No POST from HEAVEN, Nor yet from HELL: But a true Relation, and Animadversions, written, and sent as an Antidote, to all Unbelieving Brownists, Profane Anabaptists, Schismatical Monsters, And such like Incendiaries of the STATE. Proving by Histories, Records, and Examples, That his majesty's Taxations have not been unusual, nor his Government tyrannical, though falsely so imputed, invented, divulged and scattered abroad. Collected by Sir ROBERT COTTON. And now put to press, and Dedicated to His Sacred majesty: By G. A. Gent. Printed at OXFORD, 1643. TO THE High and mighty Monarch CHARLES, King of great Britain, France, & Ireland, Defend. of the Faith, &c. Wishing a glorious Conquest on Earth, and a triumphant Victory in He●●●● Great SIR, APPELLES having drawn an exquisite picture, ambition tickling Fancy, set it to the view of Censure, and covertly concealed himself; Time, brought to light an Artist, more curious than Acute, he sees, dislikes, Appelles mends, and puts ●… to the view again; in short time after, he returns, reviews, 〈◊〉nd still dislikes; Appelles marking his transcendency, and find●ng his imbecility, dislodges himself and suddenly lets slip this ●…itter curb, suitor ne ultra crepidam. So, if I, Oh King, like to this unskilful Artist, have presumed, Icarus-like to soar above my pitch, and Phaeton-like to mount the Chariot of the Golden Sun; Let it, I beseech you, be im●…uted to Error Amoris, which I am always bound to offer, and not to Amor Erroris, which I may not, I must not, nay, I dare not proffer. Be pleased then, to cast your Princely eye, upon this undigested lump of virgin's wax, and do but grace it with one Royal smile, and then you arm, and make him able to encounter with that triple headed Monster, base ingratitude, (at this present your majesty's greatest and heaviest enemy) but, could it infuse into me the strength of Samson, I would tie those fox's tails together, (that go about to disturb your Peace) and drive them into a Desert, where they should never return again, either to destroy your corn, or hurt your Pasture; but, Oh my good wishes, fall short of my true heart's intention: howsoever this vigour it will add unto me, that I shall neither expect the hopes of any, nor fear the votes of many; but merrily chant this Miscellany; Nec habeo, nec careo, nec curo: And so upon the bended knees of my heart, praying for your majesty's long and happy reign over us, I humbly kiss your royal hand: Your majesty's poor, and unfortunate, yet most true, and loyal Subject. G. A. NO POST FROM HEAVEN, Nor yet from Hell: But a true Relation and Animadversion, written and sent, as an Antidote, to all unbelieving Brownists, profane, Anabaptists, schismatical Monsters, and such like Incendiaries of the State, &c. TO search for foreign Stories, or to trace into the footsteps of royal and regal governments, of remote and far Countries and kingdoms, for proofs to make good my Assertions, unlese, I can by some of our own domestic, and authentic records and examples make them first appear, were but Nodum in scripo quaerere, and would rather savour of too much curiosity, than give any true relish unto verity. My first intention therefore was to have both fully and at large set down all the exactions, impositions, taxes, and loans, that have been, either by prerogative, power, or general grant, exacted, leavyed, taken, and set upon this State, from William the conqueror's time to King James; But having sithence, propounded to myself brevity, and to shun prolixity, I will therefore only with as light a hand, and in as short a way as possibly I can, summarily draw up those, which do most concern and conduce to this present discourse, and cursorily run over the residue, that so the curious, and the carping may perceive, and the judicicus and religious judge, that His Majesty hath not so far transcended his bounds of government, as is most scandalously, and most injuriously cast upon him. 2 Then will I, in a short Method, and very briefly compare His majesty's taxations, and theirs together. 3 And lastly, I shall compendiously touch those Exactions, Impositions, and gabelles, practised, used and taken in foreign States, and kingdoms, that so these sons of Belial, Those that have Jacob's voice, but Esau's hands, whose broiling spirits do nothing but fling firebrands, and heap on wood, to set kingdoms in combustion; those that are a nursery of war, a Seminary of schism, whose very thoughts are barbarous, and their actions bloody, the children of darkness, and the very spawn and offspring of cursed Cham, may see their nakedness, confess their error, fly for covert, crave for mercy, and pray for repentance. William the Conqueror. ANd first to begin with William the conqueror, who in the entrance of his Government, took of every Hideland twelve pence, as due from the Subject to their sovereign, both before and since the Conquest, to defray such charge, as either the defence of the land from spoil, or the Sea from piracy, should expose the Prince unto. And it was called Danegeld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage; and was sessed by the Hide, or ploughland, like to that Ingrata per jugerae in Rome; yet by no rate definite. He also took other Exactions, (as the Monk of St. Albans saith) Sive per fas, sive per nefas: And into this list also of charge, he racked the Bishops, & Abbots, seizing upon them; and at their charge a proportion of soldiers for his service; exiling many worthy men, that opposed (as they then thought) his thraldom. William Rufus. THe next is Will. Rufus, who in the An. 7. set upon the Heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. 〈◊〉 man, and so discharged them. And in Anno the 9 he spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and holy vessels, and leavyed four Hidages of every plough Land, tribute is Angliam modo, non abradens, sed extorciens. Ex antiquilegibus Anglia. And so wearied with wars, taxations, and expense, Ne respirare potuit Anglia, sub ipso suffocata, quid jam non Regibus ausum, aut quid jam Regni restat scelus, in this King's time. Henry the first. THen Henry the first, who in Anno quinto magnam a Regno exegit pecuniam. Hist. Gualt. Gisbourne. And by this means, gravabitur terra Angliae opressionibus multis. Hist. Matth: Par. Hen. Huntingdon. He took also in the 10. year six shillings danegeld; and the 17. year, Anglia fuit variis depressa, exactionibus, & bonis, sine peccato spoliata. King Stephen. FOr King Stephen, there needs no more, but the words of the Monk of Gisbourn, Post annum sext. pax nulla; omnes partes torrebat violenta praedatio. Henry the second. HEnry the second, alluding, and not unlike to the Feoda given the Erem it's in the decline of the Empire, as Salaries, continued the policy of his Progenitors, who allotted the land into such, and so many equal portions, as might seem competent for the supportation of a Knight or man at arms, from whom as occasion required, he received either service or contribution. This tenure, now esteemed a thraldom, began upon a voluntary submission; and therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown, which is a great part of the King's honour, their duties and escheats a great benefit, and their attendance by tenure in war, at their noun charge, to the number of 60216. at the least, (for the Knights sees in England are no less) a great case and strength to his State; for they are Totidom hostagia, B 〈…〉. as Bracton saith, It were a thing perilous now to alter after such a current of time and custom. He in the beginning of his reign took a Scutage, whereof there is no record. But the second Scutage, which was in Anno quinto, amounted to 124 Millia Librarum Argenti, which reduced to the Standard of our moneys to 5. s. the Ounce; whereas that was not five groats, will amount to near 400000. l. In Anno the 7. Scutagium fuit Assessum, and duas Marcas, which if summed up, by the received number of Knights sees, being 60216. in the hands of the laity cannot be less than 250000 l. Ex lib. Rub. in sc. The like in the next year; and in An. the 11. there was an aid of two pence, de unaquaque Libra. And quatuor sequentibus Annis de singulis libris, singulas denarias was taken of all men, and their estates and full fortunes, being delivered upon their oaths. Cerv. Dorob. And in the 14. year, a Scutage was assessed, ad marcam unam, de singulis feodis. Rub. lib. in Sc: And in the 18. year, Scutagium pro quolibet Feoda. Hist. Roffens. Matth. Par. And in the 35. of his reign, a tenth of all men's moveables was granted; In which dying 900. Millia libr. in Auro, & Argento praeter utensilia & Jocaliaretulit. Richard the first. RIchard the first, in the beginning of his reign, besides Scutagium Walliae assessum, at ten shillings levied, (as in the succour of the holy Land) a Subsidy out of all the moveables in the Realm to his own use: Rub. lib. in Sc, Hist Matt. Paris. Et Eleeno sine titulo vitium rapacitatis inclusit. A Coutribution there was in his sixth year of 150 Millia Marcarum Argenti, to pay his ransom, as also a Scutage assessed at 20. s. And in the 7. year, he imposeth a contribution, called Tenementale, extremity inventing, Nova & varia praedandi vecabula; and this was 2 s. of every ploughland from the husbandman, and from the gentry & nobility, the 3. part of their military service. Ex Iohan. de Eversden. He enforced the Cistertian Monks, to redeem their Wools, sine Coriaria, assessed a Scutage at 20 s. and four years after of every plough Land 5 shillings, and of every burrow and City. Walt. Coventry. Mat. Paris. Duos Palfridos, & totidem summarias, and of every Abbot, half as much; than losing of purpose his great seal, proclaimed that, Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes, quae Prioris sigilli impressione roboraverat, should be void, whereby he drew from all men a composition of their Liberties. ex Charta orig. This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of, his successors, exhist. Mat. Paris, pag. 29 as in the eleventh of Henry the thirds reign, and therefore, some reason Richard had in the end to become a gatherer, that had not long before, by account of his Chancellor Hubert then Archbishop, spent Intra biennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de regno Angliae. King John. HIs Brother King John succeeding, took in the first year of his reign, a Scutage assessed at two marks for the two next years, three shillings of every ploughland; Rud. Coggeshall, lib. Rub. in Sc. Rog. Horeden, Matth. Paris. and the year following, besides a Scutage, the fourtieth of the revenues of the Clergy, and laity. In the fourth year, he took the like Scutage, and the seventh part of the movables of the Barons, and Clergy; and in Anno quinto a Scutage assessed at two marks. Lib. Rub. in Sc. Matth. Paris, & Rud. Coggeshall. The like in his six and seventh years, twenty shillings Scutage, and the thirteenth part of the movables, as well of the Clergy, as the laity in the year following. In Anno the ninth, he exacted by redemption of the concubines of the Clergy, a great sum; Rud. Coggeshall Mat. Paris. and in the eleventh, (Extorsit tributum grave) videlicet 140 millia librarum, à viris Ecclesiasticis & Clericorum horreum invadit. In the 12 a Scutage assessed at two marks, besides the exaction of 22000 l. from the Cistertians. He took in the 13 year, a Scutage of 20 shillings. Rud. Coggeshall, Lib. Rub. in Sc. & Math. Paris, hist, Minor. In the year following, from the Ministers of the Church, 40000 marks. And in the 16 year, Scutagium assessum ad tres Marcas. Thus, in the space of 17 years, was the State delivered but thrice from impositions. Henry the third. ANd now for Henry the third, there was in his time assessed upon the Clergy, Nobility, and Gentry, fifteen Scutages, one at ten shillings, two at 20 shillings, eight at two marks, and four at forty shillings the Knights see. The Land of the Inferior were twice taxed at half a mark the plough, and two tallages upon the Land of the Crown. Claus. anno 19 H: 3. & Math. West minst. Ex Stat. an. 4, ca. 17. dors. Claus. anno 16, H. 3, & Eversden. Ex li, Cant. Epi. Ex Eversd. & Paris From out of the movable goods of the lay Subjects, have been taken five times, as sometimes the fourtyth, thirtyth, twentyth, and fifteenth parts, and once the sixteenth of the Clergy, for this King. He likewise imposed nine times a tenth upon the Church, six times for a year only, and by itself, once accompanied with the first fruits, once for three years, and once for five, besides two aids, the one Moderate, the other called gravis Exactio, and that worthily, if to the eight hundred marks, imposed upon Saint Edmonds-Bury, all the other abbeys were rated accordingly. And by the account of William de Middleton, he received in the time of his government, de exitu Scutagium, four millions and 20000 l. And, as in all the 56 years of his reign, (excepting five) either the Church or commonwealth were charged, with contribution and taxes; so were they grieved with other exactions, either for carriages, victuals, or personal attendance. Ex Eversd. Dorsis Clan, anno 16. H. 3, ex Walt. Gisborne. Eversden & Paris. ex li Chart. Cant. Epi. 8 H; 6 Parl anno 3 Ed, 1 & Rot; Claus, anno 26H: 3 Mat. Paris pa. 517 Dorsis Claus anno 14, H; 3, M; 8, & Claus 12, H 3, M; 2 Claus, an, 14 H; 3, au. 7 Claus. anno 16 H; 3 M; 11 For in his sixteenth year, the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoined, ut providerent decem bonas naves & magnas. And at another time, for twenty, Dunwich and Ipswitch, five a piece, and all the ports proportionably at their own charge. And in the same year, there was taken, and transported 100000 quarters of wheat, 5000 of oats, and many Bacons, the Church not forborn in those charges, for, from Winchester was taken 2000 quarters of wheat and oars, and 10000 of Bacon's, the other Bishops and Clergy, bearing their charges of victuals, in the like taxations, coming, ut unda supervenit undae, ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus. And in the twelventh and fourteenth, the King levieth soldiers for his wars beyond Sea, collecting, Pro runcata sui, de singulis duobus hidis curi; and to bring secum victualia and those that were dispensed withal, to contribute for victuals to those that went for forty days, commanding the sheriffs to swear all, Ad arma &c. as were sworn in the time of K. John his Father; by with ordinance, all able Subjects from youth to decripit age, were bound to arm themselves and be in continual readiness (à sero usque ad mane) for so the record is to attend the King's pleasure; and these men thus sworn to bring with them, Lericas, Ha●bioues, &c. and to such, as neglected, he sent out his writs, reprehending at first, jurgatoriae eo quod, &c. and after finding them, Rot. Finium 26 H. 3 M. 4. according to their abilities and tenures, as taking in Anno the 26 of William de Umfrevile 100 marks, and so in proportion of many others. Edward the first. EDward the first, exacted from the Lands of his Subjects four times Scutage, assessed at every time 40 shillings the knight's fee, and once an aid, called Auxilium novum, which he farmed out for ready money. Out of the rents of the Clergy, he took a tenth part, twice for one year, and once for six, and the twentyth part twice from both the Provinces, and once for two years from Canterbury only, and seized once into his own hands the possessions of the prior's Aliens. Of the goods of the Clergy, he took the thirtieth, fifteenth, and the fifth part once, the moiety three times, and the tenth seven times, first, for two years, and then for three years, and once for six years. Of the goods of the Commons, the eighth, the ninth, and the twelfth part he took once; twice severally the tenth and 11h, the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly. Rot. Parl. anno 25 Ed. 1 Mem. 3 Sched. Three times he had the fifteenth part, and once the moiety of a fifteenth from the Clergy and laity together. And this King had granted of the moveables a tenth, a fifteenth, and a third part of the Cities and Boroughs, besides a great loan on the seventh and eighth, and twice the sixth part from the Merchants, and a twentyth and seven portion, once of there commodities, imposing a new custom of a Noble uponevery sack of wool, which he let out to farm. And under pretence of some breach of amity with those parts, whither his Merchants traded, he seized in Anno the 22. all the wools into his hands, and made of them instant sale to the best value, leaving them upon security to a short price, and a long day of payment. Rot. Vasco. anno 22 Ed. 1 M. 8 He took the same year to the distaste of the Pope, and murmur of the Clergy, Rot. Vasco. anno 22 Ed. 1 M. 17 all the money gathered In Subsidium Terre Sanctae. And lastly, upon the persons of his Subjects, he imposed one tallage, sessed either in Communi, or per capita, and twice the like upon the Jews, whereof the one amounted to 5000 marks. Rot. Vasco. an. 22 Ed. 1 Neither were his people freed from attendance in their persons, or exactions in their estates all his reign; for there was but one year of intermission from continual payments; for in record, Rot. Parli. an. 31 Ed. 1 Exhist. Ioh. Eversden. there appear his writs to the sheriffs, as in Anno the 31 De peditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, and to be found by their several Countries, calling his Earls, Barons, and Knights to personal service, according to their Tenures. Edward the second. EDward the second, his Son, assessed upon the Lands of his Subjects, one or two Marcks at once, at ten shillings the knight's fee. From the revenues of the Clergy, rated by the book of tenths, he at distinct times, took 4, 5, and 6d. in the mark, and once a fifteenth part of the whole. From the goods of the Clergy, a tenth for three years, and twice a loan from the Abbots and Bishops. From the laity, (besides a tallage of their moveables) in Cities and Boroughs, once a tenth, twice a fifteenth, and twice a twentieth part of their goods, besides a loan from the Commons, and ten shillings borrowed upon every sack of wool from merchant strangers, and a Noble from others, Clergy and laity together. Claus. anno 8 Ed; 2 M. 9 Of their goods a tenth, a fifteenth, and twice an eighteenth part besides a loan. Claus. anno 16 Ed. 2 Claus. anno 12 Ed 2 He augmented his father's new custom, with an imposition of a Noble more upon every sack of wool. And in Anno decimo, because he was infinitam pecuniam effundere, he seizeth and increaseth an imposition upon all commodities inward and outward, to an extreme rate, & causeth the Commons in every shire, to lay down moneys in deposito, to pay his soldiers. And took from the Nobility, and Gentry, a large contribution, Rot. Vase. An 22. Ed: M. 13. in Sched. and seized Omnes lanas, & coria mercatorum, &c. He charged the Ports, and Sea-Towns twelve several years, Adcostos suos, & sumptibus villarum, (as the Record saith) to set to sea in his service, ships furnished Armis & victualibus; sometimes for one months' space, as in Anno the 11. Rot. Scot. An. 11. M. 1 Sometimes for four, as in Anno the twelfth. Sometimes for seven. And Anno quarto, the number of ships, more or less occasion required. An. 12. M. 8: Rot. Parl. An. 4. Ed. 2. Dors. Claus an. 17. Ed. 2. M. 11. And in Anno the seventeenth, Southampton was charged with six, and 180. Sea-towns more with ratable proportions for the King's service. And in Anno the 18. imbarguing all the ships that were in any Port, Claus, anno 18. M. 34. & Rot. Wast. M. 29. that were of 40 Tuns and upwards, or of 50 Tuns and upwards. And in Anno 2. causing the Town of Southampton to build a galley for himself of 120. Oars; and commanding all the Sheriffs for provision of victuals. Claus. an. 2. M: 11. Claus, an. 6. Ed. 2. Rot. Scot. an. 1, 2, 3. M. 10. & an. 4. M. 5. & an. 9 Rot. Parl. an: 10. M. 12. Rot. Parl. an. 16 M. 3. Rot. Scot. Dors. An. 7. M: 8. Dors. Claus. an. 16 M. 3. Rot. Scot. an. 2, 3. M. 8. Rot. Scot. an. 8. Ed. 2. Dors. Claus: an. 9 Claus. 16. Ed. 2: M 7. Claus. an: 16: M: 20: Claus: an; 16; M. 11. And in An. 1. 4. & 9 To provide De exitibus Comitatus ad certum pretium. Sometimes to the proportion of 3500 quarters of corn: and many Bacons, as An. the 16. and to send them to the King's Army; as also Carrecta, & Carra cum equis, & Bobus, out of every several County. Sometimes he made the Forts to send provision themselves, as An. the 7. and not to suffer any ship with victuals, Ibidem discariari; And herein, not sparing the Church, exacted the first three years, Fermenta & alia victualia from them. Besides the former charges, the persons of all men, as well of the Nobility as meaner Rank, were at their own charges often enjoined to serve, as in the 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 16 of this King, when they were called singulatim; as well Knights and Noblemen, as such as held 40 pound land, according to their Tenures, subforisfactur. Terrarum, & Cattallorum equis & Armis sumpti. bus propriis, &c. And of this the Clergy were not exempted, as in Anno the 16. of this King. And in the first three years of this King, out of one Town one, umptibus propriis, for forty days: As Anno the 5. one: Or for 16. days; as Anno novo one; or proseptem septimanis one, as Anno quarto. Sometimes a thousand in one country, as Anno 3. Sometimes an entire Army of 18300, as in An. the 11. And 48. thousand 800. at the charge of all the Countries. And An. decimo quinto, London, sumptibus Civitatis, sound 500 men for 40 days. And the like An. the 18. Rot. Parl. An. 15. M. 19 Claus. an. 18. M. 13. Rot. Parl. an. 16. M. 27. Rot. Parl. an no 9 M. 21. Rot. Claus. an. 10. M. 13. & an. 16. M. 27. Rot. Scot. an. 13. M. 12. Dorf. Claus. an. 6. M. 28: Rot. Scot. an. 7. M: 20. Claus an 8. M. 30. Rot. Scot. an. 2. M 6. Claus. anno 16: M. 12. Claus, An. 15. Ed. 3. M. 14. Rot. Fin. an. 15 M: 16 Rot. Claus. an. 9 M. 1; Rot. Parl. An. 16 M: 12 Rot. Claus. an. 15 M. 19 Rot: Scot. an. 13. M. 1. & Claus. an 13. Memb. 10. The King likewise commanded Anno the sixteenth, that all men of forty shillings Lands and upwards, should rateably send to his service Men: And Annis 9, 10, 15. and 16. that all jurati ad arma: or from 16, to 60. secundum Stat. Wincestriae should attend his service. And An. the 13. enjoined all from 20. to 60. armed and victualled at their own charge. And commanded the Sheriffs An. 6, 7, 8, 12, 16. and 18. to see all able men, that parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint; their weapons to be provided ad sumptus incolarum; and themselves enjoined to muster and train every six weeks. If any neglected his appointed service, there was sent to the Sheriffs a writ De habendis illis coram concilio qui praemonitinon venerunt in expeditione Regis, as An. quinto one; the parties imprisoned, and their goods seized into the King's hands, as An, the ninth and sixteenth; or else redemption by Fine, as the Sheriffs of Bedford, and Buckingham did their men, for six hundred Marks in Anno decimo quinto: And the owner of forty pound land, at his first fault, was punished cum tertia parte bonorum; for his second, Cum tota residua; and for his third, fuit corpora eorum ad voluntat. Regis: and of Knights twenty pounds de qualibet Hida, as in Anno the 13. I have the longer insisted upon this King's reign, that tanquam in speculo, we may behold the intolerable miseries and exactions charged and cast upon the Nobility, Clergy, and Commons in former time. Edward the third. EDward the third charged the Lands of his Subjects twice forty shillings of every knight's Fee; and five pounds sixteen shillings of every parish: Rot. Parl. an no 48; Ed; 3; M; 10. And in the 48. of his reign, out of the goods of the Commons he took once the ninth part, and the fifteenth part of forests and wastes, twice the tenth, 13. times the fifteenth for one year, and twice for three years, and once the twentieth part of all moveables, and 30000. Sacks of wool. Of the Burroughes and Cities, four tenths, and one for three years. From the temporal Lords, the tenth sheaf, lamb, and fleece, who with the Bishops and Knights granted 20000 Sacks of wool, &c. Of the Clergy alone one tenth, for four years; besides a contribution in the twelfth year of his reign. seizing the same year all the goods of the Clunny and Cistertian Monks. Of the Church and Laity together, he received six times the tenth of all their moveables. And from the Merchants and Staple, a Subsidy of wool for three years. Imposing in Anno the 33. six and twenty shillings and eight pence upon every Sack of wool transported, which doubled the Impositions of his father, and grandfather, advancing it after for six years to 40 s. And in An. the 38. (being the year he resumed his stile of France to 46. s. 4. d. the sack of wool: taking poundage of all commodities six pence inward and outward; and joining the Merchants for every sampler of wool transported to return in 40 s. Bullion in his Mint, himself becoming Merchant of all the Tin in Devon-shire, and Cornwall in An. the 12. Rot. Al. man. An 12. M. 7. And in An. the 15 assessed upon the heads of his subjects a fine of four pence severally. Besides, in Anno the 20. he took a Loan of all the Bishops, Abbots, justices, & aliis potentioribus Regnide diversis pecuniarum summis, inter summas, of one hundred thousand and forty pounds. Claus. An. 20. Ed. 3. M. 22: in dors. In the first year of his reign, he commanded all the sea-towns, Claus. all. 1. Ed. 3. M. 22. indors. to attend with ships his service, sumptibus propriis, & auplici Eskippamento; and to provide them of 60. Towns, and upwards. And in the year following, layeth the like charge upon 76. Port Towns, for all ships of forty Tuns, and more. Claus. an. 2 Ed. 3. And in Anno the tenth the like at their own charge; besides a contribution of money for payment; whereof the Officers are commanded, Claus. an 10 Ed. & Rot. Scot. an. 10. Memb. 9 Rot Al. anno 12. Rot. Scot. an. 10. M. 15 Ut eos per districtiones, et alias punitiones prout expedire viderint, compellant; enjoining such Merchants of London, Qui ex transmarinis passagiis, lucra adquirunt, To furnish Ships for war at their own charge. And in Anno the 14. the Cinque Ports set out to Sea thirty ships, and maintained them during the service, half at their own, and half at the country's charge, eighty being furnished and defrayed by the out-Ports, and the admiral being directed to Imbargue all the other ships for the King's service. And although the Subjects found this an infinite grievance yet could they not, upon humble complaint in Parliament, receive any further relief, but that the King would not have it otherwise than before. Rot. Alm. anno 1. Ed. 3. Mem. 2. For provision he took of his subjects 19000 Quarters of grain, 2200. Oxen salted, and 3000 Bacons; Rot. Scot. anno 10. M. 17. besides of other provisions an infinite quantity: and the like was very frequent all his reign. The persons of all meaner subjects from sixteen to sixty he caused to be armed in a readiness, and the Gentry and Nobility, Rot. Scot. an 1. M. 2. Parl. anno 14. Ed. 3. supplying the King at their own charges with seven hundred or eight hundred men at Arms, and two thousand, or three thousand. Archers: as An. the 14. with other proportions for divers years following. And the Bishops ordered to furnish, Armis et equis competentibus; Rot. Franc. anno 46. so many as occasion required; So that seeing these things were so grievous and burdensome unto them, they in the 22. year of his reign complained in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby; as of their aids, advanced to forty shillings fine, that in Law should be: but twenty shillings: Anno 21. Ed. 3. Their setting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their victuals without payment, the Sea left to the charge of their keeping. And from their wools by way of subsidy, there was 6000l. yearly exacted without Law, (besides the lending of ●…onyes) and themselves restrained from transporting any, yet ●●…ch was the necessity of those times, that they neither had redress of their complaint, nor the State one year free, or dischar●ed of contributions, impositions, and exactions all his reign. Richard the second. RIchard the second succeeding his Grandfather, took of the Clergy and laity, once the tenth of all their Lands, and ●hrice the goods of the Comm. the like entirely, and 6 times the ●…alf, twelve times a fifteenth, and 6 times the moiety. Parl. anno 2 & 14 R. 2 ●ui●. And had Anno the 21, granted one tenth to him, and a fifteenth ●nd a half of either of them yearly for term of life. From out of the Boroughs and Cities, thrice a full tenth, and ●…nce a moiety. Out of all merchandise, he received three years six pence in the ●…ound, and once twelve pence. And for every ton of wine and such commodities, six pence ●or two years, doubling it for as many, and trebling it for as many. The custom of wools, rated by Edward the first, at a Noble a ●●…ck, and under his Son increased as much more, was to this King ●wo shillings and eight pence, which single for eight years, he ●ad granted unto him, besides once for three years, and once for ●…ure, having after improved it to four and thirty shillings and ●…ure pence the sack. The sum of these Subsidies, in Anno decimo quarto, amounted un●… 160000 pounds. From out of the goods of the Clergy, he had eight tenths and a ●alfe, and once out of them and the laity together, besides a loan 〈◊〉 Anno quinto of 6000l. By the Poll, or Heads of all his people, from above fifteen years, ●e collected twice a contribution assessed proportionably from the Beggar to the Duke. Besides, in strength of prerogative only, of every ship and fish●r man six pence. The like of Newcastle coals, and of every last of corn, inwards and outwards the like sum. He also took their horses, armour, and cattle, (hinc factus est subditis invisus, saith the Bishop of London) and so it seemed, for at his deposing, it was one of the objected Articles, against him. He, the first year of his reign, imposed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Ancestors had done, a personal service, as Anno primo, that all the Clergy shall array, Armis & equis competentibus, from the age of 16 to 60. & eos millenis & centenis provisos facient. Thus under grievous burdens, the State laboured continually for his treasury, being wastefully emptied, was (as Tacitus saith) of Tiberius, scelere replendum, by which he meant the intolerable racking of the people. Tacit. lib. 2 And therefore crave to have his present Officers removed, and very hardly would be drawn any more to tax themselves, but conditionally, and with this limitation, that their money should be received, expended, and accounted for to themselves, and by Treasurers of their own election, and are content in the end to load his poor dejected fortunes, with the reproachful weight of these their many burdens. Rot. Parlia. anno 1 H. 4 nu, 2 Thus, you see, this unfortunate Prince, first brought into want, than into contempt, and last of all deposed; a most remarkable precedent, for these our times, had actions, and occasions, fitted opportunity and intentions. Henry the fourth. HEnry the fourth, in 13 years, out of the Lands of his people received twice relief, once Auxilium de medietate feodorum and again, a Noble out of every twenty pounds, throughout all his realm. Out of the goods of the Commons, four times a tenth, besides one for three years, and the like one and a half for two, and for three years, a poundage at eight pence once, and four times twelve pence, whereof the last was for four years. The like number and years of the tonnage, the first only rated at two shillings, the rest at 4 shillings the ton. Out of the moveables of the Clergy, thrice a tenth, and twice a moiety. As also out of every stipendiary Minister, friar, and such manner of persons six shillings and eight pence a piece. Besides all these, of all he took Anno octaevo, a contribution, It a gravia, that it was granted, Ea conditione, ne trahatur in exemplum, & ut eandem post datum computum cremareutur. Hist. Thora, Walsingh. Henry the fifth. HEnry the fifth his son next succeeded him, in whose nine years' reign, I find no charge imposed upon the Lands of his Subjects. Out of the goods of the Commons, he received six times the tenth and a fifteenth entirely, and once 2 thirds of Staple. Wares, once for sour years, and after for life. Three shillings tonnage and twelve pence poundage, thrice he had the tenth of his Clergy. And in the eighth year of his reign, when the Chancellor bewailed to him in Parliament the feebleness and poverty of the people, he, who of as many attempts as he undertook, Totidem fecit Monumenta Victoriae, yet for redress, and ease of those miseries, as Livy saith of an excellent soldier, pacem voluit, quia vincere potuit, and left in the ninth year of his reign, a peaceable successor and heir. Henry the sixth. HEnry the sixth, Nimium foelix malo suo, as the event proved; for retaining paternae Majestatis, nihil praeter speciem nominis, By fear, and facility laid the way open to his factious and ambitious kindred, to work themselves into popular favour, and himself into contempt, which was soon done by leading the easy King by expense into extremity. For, besides the resumption, he took on his own and his father's grants, which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of duty, and affection towards him, he, out of the old inheritance of his Subjects, exacted six pence in the pound, in Anno the 14 and doubled twice that valuation, not only of all Lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first, but all freehold and copyhold, under 200l. and two in twenty of all above. He further imposed, first 6s. 8d. and then 20s. upon every knight's fee. Out of the goods of the Commons, he had six tenths, whereof, one for three years besides three moieties, and one third of fifteens, three halves, one third, and eighth entire. Besides these former, out of the wools he had 37 thousand, 1071 raised by a moiety of a tenth. And again, of all goods 6 shillings and 8 pence in the pound of the merchants. Of Subsidies, rated as in former times, he had then by grant, once, but for a year trebled; for three and a half this subsidy was advanced to 33s. and 4 pence of denizens, and 53s. 4 pence of Aliens. Besides a subsidy, a loan of Aliens goods, tonnage, and poundage, improved to 6 shillings and eight pence. He took in his 18; year, and after the rates of his father's time, he took it first, thrice 10 years, then, as often for two years, and again by a new grant for five years, and in the end for term of his life. Of the Clergy, he had besides one half of Dismees, four entire tenths, and by the State in general in Anno the 31. of Hen. 6. Anno 3i H; 5 2000 Archers maintained for half a year at the Common charge. By the Poll, he exacted in Anno the eighteenth of every merchant stranger, if an householder 16 shillings a piece, if none six shillings. Anno 18 H; 6 And in Anno the 27; 6 shillings 8 pence of every such stranger, Anno 27 H; 6 and 20d. of their Clerks. In Anno the 13, he had granted for term of his life 10l. a year of all inhabitants, mere denizens, and 20s. of every stranger merchant that came into the Land. Anno 13 H; 6 The first Monopolies I find, were grounded upon the extremity of these times. The first Monopolies For in Anno the the 29, th' Spinalloes' Merchants of Genoa had by grant for 8 thousand pounds, the Sole trade of many Staple commodities, as the merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the same sum. Thus was this unhappy Princes reign all war and waste, and in the end, as one saith of Lepidus, A Militibus, & à fortuna deseritur, 〈◊〉 Patereu● 〈◊〉▪ he was left a while to a disgraced life, Spoliata quam tueri non poter at dignitate, A woeful example, and still fresh bleeding in our memories. Edward the fourth EDward the fourth, besides two Resumptions, not only of the grants of such Kings, as he accounted de factor: and not de jure to reign: But also of those made by himself, a sea of profit, that by infinite attainders flowed daily into his treasury, took not withstanding of the Lords spiritual and temporal only a tenth of their yearly possessions, and of the Commons six tenthes, three quarters, and the like proportion of fifteens. A Benevolence in An. the 14. which Fabian calleth a new contribution, and chargeth them in An. the 12. with the wages of his Archers, to the sum of 51117. l. Chron. Fabian Rot. Parl. anno 12. Ed. 4. nu. 8. Of the Merchants he took Tonnage and Poundage, for term of life; Besides of Merchants, as well Denizens as strangers a Subsidy, the two and twentieth of his reign, leaving his kingdom in the next, to the few days of his son. Edward the fifth. FOr, Ostendunt Terris hunc tantum fata; nec ultra esse sinent. Richard the third. RIchard the third his uncle succeeded, homo ingeniosissimèe nequam, & facundus malo publico; full of art to beguile the people; he to make a just semblance of his unjust entry, besides his act of Parliament full of dangerous untruths, dissembled the part of an excellent Prince, making the Commons believe by a statute, to which he gave first form of life, discharged them for ever of all exactions, called benevolences; so that in all his short and wicked reign I find recorded but once any tax upon the people, and that was tenths granted by the Clergy of both Provinces. Henry the seventh. HEnry the seventh succeeding, resumed in the third of his reign, most of the grants of Offices made by his brother, and assessed upon the Lands, only of his Subjects, but one aid, in Anno the 19 out of their goods and lands, a tenth penny, and fifteenth, arising to the sum of 120000. He took three Subsidies, whereof the last was not above 36000. pounds. And one benevolence, and an entire sum of the City of Lond. of 9688. l. 17. s. 4. d. Of the Clergy he had twice the tenth and 25000, pound, by way of Subsidy, and of them and the Commons two Loans, the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion, Ex litera missa. Abatistae Barking manu regis H. 7 Ex lib. Aquiet inter regem & Dudley but so assessed, as the Commissioners and the Lenders could agree, &c. But that whereby he heaped up his mass of Treasure: for he left in Bullion four Millions and a half, besides his plate jewels, and rich attire of house, was by sale of Offices, Redemption of penalties, dispensing with laws, and such like, to the yearly value of 120000. l. Henry the eighth. Henry the eighth his successor, reaping the fruit of his father's Labour, gave ease of burden to his Subjects, his first two years, taking within the compass of his other thirty four, three tenths of the Commons, four fifteens, six Subsidies, whereof that in An. quarto amounted to 160000 l. And that in An. the 7. to 110000. l. Tonnage he had and poundage also, besides many other taxatious, loans, and benevolences, which I here purposely omit, because I hasten to an end; I will therefore touch two of the most remarkable; and those were taken by strength of prerogative also, &c. The one was that in Anno the 17. acted by Commissioners, who as themselves were sworn to the service: so were they to swear all those with whom they did confer or contract, the rates directed by instructions, as the thirds of all goods, Offices and lands above ten pounds, and the fourth under. The other about An. the 36. Exacteth out of all goods, Offices, and lands, from 40 pounds to twenty, eight pence in the pound: and of all above twelve pence in the pound. And amongst the many Loans, there is none more notorious than that of the 14. which was ten pound in the hundred, Ex instruct: orig. an. 14. H. 8. of all goods, jewels, utensils, and Land from twenty to three hundred pounds, and twenty Marcks of all above, as far as the Subjects fortune revealed by the extremity of his oath would reveal. And to the Revenues of his Crown, he added a mass of treasure, by an inhuman spoil of sacred Monuments, and impious ruin of holy Churches, if God's blessing could have accompanied so foul an act. Edward the sixth. EDward the sixth his son, besides Tonnage and Poundage for life, in Anno the 1. received of his Lay subjects six fifteens; and of both three Subsidies, leaving one of the temperality ungathered with his sister. Queen Marie. QVeen Marie remitted in Anno primo of her reign, yet was she enforced to press upon her people; and besides the Loan in Anno 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament, she laid an imposition of six shillings eightpences upon Wines; and a new imposition upon French Wines, and took besides five fifteens of the Commons: and of them, and of the Clergy three years' Subsidies. Queen Elizabeth: QVeen Elizabeth her Sister, of happy memory succeeding, besides divers Loans of her people, and others in foreign parts, with the imposition upon clothes and French wines, had by grant of her subjects thirty eight fiftteens, twenty Subsidies, of the Commons, and eight and twenty of the Clergy: All which together rose to a sum of two Millions and 800000. pounds. Thus having at the last drawn down the many and mighty pressing burdens of this commonweal, which were, and have been taken, either by prerogative power, or by general grant, I hope by this time you perceive that His majesty's Taxations are not, nay have not been so frequent or usual, so many or intolerable; nor yet, either in quantity or quality to them in any degree comparable. Let us then see, in what or wherein His Majesty hath transcended: or wherein, or by what means those few (compared to this multitude) should lie so heavy, and be such a gnawing corrosive unto the subject's heart, that he, and he alone of all his Predecessors (excepting two and they had Competitors) must be by these firebrands of strife, and the very tempests of sedition, thus hatefully detracted; scorned and vilified. Is it for Tonnage, or Poundage? why that was taken by Edw. the second, Edward the third, Henry the fourth, Henry the fifth, Henry the sixth, Edw. the fourth, Henry the seventh, Henry the eighth, and Edw. the sixth. Is it for ships, or ship-money? why that was taken likewise by Wil. the conqueror, Ed. the second, Ed. the third, and Rich. the second. Is it for Monopolies? why that was first invented by Henry the sixth, and so hath since continued. Is it for ●essing all men by the Poll, or head? why that was done by Edward the first, Richard the second, and Henry the sixth. And yet I pray you, understand how it came to him, and observe the cause that first drew him into this want, and thus exhausted his Treasure, it was by reason of our good Brethren of Scotland's rising, (mistake me not, for I do not mean their fleshly, but their spiritual rising) who, like the Ammonites and Moabites were to the children of Israel, so were they at that present to us, like thorns in our eyes, and Goads in our sides. And thus, you see how far short his Majesty is, or hath been of his Predecessors to lay unusual, and unheard of taxations upon us; their little fingers having been heavier to them, than hitherto his majesty's loins have been to us. If then Hidage and Scutage, corn, wool, fleece, lamb, and other provisions; if tonnage and poundage, if ships, shipping, men, and moneys, if fessing by the Parish, by Cities and Boroughs, by Cenementale, or per Capita hominum, from the Beggar to the Duke, if new aids and Monopolies, if the twentieth, thirtieth, fourtieth, fifteenth, thirteenth, twelfth, tenth, ninth, eighth, seventh, fifth, and a third part of our Estates, goods, lands, and moveables; if these, I say, and many other grievous and heavy impositions, and burdens (as yet by him unpractised) have been heretofore frequently and usually taken, and levied, as well by prerogative power, as general grant; how then can his majesty's taxations be accounted unusual, his proceedi illegal, and his government tyrannical. Hath he pawned the imperial Crown of the Land, as Ed. the 3. and Hen. the 5 did. Hath he laid to gauge his royal Robes and Kingly ornaments, as Hen. the 3. did. Hath he to repair the breach of his own revenues, resumed the possessions of his people, as Ed. the 2. R. the 2. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Ed. 4. and Hen. the seventh hath done. Hath he of purpose, lost his great seal, thereby enforcing you to buy your Liberties, as Rich. the first did. Hath he alienated, or sold the possessions of the Crown, as H. the 3. Hen. the 8. and Queen Elizabeth did. Hath he done these things, is he guilty, or can he be justly charged with them, if not, seek ye not then to manacle his hands, or tie his feet in fetters, because it is unlawful to touch the Lord's anointed; and do but remember that he is our King, a man, and no God. But put case be hath, why, when neither frugality, or sale of Lands, would stop the gulf of want; our Princes have been so near beset, as with N●●●●●… and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their jewels, as for example: The Archbishop of York had power from Hen. the 3. in Anno the 26. (he then being in Wars beyond Sea) Impignorandi, Jocalia Regis, ubicunque in Anglia, pro pecunia perquirenda. Rot. Parl. anno 26 H; 3 M; 1 Rot. Parl. Claus. anno 2 Ed. 1 M; 7 Parl. anno 3 H; 4 Edward the first sendeth Aegidius Andevar, Ad jocaliasua impignoranda. Hen. the 4. in Anno the 3. to a Merchant for money, Invadiavit Tabellam, & Tressellas suas Argenteas de Hispania. Hen. the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester, and others, in Anno the 10. many parcels of his rich jewels. Parl. anno 10 H; 6 M; 13. And the late Queen Elizabeth, in the end of her days did the like, to ease her Subjects with many in the tower. And yet methinks, I hear some whisper in mine ear, and say, that his father's funeral, and his engagements left in his hour royal Marriage, and the Queen's entertainment, his Princely children's Births, and their royal Educations, his sister's calamities, and his nephew's infortunities, his Ambassadors sending, and Ambassadors coming, the repair of the Queen Mother, and her sending away, (a Sea of treasure this way exhausted from him) are sufficient Arguments herein, (if there were none other as there are many) to clear his actions and innocency, and utterly condemn their malice and impudence. And thus having, I hope, fully cleared this point by our own examples and authorities, let us, I pray you, throw ourselves a little further, and observe, and mark the State, practice, and government of foreign Nations herein, and it will express a little more life, and add a true lustre to it. And first, to begin with the Romans when they had gained the Monarchy of the world, so, as all Kingly power did rest in their Emperor. Julius Caesar. Julius Caesar laid the first imposition upon foreign merchandizes (saith Suetonius) and that imposition was, Octava rerum pars, which is more by a fifth part, than our highest imposition in England, for it is 2s. 6 pence upon the pound. Augustus Caesar. Next, Augustus Caesar, about the time of our saviour's Birth, sent out an Edict, whereby he did tax all the world, and that tax was Capitatio, or an imposition super Capita hominum, though the certainty thereof doth not appear, but the Poll money, which our Saviour himself did pay, and wrought a miracle to pay it, seemeth to be a high imposition, for the piece of money taken out of the fishes mouth, which is called a Dedrachma or Stater, is said to be worth 2s. 6d. sterling, which being for himself and Peter, that is 15d. sterling was given for a Poll, which must needs amount to an infinite thing, if it were collected out of all the world, then subject to the Roman Empire. Tiberius. Then Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus, took the 100 part of the price of all things bought and fold within the Empire. Caligula. After him Caligula the Emperor laid an imposition upon all Suits in Law, and took the fortiet part of the things sued for, set a price upon the Plaintive, if he compounded, or were nonsuited; and set a tax upon every Marriage contracted, or made within the whole Empire. Vespasian. Vespasian took more meaner, and homelier matters, for he took by way of imposition, a part of every poor man's labour, and Beggars alms, and likewise set an Impost upon urine and pleased himself with this apothegm, Dulcis Odor lacri, ex re qualibet. Severus. Severus the Emperor did impose upon the dishonest gain of the Stews, and took a part of the prostituts higher, (〈◊〉 the Bishop of Rome doth at this day) and all the Emperors before Tr●●●●, took the twentieth part of all legacies, and Lands, descended as things unlooked for, and therefore the heirs and Legatories might spare a part thereof. Nicephorus. Nicephorus, one of the Emperors of the East, did not only take (Fumaria Tributa) smoke money out of every chimney, but he laid an imposition upon every man's estate, that grew suddenly rich upon a strong presumption, he had found some hidden treasure, which did belong to the Emperor by prerogative. I could with a little more search, find out other impositions of several kinds, set by the Ancient Emperors upon the Heads of Beasts, upon the tiles of houses, and upon every pane of glass in windows; but let this suffice, how high they esteemed, and how far they extended their prerogative in point of impositions. I come now to the Kings and Princes of other Countries round about us, and let us see whether they have not, or do not make more profitable use of their prerogative than his Majesty hath done. France. And first for France, the most ancient and chiefest of the Neighbour kingdoms, the impost, not only upon Merchandizes, but also upon Lands goods and persons within the realm, are so many in number and in nature, so divers as it is a pain to collect them all. La tally, Le talon, Les Aides, Les equibolents, Les equipolents, Les Crues, or Augmentations of divers kinds, Le Tropi, or Benevolence, La Gabelle, upon Salt, amounting to an exceeding great value, the impost of Wines, Le halt passage, or demaine foreign, La merchandises, exported, Le solid de cinequantes, with many other, which for brevity I pass over, that are laid and leavyed upon the Subjects, by the absolute power and prerogative of the King. Spain. The next is Spain, where there is a general Imposition, by the name of Alcavala, imposed as well upon the Nobility as the Commons, which was at first raised by Alphonsus the twelfth, to expel the Moors; but afterwards it was made perpetual, and is now a principal part of the royal patrimony. Guttieres de Gabellis: this imposition was at first but the twentieth part; but afterwards it was raised to the tenth part of every man's estate, which doth far surmount the highest imposition that ever was laid in England by the King's prerogative, without consent of Parliament. This Alcavella is an imposition within the Land: but the imposition upon Merchandizes exported and imported are far more higher; for upon the In-gate of Indian spices into Portugal the King of Spain laid the greatest rates that ever were set in Christendom: although upon the out-gate they were more moderate. Italy. In Italy the Impositions and Gabell set upon every kind of thing by the States and Princes there, are intolerable; and in especial, upon the Towns and Territories that are subject to the great Duke of Tuscany, where there is not a root nor an herb, nor the least thing that is necessary for the life of man bought or sold in any Town, but there is a Gabell or Imposition paid for it, where no inn-holder, Baker, Brewer, or Artificer can exercise his trade, but the great Duke will share with him in his gain, where no man can travail by Land or by Water, but at every Barge, at every Ferry, at every Wharf or Key; and at every gate of a Town, the Gabeller arrests him; and is ready to set upon him naked, to search what goods he hath about him, for which he ought to pay a Gabell. The Pope's Territories. In the Pope's Territories, the impositions which his holiness doth lay upon his Subjects, as a temporal Prince, are as many and as heavy as those that are leavyed by the Duke of Tuscany. I will therefore omit to speak of the Exactions of the Court of Rome, which are infinite and in another kind, which long lay heavy upon all the Western Countries of Christendom, until of late years some nations did free themselves thereof, by rejecting the yoke of the Bishop of Rome. The signiory of Venice. In the signiory of Venice, the gabelles upon the Land are more moderate; than in other parts of Italy, wherein they observe a profitable and politic course; for upon the commodities of other nations, which are of goods in their commonwealth, they lay the easier impositions, sometimes five, sometimes seven, sometimes ten in the hundred; and upon all Manufactures imported out of other Countries, they do lay fifteen shillings of the hundred, which doth exceed the highest imposition in England five in the hundred at the least. The grand signior of Turkey. The grand signior of Turkey doth impose sometimes ten, sometimes twenty of the hundred upon Merchant strangers, who trade into the Levant. And I could speak of his other Exactions and impositions upon his vassals; But, that I think it not meet to compare that Regions Tyrant with the States and Princes of Christendom. Denmark. I could speak of the great Toll which the King of Denmark taketh of every ship, that passeth into the Sound, whereas the King of England being the undoubted Lord of the narrow seas, might take the like Toll, and by the same right of prerogative, if it pleased him. The Low-Countries. And last of all, for the Low-Countries, those Impositions which they call Excises paid by the Retailor of Wines, and other Commodities, and not by the Merchant are the highest, and heaviest in all Christendom (yet grow they rich, and therefore to draw, trade, and to invite all nations to commerce with them; and so to make their country a staple, store-house, or Magazine for all Europe; They do set, but easy rates upon Merchandizes imported; but when they have once gotten the commodity into their country, if any Merchant or other will export the same again, he shall pay a greater custom. Thus may it evidently be seen by these foreign examples, and comparisons; that his majesty's taxations have been far short of these designs; although I must confess, that his majesty of England, is as absolute a Monarch as any Emperor or King in the world, and hath as many prerogatives incendent, and adherent unto his Crown than any whatsoever, yet doth he not hold his Subjects fit to be beaten with Rehoboam's rod, and esteemeth them too good to be whipped with Scorpions; And therefore (God be blessed) we have not in England a Gabellor standing at every Towns-end; we have not a Publican in every Market; neither do we pay for every bunch of Radish, or branch of Rosemary sold in Cheapside; Neither have we any of those devouring Harpies amongst us which do swarm in other Countries. Nam sordidum putandum est Aurum, quod est lachrimis Oritur. And thus having now at length, both by foreign and domestic examples, as well out of history as Record, plainly proved, and made clear that his majesty's Taxations, neither were unusall, his proceedings illegal, nor (as hitherto) his government tyrannical: Let us I pray you search a little further, and see if we can find that wedge of gold, or that Babylonish garment, that throws him into this contempt, and renders him thus odious in the eyes of his too too zealous people (for true Subjects I dare not call them.) Me thinks, I hear some lost wretch say, Religion and Liberty. Rebellion I must confess had never but two Engines to put in practice their wicked and facinorous designs; and these are they which Machiavillian-like, under the shadow of fears and jealousies draws the giddy-headed multitude unto them, to their own confusion: for it hath always been a rule in reason, a trial in experience, and an authority confirmed by the best, that Rebellion produceth horrible effects: for men that are weak in wisdom, violent in will, weary of quiet, and desirous of change, are easily made serviceable to every aspiring mind. But let us see in which of them, or of the breach of which of them, his Majesty may be found guilty of. 1. Liberty. And first for Liberty: whose sheep or Oxen hath he injuriously taken away? whole Vineyard, or possessions hath he wrongfully detained? whose wise or daughter hath he ravished or deflowered? or whom hath he wittingly or willingly put to death? Nay, hath not (in a manner) the very sword of justice been snatched from him, and he enforced perforce to yield to that, (which upon my very soul) his own heart now lamenteth for. Hath he any ways infringed your Magna Charta? Hath he trampled upon your fundamental laws or customs? Hath he removed your landmarks, or demolished your buildings? Is not your Meum & Tuum in your goods, your Lands, and your estates, your own to dispose of to whom you will, to sell to whom you will, or consume how you will? hath he altered or done any of these things? or is he about to alter, or do any of them? if not, what makes these mutinies? what these aspersions? and what these inhuman dissensions? Oh, but we fear invasion and a sorraign enemy: Be ashamed, o ye of little wit, and fear not such umbragious shadows, which have hit herto cast you into a Lethargy of dulness, and stupidity. Open your eyes, and do but consider (if such a thing should be) who should sustain the greatest loss, his Majesty or you. His Majesty a free born Prince, and Monarchy, to which nothing can be added more. Yourselves, subjects; and if invaded and conquered, could be but subjects still. His Majesty, a King hereditarily, possessing three Kingdoms, should, for I know not what, and I know not to whom, subjugate himself, ruin his posterity, and lose his kingdoms, which if once lost were never to be regained, nor he, nor his posterity, ever to be established, but utterly destroyed, and confounded. You, as Subjects, if such a thing should be, for I hold it worthy of an if (because I hold it ridiculous) what lose you, a poor private estate, which otherwise may soon be lost, and as soon recovered. He is our King, and borne to command; we are his Subjects, and bound to obey; would we not then think it mere folly, and madness in him to disinvest, and utterly throw away from him and his posterity, this royal sovereignty, and willingly yield to base servility, I think we should, as if the greatest Princes in the world should envy the estate of some poor deformed Pilgrim. Oh, but here lies the Riddle, here lieth Anguis in herba and this is the Ivy knot for which I want a Mawle to penetrate and break in sunder: But sure it is a bone the devil hath cast in among you to gnaw upon, which I hope God in his good time will break in sunder, or else break his jaws that first threw it in. For take away sovereign authority and government, and then shall ambition strike free home; Pride shall disdain obedience, malice proceed to murder, theft deprive true possessors, idleness neglect labour, impiety scorn Religion, raging Tumult violate peace, and turn a happy state into miserable confusion; whereupon ensueth, that open Rebellion is often raised, Virgins deflowered, holy places polluted, houses burned, Cities defaced, laws despised, the whole earth confounded, and the power of God, and Majesty of Kings, either little regarded, or utterly forgotten: And thus much for your liberty. Religion. I come now to Religion, hath he not commanded that all the laws and Statutes made against Recusants should severely be put in execution? runs not the current of the Law free? hath he not willed, and doth he not will, that the true Protestant Religion established and practised in Queen Elizabeth's time of famous memory, should be maintained and professed? Nay, hath he not sworn, as he is a King, and as he hopes for mercy or favour to be shown either to him or his from God, (a greater asseveration, and from a greater person, I think cannot be) never to receive any, if he doth not really maintain, and seriously profess the true Protestant Religion, formerly established; and shall we then doubt? no, God forbid; for seeing in Conscience we are bound to believe an oath taken by a mean and ordinary subject, how much more are we bound to believe it coming from so great and good a King? I cannot dive into the secret thoughts of man, his heart being open unto none: Bat to the all-seeing eye of God: yet for me to believe otherwise, I should altogether condemn myself of barbarism; and in some manner of atheism; howsoever I know you have read both his many and often Protestations made in this matter. To the which I refer you seriously to consider, and Christian-like to construe, for your further and better satisfaction; and leave the event to him who far better knoweth when and where to give, than we know how, or what to ask. And be not like to those greedy fowls, that would have eaten up the Sacrifice of Abraham, before it could be offered with due solemnity unto God; Nor to that cruel murderer in Egypt, that went about to stifle infants in their birth: Nor like to that envious Sanballat, which suggested slanderous suspicions against the builders of the Temple, before the Scaffolds were set up. But stay your time, firmly believe, and God will give a remedy if there be a fault: and do not nuzzell up yourselves in that horrid and hellish Doctrine, That it is lawful for a Subject (either in point of Liberty or Religion) to take up arms against their lawful and anointed sovereign: for let me tell you, (and that truly) that it is but a very deceitful, and mere jesuitical position, it being neither justifiable by the Law of God, tolerable by the Law of Nations, nor yet commendable by the Law of Nature; for Nature should abhor it, all nations (excepting rebels) do detest it, and the very word of God itself doth utterly forbid it, and condemn it: And thus much for our Religion. And now having finished what my intentions were, and finding that neither Taxations, Proceedings, Government, Liberty, of Religion can be, or are the true grounds (although sinisterly imagined) of these growing evils, these distraction 〈…〉 ears, and jealousses, what shall I say, nay what may be said? Nam quo me vertam nescio: Be amazed therefore ye o heavens, and startle o ye earth, to think, that Cassius, yea, and Brutus should stab Caesar too: Wherefore, as the Prophet Jeremiah saith, so I conclude; O that my head were a fountain of water, and mine eyes a river of tears, that I might weep day and night for the sins of this people; and to send a period to these evils. FINIS.