Advice TO PROTESTANT DISSENTERS, Showing 'Tis their Interest to Repeal the Test, upon the offer the King makes by a firm settlement of Liberty. PENAL LAWS are of so ill a Consequence, in the Hands of any Party, and so uneasy to be parted with by that which predominates, that 'tis discretion in Dissenters to take this opportunity for the Repeal, now we have a Prince to join with us to do it, when such an opportunity may offer again is uncertain; therefore to embrace this will be their Interest at the next Sessions, for upon better terms we are not like to obtain it, because we have a Prince that wants it for his own Communion. But 'twill be Objected, The Penal Laws will readily be consented to, but that cannot be done without we take off the Test too; the consequence of which will be greater Prejudice than the inconveniency of keeping the Penal Laws; how that will appear, when we consider the King has promised a settlement that is unalterable, and indeed 'tis his Wisdom so to do, if he values the Liberty of his own Religion in an after Reign, which may fall out to be in an Aversion to Popery, that may then endeavour the suppressing it again. 'Tis from, or however cannot be without the consent of the King, that we must have this Liberty; Is it equal to expect it from him, without giving his Community the same Advantages? Shall we ask that of him that we will not allow his? 'tis unfair: Besides, the Test in the nature of it is unreasonable, because it puts a Man upon a temptation to deny that which he believes he cannot be saved without believing. It may be Objected, It only hinders them from getting or keeping in Offices. If no more than that, 'tis unreasonable, for 'twill amount to nothing short of Persecution. As for Example, Suppose a Protestant has a Place in the Government worth Five Hundred pound a Year, & nothing but his Place to Live on, upon reading Books, or hearing Sermons, or discoursing Papists, he is persuaded to their Faith, and so cannot take the Test, upon his refusal he is turned out, and rendered uncapable of procuring Maintenance for his Family; if this is not a suffering for Conscience, I know not what is. Again, since our Laws does not prohibit a Roman Catholic from being Heir to the Crown, why should they be denied having those of their Family or Guard of the same? By our Laws none of that Persuasion can come near the Court for fear of endangering the King's Person, now who is the most sutuable Judge of the King's Safety, either himself or a part of his People? I think all must allow him, or else we act against our daily Experience and Practiceâ–ª for who of us would not choose Servants for ourselves. By this we may see when things are made partial, and not upon a Foundation of Equity, and short of doing as one would be done by, that one time or other it returns upon us. 'Tis an ill thing to Test upon People's Religious Persuasions; if we must have them, let it be upon an honest Foot, viz. For the renouncing any evil Principle, that is either immorral or pernicious to the State, and then if any Man refuse to subscribe, let him be dealt with accordingly, this would be justifiable. Why should any Dissenters boggle at the Repeal of the Test, when 'twill never be done but with them? if so, surely they have Wisdom enough to make things secure for the Protestant Interest, and their own Security, in a full enjoyment of their Religion. Cannot they consider of such a method that may for the future secure us from any attempts that may be made upon the violation of that general Settlement; 'tis agreed on all Hands, that Law only can secure us, which makes our Test so great a Bulwark; then if Law can secure us, why may not the Wisdom of a Parliament think of another Security that may be more universal? for to be sure that which takes in all Parties into its Interest is the best Policy, for if any Party is excluded that to be sure will attempt upon invading the safety of the rest, and if any one of these united Parties are Predominate, the excluded will endeavour to work in with some, or one of the Interests upon promise of bettering them, that they may assist to exterpate that Association; but if our Settlement is Universal, and that no one Persuasion can Predominate, but all in one united Interest; if any Party should through Ambition desire to break this civil Bond, and try to set up for themselves, all the rest would join against any such attempt, and through the disproportion of Number must of consequence be defeated; so that upon the whole, nothing can brake this general Liberty, that is equally settled, but Force, and there can be no stronger Fence against that then Unity and universality. It is the Interest of the Roman Catholics to accept of this, and be content with it, being the only Policy they can use for their own Safety, because they know their Number is but small, and not able of themselves to do any thing that may procure them a better Settlement. Now for People that really are for Liberty in Religion, before hand to determine, that the King will not concede to such a Settlement in Parliament, I think be-speaks them void of Charity: Was it the intent of any Protestants to give up the Test without an Equivolent, but rely upon Promises, that afterwards the Settlement should be made, there would appear some grounds of Jealousy? but as yet I never saw the Man that was so inclined; but that which Repealed the one, should Ratify and Confirm the other; if so, then where's the Trust? I find there is a sort of People among Dissenters that harps upon this Point, I presume they are such in whom the Church of England have by their skill prevailed upon by their Insinuations. 'Tis true, a Man would not stop his Ears from any thing that was reasonable, from any one; but a wise Man would be very cautious of his Adversary, or one that speaks from private Interest; one if not both of these that Church will be found in; as to the first, I need not go far for proof, their Severity when they had Power sufficiently proves it, and their being now unwilling to part with it in a Parliamentary way confirms it. As to the second part, Private Interest, first, 'tis certain they gain nothing by this Liberty, for theirs is Established, and the giving it to others will lesten them, for if theirs is a reform from Popery, the Dissenters are a reform from them. Again, shall we take the fair Offers of an Enemy, that may never be capable (if willing) to perform what they promise, rather than embrace the present Kindness of the King, who offers Liberty upon our own terms, viz. lasting and unalterable, by no means; Providence has cast it unexpectedly upon us, therefore let us not refuse it, lest we be found despisers of our own Mercies, by waiting for that from the Church of England that they will not hold themselves obliged to perform; for upon whom, if we should confide, can we rely? or who is that Agent for them, that they will hold themselves obliged when capable to perform that Engagement? for my part I am at a loss to find that Person or Party. But some may Object, Let us be careful that we disoblige not them, lest they reckon with us another Day. As to that, let us consider what we are a doing, and how we do it; as to what, 'tis Liberty only to Worship our God securely, without interruption either by Fines or Imprisonments; next how; that we do it legally, and not with any prejudice or desire of infrlnging them of theirs. Now if they are displeased at this, we are sure 'tis not from a Christian Spirit that they act, and they will be found doing as they would not be done by, for no Man that is Religious desires to be restrained from the exercise of it; but I need not spend time to treat of Liberty of Conscience to Dissenters, for that most Men either through Conviction or Policy will consent to; but the taking away the Test is the great debate, for say the Church of England, and those that give ear to their Insinuations, If that is gone there can be no securety o the Protestant Religion. Now as to that, in a Roman Catholic Reign, what service is it, are they keep for all that out of Offices and Places of Trust? No; but although we cannot prevent them of that, yet the keeping them out of the Legislative Power is our Security; but let me ask them one Question, Have they not often charged them with these Doctrines, viz. Not keeping Faith with Heriticks, or that they are not obliged, or done't account that of any value or tie to them that they promise to us, and farther what ever they do to us, provided 'tis to serve Holy Church, let the Act be ever so immorral, 'tis Meritorious; if we consider this, I cannot see that great Bulwark in the Test that many would have us believe; for if they may have Indulgences for these enormities, I cannot believe they will be so squeamish at the Test, when they find the Promotion of their Church so mightily depends upon taking it; so that I have reason to believe the Church of England either to be short sighted, or intends not well to Dissenters, that endeavours so industriously to keep them from joining with the King in Establishing a General Liberty; for if the Papists finds that the Dissenters breaks with them upon this Civil Union, will not they be obliged to betake themselves to the surest way they can for their own security, which I conceive will then consist in one of these two Points, the first, To get a Dispensation to take the Test, or else to bring the Church of England into their Interest. As to the first, the Church of England tells us, as above, They can do things Tantamount; but if they have abusied them in their Tenets, and they should refuse that way, but should fall in with them, what Security can they give us that they will not accept of them into their Favour, since our Prince is of that Persuasion? who knows but their ancient pretence to Loyalty may spring again? if so, from whom must we expect Kindness, for of theirs we have had woeful experience; and for the Romanists 'tis better joining them when we can serve them, then to expect Favour from them, when we have deserted them. Oh, that Dissenters would but be wise, and take Liberty upon their own terms, and their own making, rather than to depend upon those that have been and are our Enemies; for whatever they promise now, I look upon it but the effect of Policy, not of Kindness, that we may be wheedled out of our present certainty for hopes of Kindness when they may be capable to give it; but if they should so prevail upon the easiness of Dissenters, as to refuse the present opportunity; when suffering comes upon us again, we shall be obliged to take it patiently, first for Conscience, next for our Folly's sake: I have for all this no ill will to the Church of England, but do wish well to her also, all that I desire is, that their ill Nature, together with the assistance of Penal Laws, that have put them upon doing wrong, to their Reproach, that she would now consent to the taking away that, that when the same ill Nature predominates again may disable them from doing what they have been so prone too; for a Man that is convicted of an Evil, will endeavour to shun the opportunity of a Temptation, and until the Church of England comes so far, that is to be willing to part with that Pestilence they have been so infected with, I cannot conceive any Reformation among them. For a Man to tell me that has been given to Drunkenness, that he is Reform, yet cannot forsake the Tavern and his Familiars that continued in that excess, I should have but small hopes of his Reformation; and although he might decline Drinking for the present, I should only judge it some. Indisposition, for no Man loves to keep up that which he Loathes; so it I would abandon Persecution I shall be willing to part with that which would tolerate me in it, for fear of a Temptation; and when we see the Church of England willing to part with all Penal Laws for Religion, we may have hopes they are not in love with Severity, and till then 'tis in vain to pretend to the contrary, for Actions speaks louder than Words, and Performance is better than Promises. I look upon it a mere wheedle in the Church of England to tell us, they are for giving Liberty of Conscience, and yet oppose the Tests being taken away, for to be sure they conclude themselves safe in the offer; for me to offer that which I imagine will not be accepted is almost the same with no offer, which is the case of them. As for Example, If I proffer a Man Fifty Pounds to be received of a Person, that 'tis at his pleasure to pay it or no, and 'tis evident the doing it will prove inconvenient to his Affairs; how unlikely would it be that he should comply with the payment? Just so is the offer the Church of England makes to the Dissenters, they promise to Repeal the Penal Statutes, which they cannot perform but with the Concurrence of the King; and is it likely it should be obtained that way, without taking off the Test too? for can we expect he should set us quite free, and continue Bonds upon his one Communion? 'Tis easy for Men to offer that which is out of their power to give, and hard to get such Men to part with what is in their power to keep; but thanks be to God, if the Dissenters will, 'tis in the Kings and their power (under God) to make themselves easy whether the Church of England will or no. With Allowance. London, Printed and Sold by Andrew Sowle at the Three Keys in Nags-Head-Court, in Grace-Church-Street, over-against the Conduit, 1688.