinating the King was, doubtless, Communicated to 'em by Parker; who is thought to be the first Contriver of it. Those who are engaged in such Barbarous Designs, endeavour to find a sort of Justification, or Excuse, in the Atrocity of their Gild. Every new Crime stretches their Conscience, to make room for a Sin of a larger Size, and Emboldens 'em both to Contrive and Commit the most Horrible Villainies. Nor is it probable, that he concealed the Design from Porter and Goodman, with whom, both before, and after his Imprisonment, he entertained an Intimate Correspondence. However, 'tis certain, that these Four Men, were either the first Contrivers of the Project, or at least consulted about the most proper Ways, to put it in Execution, after it was Communicated to 'em.  
At first, they only mentioned, the Seizing of the King, and the carrying of him to France; either because they had no other Intention at that time; or because they fancied that even the Faintest Sense of Honour and Virtue, might make the Conspirators, reject the startling Proposal of an Assassination.  
'Tis plain from their Proceedings afterwards, that their seeming Moderation, on this Occasion, was not the effect of any Inclination they had to spare His Majesty's Life. That Barbarous Design was proposed, under several, and very different Notions, according to the Characters of those to whom it was Communicated: They usually contented themselves, with mentioning the carrying away of the King, when they imparted the Project, to those in whom they found some unextinguished Sparks of Honour; but they scrupled not to own the Assassination in the broadest Terms to those who, they perceived, were transported by a brutish and ungoverned Fury. Yet even those who had made the greatest progress in putting off all Humanity could not forbear discovering the inward Horror that racked their guilty Consciences. Their Minds were so agitated by a Sense of the Enormity of their Crime, that they could not fix upon the Way of executing it. Sometimes they concluded that the quickest way to bring in King James, and restore him to his Crown was, by knocking King William on the Head: Sometimes they resolved to hurry the King away to Rumney-Marsh, and from thence to carry him over to France; And in some of their Consults 'twas determined to carry him-alive into France if they could, if they could not take him alive then to Assassinate him, and pretend it was done by a Random Shot.  
Brice Blair was one of the first to whom they communicated the Design. He was a Scotchman by Birth, and educated a Presbyterian, but afterwards turned Papist. All the Time he had spent in the Service could not procure him a higher Post than that of a Lieutenant▪ and therefore he resolved to take a nearer (tho a more indirect) way to Preferment. Yet neither his Religion nor Ambition could make him so much an Enemy to Honour and Virtue, as to be a fit Companion for the Conspirators. He was never present at those Consults where 'twas examined whether the Assassination, or the Carrying 
Brice Blair's Deposition, March 13th. 1696.  away of the King was the quickest or surest way to bring in King James and restore him to his Crown; for when Charnock proposed the Design to him by the least odious name, he rejected it in such a manner that they durst never mention it to him afterwards.  

Goodman 's Deposition, April 24 th'. 1696  Not long after Porter and Goodman communicated the Project to Sir George Barelay, who was then in England, and just ready to go over to France. They desired him to acquaint King James with their Design, that, if he approed it, he might send 'em a Commission with a Pardon included in it.  

Goodman 's Deposition, April 24 th'. 1696  It seems Barclay did not send 'em the Commission they expected: But, some time after, Charnock told Goodman that there was an Order to seize the Prince of Orange, for so they usually called his Majesty. Upon this 
Captain Porter 's Deposition. April 24 th'. 1696.  advice a Consult was held, where Charnock produced one Waugh that was lately come from France, who told 'em that he expected a Commission to seize the King. This was looked upon as a sufficient Encouragement to set all their Engines at Work in order to a vigorous prosecution of the Grand Design. They held Meeting after Meeting to concert the Methods of executing it: In these Consults some of the Conspirators acquainted the rest with the Intelligence they had at Deal, where they 
Goodman 's Deposition, April 24. 1696.  resolved to secure a Vessel. To this Effect they sent for a Man who offered to furnish 'em with one, but dismissed him because they could not agree about the Price. Then they resumed their Debates about the Commission; but since they had none to produce, they broke up without coming to a Conclusion.  
Some days after, Charnock, Porter and Waugh met at Brentford, where they consulted about the Ways of executing the Attempt. They viewed the Ground, considered the Houses▪ where they should place their Men, and waited till his Majesty should 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  return from Richmond, that they might observe the Guards who accompanied him, and his usual Way of Travelling.  
They continued their Meetings during the Months of January, February and March 1694/5; and in one of their Consults at the Mitre-Tavern 
Larüe 's Deposition, February 26th. 1696.  in St. James' Market, the Design was communicated to Lariie, whom they looked upon as a Person entirely devoted to the Faction, because he had suffered a long and tedious Imprisonment upon suspicion of holding Intelligence with the Enemies of the Government. He embraced the proposal, and perhaps was really willing to be engaged in it; though, if we reflect upon the Manner and Circumstances of his Discovery, it may be presumed that he only seemed to comply with 'em, that the Confidence they placed in him might enable him to acquaint the Government with the dark Intrigues of its treacherous Enemies.  
The Conspirators were all the while kept in Expectation of a Commission, which was retarded by several Accidents. Waugh had told 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, April 15. 1696  King James that the Earl of Arran and the Lord Forbes were willing to be concerned in the Design to carry away the King; but when he attempted to discourse with 'em on that Subject, after his return from France, they both refused to have any thing to do with him.  
'Twas reported among the Conspirators, that the News of this Disappointment stopped the sending of the Commission, which was already Signed, and expected by every post. And besides, there was one Crosby who went to France, and talked so freely and particularly of the Designed Attempt, that 'twas plain he was better acquainted with the secrets of the Faction, than they either imagined or desired. Parker wrote, 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  upon this occasion, to Porter and Goodman, who assured him that they had never communicated the Design to Crosby: However it seems the Court of St. Germains were so alarmed by this and other Accidents, that they resolved to be more cautious and reserved for the Future.  
In the mean time the Conspirators were so afraid of losing the present Opportunity, that they resolved to pursue the Design, without expecting a Commission. To this end they provided Men, Arms and Horses; but wanted a Vessel to Transport the King to France, if it should be resolved to carry him away, or to facilitate their own Escape, if they should agree upon the Assassination, and therefore, to supply that Defect, Charnock was sent to Deal, with Recommendations to a Captain of Horse, who was acquainted with the Design; and La Rue was appointed to accompany him. But their Measures were entirely broken by the unexpected haste of the King's Departure for the Netherl●nds.  
When they saw they had lost the Opportunity of executing their Design upon His Majesty's Person; they resumed the Project of the Invasion.  
They entertained private Emissaries in all the Parts of the Kingdom, who made it their business to study the Inclinations, and pry into the Affairs of the People; that they might afterwards attack 'em on the Weak Side, and strengthen the Faction by the Addition of a Promiscuous Multitude of all sorts of Persons.  
By this means they engaged a confused Medley of Disaffected Persons: And besides, they depended upon the Assistance of all the bigoted Papists, and a considerable number of pretended Protestants; all the Creatures of the Late Reign, those who had lost either their Employments or Expectations by the Revolution, all the Promoters of Arbitrary Power, several Officers of the Army that was dispersed at Salisbury, and some Soldiers, who preferred a Seditious Idleness, and the Ignoble Dangers of Plotting, before the Honourable Occasions of acquiring Glory in the Field.  
The whole Design was carried on by a Set of Men, who had either lost, or never had, a Sense of Honour and Virtue; who looked upon the Laws and Religion, as Vain and Empty Names, and acted as if their Private Interest, and the Recompenses they expected had been a sufficient security for the Public Safety: Men who had neither Reputation to lose, nor Estates to live upon; who were equally Indigent and Idle, and were neither able to endure the usual Hardships of Poverty, nor willing to prevent 'em by an honest Industry: Turbulent and Restless Spirits, who delight in Tumults and Confusion, and repine at the Quiet of their Neighbours; and, as a worthy Reinforcement to the Cabal, those who were not fit to appear in better Company, I mean, such as were suspected of Cowardice. For as no Man has contributed more than his Majesty to bring Valour into Credit and Fashion, 'tis his Fate to be extremely hated by Cowards, as he is generally respected, and in a manner adored by the Brave. Those who have the Courage to aspire to Glory, Admire an Example which they can never imitate; and never was any Prince so Peloved by his own Army, or so Esteemed by that of his Enemies.  
There were two sorts of Persons in whom the Conspirators placed a particular Confidence; the New Converts and the Libertines whom they had drawn into the Party; those who had either no Religion, or had embraced that of the Faction. For they concluded that such Persons as these would always be ready to engage in a Design, that tended to the Destruction of all Honest and Good Men.  
'Twas one of their principal Stratagems to cry down Religion in general; because they were sensible that the love of our Religion kept us inseparably united to a Prince that had preserved it. And at the same time they left no means unattempted to weaken and divide our Church: For on the one hand, they endeavoured to introduce a Remissness and Indifferency in Matters of Religion; and on the other, they made it their business to foment our Differences about certain new Opinions, exasperating the Zeal of our Orthodox Divines by Artifices that need not be mentioned in this place.  
They endeavoured to insinuate themselves into the confidence of those who seemed to be dissatisfied with the Court; and oftentimes made use of 'em as Tools for the carrying on of a Design of which they were wholly ignorant.  
They admitted all that were willing to be engaged, but were more than ordinarily careful to draw in those who might be useful to the Faction; flattering the Interest of some, and the Ambition of others, and enticing both with small Presents and large Promises.  
They endeavoured to corrupt the Officers of the Fleet, Army and Militia; 
This appears by Capt. Porter's Deposition, April 15th. 1696.  and tampered with the Clerks and Secretaries of those who either were, or had been employed in Eminent Posts under the Government, that by their means they might get Intelligence of such things as they were desirous to know. Thus they obtained an Account of the Naval Forces of one, and a List of the Army of another.  
'Twou'd be an endless Labour to relate all their Contrivances and Machinations; and therefore I shall content myself with taking notice of their General Maxims.  
They were sensible that the English are generally possessed with a natural Antipathy against the French; that we had been for a long time under perpetual Apprehensions of the growing Power of those encroaching Neighbours, and that our Jealousy and Aversion were extremely heightened since the beginning of the War. And therefore to divert our Hatred and Suspicion to another Object, they endeavoured to possess us with an ill-grounded Jealousy of the Dutch. To this end, they were still putting us in mind of the dangers to which we exposed ourselves, by depending upon the Friendship of a Nation, that was wholly composed of Presbyterians and Republicans; without considering that their being so makes it their Interest that we should never imitate their Example; since their Provinces would be quickly abandoned, if their People could find in this Kingdom the Religion, Discipline and Government to which they are inclined by Birth and Education. For 'tis very natural to suppose, that if these Impediments were removed, 〈◊〉 Inhabitants of such a Country as Holland, would embrace with Joy the inviting Opportunity of living in a Fertile and Pleasant Land, where they might securely enjoy all the Comforts and Conveniencies of Life, with infinitely less trouble and pains, and without the Disadvantage of paying Taxes in time of Peace; and to which they might easily transport both their Trade and Estates.  
Another of their detestable Contrivances was to make us forget, or, at least, to lessen our Esteem for our Deliverer. 'Twas for this Reason they usually called him the Dutch Prince, and sometimes had the impudence to speak of him in base and scurrilous Terms; as when, at one of their Traitorous Meetings, they squeezed an Orange, and drank a health to the Destruction of the squeezed and rotten Orange.  
'Twas thus they were not asnamed to treat a Prince who saved Europe by his Courage and Resolution, who inspires his Armies with Valour by his own inimitable Example, and has made his Subjects Masters of the Sea, and Arbiters of the Christian World. A Prince to whom we owe all the hopes we can reasonably entertain, of an honourable and advantageous Peace; and who has raised the Glory of the Nation to its Ancient Reputation and Splendour.  
Sometimes they affected a seeming Zeal for the Public Good, that they might have an opportunity to exclaim against the necessary Charge of the War. Those who were best acquainted with the Interest of the Nation, and most concerned to promote it, had often demonstrated, what common Sense suggests to every considering Person, That the Expending of our Money, on this occasion, is the best Instance we can give of our Frugality; That 'tis both our Duty and Interest to give away part, that the whole may be preserved; That His Majesty's Predecessors might, easily, and with little charge, have stopped the progress of their ambitious Neighbour; That 'tis their Fault we are now obliged to pay so dear for our Preservation; That if the French were Masters of the Netherlands, the present Taxes would not be sufficient for our necessary Defence; That if Holland were also added to their Conquests, the unavoidable Charge of the War would be still greater; And that, at last, when we should have no Allies to support us, we must infallibly become a Prey to the Insolent Cruelty of our Enemies, and for ever groan under the insupportable Yoke of Popery and Slavery.  
Such Reflections as these were made by several wise and judicious Persons, and inculcated with all the force of Reason and Eloquence; but 'twas in vain to hope that Reason would have any Influence upon those who were resolved to stop their Ears against it, and made it their business to hinder others from hearing it. The Conspirators, with their usual Impudence, continued still to insist upon an Objection that had been so often and so unanswerably confuted; amusing the People with perpetual Murmurings and Complaints, and imagining that the groundless Apprehensions, which they endeavoured to raise in the Minds of the unwary Crowd, would, by degrees, make 'em lose the Remembrance of the Real and Terrible Dangers that threatened 'em in the preceding Reign.  
But the subtlest and most dangerous of all their Artifices, was that by which they cunningly imposed upon the heedless Credulity of some Persons; who neither approved their Principles nor Practices. For 'tis certain that the Party of those who really long for the Establishment of Arbitrary Power and the Destruction of the Protestant Religion, is in itself very small and inconsiderable, and would be eternally the Weakest, if it were not augmented and supported by an unthinking Multitude who suffer themselves to be led they know not whither. This may be properly called, The Listing of Tools for the Service of the Faction.  
At first, to cajole the Church-Party, they employed the Interest they had at Court, in some of the preceding Reigns, to raise a Persecution against the Dissenters; but their seeming Zeal for the Preservation of the Church that is established by Law was so little to be depended on, that, even then, they had titular Prelates, who were actually engaged in a Conspiracy against the Nation, and only waited for a favourable opportunity, to dispossess the Protestant Bishops▪ In the late Reign they seemed to alter their Measures, and began to court the Non-Conformists, that all the Sects in the Kingdom might think themselves obliged, both by Gratitude and Interest, to support a Government that protected 'em. By this unexpected appearance of Tenderness they insinuated themselves into the good Opinion of a considerable Number of the Dissenters, who desired no more than a Toleration to Worship God after their own Fashion: But while these deluded People were expressing their Thankfulness to the Court in fulsome and extravagant Addresses; those very Persons who appeared to be the most zealous Promoters of a Liberty of Conscience here, employed all their Interest to inflame the Persecution in France, and were perpetually soliciting that Monarch to complete the Ruin of his Protestant Subjects.  
Since the Revolution, it has been the constant Endeavor of the Faction to engage those who are always uneasy in time of War, by reason of the Charge and Inconveniencies that attend it: But in this, as in all other Projects and Contrivances, they were so far from making good their Pretensions to a hearty Zeal for the Good of their Country, that they made two desperate Attempts to deliver it up to the Revenge of an incensed Enemy.  
At present they take advantage of the dangerous Folly of those who are still wishing for a Peace, without considering either the Terms or Consequences of it. They believe, or at least would make us believe, that every Man is a declared Enemy to a Peace, who desires that it may be solid and advantageous. They would fain persuade us that 'tis the King who opposes it; though they are sensible we cannot be ignorant, that 'tis his principal Care, as well as his Interest and Glory, to procure the Quiet and Happiness of Europe. The main Drift of these pernicious Insinuations is either to render His Majesty odious to those who are unacquainted with their Devices; or, by a treacherous and ill-secured Peace, to make way for a Fatal and Bloody War, against those very Persons whom they now amuse with a pretended Zeal for the Interest of their Country. For such would be the dismal and inevitable Consequences of their false Politics, if the King and Parliament would renounce their wont Prudence in complaisance eicher to Fools or Knaves.  
It must be acknowledged that we cannot, without Injustice, pronounce an equally severe Sentence upon all who promote the designs of the Faction. For 'tis certain there are a considerable number of deluded and unthinking Persons, who suffer themselves to be led by those who are Superior to 'em both in Wit and Malice. But though the simplicity of such undesigning Tools may in some measure extenuate their Gild; their obstinacy makes 'em as Dangerous as the fiercest and most desperate Traitors. For when one does what he can to destroy the Laws, Religion, and Liberty of his Country, the Honesty of his Intention can never atone for the fatal Consequences of his Error.  
This Reflection would perhaps carry me beyond the Limits of my intended Moderation, if I were not resolved to give the most favourable Treatment that can be allowed to to those for whom His Majesty retains a Paternal Affection, notwithstanding their repeated Provocations. In imitation of so generous an Example, all possible care shall be taken, to spare the Names of those, whose Crimes have not already rendered 'em incapable of such a Favour.  
Among these notorious Criminals, we may justly reckon Sir William Parkins, Sir John Friend and Sir John Fenwick. The First was bred a Lawyer, and never had so much as the Name of a Soldier, till he was made an Officer by King James. He was 
King James wrote several Letters to him with his own Hand.  treated by the Court at St. Germains, with a more than ordinary Civility: They told him that they expected great things from him; and '●is probable he expected great Rewards from them. At first he had only a Troop in Parker's Regiment; but since they knew he had an Estate, they quickly put him in a way to spend it, by sending him a Commission to Levy a Regiment of Horse.  
Sir John Friend was a Citizen and Brewer of London, obliged to the late King for an advantageous Place in the Excise. However, though he was dissatisfied with the Revolution, and refused to comply with the present Government, he seemed at first unwilling to engage in any Plot or Conspiracy against it. The little Sense he had was sufficient to convince him, that 'twas not his Business to reform the Works of Providence, and much less to declare himself an Enemy to his Religion and Country. But neither his Judgement nor Conscience was able to resist his Vanity, which was strong enough to make him sacrifice both, for an 
Brice Blair in his Depositions.  empty Compliment. They showed him a Letter from Melfort, by which it appeared that King James placed a great deal of Confidence in him; and the poor Man was even ravished with joy at his Old Master's Kindness. He wrote a Letter to King James, and received so obliging an Answer, that, to express his Gratitude, he resolved to spend a good part of his Estate in his Service. In pursuance of this Resolution, he advanced considerable sums of Money, upon several occasions, which were paid in Parchment, a sort of Coin that passed currently among Persons of Sir John Friend's Character, though its intrinsic Value was scarce equal to that of the Irish Brass-Money. Sir John received a Commission to be Colonel of Horse, and Brice Blair, whom the Party employed to draw him in, was made his Lieutenant-Colonel. 
Bertram 's Deposition March 3. 169●.  The First had an Estate, and the Second was a Soldier; Sir John was to be at the Charge of raising the Men, and Blair was to instruct him in the Duties of his new Occupation. Besides, Fer●uson was one of Sir John's particular Friends, by whose Agency he endeavoured to draw in the Presbyterians: And he was so confident of the success of that Negotiation, that he promised to bring a considerable Number of 'em to meet the Late King at his Landing. He entertained also an intimate Correspondence with Harrison, and the Popish Rebels in some Counties, with whom he was ready to join in the intended Massacre of the Protestants; tho, after all, if we may take his own Word for't, he had the good Fortune to die a Martyr for the Church and Religion of England.  
Sir I hn Fenwick is a Man of Quality, and had a considerable Estate. He was a Colonel in the English Troops, that were formerly sent to the Assistance of the Dutch; and 'tis said that he was cither dismast from the Service, or quitted it upon some disgust. His disgrace in Holland served to recommend him to the English Court, and procured him the place of a Licutona●t in the late King's Guards. Since the Revolution, he his sp●r'd neither pains nor cost to promote that Prince's interest; and as a Ma●k of his Zeal and Fidelity▪ undertaken to Levy a Regiment of Horse f r his Service. Yet though the very Name he bears is odious to Protestants, though his Relations are Papists, and his Brother a Priest, and though he was always distinguished by the peculiar confidence which the Faction placed in him; among all the Informations I have yet had occasion to see, there are none that charge him with having any hand in the Conspiracy against His Majesty's Person: But either his Confession or Trial will soon unriddle 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, March 3. 1695/ 6.  the Mystery, and clear all our doubts concerning him.  
These Three Men were each of 'em to Levy a Regiment of Horse, and one Tempest of Durham had a 
La Ruë 's Deposition, Febru. 26. 1695/ 6.  Commission to raise one of Dragoons. Besides, they depended on Parker's Regiment; for though the Colonel was in France, there were Commissions actually distributed to raise the Troops. These were the Five Regiments of Horse and Dragoons, which the Conspirators boasted they had in England. They expected also a Body of Horse from Lancashire, where a considerable number▪ of Papists were still in a readiness to March to the Rendezvous. Sir John Friend entertained a Correspondence with 'em, and paid 'em Subsistence-Money, either upon his own account, or by Order▪ And 'twas by the Assistance of these Imaginary Forces, that the Conspirators fancied themselves in a Condition to undertake the Conquest of Great Britain.  

The Earl of Aylesbury, and Sir John Friend.  Some of▪ 'em would have persuaded the Faction to try their Fortune with their own Forces, without waiting for the Assistance they expected from France. They had taken so many Ways to prepare the Dispositions of the People, that they concluded 'em to be generally ripe for an Insurrection. Besides, the King was in Flinders with his Army; and the Conspirators were not much afraid of the small Number of standing Forces that were left for the Defence of the Kingdom. And as Ten Seditious and Disaffected Persons make a greater Bustle than Ten Thousand Men who live in Quiet; so the Jacobites, who are scarce a Handful to the Honest Party in the Kingdom, make as much noise as all the rest of the Nation.  
The Impunity of their Crimes lessened their Remorse for 'em, and the Clemency of the Government encouraged 'em to conspire against it; but since 'twould have been a difficult Task to bubble a whole Nation, or to make 'em Actors in their own Destruction, the Design of conquering England by an English Army was rejected as impracticable; and the Conspirators found themselves obliged to depend upon the Assistance of the French.  
'Twas about the end of May, or the beginning of July, 1695. that 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, March 14. 1695/ 6.  some of the most considerable Persons of the Faction met to deliberate about the present posture of their Affairs. The Earl of Aylesbury, the Lord Montgomery, Son to the Marquis of Powis, Sir John Friend, Sir William Parkins, Charnock, Porter, Goodman, Cook, etc. were present at a Consult which was held at the Old 
Goodman 's Deposition, April 24. 1696.  King's-Head Tavern in Leaden▪ Hall-Street; where they agreed to send Charnock with a Message to King James, entreating him to procure Eight Thousand Foot, a Thousand Horse, and a Thousand Dragoons from the French King.  
Charnock accepted the Commission, but desired to know what number of Forces he might offer in their Names; upon which they promised to meet King James at the Head of Two Thousand Horse, as soon as they should receive the News of his Landing.  
This was but a small Force for so great an Undertaking; though it will appear to be much above the Strength of the Faction, if we consider the Ways they took to Levy and Subsist their secret Militia. They tampered, indifferently, with all Indigent and Scandalous Persons, especially the Officers and Soldiers who had contributed, in Ireland, to the Oppression of the Protestants, or, in England, to the Subversion of the Laws. They gave Money to the poorer Sort for their present Subsistence, but kept 'em still in a necessitous Condition, that they might be obliged to depend upon the Party.  
They endeavoured to engage the Officers, by Flattering 'em with Hopes of Preferment; making the Ensigns Captains, and promising Regiments to those who were Captains before. For 'tis neither Reason nor Justice, but Licentiousness and Disorder, that advance the Designs of a Faction.  
Of their Troopers, some had Money to buy Horses, but there were few of this Number; some reckoned to borrow 'em upon occasion, and others resolved to take 'em where they could find find.  

Goodman 's Deposition, April 24. 1696.  Sir John Fenwick was the Author of the last of these Projects; for, instead of rendering themselves suspected by providing a great number of Horses, he advised 'em, when the Design should be ripe for Execution, to seize on all the Horses they could find, in, or about London. And this Advice was so well liked by the Conspirators, that some of 'em took care to take a List of the Horses.  
Nor was this merely the Effect of Sir John Fenwick's Prudence; for he had already been so Liberal a Benefactor to the Faction, that he found himself obliged to moderate his Expenses for the Future. His Creditors, to whom he had resigned his Estate, allowed him an Annuity, which was sufficient for his Subsistence, but not for carrying on his Designs. 
Brice Blair's Deposition, March 16. 1695/ 6.   
Sir John Friend was almost in the same condition; for he had advanced such considerable Sums for the subsistence of his Men, that he was afraid, if the Design of the Invasion should miscarry, he should not have enough left to carry on his Trade.  
Sir William Parkins had also put himself to a considerable Charge, though 
Sweets is Deposition, March 18. 1695/ 6.  he had bought but Thirty Horses, which was a mere Trifle in comparison 
La Ruë 's Deposition, Febr. 26. 1695/ 6.  to the Number he wanted. And besides, the Arms he had provided would not have furnished the Twentieth part of his Regiment: 
James Ewbanks 's Deposition, March 23. 1695/ 6.  however they were more than he durst own, and therefore he was forced to hide 'em in the Country.  
To conclude, they could not but foresee that those whom they had drawn in by supplying their present Necessities, would not be so ready to encounter the apparent Dangers of the Attempt, as they were to offer their Service.  
'Tis plain from these Remarks that 'twould have been a hard Task for the Conspirators to make good their Promise, to meet the Late King at the Head of Two Thousand Horse. Besides, the Charge of carrying on the Design was too heavy for those that were engaged in it; their Money was spent in useless Preparations, and a longer Delay would have been as dangerous as a rash and preposterous Haste.  
Charnock was a Man of too much Sense, and to well acquainted with the Strength of the Faction, to rely upon the Promises they had made him: And therefore he desired another Meeting, which was held at a Tavern near Sir John Fenwick's Lodgings, and consisted of the same Persons that were present at the former, except the Lord Montgomery. There Charnock desired to know whether they were resolved to make good their proposals, and upon the new Assurances they gave him, he undertook the Commission, and some days after, embarked for France.  
But the late King's Council did not think fit to Answer their Expectations: For the Design was not yet ripe for Execution, nor their Affairs, either in England or France, in such a Posture as they desired.  
They had sounded the Inclinations of the Parliament, People and Army; and by several vain Attempts had endeavoured to debauch their Fidelity. 'Twas their Interest and Desire that either the whole Army, or a considerable part of it, should be disbanded by the Parliament, that there might not be a sufficient number of standing Forces left, to oppose the Conspirators.  
To this end, their Emissaries were instructed to exaggerate the unavoidable Inconveniencies of the War, and to persuade the People, and especially their Representatives, that 'twould be necessary to increase our Naval Force, for the security of our Trade, and at the same time to lessen an Army that was useful to Foreigners, but only chargeable to ourselves. How is the Nation cheated, was their usual Cant, and what occasion is there for so vast an Expense, as if so brave a Fleet were not sufficient to defend us? How are we degenerated from the Valour of our Ancestors, how basely do we injure their glorious Memory, by dreading an Enemy whom they have so often defeated, and how poorly it sounds in the Mouth of an English-Man to talk of an Invasion from France? By these and such like cunning Insinuations they would have persuaded us that we were obliged in Honour to give our Enemies all the advantages they could desire; and that 'twas a mark of Cowardice to put ourselves in a posture of Defence. But these Artifices did not take effect, though there were even some well-meaning Persons who had learned the Language, and promoted the Designs of those who at the same time were plotting their Ruin.  
They had endeavoured to stir up the People to Rebellion, or at least to try what might be expected from 'em if an Insurrection should be begun.  
In pursuance of this Design, some Facobites, taking advantage of the Mildness of the Laws, and the Indulgency of the Government, met at a noted Tavern, where under pretext of a Drunken Frolic, which they hoped would be either slighted or excused, they assumed the boldness to stop those who happened to pass that way, and to make 'em drink a Health to King James and the pretended Prince of Wales. But at last the People were so incensed, and broke into the House with so much Fury, that the Impudent Rioteers, fearing to be torn in pieces by the Rabble, were glad, for their own security, to be seized and carried to Newgate.  
They had also formed a Project to surprise the Tower, to favour the intended Insurrection; but all the Friends they had in it were not able to make 'em Masters of that important Place, nor could they hope to keep it, if they should have succeeded in the Attempt.  
They had, in the last place, endeavoured to corrupt the Forces that were left in the Kingdom, but had no great reason to boast of their 
Goodman 's Deposition, April 24. 1696.  Success: For, except some Troopers in the Earl of Oxford's Regiment, and here and there an Officer or a Soldier in the Militia, there were none who would be engaged in so black an Enterprise.  

Captain Porter 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  Nor was the posture of their Affairs in France more encouraging than in England. For Lewis XIV. stood in need of all his Forces to oppose the Confederates whom he could not hinder from making considerable Conquests. We were Masters of the Sea, and were either preparing, or had actually begun, to Bombard his Seaport Towns. His Fleet was cooped up in the Mediterranean and durst not venture to repass the straits: So that how welcome soever the Proposals might be to the Courts of Versailles and St. Germains, they could not in such a Juncture spare so many Men as their Friends in England desired. And therefore Charnock was sent back with a Compliment to the Jacobites, and a promise of Assistance upon the first convenient Occasion.  
The last Winter was the Time they pitched upon to make good their Promise. Thirty Batalions were ordered to March towards Calais, and the late King left St Germains to put himself at the Head of 'em. Three or Four Hundred Transport Ships were prepared with all possible secrecy and diligence to bring over their Land-Forces, under the Convoy of a Squadron of Men of War, some of the Men were already embarked, and the rest were embarking, in order to make a Descent upon this Kingdom, before Providence thought fit to discover the mysterious Design of this Expedition.  
Any considering Person that was not acquainted with the Mystery of Iniquity, would have concluded the Invasion of England to be as Impracticable then, as it was the Summer before. The French Fleet was still at Thoulon, and notwithstanding the 
Brice Blair 's Deposition, March 16. 1695/ 6.  advice we had of their Design to Re-pass the straits, we had no reason to be afraid of any Attempt they could make against us. For, in all humane probability, we seemed to be equally secure, whether the Squadron that was designed to reinforce our Fleet in the straits should pursue their intended Voyage or remain in our Ports; since their arrival there would have prevented the Return of the Thoulon Fleet into the Ocean, and their staying here would have enabled us to encounter with both the Fleets of our Enemies. And our Apprehensions were extremely lessened by the daily Expectation of our Squadron from Cadiz, which, we had all the reason in the World to believe, would sail immediately after the French, since they had nothing to do in the Mediterranean after their departure.  
Besides, we know that the Thoulon Fleet could not pass the straits without a favourable Wind, and that even the quickest and most prosperous Voyage they could expect, would extremely retard the Execution of their Designs.  
Our Enemies knew before this time, that our Squadron would not sail to the Mediterranean for that was so far from being kept secret, that 'twas openly declared. Nor could they be ignorant that we had a very considerable Number of Men of War in our Ports, and that the outward bound Fleets of Merchant Ships with those that were daily expected, would furnish us with a more than sufficient Number of Seamen to Man them.  
Before they could execute their Design against us, 'twas necessary they should Embark their Troops, pass the Sea and make a Descent in this Kingdom: And after their Landing, some time must have been spent in Receiving the English Rebels, forming a Body of Horse, Entrenching their Forces, and furnishing themselves with Provisions and Ammunition. Now, supposing that all these Preparations would have required no more than Four or Five Days; 'tis plain from the Event, that, even upon so short a Warning, we could have put ourselves in a posture of Defence. For not long after, they found to their cost, that we were able, in as little time, to bring Fourscore Men of War together; and consequently would have been equally in a Condition to bring over a sufficient Number of Forces from Flanders, and to hinder our Enemies from sending a Reinforcement to make good their Descent.  
Nor could it be supposed that any Jacobites, who had not entirely lost ●he use of their Reason, would ven●re to join an Army of Foreigners ●at would have been in a manner besieged both by Sea and Land, and could neither avoid nor resist the just Fury of an injured Nation. And besides, we should have quickly raised a numerous and formidable Army; for the City of London alone offered to furnish the King with Twenty Thousand Men, on that occasion.  
Thus 'tis plain that the Design of invading England, in such a Juncture, was either absolutely impracticable, or at least attended with unavoidable, and almost invincible Difficulties, and consequently might have been justly looked upon as the Wild Project of a Distempered Brain; if the Conspirators had not depended upon the success of an Expedient which they had contrived to dissolve the Parliament, and put the whole Kingdom into a Consternation that would have made us incapable of defending ourselves. They knew that His Majesty was the Life and Soul of his Subjects, that his Wisdom secured 'em from the Devices, as his Valour protected 'em from the Attempts of their Enemies; and therefore resolved upon the compendious Way of Destroying England in the Person of its Great Defender.  
But before I proceed to give an account of that Hellish Enterprise, 'twill be highly convenient to take a view of the preceding Intrigues and Contrivances of the Faction.  
In France, they industriously exaggerated the Number and Power of the English Jacobites. To persuade the People of that unhappy Nation to endure, with a servile patience, the Tyranny of their insolent Oppressors, they gave out that the English were quite Exhausted by the multiplied Taxes that were imposed upon 'em, that they were not able to support the Charge of the War any longer, and would be quickly forced to submit to the Mercy of Lewis the Great. And the same Artifice was made use of, to encourage the French Council to protect and assist the Late King.  
It appears that the French King gave Credit to those Surmises; for in a Letter which he wrote to his Ambassador at the Court of Sweden, he says expressly, That his Troops were Marching to the Coasts, and ready to Embark, as soon as the News of an Insurrection in that Kingdom should confirm the Advices he had so often received, etc. that the Nation was generally Dissatisfied with the Prince of Orange's Government.  
But he was quickly made sensible of his Mistake, and that too in a manner, which was equally glorious to the English Nation, and mortifying to its most terrible Enemy, for 'tis certain, and must be acknowledged, even by those who saw it with Grief and Vexation, that never any Subjects discovered a more tender Affection, and a more hearty and vigorous Loyalty to their Sovereign, than the Parliament and People of England did, on this occasion, to His Majesty.  
In the mean time the Emissaries of the Faction, who are dispersed thro' all Europe, were industriously labouring to defame the English Nation, 
They represent us as an ●ntractable, Seditious, and R belli●us People, always Jealous of our Neighbours, and seldom in Quiet among ourselves. See the Second Book of the History of th● Revolutions in England.  and to render us either odious or suspected to the Princes our Allies, that they might look upon us as unworthy of their Assistance, and leave us to the Mercy of our Enemies. They endeavoured to put all the World in Expectation of beholding New Catastrophe's in a Kingdom, which they usually style, The Land of Revolutions, 〈…〉 th●y pretend that Tumults and In●●rre●tions are the familiar Recreations of the People  
To vindicate the Honour of our Country, and disc●●● the Weakness and Injustice of these spiteful Aspersions, 'twill be sufficient to observe, that it has been the constant Practice of the Faction, to fasten their own Crimes upon us; and to ascribe the Disorders and Divisions, which they kindle and foment among us, to the Genius of the Nation, and the Humour of the People. Nor will the Parliament and People of England be accused of Lightness and Inconstancy by any unbya●s'd Person that considers how much they have exceeded even their Wisest and most Wary Neighbours, in securing their Liberty and preserving an undisturbed Peace and Tranquillity in their Country, and how firmly they have adhered to their own true Interest, during the whole course of a War, which they maintain with equal Glory, Prudence and Resolution.  
The Roman-Catholic Princes were upbraided for entering into a Confederacy with the Enemies of their Religion. But they were too wise, and too well acquainted with the Designs of those who would have persuaded 'em to sacrifice their Interest to their Superstition; to suffer themselves to be imposed upon by an Artifice, which, twice in our Memory, had almost proved Fatal to Europe. First, when, under pretext of promoting, or, at least, not opposing, the Advancement of the Roman-Catholic Religion, the French King was suffered to overrun the United Provinces, and to extend his Conquests so far that in the Judgement of the least Apprehensive Minds it seemed hardly possible to hinder him from making himself Master of Amsterdam, and, with it, of the Fleet, Army, Credit, and Money of that potent Republic, which would have rendered his Power almost as boundless as his Ambition. And, a Second time, when, after the Peace of Nimeghen, the French found a way to keep us from looking abroad, by engaging us in unnecessary Quarrels about Religion at home, and by that means diverted the prudent Jealousy of the only Nation in Europe that was able to curb their Ambition; for, by retaining the possession of Pignerol, Cazal, Hunninghen, Strasburg, Montroyal, Luxemburg, etc. they kept, at once Italy, Switzerland, Germany and the Netherlands under a kind of Subjection; and, in the General, all the Princes and States of Europe were overawed by the severe Politics and formidable Power of an ambitious Monarch, who, like an ill-natured Neighbour, made every petty Trespass or accidental Slip, the pretext of a new Invasion.  
If our Deliverance had been deferred till the Popish Party had secured the Plurality of Voices in the Parliament▪ and Modelled an Army to support their unjust Usurpations: If the two Kings had had time to execute the Grand Design of destroying Holland, and extirpating the Northern Heresy; the House of Austria would have been quickly sensible of the fatal Consequences of this pretended Advancement of the Roman-Catholic Religion. But, to return to the Kingdom that was doomed to feel the first effects of these dismal Alterations.  
The English Jacobites, as well as the Court of St. Germains, were generally divided into Melfordians and Middletonians; and while one of the Parties declared openly for Arbitrary Power, the other insisted upon the Necessity of entering into a kind of Treaty with the Nation.  
The former were entrusted with the Secrets of the Faction, and the Command of the Troops that were to be employed in the Destruction of their Country. All the Colonels were animated with the Spirit of Melford: Parker was engaged in the most furious Designs of the Party; and both Parkins and Friend are represented as 
Brice Blair in his Deposition, March 9 1695/ 6.  violent Melfordians, by a Person in whom they placed a particular Confidence. The Lancashire Papists both by Inclination and Interest, were zealous Promoters of Arbitrary Power. Porter, Goodman, Charnock, and the rest of the Officers, who were to act either in the Assassination or Invasion, were influenced by the same Principles, and ready to obey the most barbarous Orders of their Commanders.  
Thus each of the opposite Cabals applied themselves to their respective Tasks: For while the Middletonians were employed to amuse the People with flattering Hopes, and Assurances of a favourable Treatment; the Melfordians, who were the sole Masters of the Forces and Arms of the Faction, were putting themselves in a condition to violate the Promises of the former; which made one say, That he was neither so much a Fool, nor a Villain, as to engage in the Party.  
It seems the Faction imagined that they could easily betray the Nation to the cruel Ambition of a Foreign and Implacable Enemy: But notwithstanding their Confidence of Success, they scrupled not to contrive the basest and most treacherous Expedients to accomplish their unnatural Design. The Reader will find an evident Confirmation of both these Truths in a Discourse that past 
Brice Blair 's Deposition, March 9 1695/ 6.  between Brice Blair and Harrison, as 'tis related by the former upon Oath; I wen●, says he, to see Mr. Harrison, a little after Sir George Barclay came from France, who told me that there might be something done in a little time, which might be an Introduction to King James' Restoration. I asked him after what manner that business could be effected; and after some pause he told me, that if King James could not come in time enough, that his Friends might burn the Navy Victualling Office, wherein the Provisions for the Mouth lay, which might retard the English Fleet from getting to Sea for a considerable time. I told him, being amazed to hear such Words from a Priest's Month, that it was not practicable, and if it were, there would be few found that would run the risk. He told me that he would have me as forward in the King's Service as any Man; and that he was told by a Gentleman, and a very good Officer, that if he was sure of but a Hundred Horse, he would end the War in a Fortnight's time, etc.  
'Twas by proposing such Expedients, that the Conspirators endeavoured to distinguish themselves; since they found by experience that this was the only way to gain the Favour and Esteem of the Party. Melford himself was obliged to give 'em a new Specimen of his barbarous Politics, and even to strain the natural Fierceness of his Temper, to support his sinking Credit. For after he had been dismissed for some time, as a Rash and Furious Person who was only fit to pursue violent Methods, and incapable of that seeming Moderation which the present Juncture required; he was immediately restored to Favor, as soon as the Party was convinced of the Feasibleness of the Project he had contrived against the Liberty of the Nation, and the Life of its Deliverer. Thus Middleton was kept as a Reserve for the Day of Adversity, while Melford was cherished as their better Genius, who alone had the Art of improving an Advantage, and making our Yoke so heavy that we should never afterwards be able to shake it off.  
They left no means unattempted to confirm the Court of St. Germains in these Maxims. To this End, an ingenious Jesuit was chosen 
Father d'Orleans wrote the History of the Revolutions i● England, according to the Memoirs and Informations which he received from the Earl of Castlemain, Skelton and Sheridon an Irishman. And besides he tells us that he had the Liberty to Discourse with King James as long as he pleased See the Advertisement before the Third Tome.  to represent the Affairs of England, and especially the late Revolution, according to the Instructions he had received from the Party. It must be acknowledged that the Work is adorned with all the Embellishments of a beautiful Style; and the Management of the Subject would have been extremely suitable to the Juncture, if the late King had been in as fair a way to remount the Throne as they imagined. The Author endeavours to exasperate that Prince's Revenge: He employs all his Art to convince him of the Justice and Usefulness of the Melfordian Principles, and, to render his Arguments more agreeable, and consequently more Effectual, his Advices are always intermixed with Apologies and Panegyrics.  

Book II. p. 371.  He commends King Charles II. for seizing the Charter of London, and resolving at last to Govern without a Parliament▪ and even has the confidence to tell us, that, for this reason, 
Book II. p. 370.  the Four last years of his Life were properly the only years of his Reign; and that he became the Master of his Subjects as soon as they perceived that he was resolved to rule without a Parliament. He exclaims against the Presbyterians, whom he styles, the natural Enemies of the Royal Preogative, adding, that of all the Protestants, they are the most furiously bend to extirpate the Catholics; and praises 
〈◊〉 II. p. 471.  King Charles for the Care he took to suppress their Meetings. Yet not long after he becomes their Advocate against the Church of England, and brings in King James, telling the Clergy, that the Persecutions they had raised against the Dissenters, made divers of his Good Subjects leave the Kingdom. He derides the pretended Contract betwixt a Sovereign and His People, and reckons it a pernicious Chimaera; or, which is the same thing, he puts these Words into the Mouth of those Lords whose Sentiments he 
'Twou'd have been thought ridiculous if, even before the Late Persecution of the Protestants, one should have talked of the Popish Cabal in France.  approves. He speaks of the Protestant Cabal, and divides it into the Episcopal and Presbyterian Cabals, as if the Roman-Catholics were the Body of the Nation.  
He endeavours to fix a stain upon the Immortal Memory of those Illustrious Defenders of the Laws and Liberty of England, who sacrific▪ d their Fortunes, for the safety of their Country, and were neither afraid nor asham▪ d to mount a Scaffold in so glorious a Cause. He speaks of a 
* So he terms the Virtue and Magnanimity of 〈◊〉 who hazarded their Lives and Estates for the Preservation of their Country.  matchless Infidelity; of perfidions designs, that cou d not be prevented by the most cautious Prudence, of the unheard of Treachery of so many Persons of great Quality, who abandon d a Pri ce from whom they had received such signal Favours; of the shameful Conspiracy of so many Kings against him, and of the Moderation with which he began his Reign. He tell▪ him that Bad Subjects can never be gain d by Kindness, and that the Event has taught him what measures he ought to have taken to prevent his Misfortune. To conclude, he does what he can to inspire him with Revenge, and to persuade him that Cruelty and Oppression are the two principal Maxims of State which he ought to pursue for the future.  
At another time the Faction wou d have taken more care to conceal their Sentiments; for we must do 'em the Justice to acknowledge that they want neither Wit nor Prudence. But they looked upon the Conquest of England as so sure a Project, and were so little apprehensive of its miscarriage, that they scrupl d not to discourse publicly of the New Revolution. The News of the Design were spread over all Europe; and even there were some who pretended to fix the time of its Execution. Some talked at Easter, others mention d the Beginning of the Spring, and some put it off till the Fleet from Thoulo● should join that which lay at Breast. In the mean time their confident Menaces were slighted as vain Rhodo▪ montades by all honest Men, because they were not acquainted with their execrable Design to Assassinate his Majesty.  
Sir George Barclay, a Scotchman, Lieutenant of King James 's Guards, was the person that was chosen to command the Assassins'. He set out from St. Germains in September, to execute his bloody Commission, with the assistance of Twenty or Two and Twenty Men, who were appointed to obey his orders. Some of that infamous Troop came over with their Leader: Some went before, and others followed him. Harris was one 
They came over in a Vessel, which usually passed betwixt Calais and Rumney Marsh, bringing over Packets to the Conspirators, with French Goods, and certain Jacobite Passengers who were wont to go and come betwixt these two places. And among them there there were certain Priests who oftentimes exported Contraband Goods, etc. James Hunt s Depositioh, April 6. 1696.  of the last, who in his Deposition, April 15th 1696, affirms upon Oath, That he was an Ensign of Foot under the late King James in Scotland, that he had serve d since in the Second Troop of his Guards in France. That about the 14th of January last, New Style, King James sent for this Informant, and Michael Hare his Comrade. That King James spoke with them in the late Queen 's Bedchamber and told this Informant, that he had an Opportunity of doing something for him, being very sensible he had served him well: That he would send him into England where he should be subsisted, and that he was to follow Sir George Barclay s Orders, and in so doing he would take care of him. That he had order d them Money for their Journey, which they should receive from Mr. Caroll (who is Secretary to the late Queen) King James told this Informant further, that he should sinned Sir George Barclay every Monday and Thursday between Six and Seven at Night, in Covent Garden-Square, and that they might know him by a white Handkerchief hanging out of his Coat-Pocket; and King James pulling a List out of his Pocket, told this Informant, when he was in England, he must go by the name of Jenkyns, and Mr. Hare by the name of Guinney. Colonel Parker was by all the time when King James spoke to this Informant, and by the King's Order, Colonel Parker went with this Informant and his Comrade to Mr. Caroll's and Mr. Caroll told them, that the King had ordered them Ten Lovis d' Orseolo apiece, which would be enough to carry them over, and if they should chance to be Wind bound, he had writ to the Precedent Toss at Calais, to furnish them with Money, etc.  
The rest of the Assassins' that were 
George Harris 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  sent over to assist Sir George Barclay, were either Troopers in King James' Guards, Pensionaries of the Court of St. Germains, Officers who expected preferment, or Soldiers taken out of the Regiments, to be employed in that execrable Service.  
The Faction made use of none but such as were Persons of Trust, and who, they believed, would not scruple to engage in the dire Attempt. And, that the Assassination might be looked upon as a Stratagem of War, those who were to act in it, were for the most part Officers and Soldiers.  
This Infamous Detachment set out from St. Germains at several times, and under various pretex's: One 
George Harris 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  gave out, that he was going to continue his Studies in one of the Colleges in Scotland; and another, that he was weary of the Service.  
Secrecy was particularly recommended and enjoin d to every one of 'em: And lest their absence show d be taken notice of, and give occasion to various Discourses and Conjectures, 
* 'twas Maxwell who acquainted the Conspirators with this passage.  King Ja●es declared at his Levee, that 'twas his pleasure that none should presume to talk of their Departure, and that he wou d severely punish those who should give him the least occasion to believe, that they were more curious to inquire into his designs, than zealous in obeying his Orders.  
In the mean time Sir George Barclay arriv d at London, where he met with Charnock, that faithful and zealous Agent of the Party, and afterwards with Porter and Goodman, who were easily prevail d with to engage in a Design that was formerly proposed by themselves.  
Afterwards the Conspirators engag d Major Lowick, Knightley, Bertram, Chambers, Durance a Walloon, Cranburn, Kendrick, Grimes, Fisher, Larue, Sherburn and Keys, who was formerly Porter's Servant, but was now become his Confident and Companion. And besides these, they reckon d themselves sure of Pendergrass who was in the Country, and Plowden, whom they resolved to send for out of Hampshire.  
They were all engaged in the same Design, acted upon the same Principles, and were influenced by the same Motives and Expectations; though they made use of various pretexts to lessen the scandal of their Crime, and to conceal the mercenary Ends that engaged 'em in it. 
* Chambers  One of them showed the Wounds he had received in the War, accusing his Majesty as the cause of 'em; another complained that he had lost his place by the Revolution: but all in general, were possessed with an immoderate desire to advance their Fortunes, without considering either the danger or infamy of the Ways they took to satisfy their Ambition.  
There are still some Seeds of Virtue in the Soul of Man, some remaining Strictures of her primitive Lustre that cannot be blotted out with one Dash. It requires time to finish a Villain, as well as to form a Hero; the one must sink by degrees beneath, as the other must by successive steps ascend above, the common Level of Humane Nature. The Conspitators were sensible of this Truth, and since they cou d not expect to find Instruments ready made that were fit for such a Work, they were forc d to undergo the trouble of fashioning their own Tools. To this end, they concealed▪ the blackest part of the 
Knightly, April 2. 1696.  Design from those with whom they began to treat, and contented themselves with a general exhortation to contribute their assistance to restore their abdicated Monarch, or, in somewhat plainer Terms, to meet him at his Expected Landing: But after they had, by such Insinuations as these, prepar d the Dispositions of their Proselytes for any violent Attempt, they proceeded to Disclose the bottom of the Mysterious Villainy, and told 'em frankly, that the quickest way to bring in the late King was by knocking King William on the Head, or, to give a softer turn to such a startling Proposal, by making War upon him in his Winter Quarters.  
They pretended that such an Attempt could no more be reckoned an Assassination, than if they had kill d him in Flanders, as he changed his Quarters, and remove from one Town to another: And Barclay, to hide the Infamy of the Parricide, was wont to say, Gentlemen, we are Men of Honour: We ll attack the Prince of Orange at the Head of his Guards.  
But since there are degrees in all sorts of Crimes, and every Traitor is not willing to become an Assassin; the Conspirators had the Mortification to find their proposals rejected by some, even of their own Party. 
Francis de Larue 's Deposition, February 26. 1695/ 6.  The two Brothers, Thomas and Bevil Higgins, though violent Jacobites, refused to have any hand in the Design against his Majesty s Person.  

Capt. George Porter's Deposition, March 3. 1695/ 6.  Sir John Friend was acquainted with the design, but disliked it, not from any honest Principle, but because he was afraid it would ruin the Interest of the Faction. Nor was this a groundless Apprehension, since few have so mean an opinion of themselves, as to enter into the Service of a Party that would engage 'em in such base and desperate Attempts, and even refuses to acquaint 'em perfectly with the Design of which they would make 'em the Instruments. Sir William Parkins was an active Promoter of the Design, but was not willing to act in it: And 
Brice Blair 's Deposition, March 9 1695/ 6.  Blair endeavour to dissuade some of his Friends from being concern d in it.  
The Officers that were sent from France to obey an Order which had never been communicated to 'em, cou d not forbear murmuring when they were acquainted with the Business in which they were to be employed. They asked one another, 
George Harris 's Deposition, April 15. 1696.  whether this was the fine Exploit they were sent to achieve; but all the Scruples that Virtue, Conscience or Honour cou d suggest to 'em, were not able to make 'em forget the positive Order they had received  
Major Lowick was the first who declared that he wou d obey, because he was sure that Sir George Barclay would not undertake any thing without Orders. Rookwood was of his opinion, insisting still upon this, that the King sent him to obey Sir George Barclay. Bernard, Harris, Hare, and the rest, said, they wou d be governed by their Companions. Thus 'tis plain that they thought themselves oblige d 
The brave Grillon refused to assassinate the Duke of Guise, though the Proposal was made to him by his Sovereign, Henry III. of France. And when King John of England, would have persuaded Debray, the Captain of his Guards, to assassinate a Prince that pretended a right to his Crown; that generous Officer replied, That he was a Gentleman, and not a flangman, and immediately retired to his House.  to Obey, in a case, in which Disobedience is the principal Duty and distinguishing Character of a Man of Honor.  
Several ways were proposed in their private Meetings, to Assassinate his Majesty. Brice Blair in his Deposition March 17th 1696, takes notice of an Attempt that was to have been executed by Men that were to lie in wait for him on the Road as he was going to Embark for Holland. He affirms that Bertram told him, the last year, that Charnock had engaged him and others to Assassinate the King on his way to Flanders; and that the Design would have been put in Execution, if they had not received Counter-orders from St. Germains, the day before the King set out.  
Tho the Credit of this Passage depends entirely on the discourse betwixt Bertram and Blair, since there are no other Witnesses that attest it, nor any circumstances or presumptive Evidence brought to Confirm it; I thought myself obliged to mention it, as a thing that is neither improbable, nor impertinent to the Subject of this History. But since I have such a variety of Matter before me, and every Circumstance confirm d by unquestioned Evidence, I will not insist upon any thing that comes short of an undoubted Truth.  
'Tis certain that there were several Projects set on foot, or at least proposed by the Conspirators to execute their designed Attempt against his Majesty's Person. In the beginning 'twas thought fit by some, either to Seize, or Kill Him at Kensington, by attacking his Guards, and forcing his Palace in the Night.  

Richard Fishers 's Deposition, February 25. 1695/ 6.  Another Proposal was to murder him when he should come on Sunday to perform his Devotions at St. James' Chapel. Two or Three and Thirty of the Conspirators were to attack his Guards, which usually do not exceed Twenty or Five and Twenty; while Six Men on Foot, who were to have been concealed for that purpose in some of the Neighbouring Houses should shut Hyde-park Gate, and the rest Assassinate his Majesty. 'Twas agreed also to Kill the Coach-Horses just as they were entering into the Park, that, the Passage being stopped, the Guards might not be able to come up, till they had given the fatal Blow.  
It appears that, after the committing of the execrable Deed, they resolved to retire immediately to the Tower, which, for that end, they proposed to surprise. And 'tis probable that the apparent Difficulty or rather impossibillty of making themselves Masters of that Place, and the want of a secure Retreat any where else, were the main Reasons that made 'em lay aside the Thoughts of performing the Assassination this way.  
Both these Proposals were soon rejected by the Conspirators; but there were two other Projects that were the subject of a longer Deliberation, being looked upon as more feasible, and obnoxious to fewer and less discouraging Hazards. And therefore it will not be improper to give the Reader a more particular account of 'em.  
The King has a House at Richmond, whither he usually went to hunt every Saturday, when free from the hurry of Business, and the perpetual cares in which he had spent the Week, he had leisure to divert himself with that Innocent and Manly Recreation. Near that place there is a little Park that reaches to the River side; the 
Larne's Deposition, February 26. 1695/ 6. Capt. Porter's Declaration upon Oath before a Committee of the Council, March 3. 1695/ 6.  Thames on one side, and the Park-pales one the other, forming a kind of Defilé or narrow Lane, about 150 paces long, in the middle of which there is a Gate that hinders Coaches or Horses from passing that way, when 'tis shut. Thro this Lane the King usually returned from hunting, and 'twas here that the Conspirators resolved to execute their barbarous Design.  
The Park, the River, the Gate, and the Pales, were all to be made subservient for facilitating the Attempt. Several Persons on foot, well armed, were to be placed in Ambuscade behind the Hedges and Pales. When the King's Coach had passed the Gate, it was to be shut upon the Guards that followed him; the Coach was to be stopped by killing some of the Horses, and the Pales were to be saw d so far, that they might be broken down assoon as they entered upon action. In the mean time some Horsemen were to attack Six or Seven of the Guards, that go before the Coach, and the Party that lay in Ambuscade were to fire on the Body of the Guards that were stopped by the Gate, that the Assassins' might have time to murder the King and those who were with him.  
'Twas also agreed that, after the Assassination, such of the Conspirators as were on Horseback should immediately disperse, and those of the Ambuscade who were to act on foot, dressed in Countrymens' habits, should make their escape to the Riverside, where there was to be a Boat lying ready to receive 'em. This proposal was under deliberation for some time, during which some of the Conspirators were sent to the place, in order to view the Ground, and upon the Account they gave of it the above mention dScheme wasframed. But after all their Consultations, since Sir George Barclay was not sure of a sufficient Number of Horse to carry off those that were to lie in Ambuscade, who, consequently, would have been exposed to very great dangers, before they could have reached London, this Project was also rejected by the Cabal  
The last way that was proposed to murder the King, was to assault him, as he returned from Richmond, in a place betwixt Brentford and Turnham Green.  
In a Bottom, where the Ground is moorish and uneven, there is a Bridge 
Capt. Porter, March 3. 1695/ 6.  where divers Roads meet and cross one another; on the North-side there is a Road that goes round Brentford, and on the South a Lane that leads to the River; so that one may come thither from four several Places. After you pass the Bridge the Road grows narrow, having on one side a Footpath, and on the other a tall and thick Hedge.  
This was to have been the scene of the most dismal Tragedy that ever was acted in England; nor cou d they have chosen a more convenient Time or Place for executing their barbarous design. For the King us d to return late from Hunting, and to cross the River at Queensferry, by Brentford, with Five or Six of his Guards. 'Twas also his custom to go into the Boat without coming out of his Coach, and assoon as he landed on the other side, the Coach drove on without expecting the rest of the Guards, who could not cross the River till the Boat returned to bring▪ 'em over. In the mean time, the King, with his small Attendance, would have quickly arriv d at the Bridge, which is at the other end of Brentford next to London, and consequently would have fallen into the hands of the Conspirators, who were to attack him on all sides.  
They were to be divided into Three Parties, one of which was to come from Turnham Green, another from the Lane that leads to the River, and the Third from the Road that goes round Brentford. One of these Troops were to attack the Guards on the Front, and the other in the Rear, while Eight or Ten detached Men assaulted the Coach, where his Majesty would have been assassinated before the Guards whom he left on the other side of the River could have come up to his Assistance.  
After the Assassination the Conspirators were to have kept together till they came to Hamersmith, a little Town betwixt Turnham Green and London. There they intended to separate, and afterwards by several Roads to enter the City, where they hoped they might lurk securely, during the general Consternation, till they should 
Capt. George Porter's Deposition, March 3. 1695/ 6.  be freed from danger by the sudden Landing of the French.  
This Proposal pleased the Conspirators better than any of the former, Porter, King, and Knightly were sent to view the Ground, and upon the Report they made at their Return, the Business was finally agreed upon.  
Sir George Barclay had brought Eight hundred Pounds from France for the Charge of the Attempt, but finding that he could not carry on the Design with so small a Sum, he complained to his Friends, who soon found a way to supply that Defect. For Charnock undertook to provide Eight men ready mounted and armed, Porter Seven, and Sir William Parkins Five: So that Barclay was only obliged to buy or hire Twenty Horses for the Officers and Soldiers he had brought from France.  
Porter and Rookwood commanded the Two Parties that were to attack the Guards; and Sir George Barclay reserved the honour of the Assassination for himself.  
One of the Conspirators was ordered to wait at Queensferry till the Guards appeared, and then immediately to give notice to the rest, that they might have time to prepare themselves and take their respective Posts, while the King was passing the River. ' They resolved to form themselves into several Bodies, which were to advance with all possible Diligence to the Place appointed for the fatal Rendezvous.  
They had omitted nothing that might serve to secure and facilitate the Execution of their Attempt. They had visited all the Inns about Brentford and Turnham-green, and the places where they might set up their Horses till the King should return from Hunting.  

Larue 's Deposition, February 25. 1695/ 6.  They had also Two Spies, or Orderly men, as they called 'em, who were posted at Kensington: 
* Chambers.  One of 'em was to give notice when the King went out, and the other was to bring 
† Durant.  an account when the Guards began to March And that the Assassination might pass under the Notion of a Military Exploit, they produced an Order to take up Arms against the Prince of Orange and his Adherents.  
There was some Difference among the Conspirators concerning the Terms and Expressions of the Commission, even after they had confessed their Crime. For some of 'em acknowledged that it contain▪ d an express order to Kill the King; whereas 
* Sir William Parkyn owned that 〈◊〉 such a commission▪ which he understood to be King James', that it had a Seal to it, that he saw it in the Hand of a Friend, etc. See the Votes of the House of Commons, April 2. 169●.  others pretended that it only authorised 'em, in the general, to levy War against the Prince of Orange and all his Adherents.  
'Tis the Opinion of several Judicious Persons, that the most considerable Discovery was made by those who endeavoured to put the fairest Construction on this execrable Project. For to Levy War against the King and his Adherents, after such a manner, and in such Circumstances, could signify nothing else than the Murdering of the King and Parliament, and of all that loved, and were resolved to maintain the Laws, Religion, and Liberty of England.  
The Fifteenth of February was chosen for the Execution of the dire Attempt: 'Twas on that fatal Day that England, or rather Europe, was to lose its Deliverer, and with him, all its hopes of accomplishing the Great Work which he had so happily begun; and 'twas then that Heaven was resolved to work a new Miracle for our Preservation. If we had foreseen the Danger that threatened him, the remembrance of past Hazards would have only served to heighten our Apprehensions for the future; His Subjects could hardly have welcomed him, at his return from so glorious a Campaign; and instead of celebrating his Victories, would have trembled at his Approaching Fate. But we found, to our Comfort, that the same Providence which had so often cover▪ d his Head in the Day of Battle, and guarded him from the fiercest Assaults of his Enemies▪ was also able to preserve him from the treacherous Fury of Assassins'.  
To prevent Suspicion, they disposed their Men in different places of the Town, and even in the remotest Parts of it: Barclay and Rookwood expected the Signal in Holborn; and Porter, with some others, waited, upon the same account, at the Blue Posts in Spring garden. Charnock resolved to accompany the latter, either because he mistrusted him, and intended to animate him by his example; or because he was willing to choose a Post that was least exposed to Danger, as 
* King.  another of the Conspirators suspected. And perhaps he had still so much Reason left, notwithstanding the impetuous Pa● on that disturbed his Judgement, as to decline acting in the most odious Part of the Tragedy.  
Thus they lay expecting the News of the King's Departure for Richmond, but his Majesty did not go out that day; and some of the Conspirators were so alarmed at this Disappointment, that they began to reflect either upon the Danger or Infamy to which such an Attempt would expose 'em. Plowden, who came purposely to Town to act under Porter, went back to the Country, and did not think fit to return, according to his Promise. Kenrick pretended that he was disabled by a Fall, and appeared for some days with his Arm in a String: Sherbourn started so many Scruples, when the Design was proposed to him, that they did not think fit to press him further; And even the fiercest and most harden d Assassins' begins to be apprehensive of the Success of their Project.  
But, at last, concluding that their Design was not discovered, because they were not secured, Sir George Barclay, Sir William Parkins, Captain Porter and Goodman, met on the 21st of February, and resolved to make a new attempt to execute their Project, without altering the Method of it. In pursuance of this Resolution, the Assassins' were to be prepared for the bloody Action, on Saturday the 22d of February, which was to have been the last Day of our Liberty, and the Fatal Aera of the irrecoverable Ruin of England.  
The Morning was spent in an impatient Expectation of Advice from those whom they had appointed to give 'em notice when the King went out. Charnock, who for some days had been very uneasy and full of Jealousy and Suspicion, sent a Man to Porter, for a List of those who were to act in the Assassination. He seemed particularly to doubt Larue, and perhaps was desirous to have some Satisfaction concerning him. The List was sent to 
Francis de Larue 's Deposition, February 26. 1695/ 6.  him, with Larue's Name at the head of the rest; and he sent it back again, after he had inserted the Names of those whom he was to furnish.  
Pendergrass was one of those who were with Porter: They had sent for him out of the Country, and would have assigned him a remarkable part in the Assassination. Porter had a Musketoon that carried 6 or 8 Bullets, with which Pendergrass was to shoot at the King; and they desired him not to be afraid of breaking the Coach-glasses.  
The Conspirators were disappointed a Second time; and the boldest of 'em could not forbear discovering their Fears, when Keys acquainted 'em that the Guards were come back all in a foam, and that there was an unusual muttering among the People. This unexpected piece of News put 'em all into a Consternation; the Cabal 
Capt. Porter 's Deposition, March 3. 1695/ 6.  was entirely dispersed, and most of 'em endeavoured to secure themselves by a speedy flight.  
Nor was this merely the effect of a Panic Dread or groundless Apprehension; for the Conspiracy was actually detected. Fisher, Pendergrass, Larue, and another had separately given Information to Different Persons concerning it, though they had not yet discovered the Particulars.  
Captain Fisher was the Man whom God inclined to make the first Discovery of this inhuman Design. He went to the Earl of Portland, on the Tenth of February, Five Days before the Time that was appointed for the Execution of it, and informed him of the intended Enterprise, without acquainting him either with the Time, Manner, or Circumstances, which were not yet agreed upon: but he promised to give him further notice as soon as they should come to a positive Resolution.  
And now we may justly reflect, with an equal amazement, upon the Sedateness and Generosity of his Majesty's Temper, who could hardly be persuaded to suspect those who only waited for a convenient opportunity to Murder him; and the barbarous Fury of his Enemies, who scrupl d not to conspire the Death of so Good and so Brave a Prince. Any other Person would have been startled at an Advice of this nature, or at least would have looked upon it as too important to be neglected; but the King, secure in his own Virtue, conscious of no Gild, and consequently incapable of Fear, was so far from being alarmed at the Discovery, that he would not give credit to it, because the Circumstances were not particularly mentioned.  

Febr. 13.  Three Days after, Fisher returned to Whitehall, and gave the Earl of Portland an account not only of the Design itself, but also of the Method and order of its Execution. Yet though he made a full Discovery of the Time, Place, and other Circumstances of the Enterprise, he peremptorily refused to mèntion the names of the Actors; which confirmed the King in his former opinion, and made him conclude that 'twas a story contrived on purpose to fright him with a false 
Febr. 14.  Alarm. But, the very day before the Fatal Blow was to be given, God, by a seasonable Providence prevented our impending Ruin, and delivered our King from his own Generous Incredulity.  
It happened that, on that very day, the Earl of Portland went to see the Countess of Essex, and, contrary to his custom, made his visit longer than he designed. By good fortune he called to mind that he had promised to meet a certain person about a private Affair; and though 'twas already time for him to go to Kensington, he resolved, according to his usual exactness in keeping his Word, to go first to his Lodgings at Whitehall. As soon as he went in, he found an unknown person in his Antichamber, who desired to speak with him about a matter of the highest importance, that could not be deferred to another time. This was a sufficient Argument to obtain what he asked, especially in such a juncture The Earl made haste to dispatch the person whom he had ordered to wait upon him, and immediately admitted the Stranger, who accosted him with this surprising Request, My Lord, persuade the King to stay at home tomorrow; for if he go abroad to Hunt, he will be Assassinated.  
Afterwards he gave him a particular account of the Conspiracy, with almost thesame Circumstances that had already been discovered by Fisher. He added, that his Name was Pendergrass, that he was an Irishman, and a Catholic; that they sent for him out of the Country, without acquainting him with the reason that made 'em desirous to see him; that afterwards they endeavoured to engage him in the Design, that he was struck with horror at the first proposal, and immediately resolved to discover it; that his Religion was accused for authorising and encouraging such Actions; but that, for his part, he abhorred such Principles, though in all other respects he was a true Catholic.  
Thus his Majesty began to receive the just Reward of his Clemency and Moderation: for he is, and has always been, equally remarkable for his steadfast adhering to his own Religion, and his Indulgency to those of another Persuasion. When he accepted the Crown of Scotland, he declared that he would not be a Persecntor; and all his Actions are so many Illustrious Testimonies of the Sincerity of that Resolution. Never any Papist, that was willing to live in Peace, stood in need of an Intecessor with him. He protected 'em in Ireland against the angry Counsels of some overzealous Protestants: He favoured 'em as much as he could without injuring the rest of his Subjects, and treated▪ 'em upon all occasions, with an Indulgency that surprised those who are not acquainted with the Native Goodness of his Temper. 'Tis true, this may perhaps be reckoned, in some measure, and Effect of his Complaisance to the Family of Austria, with whom he has entertained a long and intimate Friendship, which has been endeared by reciprocal Good Offices, and is confirm d and made necessary to 'em both, by the Interest of their mutual Preservation. But though the Papists were deproved of such powerful Intercessors; his Virt e alone wou d supply that Defect, and sufficiently recommend 'em to his Favour and Protection. And we have reason to believe that God is pleased with his Mildness and Clemency to the Roman Catholics in general, and to the Irish in particular; since by a wonderful Providence, he made an Irish Papist the Instrument of Saving his Life.  
Pendergrass added, that he would have gone strait to Kensington, to make the Discovery to the King himself, if he had not been afraid of being seen and taken notice of by the Two Orderly Men whom the Conspirators kept in that place; and that since the Nature of the Business required all possible Dispatch, he thought he could not make his Address to a Person that would be more zealous and careful than his Lordship. But though no means were left unattempted to persuade him to name the Conspirators, he resisted with an invincible Constancy all the Arguments that were made use of to that effect; declaring that he would never be prevailed with to injure his Friends, or betray those to whom he had been formerly obliged.  
It has been frequently observed that the most trivial Accidents have given birth to the most Memorable and Important Events: And, upon this Occasion, it seemed good to that Supreme and over ruling Providence which guides the World, that the Preservation of a Prince, in whose Life the Fate of Europe is bound up, should depend upon a Visit that was made to the Earl of Portland at Ten a clock at night.  
At his Arrival at Kensington, which, notwithstanding all the haste he could make, was very late, he found that the King was already retired, and that he had given the necessary Orders for his usual Recreation the next morning. That Virtuous and Magnanimous Prince was preparing to go to Richmond, with as sedate and unconcerned a Mind as if he had not received Intelligence of the bloody Design that was to be executed near that place. And even the new Confirmation he received of it could scarce prevail with him to alter his Resolution, till he was at last overcome by my Lord Portland's repeated Importunities.  
In the mean time the number of the Discoverers encreas▪ d, and the Informations they had given were confirmed by the concurring Testimony of another of the Conspirators, who applied himself to Sir William Trumbal, one of His Majesty's Princicipal Secretaries of State, and convinced him of the Reality of the Plot, though he could not acquaint him with the Circumstances of it. For that Minister had already received advice that the French were bringing together a great number of Transport-Ships, and making all the necessary Preparations for an extraordinary Design, which was kept very Secret, though, in all probability, the Storm was like to fall upon England So that comparing these Advices concerning a Foreign Invasion, with the Account he had received of the Design against His Majesties Person, he found that they confirmed each other, though he could hardly look upon either of 'em as probable, when he considered 'em Singly. And therefore he made all possible haste to communicate these Discoveries to His Majesty, with his usual Zeal and Fidelity.  
About the same time Brigadier Lewson acquainted the King, that one Larue had informed him of a Design that was on foot to Assassinate His Majesty. This last Discoverer gave a very particular and Circumstantial Account of the whole Intrigue; but He, as well as the rest, seemed obstinately resolved to conceal the Names of the Conspirators.  
The King, convinced by so many Concurring Informations, and perceiving that all the Accounts he had receiv d agreed exactly with one another, began to believe the Truth of the Discovery. He ordered the Earl of Portland and Sir William Trumbal to make a more particular Enquiry into the Progress and Circumstances of the Design; the Former as having receiv d the first Advice of the Conspiracy against His Person, and the Latter as having been first acquainted with the Plot against the Nation.  
'Twas a very Difficult Task to manage so nice an Enquiry; for though they had Four Witnesses, they cou d not produce one Legal Evidence. They could not stifle the Informations they had received without exposing his Majesty's Life to the brutish Fury of Assassins', who wou d soon find another Way to execute their Detestable Project: Nor could they publish a Discovery which they could not prove, without running the hazard of being charged with the first Invention of it And besides, the Divulging of these Advices would have encouraged the Conspirators to carry on their Design, and perhaps made 'em hasten the Execution of it, lest they show▪ d at last be entirely discovered, and receive the just Reward of their Crimes  
In the mean time the King resolved to expose his Life to all the Dangers that threatened it, if it could not be secured without violating the usual Forms of Justice. So that we were like to perish by those very Laws that were contrived and established for our Preservation, if the Earl of Portland had not found out an Expedient to ward off the Blow without having recourse to any indirect of unwarrantable Stratagem. He considered, that Pendergrass and Larue might be persuaded to discover the whole Mystery, if the King himself should speak to 'em, and that even though they should refuse to yield to His Majesty s Solicitations, the Information they were willing to give might serve to Convict the Conspirators, if it were delivered in the presence of unexceptionable Witnesses, who might Depose it at their Trials.  
The King himself could not be an Evidence; and therefore 'twas necessary that there should be at least Two Witnesses present, when he discoursed with 'em He spoke to Pendergrass and Larue separately; to the First before the Earl of Portland and the Lord Cutts, and to the Second, in the Presence of the same Earl and Brigadeer Lewson. After he had assured 'em that he esteemed their Persons, and was extremely pleased with their Proceedings; he told 'em, That he owned himself oblige d to 'em for the Care they took to preserve his Life; but desire d 'em to consider, that the Service they had done him by discovering the Conspiracy cou d be of no use to him, so long as they concealed the Names of the Conspirators; that he cou d neither Punish nor so much as Convict the Criminals; that the People wou d never be persuaded to believe that several Persons had discovered a Conspiracy which they either could not, or wou d not justify; that, on the contrary, they would imagine that he had invented a Sham-plot to destroy his Enemies, which would render him odious to all the World; that so general and Imperfect a Discovery would expose his Honour without Securing his Life, etc. These Arguments produc d the desire d Effect, and conquered the obstinacy of the Discoverers: They could not resist the awful Eloquence of an injur d Monarch, and were at last prevailed with to make an Atonement for their Gild by discovering their Fellow-Criminals.  
After his Majesty was acquainted with the Names and Designs of the Conspirators, he told the Cabinet Council, that he had for some time neglected the Advices he had received of a Conspiracy against his Person; but since by the favourable Providence of God, he was fully convinc d of the Truth of it, he would not tamely Suffer himself to be assassinated. He added that he was informed the French were peparing to Invade the Kingdom, but that he hoped God would enable him to frustrate their Designs.  
Not long after, he called the Great Council, and communicated the Discovery to them. He received, from both, particular Assurances of Fidelity and Affection, and immediately issued out a Proclamation requiring all his loving Subjects to apprehend the Conspirators, and promising a Reward of a Thousand Pounds for every one that show d be seized  
The Parliament was not yet acquainted with the Danger that threatened the Nation; but assoon as His Majesty was convinced of the Reality of the Conspiracy, and could produce Witnesses to prove it, he went to Westminster on the 24th of February, and made the following Speech to both Houses.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
I Am come hither this Day upon an extraordinary Occasion which might have proved Fatal, if it had not been Disappointed by the Singular Mercy and Goodness of God; And may now, by the Continuance of the same Providence, and our own Prudent Endeavonrs be so Improved, as to become a sufficient Warning to Us to provide for Our Security against the Pernicious Practices and Attempts of Our Enemies.  
I have received several Concurring Information of a Design to Assossinate Me, and that Our Enemies, at the same time, are very forward in their Preparations for a sudden Invasion of this Kingdom, And have therefore Thought it necessary to lose no Time in Acquainting My Parliament with these Things, in which the safety of the Kingdom and the Public Welfare are so nearly Concerned, That I Assure Myself, nothing will be Omitted on your Part, which may be Thought proper for Our Present or Future Security.  
I have not been Wanting to give the Necessary Orders for the Fleet; And I Hope, We have such a Strength of Ships, and in such a Readiness, as will be sufficient to Disappoint the Intentions of our Enemies.  
I have also Dispatched Orders for bringing Home such a Number of Our Troops, as may Secure Us from any Attempt.  
Some of the Conspirators against My Person are already in Custody, and Care is taken to Apprehend so many of the rest as are Discovered: And such other Orders are given, as the present Exigency of Affairs does absolutely Require, at this Time, for the Public Safety.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
Having now Acquainted you with the Danger, which hath threatened Us, I cannot Donbt of your Readiness and Zeal, to do every Thing which you shall judge Proper for Our Common Safety: And I persuade Myself, We must be all Sensible, how necessary it is in Our present Circumstances, That all possible Dispatch should be given to the Business before you.  
The Proclamation and His Majesty's Speech published the Conspiracy, and made us Sensible of the dreadful Ruin which we had so narrowly escaped. All England was alarm d at the Surprising News: an universal Horror was diffused thro' the whole Nation; we trembled to think of the amazing Danger which humane Wisdom could neither have foreseen nor prevented, and were scarcely capable of reflecting upon our present Deliverance. The Conspiracy was the only Subject both of our Thoughts and Discourse: We look d upon the execrable Design and the treacherous Contrivers of it, with a just Abhorrence and Indignation, and every one adored a Miraculous Providence in which All were so nearly concern d▪  
Some reflected upon the Massacres, Burnings and Persecutions, and all the other dismal Instances of the implacable Rage of the Faction in former times; and concluded that the Conspirators were afraid we had forgotten the Sufferings of our Ancestors, and intended to refresh our Memory by re-acting the same Barbarities.  
Others entertain d themselves with the melancholy Prospect of our future Condition, if Heaven, to punish our Crimes, had suffered our Enemies to deprive us of our Glorious Deliverer. And even the calmest Minds could not preserve their wont Tranquillity, when they considered that after we had sustained so vast an Expense of Blood and Treasure to maintain our Religion and Liberty; after we had been delivered from Arbitrary Power by the miraculous Assistance of Heaven, and Ireland reduced by glorious Victories; after we had made ourselves Masters of the Sea, and began to be Conquerors on Land; that after these and so many other Blessings of Providence, we should have been forced to resume our broken Fetters, and submit to the Insolent Revenge of a baffled Enemy.  
Those who considered the Posture of Affairs abroad, were soon convinced that the exeution of this detestable Project would have been no less Fatal to Europe in general, than to England in particular. They were sensible that Our Disaster would have broken the Confederacy; and that 'twou'd have been equally dangerous to the Allies, to conclude a Peace, or continue the War.  
These were some of the Reflections, that were made upon this occasion, by particular Persons, while all, in general, were employed in blessing God for their wonderful Preservation, and admiring the adorable Wisdom of Providence, which had not only disappointed the Designs of our Enemies, but so overruled their Malice, that their Projects served only to confirm and strengthen the Union betwixt the King and his People, by the Interest of their mutual Preservation.  
But, as our Representatives in Parliament are entrusted with the Management of Public Affairs, and consequently have the deepest Share in the General Concerns of the Nation; so there were none that were more sensibly affected with the Discovery, or made more serious Reflections upon His Majesty s Speech For both the Interest and Designs of the Faction are entirely opposite to those of that Illustrious Body: The Former is a Secret Cabal that has been long Contriving our Ruin, and the latter is a Public Council which Studies the Means to preserve us; and therefore 'tis no wonder that there should be such a strong and lasting Antipathy betwixt 'em.  
Since the Faction endeavoured to destroy King James the I. and his Parliament by the famous Gunpowder Conspiracy, they have been still intent upon the Hellish Design, and forming new Projects to destroy us. 'Tis thought they were active Promoters of the Civil War, which disturbed the Reign of King Charles the First, and was attended with consequences that will for ever be lamented by the Nation. And none but those who are sorry for the bad Success of their Contrivances, will deny, that the Son and immediate Successor of that unfortunate Monarch, was influenced by their pernicious Councils; that they made him jealous of his most faithful Subjects, and at last persuaded him to undermine the very Foundations of our Liberty, by destroying the Freedom of Elections, and Governing his People without the Advice of his Parliament. During the late Reign they attacked us with Authority, and have been ever since endeavouring to regain the Ground they lost by the Revolution. The same Design is still carried on, but with this happy difference, that Loyalty is become at last the distinguishing Mark of Honest Men, and Traitors to their Country are looked upon as Traitors to the Government. For, though Treachery is usually said to be more dangerous than open Violence; yet after all a Wise man would rather choose, that the Enemies of his Country should be Plotters than Oppressors.  
The Faction (which, thanks to Heaven, we can now call, The Disaffected Party) cannot endure a Prince, who not only will not help 'em to destroy the Nation, but was the Instrument whom God chose to preserve it; and who, instead of relying upon the Councils and Assistance of the Cabal, makes it his principal care to preserve an entire Confidence and inseparable Union betwixt Him and His Parliament. Less than this wou d have been sufficient to make the Faction Dispute his Title; though the very Hatred of those who Dispute it, may be justly looked upon as an evident and unexceptionable Confirmation of it.  
'Tis to be presumed that there are a considerable number of Persons engaged. in the Party who have Sense enough to perceive, that 'tis impossible to controvert His Majesty s Right to the Crown, without denying us the common and most essential Privileges of a Nation. For unless they pretend, with the most furiously bigoted Papists, that the Consent of the Head of their Church is necessary for the Establishment of the Secular Power, or, suffer themselves to be so miserably deluded by a new sort of Fanaticism as to imagine, that every Race of Kings is established by an immediate Oracle or supernatural Revelation; they cannot refuse to acknowledge that the Safety and Consent of the People were the primitive and most sacred Foundations of Sovereign Authority; and that the unanimous Suffrages of those who thought fit to enter into Societies for their own Preservation, was the Voice of God himself, in the first Establishment of Monarchy.  
'Tis an undoubted and a remarkable Truth, that those very persons who are angry with us for assuming a power to secure our Liberty by modifying our Laws, upon so extraordinary an Occasion, pretend a Right to the same Privilege, and have more than once actually made use of it. 'Tis known that the Estates of France regulated the Succession, by making a far more considerable 
The Salic Law which is said to be as ancient as Pharamont, is an undeniable Argument that the French supposed their Government to be (as it really was) a Hereditary Monarchy.  Alteration in their ancient Laws, than that for which we have been so often reproached, in the case of Childeric III. who was succeeded by Pepin, and that though 
* Mezeray says expressly, That if the French had ascribed that Regulation to the Pope, they would have discovered themselves to be ignorant of their own Right, Abreg. Chronol. p. 206.  Pope Zachary pretended that this Regulation was made by virtue of his Approbation and Authority, the People of that Kingdom have always refused to acknowledge him as the Author of that important Alteration, and maintained that it was made by their own Representatives. This Remark may be further confirm d by the instance of 
† Mezeray affirms that the Consent of the People of France was the best Title which Hugh Capet, who succeeded Charles, could pretend to his Crown, Abreg. Chron. p. 454.  Charles of Lorraine, who was dethroned for the good of the State: 
𝄁 Two Races of Kings have enjoyed the Crown of France, by Virtue of these Regulations that were made for the good of the State.  And 'tis certain that since that time the French Kings never had, nor have at this day, any Title to the Crown but what is founded on this Establishment; so that since a false Title to a Crown can never be rectified by Prescription, 'tis plain that, if King William be not our Lawful and Rightful Sovereign, France has for several Ages been governed by Usurpers.  

† He deserves not the Name of an Englishman, who believes, with Father d' Orleans, That the Power of the English Monarches is originally as absolute and arbitrary as any Power can possibly be; that 'tis founded on a Right of Conquest, which the Conqueror exercised and settled in its utmost extent; that, at first, the Parliaments were only Seditious Conventicles, erected upon the occasion of a Successful Revolt of the English Nobility, who finding themselves able to prescribe Laws to their Masters, assumed the Power of granting Subsidies, etc. that afterwards the Kings being obliged to call 'em, when they stood in need of Supplies, these Meetings began to be looked upon as a lawful Senate, and by degrees acquired an established Form, and the Authority which they enjoy at present. History of the Revolutions in England, Book III. p. 294.  England has been always looked upon as one of the most considerable Kingdoms in Europe; but the it were the meanest and most contemptible Nation in the World, it could not be deprived of the most ancient and fundamental Privilege of Mankind, I mean that of Self-Preservation. 'Tis true, a People may be Subdued and made Slaves by a Victorious Invader; but they can never be robbed of their natural Right, to endeavour the recovering of their Liberty. And supposing that this was formerly a Conquered Kingdom, 'tis plain that the Conqueror could not become a Lawful Monarch, but by Treating with the Nation, and preserving its ancient Privileges; since a True King must be the Governor of Subjects, and not of Slaves. 'Twou'd be a direct overturning of the Order of Nature to pretend, with our Enemies, that the Sovereign Authority in England is originally Arbitrary, and that the People are only Free by Usurpation; since, by the fundamental Constitution of our Government, the People are originally free, and the Royal Authority Limited.  
The Roman Catholics were naturally disposed to embrace these pernicious Notions: for 'tis one of the Principles of their Religion, that the Pope's Jurisdiction extends over the Temporal Authority of Kings, and the Property of the People; and that those whom he Deposes or Excommunicates, are, ipso facto, deprived of all their Rights and Privileges. 'Tis true this Opinion has been look d upon as dangerous, even by the Princes of that Persuasion, who are not willing that their Authority should depend on the Arbitrary Will of One Man. And from thence some have taken occasion to call those Catholics who moderate the Power of the See of Rome, and only to give the Name of Papists to those who require an unlimited Submission to the Pope. But this Distinction was never so generally known or teceived in this Kingdom as in other places. For in Popish Countries, 'tis the Interest of the Prince to inspire his People with a less extravagant respect to the Head of their Church: whereas in England, where the Roman Catholics have neither a Prince nor Magistrate of their Persuasion, they are wholly governed by their Directors, and follow all their Maxims, unless they have Sense enough to perceive the dangerous Consequences of these Opinions, or by the Mildness and Integrity of their Temper, are naturally inclined to detest such a barbarous and inhuman Doctrine. But, in the general, they are easily persuaded to look upon Protestants as Men that have forfeited all their Privileges, and are already doomed to Death, for the Crimes of Heresy and Schism, by the repeated Sentences of several Councils. And 'tis plain that those who are possessed with such a Prejudice will never heartily acknowledge the Title of a Protestant Prince; since they reckon our Religion a sufficient ground to deprive a People of the natural Privileges of a Civil Society.  
It has been, upon all cccasions, the constant Practice of the Faction, to accommodate their Notions to the various Humours and Inclinations of those whom they endeavour to draw into their Party. For as they entertain some of their Proselytes, with Projects to destroy the Liberty and Privileges of the Nation, they insinuate themselves into the good opinion of others, by exclaiming against the Prerogative of the Crown. When they meet with Persons that are fond of a Popular Government▪ they pretend to be of the same opinion, exasperated their Grievances, and persuade 'em that 'tis the Interest of the Nation to weaken the Power and Authority of the King, that, upon the first occasion, they may be able, withless difficulty, to introduce a Republican Government.  

When Father d' Orleans declaims against the Republicans, he usually runs to the opposite Extremity, and commends the most pernicious Maxims of Despotic Tyranny; such as Governing without a Parliament is, and will always be Reputed in this Kingdom. See the History of the Revolutions in England, Book II.  At the same time, they make use o other Artifices to delude those who are superstitiously addicted to Monarchy. They exasperated their Zeal, fill their Minds with unreasonable Jealousies, and by scaring 'em with false Alarms of the Progress of the Republican Party, endeavour to secure their Assistance for the Introducing of Arbitrary Power, as the only Way to keep out a Commonwealth. For 'tis their usual custom to tamper with the most violent Persons of all Parties, that, by animating 'em one against another, they may divide the Nation into opposite and irreconcilable Factions.  
They laboured to persuade the World that the late King might justly assume an Arbitrary Power, that he might reign without a Parliament, and absolutely renounce all Contracts with his People. And even after he had deserted the Kingdom, and was declared an Enemy to our Laws, Religion and Liberties, by the Representatives of the Nation; they had the confidence to pretend that he was still our Lawful King.  
But the Artifice was too gross to pass upon a whole Nation: for, in the first place, they must have persuaded us that We were not a People, but a Multitude of Rebels, that had forfeited all our Privileges, that were condemned by our Prince, and had neither Laws nor Parliaments to protect us; that, like a company of Robbers who had escaped the Execution of Justice, we maintained our Illegal Possessions by an unjust Force, and had no Title either to our Lives or Estates; that we were Slaves by Law, and Proscribed Malefactors, and cousequently were in a more wretched Condition, than if we had been actually Conquered and Subdued.  
Blessed be that Almighty Goodness which defeated the Contrivances of our Enemies, and gave us a King, upon whom they could never fasten the least Aspersion, who manages the Reins of Government with an equal and Steady Hand; who never was, and we have reason to believe, never will be Guilty either of Tyranny or Remissness; who will neither oppress us himself, nor Suffer us to oppress one another; and has always pursued such Maxims as are most agreeable to the admirable Constitution of our Government, which preserves the Just mean betwixt the arbitrary Tyranny of Despotic Power, and the Tumultuary Liccntiousness of Anarchy or Democracy; and will neither suffer the Parliament to make Laws without the Authority of the King, nor the King to Govern without the Advice of his Parliament.  
But since they cou▪ d not Debauch the Fidelity of his People, by controverting his Title to the Crown; they made use of that pretext to encourage the desperate Bravoes of the Faction to murder him. They told 'em that they could not be accused of conspiring against the Life of a King; 
* Capt▪ Fisher's Deposition.  since the Prince of Orange had no 
† See the Bishop of Soissons▪ s Order▪ about the beginning of April.  right to that Title: 
* Capt▪ Fisher's Deposition.  And it appears that the same Pretence was allege▪ d as one of the Reasons for the designed Invasion.  
The whole Nation was alarmed with the common Danger, and the Parliament, especially, made serious Reflections upon the Designs of our Enemies.  
His Majesty's Speech to both Houses was seconded by Sir William Trumbal, who, in a Pathetic Harangue before the House of Commons, acquainted that Illustrious Body with the particular Characters of the Witnesses, the uniformity of their Evidence, and the improbability of their Conspiring together to deceive us; and from all these Considerations concluded that there was never less reason to doubt the Truth of a Conspiracy than of This. Such a discourse as this was very Seasonable, and even necessary at a time, when several Persons were endeavouring to make the whole Discovery pass for a Fiction, either because they imagine▪ d that the King and Council had been imposed upon, or perhaps because they wished that we had been convinced of the reality of the Design by the Execution of it. However, Time and the Confession of the Criminals have stopped the Mouths of those who would have stifled the Discovery. And the Parliament, to express their Zeal and Affection, in such a dangerous Juncture, made the following Address to His Majesty, which was presented by both Houses in a Body.  
WE Tour Majesties most Loyal and Dutiful Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament Aslembled, having taken into our Serious Consideration what Tour Majesty has been Pleased to Communicate to us this Day, Think it our Duty, in the First Place, to give Tour Majesty most Humble Thanks, for having Acquainted Tour Parliament with the great Danger Tour Sacred Person hath been so nearly Exposed to, and the Design of an Invasion from our Enemies Abroad; We Heartily Congratulate Tour Majesties Happy Preservation, and Thankfully Acknowledge the Signal Providence of God in it, and at the same time Declare our Detestation and Abhorrence of so Villainous and Barbarous a Design. And since the Safety and Welfare of Tour Majesties Dominions do so entirely Depend upon Tour Life, we most Humbly Beseech Tour Majesty to take more than ordinary Care of Tour Royal Person. And we take this Occasion to Assure your Majesty of our utmost Assistance to Defend Tour Person, and Support Tour Government against the late King James, and all other Tour Enemies both at Home and Abroad; hereby Declaring to all the World, That in case Tour Majesty shall come to any Violent Death (which God forbid) we will Revenge the same upon all Tour Enemies and their Adherents; And, as an Instance of our Zeal for Tour Majesties Service, we will give all possible Dispatch to the Public Business. And we make it our Desire to Tour Majesty to Seize and Secure all Persons, Horses and Arms, that Tour Majesty may think fit to Apprehend upon this Occasion.  
His Majesty received this Address in a very obliging manner, and was pleased to return a most gracious Answer in these words.  
My Lords and Gentlemen,  
I Thank you heartily for this kind Address; On My Part you may be Assured that I will do all that is within My Power for the Preservation of this Kingdom, to which I have so many Obligations; I will readily Venture My Life for Preserving it, and Recommend Myself to the Continuance of Tour Loyalty and Good Affections.  
At the same time both Houses entered into an Association to defend his Majesty's Life, and to revenge his Death; and, particularly the House of Commons agreed to several important Resolutions. 'Twas ordered, That leave should be given to bring in a Bill to Empower His Majesty to Secure and Detain such Persons as His Majesty should suspect were Conspiring against His Person or Government: And Resolved, That an Humble Address should be presented to His Majesty, that He would please to issue out His Royal Proclamation, to Banish all Papists from the Cities of London and Westminster, and Ten Miles from the same: That all the Members of the House should either sign the Association, or declare their Refusal so to do; and that whosoever should by Writing, or otherwise affirm that the Association was Illegal, should be look d upon▪ as Promoters of the Designs of the late King and Enemies of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom.  
'Twas also Resolved nemine contradicente, that a Bill should be brought in for the better security of his Majesty's Person and▪ Government, with these Clauses. 1. That such as shall refuse to take the Oaths to his Majesty, shall be Subject to the Forfeitures and Penalties of Popish Recusants, Convict. 2. To inflict a Penalty on such as shall by Writing, or otherwise Declare, that King William is not Lawful and Rightful King of these Realms, or that the late King James, or the pretended Prince of Wales, or any other Person, than according to the Act of Settlement of the Crown, has any Right to the Crown of these Realm●. 3. To ratify and confirm the Association entered into all his Majesties good Subjects, for the Preservation of His Majesty's Person and Government. 4. That no Person shall be capable of any Office of Profit or Trust, Civil or Military, that shall not sign the said Association. And 5. That the same Penalties be inflicted on such as come out of France, as upon those that go thither.  
Nor must we forget that wise and important Resolution of the same honourable Body, in pursuance of which 'twas enacted, That whenever it shall please God to afflict these Realms by the Death of His Present Majesty▪ the Parliament then in being shall not be dissolve d thereby, but shall continue until the next Heir to the Crown in Succession, according to the late Act of Settlement, shall dissolve the same.  
'Twas also Ordered, That the Speaker, upon Presenting the Association to His Majesty, should make it the Request of the House, that His Majesty would please to order, that the said Association of the House, and all other Associations by the Commons of England, be lodged among the Records in the Tower, to remain as a perpetual Memorial of their Loyalty and Affection to His Majesty.  
The Associations of both Houses were almost the same, as to the sense; and therefore I shall content myself with inserting that of the House of Commons, because of its Conformity to the abovementioned Resolutions.  
WHereas there has been a Horrid and Detestable Conspiracy, Form and Carried on by Papists, and other Wicked and Traitorous Persons, for Assassinating his Majesty's Royal Person, in Order to Encourage an Invasion from France, to Subvert our Religion, Laws, and Liberty: We whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, do Hertily, Sincerely, and Solemnly Profess, Testify and Declare, That his Present Majesty, King William, is Rightful and Lawful King of these Realms. And we do Mutually Promise and Engage to Stand by and Assist each other, to the utmost of our Power, in the Support and Defence of His Majesty's most Sacred Person and Government, against the late King James, and all his Adherents. And in case his Majesty come to any Violent or Untimely Death (which God forbid) We do hereby further Freely and Unanimously Oblige ourselves, to Unite, Associate, and Stand by each other, in Revenging the same upon his Enemies, and their Adherents; and in Supporting and Defending the Succession of the Crown, according to an Act made in the First Year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary, Entitled, An Act Declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, and Settling the Succession of the Crown.  
His Majesty received the Association very graciously, and express d the Sense he had of the Zeal and Affection of his Subjects in these obliging Terms.  
Gentlemen,  
I Take this as a most Convincing and most Acceptable Evidence of your Affection: And as you have freely Associated yourselves for Our Common Safety, I do Heartily enter into the same Association; and will be always ready with you and the rest of My Good Subjects, to Venture My Life against all who shall endeavour to subvert the Religion, Laws, and Liberties of England.  
And afterwards His Majesty was pleased to say, That he would take care, that this, and all other Associations presented to Him, should be Lodged among the Records in the Tower.  
While the Parliament was taking such effectual measures for the Security of his Majesty and the Nation; 'twas thought fit, in the most legal and regular manner, to satisfy offended Justice, by the Conviction and Punishment of some of the most notorious Conspirators. 'Twou'd be needless to give the Reader a particular account, either of the Proceedings at the Trials, or of the Behaviour of the Dying Criminals; since there can be nothing added to the public Relations of the former, and there is nothing remarkable in the latter but Hypocrisy and Passion. This is the genuine Character of the Declarations they left us of their last Thoughts. One of 'em owns the Crime for which 
Charnock.  he was condemned with a kind of impious Ostentation; and yet, in another place of the same Paper, he seems to acknowledge the Infamy of it, by endeavouring to vindicate his Party from having any hand in it. Another, in spite of Nature, would 
Sir John Friend.  act the Part of a Hero, and was not asham d to pretend that he died a Martyr, though 'tis plain both by his Conviction and Confession, that his Punishment was the just Reward of his Treasonable Practices to betray the Nation to Papists and Foreigners. One of 'em is angry with the King, 
Rookwood.  because he wou d not pardon a barbarous Assassin, and was the first Person that ever had the Confidence to charge His Majesty with Cruelty: And another leaves us a terrible Instance 
Cranbourn.  of the Divine Justice in hardening impenitent Offenders, by ending his Life in a Transport of Fury.  
But since nothing can excuse us from doing Justice even to our most barbarous and implacable Enemies, I think myself obliged to make a more honourable mention of Sir William Parkins. He acknowledges the Assassination to be a Crime, and reputes that he was concerned in it. He seems to have been acted by a mistaken Notion of Honour, and to have aimed at an Appearance of Magnanimity, which he did not well understand. For he wou●d not be persuaded to name the Complices of his Crime, though he had some reason to believe, that an ingenuous Confession might have procured him a Pardon. A generous Principle, if it had been better placed, and if, by preserving his Friends, he had not saved the Enemies of his Country.  
The Convicted Criminals received the Sentence and Punishment which the Law appoints for Traitors; and their Quarters were exposed in the most oublic places, as a terrible Example of the just Severity of an injured Nation, and an Admonition to their Traitorous Friends, that those who are not capable of nobler Sentiments might at least be restrained by Fear.  
In the mean time the Faction perceiving that all their pernicious Artifices were either discovered or defeated, resolved at least, to pay the last Honours to their expiring Cause. Three Jacobite Clergymen, pretending to be Ministers of the Church of England, under pretext of assisting Sir John Friend and Sir William Parkins a● their Death, gave 'em a general Absolution for all their Sins, without obliging 'em either to confess or declare their Abhorrence of the particular Crime for which they suffered; and by such an impudent and irregular Action put a public Affront upon the Government and the Nation.  
Two of 'em were apprehended in order to be prosecuted for so heinous a Misdeameanor; and, in the mean time, the Church, of which they pretended to be Members condemned their Proceedings in a Public Declaration of its Judgement on that occasion, which was signed by Fourteen Bishops who were then in Town, and approved by those who 
A Declaration of the sense of Archbishops, Bishops, etc.  were absent. In that Paper, they declare that they disclaim and detest the Principles and Practices both of the Criminals, and the Three Ministers who assisted 'em; that they disown and abhor 'em, as highly Schismatical and Seditious, dangerous both to the Church and State, etc.  
Thus while our Enemies both at home and abroad, were mourning the Fate of their blasted Project, while they suffered all the Horrors and Torments of Rage and Despair, the constant Attendants of Disappointed Revenge; we had the pleasure to behold the happy Period of the dismal Tragedy, and the blessed Event of the blackest and most barbarous Design that ever was set on foot. We observed, with inexpressible satisfaction, that our Almighty Protector had convinced our Enemies, by a very unwelcome Experience, of two important Truths, which they could never endure to believe, That His Majesty's Life is necessary for the Preservation of his People; and that his Subjects are inseparably united to him, both by Duty, Interest, and Inclination. This is a glorious Confirmation of the Title which they presume to controvert, and a convincing Proof of the Justice of his Cause, which God himself has vouchsafed to establish and confirm, by the execrable Projects that were formed against him.  
The World has been so long accustomed to see his Majesty expose his Life for the Preservation of his Subjects; he has braved Death so often, and run thro' so many Dangers in our Defence, that it cannot be supposed we should be surprised at every new Instance of his Generosity. But that the Preservation of his single Life should secure a whole Nation from impending Ruin; that the Rebels at home durst not attempt to disturb our Quiet, because they knew that he was alive; that our Foreign Enemies should immediately retire upon the News of his Deliverance; that the whole Nation should place their only Confidence in the Person of their Sovereign, and enter into a solemn and unanimous Confederacy to Defend his Life, and Revenge his Death, there is something so surprisingly Great in such a Combination of Wonders, and so conspicuous Marks of the Finger of God in the several Instances of our Happiness, that 'twould be equally impious and absurd, to ascribe our Deliverance to a lucky concourse of fortuitous Accidents.  
As His Majesty's Life is our only Security, and the Foundation of all our Hopes; the happy Union that is now so firmly established betwixt us and our Sovereign, is of no less importance to the rest of Europe. To this we owe the advantageous Change in the Posture of Affairs, abroad; 'tis this that has reduced our Enemies to more reasonable Terms, and makes way for the Conclusion of a general and solid Peace.  
When the long expected Time shall come, that the Just Desires of those who long to see Peace and Tranquillity once more established in Europe shall be accomplished; it will appear, and be acknowledged by the grateful World, that as England was delivered from Slavery and Oppression, by the Blessing of God upon His Majesties generous Undertaking, so 'twas England that had the greatest share in the general Deliverance of the Christian World.  
Time and Experience will ere long convince us of this great and important Truth, and Posterity will for ever acknowledge the Immortal Obligation. And even though it were possible that future Ages should forget their Great Benefactor, the Benefit will remain, notwithstanding their Ingratitude, as long as there shall be Laws in England, or a Free People in Europe.  
FINIS.