Reverendus in Cristo pater ac Dominus D. Thomas Dunelmensis Episcopus Obijt Ano Aetatis 95 Episcopatus 44 Salutis 1659. ἹΕΡΟΝΙΚΗΣ, OR The Fight, Victory, and Triumph of S. PAUL. Accommodated To the Right Reverend Father in God THOMAS LATE L. BISHOP of DURESME, In a SERMON Preached at his Funeral, In the Parish Church of St. PETER at Easton-Manduit in Northamptonshire, on Michaelmas-day, 1659. Together, With the LIFE of the said Bishop. By JOHN BARWICK (now) D.D. And one of his Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary. Rom. 8.37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Phil. 3.17. Brethren, be ye followers together of me, and mark them that walk so, as ye have us for an Example. LONDON, Printed for R. Royston at the Angel in Ivy-lane, 1660. To his Sacred Majesty CHARLES the Second By the Grace of God KING of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. May it please your Majesty, IF my boldness in this humble Address be offensive, it is not the first time your Goodness hath been abused: and I hope that which occasions the fault, will pardon it. Your Majesty's Titles of Defender of the Faith, and Nursing Father of the Church, are so just by personal Merit, as well as Royal Descent, as may make it a fault on the other side equal to this presumption, if I should not prostrate at your Majesty's feet these Memorials of this Reverend and Learned Bishop for your Gracious Protection. I am sure it would be so (if I may have your Majesty's leave for it) not to embrace so happy an opportunity as this affords me, to acquaint the world with your Majesty's transcendent Goodness, not only to this late-languishing Church in general (which the world sees, and admires) but even to the meanest person related to it, whom your Majesty hath been pleased first to preserve, and then promote in it. It was such an unparallelled act of Goodness as may possibly fall as far short of future belief, as it exceeds all former precedents, that a Sovereign Prince should be willing to redeem the life of his meanest Subject with the exchange of one that had endeavoured to deprive him of his own: and it were a great breach of Charity to all your Majesty's Subjects not to let them see by this one Instance, how great a measure of happiness they may assure themselves of, by living in loyal and dutiful obedience to so gracious a King; which duty none has so great an obligation to teach, as he that was to reap the benefit of that unparallelled favour, and had hardly lived till this day to give this testimony to it, if your Majesty's Bounty in sustaining him in prison (when your enemies had robbed you even of Bread for your own mouth) had not been equal to your Goodness in the other particular. The world has so long admired these and your other Transcendent virtues exercised toward your Subjects in general, as now to be at leisure to look upon particular Instances; whereof there cannot be (the meaness of the object considered) any more remarkable than these: which as they have a long time laid a peculiar obligation upon me as your Majesty's Creature and Beadsman, so they do and will perpetuate it, over and above the Duty of Loyalty and Service which is common to others with him who is Your Majesty's most obliged, most Loyal and Dutiful Subject and Chaplain, JO. BARWICK. S. Luke's day 1660. TO THE READER. READER, I Cannot much accuse this little Book of not being Primus ad extremum similis sibi: I rather wonder (among its other faults) it should be guilty of no more of this, considering in how different air from the rest some part of it breathed in its birth, though all of it was born in the same Climate. The Subject of it is a Reverend, Learned and Pious Bishop; and that is all I can commend it for. If thou canst find more in it, the thanks are due to the Importunity of my Friends; If not, I cannot think worse of thee for being of my own Judgement. Yet I must confess my obstinacy to the Press was greater than my friends persuasions could have counterbalanced, if I had not received the first rise of my Adventure from his command who is most concerned in it; and that merely to obstruct the way to the publishing of what some others had (even then) written upon the same Subject, as far as concerns the Life of this Reverend Bishop. This made me go in a sure, though unusual path: For as far as his Memory would suggest, I received the Materials from himself (unless it was where his Modesty caused his silence) and in some particulars, where the difficulty of the matter, or fear of misunderstanding required it, I drew it into form even in his life-time, and read it to him, to the end he might correct the mistakes if any were. I instance only in one particular, which I always looked upon with much Caution, as having heretofore been the object of much misunderstanding to the hazard of the Peace of the Church And that is, how far this Reverend Bishop was personally concerned in the Declaration of King James of blessed Memory entitled, Concerning Lawful Sports to be used, etc. Concerning which, what I have written, I had not only the Materials from his own mouth, but also his full Approbation of the Wording and Form of it; from which (if it be not for some mistake in transcribing or Printing) I have not varied a syllable. In other particulars, where I could make out the matter, either by evidence of Fact or public Registeries, or his own Letters, I was unwilling to torture his great Modesty with unnecessary Questions. I desire no more, but that they may stand or fall according to the grounds on which they are built. Only let me beg thus much of thy Charity, as to believe that what I speak as from my own knowledge, is spoken in Truth and Sincerity. J. B. ERRATA. PAg. 112. lin. 19 read charging it, p. 116. l. ult. r. of his duty, p. 117. l. penult. r. here under-written, p. 118. l. 15. r, Testimony. The Reader is further advertised, First, That whereas pag. 109. the Bishop of Bangor is excepted from the Bishops that signed the Attestation to this Reverend Bishop's Protestation, the said Bishop of Bangor coming up to London since that sheet was Printed off, hath also very readily Subscribed to the same. And Secondly, That the said Protestation, and all the Attestations annexed, are by the L. Archbishop of Canterbury's command sent into his principal Registers Office to be preserved as a lasting Testimony of the evident Truth therein asserted. The Fight, Victory, and Triumph of the Holy Apostle St. PAUL. 2 Tim. 4.7, 8. I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a Crown of righteousness, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day. THese words are so exceedingly pertinent to this present occasion, that I cannot so properly call them a Text of my choice, as of my acceptance, for I know not any other that could stand in competition with it. It would be no digression (if the time would permit me) to show you in the first place, how well the Text might be accommodated to the Day. In the one we have a battle on earth, that brought St. Paul to Heaven, and on the other a war in Heaven, which was revealed to St. John on earth: Michael and his Angels, Apoc. 12.7. fight with the Dragon and his Angels in the Epistle for the day. But because it is the occasion rather than the day, that hath caused our present assembly at this place, I shall confine my discourse only to that: and then the first thing I shall observe from my Text, is, that it is a part of an Epistle, sent by the Apostle St. Paul to Timothy an Apostolical person, and a man of an Apostolical office, whom he had ordained the first Bishop of Ephesus, Verse 6. written at such a time when his departure was at hand, upon occasion of those corruptions which he foresaw would afterward be brought into the Church, by those that would turn away their ears from the truth, Verse 4. and would be embraced by the people of itching ears, that would not endure sound doctrine, Verse 3. but would heap to themselves teachers after their own lusts; and the end why the Apostle wrote it was to forewarn him of this mischief, and to instruct him what he should do upon this occasion, and to strengthen and encourage him, (by proposing his own example) against whatsoever he should suffer for the performance of his duty in this particular, in preaching the word, and being instant in season, Verse 2. out of season; in reproving, rebuking, exhorting with all long suffering and doctrine. And let us but look back one eight days, and we shall clearly see how well these very words would have become this Reverend person (whose Funeral hath this day occasioned our meeting) to have spoken to every one of us here present, whether Lay or Clergy; whether such as are in danger to be infected with those corruptions that are now got into the Church, (which are the very same for nature, and in a very high degree with those that are here foretold by St. Paul) or such as by their office and calling in the Church are bound to oppose them; seeing he was a Bishop, that is, a person of an Apostolical office, and such an one, whose care, as well as duty it was to oppose and beat down whatever was contrary to sound doctrine, and to instruct others what to do upon the like occasions: and that not only by his doings, but also by his sufferings, not only by his pen and preaching, but also by his Episcopal and Christian conversation, and that good example which he hath left us for our imitation of him both in his life and death. Let us then suppose to ourselves, what we may reasonably presume he would have said to us so few days ago; or let us but imagine we hear his Hearse preaching now to us, what he would then have taught himself, and what doctrine can we more likely expect from him, than what my Text will afford us, if we consider it with those circumstances I have already mentioned? Believe it, the Hearse of a person of his Sacred order and Exemplary piety, will be a powerful preacher to any devout soul, that duly considers it, and seriously lays it to heart; and therefore do but listen to that as supplying what was so proper and likely for himself to have spoken, and you may have a Funeral Sermon (though I should hold my peace) even from the words of my Text: I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith: Henceforth, etc. But yet that I may give you some assistance for your meditations, and some directions for your practice, let me desire your patience and attention while I consider these words. 1. First as I find them in my Text laid down by St. Paul. 2. As they may very fitly be accommodated to this Reverend Bishop. 3. As they may be applied to ourselves. The first consideration will represent them to us as a Sermon: the second as a Funeral Sermon proper for this occasion; the third and last as a Funeral Sermon useful to ourselves. 1. These words as they were written by St. Paul, contain in them these two general parts, answerable to the number of the verses wherein they are contained. 1. The work, ver. 7. I have fought a good fight, I have, etc. 2. The wages, ver. 8. Henceforth is laid up for me a Crown, etc. 1. The former consisteth of three several actions. 1. Fight a good fight. 2. Finishing his course. 3. Keeping the faith. 2. In the latter we have 1. The wages itself. 2. The paymaster, and 3. The payment. 1. The wages are described, 1. A Substantia, it is a Crown. 2. A Qualitate, it is a Crown of Righteousness. 2. The paymaster is described, 1. From his person, the Lord. 2. From his office, the Judge. 3. From his attribute, Righteous Judge. 3. Concerning the payment we may consider, 1. The title we have to it, in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, give, or (rather) render 2. The time whence it is payable: Henceforth, that is, from the day of his death. 3. The time when it will be actually paid, In that day: that is, the day of Judgement. Here is too large a task for so short a time, as is ordinary for this exercise; and therefore I must confine my discourse only to the former general part of my Text, and be brief in that too. More will not be necessary; for let us but take out this lesson well, and we need not be much solicitous for the other; let us but carefully and conscionably perform the work, and we may safely trust God for the wages. And in this point, that I may speak clearly, as well as briefly; I shall consider the words, first jointly together, and then severally apart, in relation to the three several actions already mentioned. 1. As they are taken jointly together, we may observe, that as very often elsewhere, so here in particular the Apostle alludeth to the manner of performing the Olympic Games among the Grecians: for my whole Text is a continued Allegory taken from those sports; and consequently, all the principal words which are in it, if we consider them in the literal sense, must be understood as terms altogether Agonistical. And therefore, as in those Olympic Games, there were several Champions that contended in fight, or cuffing, or wrestling, or driving of Chariots, in such a place of ground, or upon such a stage, for some honorary or reward (as a Crown of Olive or Laurel or the like) before such a person, who sat there to judge of the sport, and crown him that got the victory: so here in my Text, (1.) The Agonist or Champion is St. Paul: (2.) the stadium or place where this prize is played, is the world; (3.) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Combat, is his labour in the discharge of his Apostolical office, and patience in suffering persecution for righteousness sake: (4.) the victory, is his conquest over the Devil, the world, and the flesh, the hard hearted Jews and idolatrous Gentiles, the obstinate Heretics and perverse Schismatic, (5.) The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Reward, is that incorruptible Crown elsewhere mentioned by this Apostle, 1 Cor. 9.25. Jam. 1.12. Apoc. 2.10. 1 Pet. 5.4. called here the Crown of righteousness, by St. James and St. John, the Crown of life; and by St. Peter, the Crown of glory: And (6.) the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Judge that crowns the conqueror, is Almighty God, who is here called, the Lord, the righteous Judge. This being premised, as it will add great light to my whole Text, so more particularly to the two first particulars in the former general part of it, the Apostles fight a good fight, and finishing his course. For the Olympic games consisted chiefly in those four kinds of sport, Alex. ab Alexandr. Genial. dier. l. 5. c. 8. Nam palaestrâ pugnis, cursu & lucta certabatur. formerly intimated, fight, running, or Chariot-driving, wrestling and cuffing: and the Apostle plainly alludeth to the two first of them in those two actions, (my text being a perfect parallel to that of 1 Cor. 9.26. I therefore so run, not as uncertainly; so fight I, not as one that beateth the air:) And as for the third, that of keeping the faith, it signifieth nothing that is peculiar in itself, but is only a consequent upon the two former actions by way of constancy and perseverance, as I shall show you hereafter. 2. Having taken this short view of the words jointly together, let us now proceed to consider them severally apart; and than what we have hitherto looked upon in the Allegory, we shall see more clearly in the moral, or signification of it. The acts I told you were three, whereof 1. The first is St. Paul's fight, I have fought a good fight, where we may further observe, 1. The Combat itself, in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 certamen. 2. The Quality of it, in that he calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good fight. 1. For the former, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which here signifieth the fight or combat itself, may be taken either Actively or Passively; either for some great labour and pains in performing a work, or for some great patience in suffering for such a performance. So it was in the Olympic games, Multa tulit fecitque puer— the Agonist must both labour and suffer before he got the victory: and so it must be with us in our Christian conversation, S. Luk. 13.24. Heb. 12.1. we must both strive to enter in at the straight gate, and run with patience the race that is set before us. We have our pattern in both from St. Paul: what he did, is but briefly (and yet not entirely) recorded by St. Luke in the Acts of the Apostles, though it takes up that whole History for the most part; and what he suffered can hardly be expressed by his own pen, verse 23. etc. 2 Cor. 11. though what is there expressed will make another man shrink at the very reading of it. 2. For the Quality of this combat, it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good fight: and a fight in those sports was never accounted good, unless it had these two qualifications. (1.) It must be in a good cause: and (2.) it must be regularly and lawfully performed. 1. I will not here insist upon the mistake of the Grecians in the former qualification, concerning the goodness of their cause: a little breath of popular applause, and a small wreath of Olive or Laurel, together with an ambitious desire to be counted strong or active, nimble or valiant, was enough (as they mistook the matter) to denominate their cause good. But as for the other qualification, which maketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a fight to be good, which is (as this Apostle termeth it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to strive lawfully; 2 Tim. 2.5. that is a thing wherein the similitude will hold both in respect of St. Paul, and them, and us. For to do what was Bonum, but not Been, was a thing condemned by the very Heathens. It was nothing worth (even in their apprehension) to perform a good action, but not to do it as it ought to be done, because Bonum est ex integrâ causâ, malum ex quolibet defectu; there must be a concurrence of all the causes to denominate an action good: if it fail in any one circumstance it loseth that denomination. And now let us reflect our thoughts upon what I said (1.) concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or combat itself, that it consisted both in doing and suffering; and then (2.) add this to it which I have here observed, that this doing and suffering must not only be in a just cause, but also after a justifiable manner; and again (3.) in the last place, let us consider St. Paul not only as a private Christian, but also as an Apostle of Christ; and then, by laying all these together, you will have the full extent of this first Act, in the former part of my Text, both as it was performed by St. Paul, and transcribed by this Reverend Bishop; I have fought a good fight. But I must not wrong the subject of my discourse so far, as to speak of it only in generals; and therefore I shall now proceed to some particular instances, in which this good fight of the Apostle did consist, wherein he was so well imitated by the Bishop. And to clear my passage to it, I must first speak a word or two of the Agonist or Champion St. Paul; I have fought, etc. 1. Concerning whom, I cannot pass over this one observation, S. Chrysost. Hom. 9 in 2 Tim. cap. 4. which St. chrysostom hath suggested to my meditation: namely, how it should come to pass that this Holy Apostle, who was otherwise so humble and modest, should here, and upon this occasion, speak so highly of himself. In other places, when he speaks of his own person, he calleth himself the chief of sinners; or, 1 Tim. 1.15. Ephes. 3.8. at best 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, less than the least of all Saints: and when he speaks of his office, he dares hardly own it, but saith, he is not meet to be called an Apostle: 1 Cor. 15.9. and how then comes it to pass, that he should here so far alter his note, as thus to triumph before the victory? 1 King. 20.11 To brag as if he were putting off his Armour before he had well put it on? To proclaim with his own mouth what he had done, before he had made an end of his work? To boast of his conquest before he had encountered his last and worst enemy, which is death? 1 Cor. 15.26. To this I answer, that I hope every one that hears me will rest satisfied with that which satisfied St. chrysostom in this point, who had studied it throughly, because he had been much perplexed about it (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) often times, as himself confesseth; and that is, that these words were not spoken by way of boasting in himself, but of consolation to his Disciple Timothy. vers. 1, 2. For when we consider what a heavy charge he had laid upon him to preach the word, etc. together with the reasons of it taken from those corruptions that would in time infect the Church, Vers. 3, 4. which would require in him a great measure of labour and watchfulness, Vers. 5. and patience in suffering afflictions; we may well think it was now high time to comfort him with the words of my Text; (and the rather because this heavy burden would lie more heavily upon him now, then ever it had done before, seeing the Apostle himself was then ready to be offered up, Vers. 6. and the time of his departure was at hand;) and this he doth by proposing his own example in the work, and his confident hope of the wages: I have fought, etc. Henceforth is laid up, etc. 2 Tim. 1.4. How tender hearted this holy person Timothy was, will appear by his Tears, upon a small absence of St. Paul from him: and therefore it will not be denied, but that both it was necessary to comfort him upon this occasion, and that the words of my Text were very useful to that purpose. But the question may still (perhaps) be insisted upon, how St. Paul could propose these words as a ground of comfort to his Disciple Timothy, before he had actually done that work, which is represented by them, and upon which that comfort was to be grounded? St. Augustine puts the objection into my mouth (and a part of the answer to it: St. Aug. de peccat. mer. & remiss, lib, 2. c. 16. ) Quomodo potuit haec dicere, cui adhuc restabat ipsius passionis, quam sibi jam impendere dixerat, tam magna conflictio, tam molestum & grande certamen? How could St. Paul say, he had fought a good fight, when in the words immediately before, he saith, that the time of his departure was (but) at hand, which implieth that the greatest brunt of his battle was still to fight, when he spoke these words? To which I answer, 1. That I will not dispute, whether these words are to be understood of St. Paul's first answering for his life before Nero, (which was a thing then past without all dispute) or of his second, which was then to come: If the former, Vid. D. Ham. in loc. & Baron. Tom. 1. ad An. 59 num. 13, 14, 15. (as some very learned men are of opinion it was) the doubt will quickly vanish of itself; but seeing he speaks of his departure as a thing then at hand, (and not at 9 or 10. years' distance) I shall (for peace-sake) take the latter as granted; and answer, 2. That he had so good assurance and confidence in God's mercy, as to his constancy and final perseverance, as he looks upon the work as done already in effect, while it was but yet a doing; and himself as comprehensor, while he was only viator; or as a conqueror before the fight was fully ended. Quod futurum esse praesumpsit, tanquam factum fuerit judicavit, says the same Father in the same place. But then for the ground of this assurance and confidence to make that appear the more clearly, we must (as before) distinguish between the work and the wages; for these being at several distances, will require several Telescopes to represent them to our understanding. 1. For the work or fight, he foresaw it plainly as a thing then at hand, both by what he saw contrived against him at Rome, in Nero's Palace; and also as being instructed therein by divine Revelation; as some (a) Grotius in loc. & St. Aug. ubi supra. learned men are of opinion: and as Historians tell us the like of others since that time; as (for instance) (b) Pontius Di●c. in vit. S. Cyprian. St. Cyprian and (c) Vid. Baron Tom. 5. ad An. 407. num. 9 St. chrysostom in ancient times, and (d) Mr. Fox. Act. & Mon. Bishop Ridley, and (e) Life of Bp. Jewel in his works. Bishop Jewel of late. 2. But then for the victory and wages, I must be cautious in what I determine upon it. For I dare not say (though (f) Vid. Corn. a Lap. in loc. St. Anselm doth) that he foresaw this by any supernatural revelation of his own Predestination and Election; such an opinion as this, if it were once swallowed and applied to ourselves, might make us look so high into Gods unsearchable counsel, as not to see the rubs and precipices in our way to Heaven: I rather incline to those that direct us to cast our eyes downward upon ourselves, and to look inwardly into our own bosoms; and they will tell us, that this confidence, as it relates to the wages, proceeded ex fiducia bonae conscientiae, from the testimony of a good conscience grounded upon the goodness and sure mercies of God in Christ Jesus; as it was in the case of St. Ambrose upon his deathbed, Paulinus in vit. ejus. who was neither unwilling to live, nor afraid to die, only quia bonum habemus dominum, because he knew he served a gracious master. All this while I have spoken of the ground of his confidence, and not at all of the medium, by which the evidence of what he affirmeth was conveyed to him: for whether that was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or full assurance) of Faith, S. Aug. lib. 2. de peccator. mer. & remiss cap. 16. or only of Hope, is a question both too ticklish and too large to dispute at this time; and needless withal, seeing it seems to me to be determined by St. Augustine long ago, whose authority is very great in a case of this nature; and his words at large will confirm the substance of what I have delivered upon this whole point. Ideo talibus verbis (speaking of the latter verse of my Text) certus securusque gaudebat Paulus, quia de victoria futuri tanti certaminis certum eum securumque jam fecerat, qui eandem passionem jam illi revelaverat; non re certissima, sed spe plenissimâ haec dixit, etc. From which words you may observe, 1. That St. Augustine understands the words of my Text as an effect of St. Paul's joy, to comfort his Disciple Timothy, (gaudebat Paulus) and not by way of boasting in himself. 2. He tells us God had revealed St. Paul's sufferings to him, (passionem jam illi revelaverat) that is, his work; but speaks not a word of revealing his wages, but the contrary: For 3. the confidence he had of that (he tells us) proceeded ex spe firmissima, from a full assurance of Hope. And let this suffice to have spoken of the Agonist or Champion St. Paul. 2. I proceed now to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or fight itself, which we are to understand (as I formerly told you) (1.) both Actively for what he did, and Passively for what he suffered: and this again (2.) is called a good fight, both for the justice of the cause, and justifiableness of the way and means by which it was managed; and (3.) last of all this good fight was fought by St. Paul, both as a private Christian, and as an Apostle of Christ. 1. As an Apostle, he fought Actively in what he did, and in this particular he is set out unto us as a singular Champion, to be admired in some things, rather than imitated by us. He sustained (and that daily) the care of all the Churches; he preached Christ, 2 Cor. 11.28. warning every man, Col. 1.28, 29. and teaching every man: he laboured, striving according to the working▪ that wrought in him mightily: 1 Cor. 15.10. he laboured more abundantly than all the rest of the Apostles. 2. As a private Christian he fought Actively; Ephes. 6.12. and that against principalities and powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places: nay, rather than want an enemy he would fight with himself, he kept under his body, and brought it into subjection, 1 Cor 9 ult. lest when he had preached to others, himself should be a castaway. And then again, he laboured and fought no less in what he suffered, 2 Cor. 7.5. then in what he did; he had his fears within, as well as his fightings without: and that again both in respect of his person and office. When he was called to be both a Christian and an Apostle, they were both comprised under this general notion of suffering; Act. 9.16. I will show him how great things he must suffer for my name's sake, says our blessed Saviour from Heaven: and we find it verified in him through the whole course of his life. He suffered shipwreck thrice: 2 Cor. 11.25. Gal. 5.11. Phil. 3.8. he suffered persecution; he suffered the loss of all things. He suffered much more than I can tell you, so much as would almost pose himself to express. And yet (as though it had been only a sport to him) like the crecket he sung in the fire; he rejoiced in his sufferings, Col. 1.24. and thereby filled up that which was behind of the afflictions of Christ in his flesh. He knew, and made us to know, Heb. 2.10. that the Captain of our salvation was made perfect through sufferings: and he knew withal, S. Mat. 10.24. that the Disciple is not above his master, nor the soldier better than his Captain; and therefore he was ready to suffer all things, knowing most assuredly that if he suffered with him he should also be glorified together with him; Rom. 8.17. and that those light afflictions which were but for a moment, 2 Cor. 4.17. would work for him a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. To sum up all in a word, he both laboured and suffered; and that both as a Christian, and as an Apostle: 1 Thess. 2.11. he laboured night and day with his hands, as a private person, that he might labour in the discharge of his Apostolical office, without being chargeable to any man. 2. All this while I have spoken of this fight, as it is taken in itself, merely in relation to the substance of it; but however, by what I have said, you will see (in part) it was also a good fight for the quality of it. 1. It was good, in respect of the justice of the cause in which he both laboured and suffered, both as a Christian and as an Apostle. S. Chrys. ubi▪ supra. It must needs be a good fight (saith St. chrysostom) when we fight 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Christ, whatsoever hardship we endure by it, whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, prisons, or bolts, or death itself. It must needs be a good fight when we fight for the Gospel, Ephes. 6.16. against the fiery darts of the Devil, the pomps and vanities of the world, and the sinful lusts of the flesh: but especially when it is managed by such a person, as this great Apostle, Phil. 1.17. who was set for the defence of the Gospel, and that against all opposites whatsoever, Jews and Gentiles, Heretics and Schismatics. And such was this fight in my Text; he fought the good fight of faith, 1 Tim. 6.12. Gal. 6.12. S. Judas ver. 3. and he suffered persecution for the Cross of Christ: he did earnestly contend for the faith once delivered to the Saints, both by his doings and sufferings. He fought with beasts at Ephesus, 1 Cor. 15.32. while he planted the Gospel there; and he suffered persecution at Lystra, Acts 14.19. while he planted it there. Whatsoever he either did or suffered in any place, was undertaken and undergone chiefly and principally for the planting and propagating of the Gospel of Christ, as he was an Apostle; but yet so, as still to have a care of his own soul as a Christian, that while he preached to others, 1 Cor. 9 ult. himself should not become a Reprobate. This for the justness of his cause. 2. His fight was likewise good, for the justifiableness of the way and means by which he managed it. He gives it as a general rule to all others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Tim. 2.5. to strive lawfully, to manage their fight according to the rules of war, without which no man ought to be crowned as a conqueror: and therefore, seeing he speaks of the crown of righteousness, as a thing undoubtedly laid up for him; we may be sure he would not forfeit his title to it, for want of performing this condition. Whatsoever good he did, he did it well; and whatsoever persecution he suffered, it was not only in a good cause, but with such an excellent mixture of courage and meekness, of patience and comfort, as might very well become a Christian sufferer, and the cause of God wherein he suffered. Whatsoever he did in these conflicts, was by the power of the spirit of God that strengthened him, Phil. 4.17. (and by that power he was able to do all things:) and whatsoever he suffered, it was according to the will of God for whom he suffered it: and then come life come death, Acts 21.13. all is one to him; he was ready not only to be bound, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus. Thus much for the first action: I have fought a good fight. 2. The second now follows; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have finished my course, or rather, I have performed the race: for there is not a possessive in the sentence, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may as well signify to perform as to finish. And here I take it for granted (though I cannot deny but some are of the contrary opinion) that the Apostle in these words alludeth to another kind of game, than he did in the last. In the former words he spoke of fight or combating, in these of racing or running. To this he expressly alludeth, when he tells us he had not run in vain; Phil. 2.16. to this he earnestly exhorts, when he calleth upon us to run with patience the race that is set before us. Heb. 12.1. 1 Cor. 9.26. They are clearly distinguished in a parallel text, which I formerly alleged, and so they ought to be in this place without all question. I know very well that by finishing his course, some interpreters understand no more, than his constancy in the fight, till he got the victory: but this is doubtless a mistake in the phrase: For it is clear enough from several texts, that he was not a conqueror in one thing only, but in several; that he performed the part cursoris agilis, as well as boni pugilis; not only of a stout fighter, but also of a nimble runner; and herein he outstripped most of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; very few in the whole list of the Olympic conquerors got the victory at more prizes than one; as St. Paul did here both in the fight of faith and course of Christianity. And that again, both as a private Christian, and as an Apostle of Christ: for the word running is a Metaphor that is applied very significantly to both in holy Scripture. St. Paul himself will be his own expositor, as to this particular, Chap. 5.7. in his Epistle to the Galatians, where we find that both they to whom he wrote (who were private persons) had run well, and that he himself, Chap. 2.2. who was an Apostle of Christ, had not run in vain. Every servant of God is obliged to run the way of his Commandments, when God hath set his heart at liberty; Psal. 119.32. but the task is doubled upon St. Paul as an Apostle of Christ; because his office was concerned in it, as well as his person. And accordingly it is the expression of holy David, Psal. 147.15. that the word of God runneth very swiftly; and both the Prophet Isaiah and this Apostle tell us, Isa. 52.7. Rom. 10.15. that the feet of them that bring the glad tidings of the Gospel of peace are very beautiful. Nay, so swift are they, and so beautiful, that what the Psalmist speaks of the Heavens, the most beautiful and swift of all Gods visible creatures, is by St. Paul applied to the Apostles; their sound is gone out into all the earth, and their words into the ends of the world: Ubi supra. and St. chrysostom seemeth to give the priority to St. Paul before all the rest of the Apostles in this particular; when he compareth his course to that of the Sun, Psal. 19.5. which (we know) cometh as a bridegroom out of his Chamber, and rejoiceth as a giant to run his course: nay, he preferreth it before that of the Sun, for the purity of it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and before that of a Bird for the swiftness: and when we consider how much the light of the Gospel is to be preferred before the light of the Sun, and in how short a time this holy Apostle had communicated it to all the world, from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum, Rom. 15.19. we shall find more of admiration in the work, then of Hyperbole in St. Chrysostom's expression, though he was a most excellent Orator. 3. And now I have done with those two acts, which had immediate and particular relation to the Olympic games, St. Paul's fight and his running. The third and last which now follows, doth not (as I told you) import any thing peculiar in itself, and yet it is of very great importance; it denoteth only a super-addition of constancy and perseverance to both the other, fighting and running. I know very well, that some expositors understand the word [Faith] in the common and ordinary literal sense, as it signifieth the Christian faith, or sound doctrine, which this blessed Apostle kept inviolable, though Demas and others had forsaken him in the defence of it; Verse 10. and some would not so much as endure to hear of it. Verse 4. But yet others (and better interpreters) will not allow this to be the immediate signification of the word. For (in my apprehension) it is very strange, that this word should be taken in the ordinary literal sense, when all the rest of the context, both before and after it, must of necessity be interpreted by an Allegory. It is true indeed, that if by the word [Faith] we understand fidelity, (as sometimes it signifieth in holy Scripture) it will be very pertinent to this place, even in the literal sense, and will also perfectly consist with the Allegory; seeing that the faith (or fidelity) of any one that either fought or ran in the Olympic games, obliged him to constancy and final perseverance; without which there was no hope of getting the victory, or obtaining the Crown for which they contended. And that this is the genuine sense of the word in this place, is not only probable by these reasons here alleged, but may be further confirmed by the opinion of the most and best interpreters, both ancient and modern; and these latter again, both of the Roman and Reformed Churches. If you desire an instance, St. Aug. de Gra. & lib. arbit. cap. 7. Primas. Cor. a lap. & Calvin. in loc. you may have it in St. Augustine and Primasius among the Ancients; and among the late writers in Cornelius a Lapide and Calvin, to say nothing of the rest. And now that we have seen the meaning of the word, let us see how well the Apostle performed the work; and that was in such a way and manner, as became him to do, and will become us to follow him in it. Acts 24.14. For it was not the black brand of Heresy, which the Jews would have cast upon him; nor the reproach of a Babbler under which he suffered among the Athenians. Acts 17.18. Acts 24.1, 2. It was not the information of Ananias the high Priest; nor the accusation of Tertullus the Orator: Acts 23.12. It was not the conspiracy of the confederates at Jerusalem; Acts 14.19. & 19.28. Acts 13.10. & 16.22. nor the fury of the zealots at Lystra or Ephesus: It was not the subtlety of Elymas the sorcerer, nor the violence of the Magistrates at Philippi: Acts 25.23. 2 Cor. 11.32. It was not the splendour of the civil pomp in Agrippa and Festus, nor the terror of the military power in the Governor of Damascus: It was not any of these, nor all these, nor any other thing whatsoever, no not the fear of death itself, that could stop him in his course, or divert him from his fight, while his life continued. He was constant in both till his mortality put on immortality, and this life was swallowed up of a better. He did not give over the fight till such time as he had got the victory; nor cease his running, till he had obtained the prize: but he kept the faith, till his faith was turned into fruition: he was faithful in the work, till he received the wages: or at least till he had got so good assurance of them, as he could say in full confidence: Henceforth is laid up for me a Crown of righteousness, etc. 2. And this would bring me to the second general part of my Text, but only that there still remaineth a second and more peculiar part of my task upon this first. I have held you hitherto only with a Sermon, I must now make it (1.) a Funeral Sermon for this Reverend Prelate; and (2.) such a Sermon as may be useful to ourselves, by some brief application, though I hope the former will in part supply the latter. And here I know some will expect that I should (as the manner is) give you an account of his whole life, from his cradle to his grave; but therein I must be forced to frustrate your expectation. Such a thing may be done where the life is but of a few years, and most of that life not so much a living perhaps as a being in the world. But in this case such a thing cannot be expected with any reason, after so long an exercise of your patience; considering of how long continuance his life hath been (an hundred years wanting five) and how much of that time he hath employed in the eminent and weighty office of a Bishop almost 44. years, (in which respects I think he hath not left his equal behind him in Europe) but especially considering that there is hardly a day in those years, nor scarce an hour in that day, whereof some good account may not be given, if I should go about such a thing. And therefore seeing I must of necessity omit much that might be said in this case according to custom, I shall confine my discourse to that which cannot be omitted without violating my Text, and prevaricating in a good cause. And for the rest (if God permit) I may have occasion hereafter to give the world an account in some brief narrative of his Life. You have seen the copy already in St. Paul: I shall now endeavour to show you how well it was transcribed by this Reverend Bishop, who was as great an admirer of him as I have known, though indeed no man can sufficiently admire him. It is this Apostles exhortation to us all, 1 Cor. 11.1. to be followers of him, as he was of Christ; and it was the special care and endeavour of this pious Bishop, to yield obedience to that exhortation: we have already seen (as far as my Text led me to it) how well this Apostle followed Christ: it now remains I should show you how well this Bishop followed the Apostle in those particulars I have already insisted upon. And here in the first place (if I would allow myself that liberty of wand'ring from my Text, which too many others assume in the contrary cause) I could bring my first parallel from their offices in the Church, the one an Apostle, the other a Bishop, and show you (even from St. Hierome himself, whose authority is so much urged against Bishops) how little difference there is between them; seeing (as that Father tells us) (a) S. Hieron. in Psal. 44. pro patribus tuis nati sunt tibi filii.] Fuerunt. O Ecclesia, Apostoli patres tui—— Nunc autem quia illi mundo recesserunt, habes pro his Episcopos filios, etc. Bishops succeed the Apostles in the Church, as a Son doth his Father in his inheritance: and consequently that (b) Idem. ep. 54. ad Marcel. Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent, etc. Bishops do now sustain the place of the Apostles: or (to come closer to my Text) that a (c) Idem. Ep. 1. ad Helidor. Non est facile stare loco Pauli, tenere gradum Petri, etc. Bishop is to us instead of St. Paul. But this is a subject too large for this time, and neither proper for the place, nor suitable with the Text and my present intention. For it is their actions and sufferings, their fight and their course, and not their place or their office which my Text leads me to, to make up the parallel; and even in that I must stint my discourse from those limits which I first intended. When I first observed in St. Paul's fight, the substance and the quality of it; branching the former into his actions and sufferings, and the latter into the justness of his cause, and justifiableness of the way of managing it; and that again both as an Apostle and as a Christian; my intentions were to have showed you in the parallel, what this Reverend Bishop did, and what he suffered, both as a Bishop and as a Christian; and again, how good his cause was, the cause of God and his Church; and how Christianly it was managed, without running either to the (d) 2 Reg. 1.2, God of Ekron, or to (e) 1 Sam. 28.8 the Witch of Endor, without (f) Dan. 3.12. worshipping the golden image, or vailing the bonnet to (g) Jud. 8.33. Baal Berith, without committing murder in the fear of God, or shutting up Churches for the propagation of the Gospel. And then in the second place, my intention was to have extended the parallel, to his imitation of the Apostle in the whole course of his life, in running with him the same race that was set before them both: and then last of all, to have showed you how well he kept the faith till his last gasp, both in his fight and running. And I hope I shall say something to all these particulars, though neither so largely nor so methodically as I once intended. The first thing mentioned by the Apostle here in my Text, is the good fight which he fought: and the like (according to the proportion of his ability) was performed by this Bishop. 1. His whole life was a fight, even as he was a man, Job. 7.1. Militia est hominis vita super terram; but a far greater fight as a Christian, because it was not against flesh and blood, Ephes. 6.12. but against spiritual wickedness in high places. The greater the difficulties are against which we strive, the greater is the fight, and the victory the more glorious; and so the case was with him, considered as a Christian, and so it still is, and ever will be with us. For our enemies in this battle are the Devil, the World and the Flesh; and all of them completely armed, the world with power, the flesh with treachery, and the Devil with subtlety. Yet such hath been the power of God's grace in this great Champion, that he hath got a clear conquest over them all, and left us his good example both for our encouragement and imitation. 2. But these enemies being common to others with him, (though seldom subdued by any so well as by him) I shall rather divert my discourse to the other branch which I proposed, and show you what a hot encounter he did undergo in respect of his office in the Church as a Bishop; and that both in what he did and what he suffered. And in this God was pleased to deal very graciously with him, as indeed he did in all other things; for while he had strength, he wanted not opportunities to be doing something for the good of the Church; and when that began to decay, God was still graciously pleased to assist him with a plentiful measure of his grace, to suffer patiently for righteousness sake. In all ages the office of a Bishop was enough to engage the person that sustained it in a fight of action: and of late the very name of a Bishop was more then enough to engage him in the fight of suffering: I pray God forgive them that occasioned it. They might have foreseen at first whither it naturally tended, and cannot but now see what it hath undoubtedly brought upon themselves, as well as others; since the quarrel was improved against all the other offices of Ministry in the Church, which at first was commenced only against the Bishops. Nay, the very Church itself (if we look upon her as a branch of the Holy Catholic Church of Christ, which we profess in our Creed) is now at last assaulted by those that will allow of no Churches, but of their own gathering, which is a thing of more dangerous consequence than most are aware of: I pray God I may be a false prophet in this thing, when I tell you my fears, that the end of it (if not timely prevented) is like enough to be confusion and Atheism, which begin already to flow in upon us, or rather to overwhelm us. How worthily this our Champion hath carried himself in this fight, is a thing so well known as I shall not need to enlarge my discourse upon it. Witness those many learned Volumes he hath written against all the adversaries of this poor afflicted Church of ours, of what party soever, especially those in the Roman Communion. And the manner of his writing brings him very pertinently under the first branch of my Text in two several respects. For first his custom was to disarm the enemy (where possibly it might be done) and turn their own cannon upon them, by making use of their own confessions against themselves: and secondly, the word fight was in a manner peculiar to him above all other polemical divines that I have seen, in that his arguments which he bringeth to establish his own cause, are most commonly concluded with a challenge to his Adversaries. While he was thus engaged against a puissant enemy in the front, a peevish enemy from an ambuscado charged him and the rest of his Reverend Brethren and fellow Champions in the Rear. I cannot but say he foresaw him, because it is clear he endeavoured to prevent his design in his Book of the three Innocent Ceremonies, printed above forty years ago: but yet I cannot deny, but if all of us had buckled ourselves more vigorously against him before the Cockatrice egg broke out into such a dangerous serpent, the other Adversary had never got half the advantage against us which now he hath, by making use of these as his Auxiliaries and Instruments. For whatsoever they may outwardly pretend, they cannot better be resembled to any thing than Samsons Foxes, Jud. 15.4. tied by the tails, with firebrands between them; though hitherto they look several ways, they agree well enough to burn up all the good wheat in this field of our poor afflicted Church. How careful this our Champion was to suppress this Monster before it was perfectly fledged, will appear by two Excellent Sermons of his now in print: the one preached with great applause at Newcastle, (on Rom. 13.1.) before it had got the wing over Tweed; and the other with no less, since that time, in St. Paul's Church in London: (on 1 Cor. 11.16.) In the former whereof he teacheth the duty of subjects towards their undoubted Sovereign; and in the latter, the duty of all Christians towards their lawful Superiors in the Church; the want of which two duties hath opened those two great sluices of Sedition and Schism, which then began to flow in upon us, and since that time have almost utterly drowned us. It is the part of a good soldier when he finds his first design not like to take the effect he desireth, to have another in reserve; and our Champion was not wanting in this neither: for when the Pulpit was shut against him, he put on a stronger resolution to supply that in private with his Pen, which he was not suffered to perform in public with his tongue. Printed at Oxford. 1644. And to this we owe that little Treatise of his (though printed without his name) entitled Confessions and Proofs, etc. which he compiled from the suffrages of the most learned Protestants of foreign Reformed Churches, in defence of the sacred order of Bishops, and which he hath since enlarged, and fitted for a second Impression: I wish I could say the like for two other little Treatises, which were designed by him, but not brought to perfection, the one in defence of Infant's Baptism, the other against the poisonous doctrine of the Antinomians. His Printed Books are so well known to the world, as I need not speak of them; and therefore I have brought these instances out of his papers, that I may tell you something more than the world knows of him. All that I shall need to add is, that while he was engaged in these conflicts, he was again alarmed by a nameless Romish Adversary, with a mask of J. S. before his face, and the title of Antimortonus before his Book; whereunto he had prepared a full and large Answer about a dozen years ago; though since that time (by some misadventure or other) I find those papers have lost much of their former perfection. In these quarrels was he engaged, and charged thus by several adversaries both in the front and rear, for very many years after his age had exceeded holy David's span; Psal. 39.6. even for a good many years after it was passed fourscore, when (in the Holy dialect) our strength is nothing but labour and sorrow; Psal. 90.10. insomuch as (excepting one little Treatise of God's providence in his Meditations upon the vision of ezekiel's wheels) we may say he died in the field, though he was not vanquished. Sueton. & Xiphilin. in Vespas. Mori potuit, succumbere non potuit. That saying of Vespasian [oportet imperatorem stantem mori] may very properly be accommodated to this our Champion, who fought a good fight and kept the faith till he had finished his course here upon Earth. All this while I have instanced only in those conflicts which he undertook in matters of Doctrine; but to make up a complete Christian soldier, there will be requisite some perfection of manners, as well as integrity of faith; but much more to make up a good Bishop. And this appeared in him very conspicuously through the whole course of his life, and will bring in the second Act of St. Paul mentioned here in my Text. 2. I have finished my course: upon which words I might have just occasion to speak of the whole course of his life, during the whole time of his pilgrimage here upon earth, but only that it is a task much too large either for my time or your patience. It might perhaps be some satisfaction to your curiosity, but little advantage to your edification, to tell you either the place of his birth, or of his education, or of his several offices and dignities in the Church: but to tell you how much he adorned the place of his birth, and how much he profited under those from whom he had his education, and how well he discharged himself in those several places and offices he sustained in the Church, this may and will be much more useful to us. And these three have such immediate dependence one upon another, that I need but speak of one of them for all. For the good discharge of his offices in the Church declareth how much he profited by his good education, and both of these together will make a new addition of honour to the place of his Birth, (the City of YORK) though that hath been very famous for many generations. I do not now speak of his great learning, whereof I have given you so many instances already, but of his singular piety and exquisite carriage in matters of Morality, which he expressed in a grave, virtuous and Christian conversation, attended with much sweetness and affability all his life long. And in this he was so eminent, that none of his greatest Adversaries (and many great ones he hath had) could ever affix any reproach upon him for any defect in this particular; though their eyes were sharp enough to pry into his actions, and their mouths wide enough to censure them, if it had been in the power of malice to have done it. To say he had no failings, were to deny he was a man: and I knew him so well, as I could expect but small thanks from him if he were alive, if I should deify him now he is dead; nor could I hope to find credence from you in what I say of him, if I should speak any thing that might justly be interpreted a flattering of his memory. But however this I dare boldly say of him, that no man I ever knew was more excusable in his failings then he was. For if we reduce them to their true original, it will prove to be, that he was so clear and upright in his own conscience as to think every man truly conscientious that pretended to be so: he was so real a Christian himself, as made him unwilling to believe there was such a thing as an Hypocrite in the world. When I have said this I have prevented all that calumny itself can object against him: and that will cut off much that would otherwise be necessary to have spoken of him. For this one rub being removed, the whole course of his life was so smooth in a godly, righteous, and sober conversation, as will render him truly one of St. Paul's Disciples; and successor in virtue as well in office to Titus the first Bishop of Crete; whom this great Apostle instructeth to live soberly, Tit. 2.12. righteously and godly in this present world: 1. Soberly, in respect of himself: 2. Righteously, towards all men; and 3. Godly, in relation to God Almighty. This was the holy Apostles precept, and this was the Reverend Bishop's practice; I mean the Bishop of DURESME, as well as the Bishop of CRETE. 1. He lived soberly, in respect of himself. His meat was neither much nor delicate, his drink neither strong nor plentiful; and never between meals, till infirmities of age made it necessary for him. And as for his clothes they were always as mean, as were worn by any man of his rank and quality whatsoever; and he seldom had any change, for when he made any new, he usually gave the old ones away. In all these he was so far from the least degree of curiosity, even then when he seemed to represent the person of Moses, as well as Aaron, when his Ecclesiastical office was attended with a kind of Temporal principality; that he never troubled his thoughts either with what he should eat, or drink, S. Mat. 6.32. or wherewith he should be clothed, nor knew what it would be, till such time as his servants had provided it for him: and then that which was coursest was most welcome to himself, though his hospitable table abounded with all manner of varieties, when the quality of the persons he entertained did require it. His ordinary saying was that the best Rule for diet was to observe none at all: but yet the most ordinary course which he used, was to eat but once a day. He lived a very great number of years, and very few ever husbanded their time better, for he was never idle with his good will: Wisd. 4.13. so that if a man may be said to fulfil a long time, that improves his time well though he die young: how long may we say did he live that numbered so many years, and misspent so little time as he did? He was often up at his devotion and study before four a clock, even after he had lived above fourscore years; and yet very seldom went to bed till after ten, and then had always a servant to read some Book to him, till such time as sleep did surprise him: and so had he always when he traveled in his Coach, that his journey might not be too great a hindrance to his study. 2. He lived Righteously towards all men, without out doing the least wrong to any, even then when the advantages he had to do it, added much force to the strength of the Temptation; when his extraordinary power in Temporal as well as Ecclesiastical affairs within the County palatine of DURESME, might have afforded him very many opportunities to be partial to some, and oppress others. I have often heard him speak it with much thankfulness to God that he could say with Samuel in the integrity of his heart; 1 Sam. 12.3. Whose Ox have I taken? Or whose Ass have I taken? Or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed? Or of whose hand have I received a bribe to blind mine eyes therewith? And in this we may the more easily believe him, when we consider his great equity and liberality: for equity is correctio juris legitimi, a self denial in his own right, and liberality is the giving away his own estate. The former he practised ordinarily in Wardships, Wracks, and Deodands, and upon several other occasions: rather than any man should think himself aggrieved by him, he would be the loser himself: he never was Plaintiff in any Law suit but once, and then let the Action fall when he saw the Declaration drawn up so far above the truth. And then again for his liberality (which implieth his righteous dealing à fortiore, Psal. 37.6. and will make it as clear as the light, without all dispute) it was so great, as he never cared for money, but to give away, or do some other good with it, as all those that knew him can abundantly testify. 3. He lived Godly in this present world. His conversation was such for piety and devotion, as well became a Christian and a Bishop: his fasting, his Prayers, his Alms and other exercises of Godliness were both frequent and affectionate. He would often forgo, or at lest much moderate, that one meal a day, which he ordinarily allowed himself: he would often deny himself some part of that pittance of time which should have been for his sleep, to rise up out of his bed and spend in Prayer, as I have heard from those that attended him in his Chamber. And as for his almsgiving while he was suffered to enjoy his Estate he had his Beadsmen in Livery at a constant Table, beside what he gave away at his Gate, and upon other occasions. Nay, so constant was he in this duty, even then when he had hardly so much left as to afford bread for his own mouth, that he had always a certain number of poor impotent persons in constant pension, that came weekly to him for a plentiful allowance when he was not able himself to go among them to give it: and this will be abundantly testified by the Poor in all places where (of late) he hath lived. And then for his severity to himself, by way of outward Mortification, it was so great (though much concealed) as few of his Adversaries (even those that pretend to make it their work) will be found to go beyond him. It will hardly find a parellel in this nice and delicate age wherein we live, that a person who had lived so many years in such great plenty and honour as he did, should lie upon his straw-bed, even then when he was above fourscore years of age; and would not be persuaded from it till Cramps and other infirmities compelled him to it. In this also he was a true disciple of St. Paul, 2 Tim. 2.3. who had taught him by precept to endure hardness as a good soldier of Jesus Christ; and by his own example, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 9 ult. to keep under his body, and bring it into subjection, lest when he had preached to others, himself should become a reprobate. So that hence you may clearly see how true a Disciple of this great Apostle this Reverend person hath been in all his actions, both as a Christian and as a Bishop. 2. And I could show you the like of his sufferings, if the work were not too hazardous as well as too great for this time. For Action and Passion are Relative terms; the one cannot be truly understood without reflecting upon the other: and therefore I must forbear to speak of his Christian sufferings, that I may the better conceal the unchristian doings of them that brought those sufferings upon him. All that I shall say in this particular is this, (wherein I cannot wrong his Reverend brethren so much as single him altogether from them) that when the Accuser of the Brethren had got a permission to vent his whole malice in Calumniating the Bishops of this poor afflicted Church, Apoc. 12.10. he could not lay any personal fault to the charge of any one of them: all that he could object against them, was either their office as Bishops, or that wherewith he deluded the giddy multitude to think was a failing in the exercise of that office, though now it is evident to most men that will be content to lay aside their groundless jealousies, that it was a timely foresight of that mischief (and a providential care to suppress it) which we now see when it is too late hath almost utterly ruined this once flourishing Church. But as for this Reverend Bishop in particular, there was never any thing laid to his charge by those that brought his sufferings upon him, but only that he was a Bishop. And whatsoever he suffered upon that account (he well knew) was not for evil doing, 1 S. Pet. 3.17. but for conscience towards God, — 2.19. and consequently for righteousness sake; which made him with St. Paul, S. Mat. 5.10. Col. 1.24. rejoice in his sufferings, even then when he suffered the loss of his estate and liberty, and which he valued much more, the loss of the free exercise of his function in the Church; in a word, the loss of all things, Phil. 3.8. his life only excepted: and for that he escaped very narrowly too, in one of those— I know not what to call them, which (contrary to common sense) were voted no Tumults. But the best was he valued it not in so good a cause as this was; for he was wont always to sweeten all his sufferings to himself with blessing God, that no man could take from him either his Mortality or Immortality. 3. And let this suffice (though much more would be requisite) to have spoken both of his fight and of his course, whereof the one is now fought and the other finished; and yet (blessed be God for it) he hath kept the Faith in both, which was the third and crowning act in St. Paul, wherein he was so carefully imitated by this Reverend Prelate, who was faithful to God both in his duty as a Christian, and in his office as a Bishop till the very last gasp; and gave a full testimony of both by his actions, while he had strength and power to express either. 1. Witness his late Ordinations of Priests and Deacons here among you, whereof some here present received the benefit, and many more can give the testimony: and wherein he was so exceeding careful, when he durst not trust either his eyes or his memory, that he gave the words of benediction, as they were read unto him by some of those that assisted him in those solemn offices. 2. Witness also his great care and earnest prayers (of which likewise there be several witnesses here present) that the sacred order and succession of Bishops might never fail in this poor afflicted and distressed Church. 3. Witness likewise his very great and high esteem of the sacred Liturgy of the Church of England, which I may justly say attended him to his very grave, and did not expire with his breath. For I had an express and particular command from him, not to omit, nor so much as transpose, (as he had observed too frequently to be done by others) the reading of the Lesson (taken out of 1 Cor. 15.) which the Church hath prescribed to be read at the Grave: and which being read there, while the mouth of the grave is open upon those that hear it, and while such a spectacle of mortality is before their eyes, (he said) could not but have a greater influence upon their souls, than any Funeral Sermon he had ever heard preached. 4. Witness moreover his exceeding great fervour and devotion in prayer, whereunto he seldom answered with a single [Amen;] and at which duty he never kneeled upon a Qushion (I think) in all his life, nor ever prayed but upon his knees, till he was confined to his deathbed: and even then, would never lie with his Cap on his head, if he either prayed himself or any other prayed by him, while he had strength to pull it off with his own hands. 5. Witness (lastly) that great consolation and devotion which he had and used, in partaking the comforts of the Church to prepare him for his long journey. I speak not only in respect of the Holy Eucharist itself, as his viaticum; but also of those preparatives which he used before it, in the presence of many who are now here present, as to the Profession of his Faith, the stirring up of his hope, and the exercise (1.) of his charity in forgiving all that ever had done him any wrong; (2.) of his humility in desiring all men to forgive him, though he could not remember he had wronged any: (3.) and last of all of his repentance, wherein he was so exact and punctual, as not to neglect that great benefit and comfort, which every truly pious and humble soul doth reap from the Keys of the Church, in the Ministry of absolution duly performed, which he both desired and received. And when he had been partaker of these comforts himself, he made all those that assisted him in them, partakers of his Blessing upon them, and prayers for them. It is an infallible sign the soil is good, when the seed that is sown doth not only forthwith spring up, S. Mat. 13.5. as that did which fell upon stony places, but also bringeth forth fruit with patience in an honest and good heart, S. Luke 8.15. as that did which fell upon the good ground, and as the case was here. For he did not only receive the seed with joy for the present, but retained it with much comfort in the time of his greatest temptation, even to the very last gasp which was two days after. For while he was able to speak, he testified the fruit of it by his words, and acknowledged his thankfulness to God for it, and the unworthy instrument that reached it to him, and to all that any way assisted him in it: and even after his speech failed him, he signified with his hand his assent to what was spoken to him, or prayed for him: and I doubt not but his Devotion, as well as his Understanding, continued as long as his breath, though neither his tongue nor hand could (at last) express it. I need not insist any longer upon these passages at his death, though they be very excellent and remarkable, because many here present were eye-witnesses of them. I have been thus particular for their sakes, who had not the happiness to be then with him, that they may learn, by so good an example, what it is to have a soul within them, and a God above them: and with what care and courage they ought both to fight and to run, and with what constancy to continue in both, till they also obtain that Crown of righteousness, which henceforth is laid up for him in the Kingdom of Heaven. 3. And that we may all of us be followers of him in these duties as he was of St. Paul, and both of Christ, I beseech you suffer one word of Exhortation, by way of Application to ourselves, (which was the third and last way wherein I proposed to handle my Text) and then I shall dismiss you. And in this I shall keep myself so close to my undertake, as not to use any other motives to you, than what St. Paul useth to his Disciple Timothy for the embracing of this doctrine, in the words immediately before my Text: Verse 6. I am ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. For (1.) if this was so powerful an argument to persuade Timothy to be watchful in all things, Verse 5. to endure afflictions, and to fulfil his Ministry: and again (2.) if it was so strong a motive wherewith to forewarn the people to walk warily in those approaching evil times, wherein men will not endure sound doctrine, Verse 3. but after their own lusts heap to themselves teachers, having itching ears: Then surely it cannot but have some influence upon every one of us, (whether Lay or Clergy) that hath any care or sense of his soul and eternal salvation, so as to work in us a sincere endeavour to perform those duties which are here required of us respectively by this great Apostle; when we seriously lay to heart, that not only St. Paul, but this Reverend Bishop also, are not only ready to be offered, but are offered already; and that the time of their departure is not only at hand, but actually passed, now when we are already fallen into those perilous times, which the Apostle in this place did only foresee at a distance. Give me leave (I beseech you) yet a little more distinctly to apply my motives severally to the Lay and Clergy here present. And first for you (my Reverend Brethren of the Clergy,) let me desire you to mark well the force of the Apostles argument to his Desciple Timothy: I am ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand, so that hereafter thou canst not have either my counsel, direction or assistance; and therefore do thou watch in all things, etc. which is as if he should have said, the duty which hitherto hath been required from us both, will hereafter lie wholly upon thee alone to perform; and therefore be thou the more careful to use double diligence in the performance of it. Let us (of the Clergy) I say, but take the Apostles argument in this sense, and seriously lay it to heart; and then without all doubt it will pinch us to the quick, when we consider how great a blow it was to a tottering Church, to have so great a pillar removed from it, as this learned and laborious Bishop was. Certainly now is the time, and this the occasion (if ever) when we must watch in all things, and pray unto Almighty God for his grace to enable us to fulfil our Ministry, and his strength to fit us for enduring afflictions. And more particularly to lift up our prayers for the remnant that is left. Isa. 37.4. Psal. 25.5. And to be instant with God, that he would call to remembrance his tender mercies, and still continue to this poor afflicted Church his loving kindness which hath been ever of old: Psal. 51.18. and that he would be favourable and gracious unto Zion, and build up the walls of Jerusalem; Isa. 13.21. that it may be no longer an habitation for Ziim and Limb, Owls and Satyrs, birds of darkness, and beasts of filthiness, and other monstrous creatures of prey and rapine: but that men may dwell there and have it in possession, Psal. 69.36. even the men that he hath chosen to come near unto him: Numb. 16.5. that peace may once again be restored and settled within her walls, and plenteousness within her places; Psal. 122.7. Psal. 132.9. and that his Priests may be clothed with righteousness, and his Saints sing with joyfulness. And I hope there is none here present either so negligent of his own Soul, or so careless of the salvation of others that will not heartily say Amen to this prayer. 2. And then again (Right honourable, and the rest my dearly beloved brethren of the Laity) let me apply my discourse in one word unto you, and beseech you also to mark well the force of St. Paul's argument to Timothy in these words: I am ready to be offered myself, and yet the time will come when they will not endure sound doctrine, etc. And therefore as it is necessary I should give thee a solemn charge, Verse 1, 2. before God and the Lord Jesus Christ, to preach the word, and to be instant in season, and out of season; so is it seasonable I should give it thee now when the time of my departure is at hand; that as the weight of the charge presseth thee, so the seasonableness of it may have the better influence upon the people to whom thou art sent. As if he should have said: though the duty be great which the people are to learn from thee, yet it will be the more willingly listened unto, if thou dost tell them I left it in charge with thee at this very instant when the time of my departure is at hand, seeing the words of a dying man are so strong and powerful. Let them therefore know, that this is my last exhortation to them; and then they will the more easily suppose me as present with them, whensoever this doctrine is preached unto them. And if we look upon the Apostles argument under this consideration, I have still one parallel behind between him and this Reverend Bishop, which is fetched not only from the words of a Dying man, but even of a dead man: and if the Rich man's Logic was good, when he desired Father Abraham to send Lazarus to his Father's house, to preach to his five brethren; St. Luke 16.27, 28, 30. because if one should come unto them from the dead, they would repent; I cannot but hope that what I have yet to say in the person of this dead Prelate, will have so much influence upon you all (especially of the Laity) as not to return without some fruit. I confess I have done with my own Sermon, (it is more than time I should) but I have still another to preach to you from this Reverend Bishop; and in this I can easily presume upon your patience, though I have almost wearied it already. When I call this a Sermon which now I am to deliver, St. Greg. prolog. in lib. 40 Homil. in Evangel. quarundam quidem dictata expositio assistentiplebi est per Notarium recitata; quarundam vero explanationem coram populo ipse locutus sum. Idem. Hom. 21. in princip. Multis vobis lectionibus—— per dictatum loqui consuevi, sed quia lassescente stomacho, ea quae dictaveram legere ipse non possum, etc. I speak not without my warrant. For when St. Gregory preached his Forty Sermons upon the Gospels, he penned them all, but read no more of them himself then eighteen, by reason of some bodily infirmities: the rest were read by his sub-Deacon or Notary; and yet all of them were then received, and ever since esteemed and reputed as St. Gregory's Sermons: and in this sense it is that I call that which now remaineth the Bishop of DURESMES Sermon, though I read it to you. It is indeed the most solemn and elaborate Sermon he ever made, being a profession or Declaration of his Faith, with some wholesome instructions and directions to all good Christians within the Church of England, though it be more particularly directed to those within his own Diocese. By the time you have heard it, you will find it to be a rich supply for many things, which otherwise I could not have omitted to speak concerning him. It is a thing he did with much deliberation, and not without some consultation with some of his Reverend Brethren and others, as to the form and manner of it, and when it was fitted exactly according to his own thoughts and desire, he solemnly published, signed and sealed it, in the presence of five witnesses, and annexed it as a Codicil to his Will; and (a) Febr. 26. 1658. afterward, when the shrinking of his small estate compelled him to alter his will to what it is now at his death, he declared this to be (b) The first clause in his Will, after the commending of his soul to God, and his body to the Earth, is Nedel, I will that this profession of my Faith, Approbation of the Discipline of the Church of Christ by Bishops, and Vindication of my own innocency hereunto annexed, be esteemed and accounted part of this my last Will and Testament. a part of it, (which before was only a Codicil,) in the presence of (c) Tho. B●rwell, Tho. King, and Rob. Grace. other witnesses: so that upon second thoughts it was not only owned by him, but also ratified and confirmed more solemnly than before. It followeth in these words. 1. IN the first ages (a) Antiqua quaedam observantia, imo Apostolica traditio in Ecclessis diu obtinuit, etc. Concil. Nicen. 2. Act. 3. Bin. Tom. 3. p. 318. of the Church, it was a very excellent custom, that whensoever any was Consecrated Bishop of any Patriarchal or chief see, he should by an Encyclical Epistle give an account of his Faith to his Brethren of the same order and dignity, for the better strengthening of that Catholic Communion, which the Bishops and Churches than had, and still should preserve among themselves. And this (by the way) was an homage as well paid (b) Hoc enim praestitit St. Greg. magnus, lib. 1. Ep. 24. idquesecundum priscum praedecessorum svorum morem: teste Johanne Diacono, in vita ejus l. 2. c. 3. as received by the Bishops of Rome in those times, which is a sufficient evidence of a Coordination, but could never have consisted with their now challenged Monarchy in the Church. 2. And though the reason be different, the design is no less necessary in this last and worst age of the Church for all Bishops whomsoever to leave some Testimony of their Faith to the world, when it shall please God to take them out of it; that so neither their Names may be traduced after their death, nor any weak Brother misled, by fathering any false opinions upon them, whereof they were no way guilty. 3. And this I think will be as necessary for me to perform as any other of my order in some respects, though not so necessary in some other; which is the cause both why I leave this short account of myself to the world, and why it is no larger. 4. For though I have sufficiently declared myself to the world, both by my life and labours, to be a true Orthodox and sincere Christian and Protestant, according to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Primitive Church, professed also and practised in the Church of England, (seeing I have been a writer above fifty years and have passed through all the orders of the Church, Deacon, Priest and Bishop: and have been Rector of three Churches▪ Prebendary in one, Dean of two, and Bishop of three Dioceses successively) yet I cannot think myself secure from the malignancy of false and virulent tongues and pens after my Death, more than I have been in my life: and the rather because I have sustained the heavy Office of a Bishop so many years in the Church (which some perverse people make criminal in itself) and have by my writings discharged a good Conscience in asserting the truth against the opposites on both sides; for which the Father of Lies will not be wanting to stir up enemies against me. 5. I do therefore here solemnly profess in the presence of Almighty God, that by his grace preventing and assisting me, I have always lived, and purpose to die in the true Catholic Faith wherein I was Baptised: firmly believing all the Canonical Scripture of the old and New Testament, and fully assenting to every Article of all those three Creeds, (commonly called the Apostles Creed, the Nicen or Constantinopolitan Creed, and the Athanasian Creed) which in the ancient Church were accounted the Adequate Rules of Faith, and have accordingly been received, as such, by the Church of England. 6. As for Counsels, that are free and general, consisting of competent persons lawfully summoned, and proceeding according to the word of God, (Such as were the four first, viz those of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon) I do reverence them as the Supreme Tribunals of the Church of Christ upon earth, for judging of Heresies, and composing differences in the Church. And as I utterly condemn all Heresies that have been condemned by any of them, so I heartily wish that all the present differences in the Church of God might be determined by such a free general Counsel as any of those four were already mentioned. 7. The composers of those ancient differences in the Church were Bishops, (as it cannot be denied) concerning which order, I profess to believe, that ●t was instituted by the Apostles, who were infallibly inspired by the Holy Ghost, and approved by Christ in the Revelation of St. John; and consequently to be of Divine institution, as I have made it evident by a little Treatise already printed, and could still further manifest it by some papers not yet committed to the Press. And I had never sustained the burden of that Office above 40, years in the Church, if this had not been always my judgement concerning Bishops. I pray God restore them again to those poor afflicted parts of his Church where either the Office or the Exercise of it is wanting. 8. That the Bishop of Rome hath any more power over Bishops then other Primates and Patriarcks have in their several Sees respectively, is a thing which I have often and largely disproved in my writings. All that the Ancient Church did allow him was a priority of order, but no supremacy of Monarchical power. And I heartily wish that this, and all other differences now on foot between us and the Church of Rome, might be decided by the doctrine and practice of the Church for the first five hundred years after Christ, for that hath been my design in all my writings. 9 If I had not believed upon sufficient evidence, that the succession of Bishops in the Church of England had been legally derived from the Apostles, I had never entered into that high calling, much less continued in it thus long. And therefore I must here expressly vindicate myself from a most notorious untruth which is cast upon me by a late Romish writer, That I should publicly, in the House of Peers, the beginning of the last Parliament, assent to that abominable fiction which some Romanists have devised concerning the Consecrating Matthew Parker at the Nagshead Tavern to be Archbishop of Canterbury: for I do here solemnly profess, I have always believed that Fable to proceed from the Father of lies, as the public Records still extant do evidently testify. Nor do I remember that ever I heard it mentioned in that or any other Parliament that ever I sat in. 10. As for our Brethren the Protestants of foreign reformed Churches, the most learned and judicious of themselves have bewailed their misery for want of Bishops. And therefore God forbid I should be so uncharitable as to censure them for No-Churches, for that which is their Infelicity, not their fault. But as for our perverse Protestants at home, I cannot say the same of them, seeing they impiously reject that which the other piously desire. And therefore I cannot flatter those in this Church who have received their Ordination only from mere Presbyters, Quid enim facit exceptâ ordinatione Episcopus, quod Presbyter non facit. S. Hieron, Ep. ad Euagr. so far as to think them lawfully Ordained. S. Hierom himself reserved to the Bishop the power of Ordination. 11. Seeing therefore I have been, (as I hear,) so far misunderstood by some among us, as to be thought to approve of their Ordination by mere Presbyters, because I once said, it might be vallid in case of Necessity: I do here profess my meaning to be. That I never thought there was any such. Necessity in the Church of England as to warrant it, where (blessed be God for it,) there be so many Bishops still surviving: And therefore I desire them, not to mistake my meaning in that saying. 12. Wheresoever there is a form Church, there must of necssity be some set form of God's worship; Otherwise it will quickly fall in pieces, as woeful experience hath taught us. And of all forms of God's worship in the whole Church of Christ, none in my judgement did ever exceed the Leiturgy of the Church of England, both for decency edification and devotion, in all the several offices of it. If the Assemblers themselves that first laid it aside, could have found any faults in it, their modesty was not so great, (if we may judge of it by their other actions,) as to have concealed them from the world. 13. Having thus far prevented the uncharitableness of others against myself, I do here from my heart protest my unfeigned charity to all the world: and more particularly both towards those Papists and perverse protestants whom I have so much endeavoured to undeceive, both by my Sermons, conferences and writings. It was only their errors whereat I was offended: I have always loved and pitied their persons, and prayed and laboured for the right informing of their minds, and the eternal salvation of their souls. 14. But yet my common charity to them must not supersede my more particular love and obligation which I have to those truly humble and meek souls in the Church of England, (and more especially in my own Diocese of Duresme,) who still stand firm upon the foundation of a sound faith, and continue obedient to the doctrine of God's word and discipline of his Church, without wavering either to the right hand or to the left. 15. And my earnest exhortation to them is, that they would still continue their former affections, (notwithstanding all temptations to the contrary,) both to the doctrine, discipline, government, and form of worship of this poor afflicted Church: Which if I did not believe to be the securest way for the salvation of their souls, I had not ventured my own upon the same bottom. 16. This is the only Legacy I now can, and the best I ever could leave them, beside my prayers: Wherein I commend them all to the blessing of almighty God, and to the glory of his saving grace in Christ Jesus. I have appointed two Copies of this my Legacy or Declaration, to be written: The one whereof I do hereby order to be annexed as a Codicill to my will, and the other to be delivered into the hand of my beloved Chaplain, Mr. John Barwick to be published in print after my death Both of which I have signed, sealed, published, and declared this 15. day of April, in the year of our Lord, 1658. In the presence of Tho Duresme, Thomas Saunders junior. John Barwick Cler. Joseph Draper Cler. R. Grace. Evan Davies. And now you have had His Sermon as well as mine; and may see by it he hath not ended his fight, though he hath ended his life: For by this he hath set a guard upon his memory, after his body is in the grave. I might in this thing fitly compare him to Abel before the flood, Heb. 11, 4. who being dead yet speaketh; Jud. 16, 30. Or to Samson under the Law. Who slew more at his death then in his life; but only that I have made choice of St. Paul for the pattern, now under the Gospel. It is the Gospel rule not to kill, but to save; S. Luke, 9.56. With St. Paul, to build up the Church of lively stones, (the souls of men,) and not with Samson to pull down the house upon ourselves and others. To this it was that St. Paul engaged in all his fights, both in what he did and what he suffered; and in this it was, that he was looked upon as a pattern and president by this reverend Bishop. How many thousand souls the Apostle hath gained even since his death, is known only to God: And so is it also how many may still be brought in by this crowning act of this deceased Bishop. They have each done his part, in their several rank and degree, according to the proportion of their abilities; And God in mercy will (I hope) supply the rest both to them and us. They have severally fought a good fight, they have finished their course, they have kept the faith: and henceforth is laid up for each of them a crown of righteousness: and so there will be for us also, if we follow their good example. For it is no peculiar reward to them or any other in particular; The Lord, the rigteous judge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will give, (or render) it, not only to them, but (as it follows in my Text,) to all those that love his appearing. To him therefore with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, three persons and one God, let us render, (as is due,) all glory, honour, praise, power, thanksgiving and adoration, this day, and from henceforth for ever more, Amen, Amen, Amen. A summary ACCOUNT OF THE HOLY LIFE AND HAPPY DEATH Of the Right Reverend Father in God THOMAS LATE LORD BISHOP of DURESEME. Added as a supplement to the Sermon preached at his Funeral. By the same Author. Eccles. 7, 1. A good name is better than precious Ointment, and the day of Death, than the day of ones Birth. Claudian. Antiquos Evolve deuces, assursces futurae Militiae.— LONDON. Printed for R. Royston, at the Angel in Ivy-lane, 1660. The LIFE and DEATH OF THOMAS Lord BISHOP OF DURESME. The Preface. 1. AS the death of God's Saints is precious in the sight of the Lord: Psal. 116, 15. So will the memorial of their lives also be in the hearing of all that are really his people. And of all his Saints, none can be more precious to him, nor should be to us. Then those that are most peculiarly honoured with that title by the spirit of God in holy Scripture; Those that are by him called unto, and employed in some holy office, as well as qualified with Sanctifying grace, Psal. 106, 16. like Aron who was God's high Priest, and for that reason is emphatically styled the Saint of the Lord. 2. If there had not been something that is sacred in the office of a Bishop, Can. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. even as it is distinct from the order of Priesthood, the general council of Chalcedon could not, (as we know it did,) have adjudged it Sacrilege to take down a Bishop to the degree of a Priest: And whatsoever that was, it was in this person over and above his sanctity of life, and sacredness of his other inferior orders of Ministry in the Church. And therefore I may represent this reverend Bishop to the world as a Saint or holy person, for his Calling as well as for his life, without any prejudice to the truth; and thereby oppose that current of Sacrilege which some of late years hath much improved, who will not allow him the title of a Saint, nor none else that is not of their own sect or faction. See the Sermon at his Funeral. I have already upon another occasion made some short essay of it; and this is only to supply what the largeness of the subject and shortness of the time would not then permit me to speak. 3. And in this I must disclaim all thoughts of by ends, or any other design, then only by asserting the truth to be just to him, and charitable to others: That neither his enemies may wrong his good name, nor his friends want some small preservation of his memory; Nor both of them the benefit of his good example. 4. I know his charity while he lived had a special eye upon his enemies: and so shall mine have now he is dead, in convincing them also, as far as I am able, of their great injustice as well as uncharitableness against him and the rest of his Reverend Brethren, in vilifying their persons and contemning their sacred function, to the high displeasure of Almighty God, the great scandal of Christian Religion, and the extreme hazard of the Church of England, by opening so wide a gap to Schism and Heresy, and even Athesme itself. 5. How those that so zealously affect the exterpation of Episcopacy, can arrogate to themselves the title either of Christians or Protestants, is a thing that may justly be questioned; seeing Bishops were planted in the Church together with Christianity even by the Apostles themselves, (as is evident from the concurrent suffrages of all antiquity: Confess. Aug. Cap. ult. de potest. Eccl. Non petunt Ecclesiae, ut Episcopi honoris sui jacturâ sarciant concordiam— tantum petunt ut injusta onera remittant, quae nova sunt & praeter consuetudinem Ecclesiae Catholicae recepta. ) And that the first Protestants, (from whom all the rest derive that title,) did clearly profess in their confession of Auspurgh their willingness to submit to their Bishops, (even of the Romish Church,) provided they would not impose upon them such new and unjust burdens as had not been received by the custom of the Catholic Church: Which none of our present English Bishops ever did; but the quite contrary was objected against them for their greatest crime. 6. I know that many of the seduced people have repent of these errors already; and I hope the rest may be brought to repentance, when they see what persons they were both for life and learning, who sustained the office of Bishops at that time when the cunning and malice of the Devil did so unjustly incense the rude multitude against them. I shall confine myself to this one instance, (leaving the rest for others as occasion shall require,) who was in as great an hazard of his life in one of those tumults as any, and yet there was as little objected against him by those that raised them as against any of the rest. 7. And in what I say of him I shall keep myself to the exact rule of truth, both for his sake, and my own, and the Readers, and the end I chiefly aim at; without either flattering his memory, or omitting those passages of his life which may chiefly qualify his example for our imitation. Only I must beg my Readers pardon, if the length of his life, and multitude of his employments, and greatness of his learning, and christian concealment of much of his piety, necessitate me to omit many things I could not learn, and pass over somethings I know, and fall much below his merit in what I relate for brevity's sake. 8. Having premised thus much, I presume the Reader will expect no Panegyric, but only a bare, (and that also a short,) narrative of his life, for the information of posterity and conviction of his enemies, rather than for any solace to his friends, who could not but know him well enough, seeing he was a burning and shining light, for so great a number of years here amongst us. And what I say shall for methods sake be reduced to these three heads. 1. A plain Narrative of the principal passages in his Life. 2. A brief Catalogue of his works. 3. A short Character of his person and Qualities. CHAP. I. A plain Narrative of the principal passages of his Life. 1. HIs Coat armour and pedigree will show him to be of the same Original and Stock, with that eminent prelate and wise states man John Morton, Bishop of Elie and Lord Chancellor of England, afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, and Cardinal; by whose contrivance and management the too Houses of York and Lancaster were united; Whereby that issue of blood was stopped which had so long and plentifully flowed within the bowels of this our Native Country. And from hence the judicious Reader will conclude his Ancestors could not be obscure, (at lest since this Cardinal's time,) for such persons as he was seldom left their kindred without some considerable preferments. Io. Budden vit. Io. Mort. Archiep. Cant. pag. 50. Thomam Mortonum, Et Johanem Mortonum duos ex fratribus filios Scripsit haredes. If I were so good an Herald as to trace up his pedigree to those times, it is possible it would reach to Thomas or John Morton whom the Cardinal made his Heirs as being Sons to two of his Brothers. Sure I am that Sir. Thomas Morton of Dorsetshire who reckoned his descent from one of them, sought him out and acknowledged his kindred, and desired his acquaintance, presently after he appeared in Print, and long before he ascended to any considerable eminency in the Church. 2. I am enforced to fetch my compass thus far about, (and when I have done to sit down with probabilities,) by his great modesty and humility, who would not receive, nor so much as look upon, a very fair and large descent of his Pedigree, when it was presented unto him, though he liberally rewarded the person that presented it. And therefore I shall say no more concerning his progenitors, and had not said thus much but that his Seal at Arms will warrant me in it. 3. The place of his Birth was the ancient and famous City of YORK, where Constantius the Father of Constantine the great died in the arms of his Son, and where (some say) the said Constantine the first Christian Emperor was born: perhaps we must understand it, as Emperor, rather than as Constantine; for questionless he was there first declared Emperor. I might say more for the honour of that City, but only that it is unnecessary, as well as extrinsecall to the subject of my writing who needs no such advantages to add any lustre to him. 4. His Parents were Mr. Richard Morton Citizen and Mercer of York, and Mrs. Elizabeth Leedale his wife, who enriched the World with him on Tuesday the 20. of March, Anno. Dom. 1564. He being the Sixth Child of Ninteen begotten and born of the same Parents. His Father was so eminent in his calling, that there is not at this day, nor hath been for many years by past, any Mercer in that City, who were not his Apprentices either immediately or mediately. His Mother also was a Gentlewoman of a very good family, descended from the Valvasours by her Mother's side: And by whom not only the Valvasours but the Langdales also, and other Gentlemen of eminent worth in Yorkshire, acknowledged themselves to be of his kindred. 5. Nor were his Parents less memorable for their Piety and Wisdom, then for these outward respects: One fruit whereof we have in the Education of their Children, though I shall instance only in him of whom I now write; Who by their care and providence was brought up in piety and learning; First at York under Mr. Pullen, and afterwards at Hallifax under Mr. Maud, of whom he always spoke with great reverence, as a grave man and a good Schoolmaster. 6. It would be too great a digression to speak of his Scholefellowes, whom we may presume to be some better some worse. Otherwise I might mention Sir. Thomas Cheek on the one side, (not long since deceased,) venerable for his great worth and Age; and Guy Faux on the other infamous for his Dark lantern and villainous intention to blow up the King and Parliament in the Powder treason, both which were his Scholefellowes at York. 7. How well he profited in learning, both at School, and in the University, will appear by his own writings without my observation. Hincmar. in Vit. S. Remigii. Vt primum disciplinarum capax factus est— Non modo natu majores, ingenii felicitate, discendique ardore, sed & morum maturitate singulari Excelluit. And though it to be true in him which was written of S. Remigius, that from the time of his first capacity of learning he outstripped even those that were his superiors in age, both in excellency of parts, proficiency in learning, and maturity of moral virtues: Yet was he not, (as the fault is too common,) cast as an abortive, either out of the School into the University, or out of the University into the Church. For he took root in the Nursery at Hallifax till the Eighteenth year of his age, before he was transplanted into the garden of the University. 8. But in the year 1582. he was sent to Cambridge and there admitted into St. John's College, wherein were so many Eminent Scholars at that time, Epist. ad dict. Col. dat. jan. 30, 1634. in Regist. Epist. p. 336.— Quod olim antistes literarum, divinus ille Whittakerus, Non collegium, sed propter omnium in eo Artium infignem Mercaturam, Academium ipsam indigitabat. as he was wont to say it seemed to be a whole University of itself. The Master of the College was Doctor Whittaker, whose learned writings have declared his worth in the world, and whom he was wont to quote for that saying. His first Tutor was Mr. Anthony Higgon, afterward Dean of Rippon, a good Benefactor to the College otherways, and in him not only to the College but also to the University, and the whole Church of Christ. But he being called out of the College to other more weighty employments in the Church, left this his Pupil to the Tuition and care of Mr. Henry Nelson, afterward Rector of Hougham in Lincolnshire, who lived to see his Pupil pass through all the other Dignities he had in the Church till he came to be Bishop of Duresme, and a good many years after. 9 But I shall proceed in due order: In the beginning of November, 1584. he was chosen Scholar of the House into a place of Constable's foundation, Regist. Coll. (as it is called,) peculiar to his own Native County of York. In the year 1586. He took his first Degree of Bachelor of Arts, Dr. Tyndall, precedent of Queen's College being then Vicechancellor, Regist. Academic. and Mr. Smith of Corpus Christi College and Mr. cowel of King's College being Proctors: And three years and some Months after, (viz. Anno Dom. 1590. Thomas Preston Dr. of Law and Master of Trinity Hall being Vicechancellor, and Mr. Moutlow of King's College and Mr. Betts of S. Peter's College, Proctors,) he took his next Degree of Master of Arts: having first performed all Acts and exercises respectively requisite to each degree with great approbation and applause. 10. He continued his studies in the College at his Father's Charge, after he was Master of Arts above two years. Regist. Coll. And then (viz. Mar. 17. 1592.) he was admitted Fellow into a place of the Foundation of Dr. Keyton, which I cannot mention without his honour to those that rightly understand the nature of that Foundation. For the said Dr. Keyton having founded two Fellowships and two Scholarships in St. John's College under these Qualifications; Regist. Fundat. dict. Col. First that the persons be elect and chosen of such as be or have been Choristers in the Chapel of Southwell. And (2.) if none such be found able in the University aforesaid then, (for I use the very words of the Foundation,) the same Fellows and Scholars to be chosen of such persons that be most singular in manners and learning, of what County soever they be that be then abiding in the said University: Upon this second branch of the Qualification, was Mr. Morton chosen into one of those Fellowships; And that merely for his worth, against eight Competitors for the place, who were otherwise all as capable of it as he, and most of them better befriended: Which he was wont to recount with greater contentment to himself, than his advancement to any dignity he ever enjoyed in the Church. And about the same time he was chosen Logic Lecturer for the University: Which place he discharged with much art and diligence, as may appear by his Lectures fair written, which I find among his papers after his death. 11. And now having laid so good a foundation in Arts and Sciences, we may look upon him in the next place as a builder in God's Church. And for his qualifying thereunto, he did not, (as is now too frequent,) run before he was duly called and sent, but according to the method of holy Church, was admitted to the sacred order, first of Deacon, in the same year 1592. and the next year after of Priesthood, by Richard Howland then Lord Bishop of Peterburgh, who had formerly been Master of the same College whereof he then was Fellow. 12. Having thus received his commission from God and his Church, he was very ready to assist others in the way of Charity; but not too forward to take upon himself a particular cure of souls. And accordingly we find him for about five years after this, continuing in the College, prosecuting his own private study: and reading to such young Scholars as were committed to his care and Tuition. Regist. Academic. 13. In the year 1598. (Dr. jegon Master of Corpus Christi College being Vicechancellor, and Mr. Moon of Katherine Hall, and Mr. Sutton of King's College, Proctors,) he took his Degree of Bachelor in Divinity. And about the same year, being presented instituted and inducted to the Rectory of Long Marston, four miles distant from his Native City of York, he betook himself wholly to the Cure of Souls there committed to him, which he discharged with great care and diligence: And yet he did not intermit his higher studies for the general good of the Church while he attended it. And to that end he had always some person to be his assistant, whom he knew to be pious and learned, as Mr. John Price, and Mr. Matthew Levet, who were both formerly his Pupils in Cambridge, the former afterward a prebendary of Leichfeild, the later of Duresme, and also Subdean of Rippon. 14. And this assistence was the more necessary because his great parts and worth would not suffer him to enjoy his privacy in a Country cure. For first he was made choice of by the Earl of Huntingdon, than Lord Precedent of the North, to be his Chaplain, for his dexterity and accuteness in disputing with the Romish Recusants: For it was Queen Elizabeth's express command to him to convince them by arguments rather than suppress them by force, and this she expressed, (as his Lordship was wont to say,) in the words of the Prophet: Nolo mortem peccatoris. 15. But the Earl dying presently after, he returned again to his privacy, at Marston, where he continued not long before the Lord Sheffeild, (who succeeded as Lord precedent,) commanded him to hold a public Conference before his Lordship, and the Council at the Manner house in York, with two Romish Recusants who were then prisoners in the Castle, the one was Mr. Young a Priest, the other Mr. Stillington a Layman; Which he performed with great satisfaction to the Auditory, among whom were many of the chief Gentry and Clergy of Yorkshire. I have heard there is still in some men's hands a true relation of that conference in writing; But he would never suffer it to be Printed, because he and his Adversaries engaged themselves by mutual promise, not to Print it but by common consent, which he never could obtain from them, though he earnestly desired and sought it. 16. In the year 1602. began the great Plague at York, at which time he carried himself with so much heroical charity as will make the Reader wonder to hear it. For the poorer sort being removed to the Pest-house, he made it his frequent exercise to visit them with food, both for their bodies and souls. His chief errand was to instruct and comfort them, and pray for them and with them, and to make his coming the more acceptable, he carried usually a sack of provision with him for those that wanted it. And because he would have no man to run any hazard thereby but himself, he seldom suffered any of his servants to come near him, but saddled and unsaddled his own Horse, and had a private door made on purpose into his house and chamber. 17. The next year following, the Lord Ever being sent Ambassador extraordinary by Queen Elizabeth both to the Emperor of Germany and King of Denmark, he made choice of him, and Mr. Richard Crakanthorp, (famous also for his learned works in Print,) to be his Chaplains. And Mr. Morton being desirous to improve himself by seeing foreign Kingdoms, Churches and Universities, did willingly accept of the employment. 18. He had leave from the Lord Ambassador while he stayed at Breme to visit some of the chief Cities and Universityes of High Germany. In which travel, while he was at Mentz he fell into a very familiar acquaintance with Father Mulhusinus, a learned Jesuit, (who gave him a Book of his own writing, inscribed with his own hand pro Domino Mortono,) and also with Nicholas Serarius, another learned Father of the same Society, and Rector of the College there, (who afterward mentioned him with civility in a Book he wrote against Joseph Scaliger.) Both these were so well satisfied with his learning and piety, as to treat him with much courtesy while he stayed there, and to desire his prayers when he departed thence, and that ex animo too, when he pressed them to know whether it was not merely out of civility and compliment. I cannot say he found Beccanus in the contrary temper at Colen, though he left him so. For being gaulled with some Arguments in a disputation between them, he slighted his prayers as of one whom he miscalled an Heretic. I only instance in this, to show that many learned men of the Church of Rome, (and some even of the Jesuits order,) do not in their hearts and private discourses condemn us of the Church of England for Heretics, whatsoever ever they publicly write or speak out of design and policy. 19 His stay in these parts was the shorter because the Ambassador's commission determined at the death of the Queen. But however he improved his time so well, partly in furnishing his own library with Books at Frankfurt and elsewhere, but chiefly in his conversation with learned men, and in his foreign observations, that he always very highly valued that opportunity. 20. At his return he was solicited by Roger Earl of Rutland to be his domestical Chaplain. Which proffer he was the more willing to accept for the privacy he hoped to enjoy in a place where he was not known, for making use of that Treasure of Books he had got in his travels: And the rather because thereby he was brought so much nearer to London then before, whither he must have many occasions to travel for the putting forth of such Books as he had in design to write. For it was not long after that he Printed the first part of his Apologia Catholica, of which and the rest of his works I shall speak more particularly hereafter. 21. About this time it was, that the Archbishop of York, Toby Matthews, (that most exquisite preacher,) conferred upon him a Prebend in that Metropolitical Church. 22. In the year of our Lord 1606. Dr. Clayton Master of St. John's College being then Vicechancellor, and Mr. Raven of King's College and Mr. Gent of Corpus Christi College Proctors, he took the Degree of Doctor in Divinity, with much applause of those that heard him perform his Acts and exercises, and great approbation of both the professors in Divinity, Dr. John Overall that profound Scholar, and Dr. Thomas playfere that acute disputant and accurate preacher, who were both of them very competent Judges of men's abilities. And there began that intimate acquaintance he had with the said Dr. Overall, (afterwards Dean of St. Paul's, Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry and lastly of Norwich,) which continued between them till it was dissolved by death. 23. About the same time he was sworn Chaplain in Ordinary to King James, and by him presented to the Deanary of Gloucester the same year 1606. And while he was Dean there, the Lord Ever above mentioned, than Lord Precedent of Wales, assumed him for one of his Majesty's Counsel for the Marches. 24. In his first journey to Gloucester, he went by Oxford at the Act-time, and was there incorporated and admitted to the same degree he had in Cambridge. At which time he fell into acquaintance with that reverend person and famous preacher Dr. John King, than Dean of Christ-Church, and afterwards Bishop of London, which afterward grew so intimate that the said Bishop made choice of him to perform the last offices to him both at his Death and Burial. 25. The same occasion gave him also the opportunity of being acquainted with Dr. Raynolds precedent of Corpus Christi College, Dr. Ayrey, provost of Queen's College, and many other eminent persons in that University. And among others with Daniel Featley, (afterwards Dr. in Divinity,) who that year proceeded Master of Arts, and performed his exercises with such applause as made Dr. Morton carry a great friendship towards him ever after, which was answered with a proportionable reverence on the other side, which he publicly testified in the Epistle before a Book which he dedicated to him when he was Bishop of Duresme. And the like respect hath been showed to him by other learned men: And in particular by the late reverend Bishop of Norwich who dedicated to him that little but most excellent Book called PAX TERRIS. 26. He continued not full three years' Dean of Gloucester, till King James removed him to the Deanary of Winchester, (viz. in the year 1609.) Where he succeeded Dr. George Abbot, than consecrated Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry, and afterward translated to the Archbishopric of Canterbury. And while he was Dean there Dr. Thomas Bilson then Bishop of Winchester conferred on him the Rectory of Alesford. 27. At Winchester he fell into an intimate acquaintance with that pious and learned man Dr. Arthur Lake then Master of St. Cross, afterward Bishop of Bath and Welles, as also with Dr. John Harmar warden of Winchester College, and other learned men whose friendship he very much valued. And at the same time also Sibrandus Lubbertus, professor of Divinity in the University of Franeker in West Freisland wrote his answer to the 99 errors of Conradus Vorstius, which he dedicated to him by the title of Dean of Winchester. 28. In the year 1610. being the seaventh year of King James, was held a Parliament. And at the same time, (as the manner is,) a Convocation of the Clergy of the province of Canterbury, at St. Paul's Church in London, where with general applause he preached the Sermon ad clerum upon St. Mat. 5, 13. Vos estis sal terrae. And should have been the prolocutor to the lower house of Convocation, but that in modesty he declined it, and the rather to make way for a friend of his, whom he rather desired might have that office. 29. Upon these and the like public employments, was he constrained to be much in London, about this time. And when any business brought him thither, he was importuned by his worthy friend Dr. Overall above mentioned, Dean of St. Paul's, to take his lodging in the Deanary house. And this gave him the opportunity of a very early acquaintance with that very learned and judicious Scholar Monsieur Isaac Casaubon, who being then newly come out of France was likewise, (as his great merits required,) very freely and hospitably entertained and lodged there by the said Dean. 30. And this love thus begun between these two learned persons was never intermited in their lives nor obliterated by death, as appears by the Monument set up in the Abbey Church of St. Peter's at Westminster for Monsieur Casaubon, (he being buried their,) at the charge of this reverend Bishop: The inscription whereof was composed by that excellent Poet and Scholar Dr. Thomas Goad, Rector of Hadley in Suffolk. 31. Upon the like occasions and about the same time, he had the opportunity of entering into a very good acquaintance with several other eminent foreign Scholars and Divines; As namely Abraham Scultetus professor of divinity in the University of Heidelberg and Aulicus Concionator to his Highness Frederick Prince elector palatine, John Diodati professor of divinity at Geneva a very learned and judicious Divine; Peter du Molin the famous preacher at Charington, and several others, whose worth is very well known by their learned works in Print. 32. His continuance in the Deanary of Winchester was not so long as he desired, and yet when he was to be removed from it, and to be consecrated Bishop of Chester, there was a rub cast in his way by a certain great person; Not out of any favour or respct to him, but the quite contrary. It was by one that had reason to know the revenues of that Church so well, as to think he might be believed upon his word, when he said in some passion to the King, that Dr. Morton had spoiled one of the best Deaneries in England. Psal. 141, 6. 33. And this blow had been received as a precious balm, if it had not broke the head of his reputation, and of the truth together; because he was really as unwilling to take the heavy office of a Bishop upon him, as the other was loath he should enjoy the honour. But however as the case stood, it concerned the Dean to vindicate his good name from that foul and unjust aspersion. And therefore acquainting his brethren of the Chapter with it, they were very forward to give, and he not backward to receive a Testimonial from them under their hands and sealls, Mr. Brown, Mr. Barlow, Mr. Hurward, and others. that he had been one of the best Deans that ever had been at Winchester in their times: and yet some of them were very ancient men, and had long enjoyed their prebends in that Church. 34. On the other side there wanted not some potent persons in the Court, who pressed hard upon the King to have him Consecrated Bishop, only in favour of his successors in that Deanary: Which made him bemoan himself in a Letter to an intimate friend wherein he complained of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as he called it,) which had occasioned his removal out of the dale wherein he could willingly have spent his days, to set him upon an Hill, etc. 35. And by this I leave the Reader to judge how really he might have said Nolo Episcopari. Hincmar. in vit. S. Remig. Ad pontificii culmen non tam electus, quam violentur raptus fuit. Bed. Hist. gent. Anglor. lib. Episcopatum suscipere fuit coactus. If it had not been to clear himself of that blot formerly mentioned, which was so unjustly cast upon him, I might have said of him as Hincmarus doth of St. Remigius, he was not so properly chosen, as violently snatched up to this height of Episcopal dignity. And (however) I cannot say less of him, then Venerable Bede, (who lies buried in the Church where he was last Bishop,) said of St. Wilfrid, (who was Bishop of the Church where he was born.) He was forced to take upon him the office of a Bishop. 36. This appeared yet further by the slowness of the proceedings towards his Consecration. For though the King nominated him for the Bishopric of Chester in the year 1615. Yet was it the seaventh of July, 1616. before he was Consecrated, partly by occasion of this rub, partly by his own indifferency, though withal I must say it was partly occasioned by the distance of those several places, where the things must be respectively performed, which are perviously required by the Canons of the Church, and Laws of the Land in order to his Consecration. For the Congee d' esleire, was granted at London, the Election performed at Chester by the Dean and Chapter; which being signified back to the King, there wanted still his Royal assent to the Election, and after that the Metropolitans solemn Confirmation of it, which must be obtained at York, the see of Chester being in that Province. 37. The solemnity itself of his Ordination or Consecration was one of the greatest that hath been seen in England in the memory of man; For there were three Metropolitans respectively engaged in it, beside other Bishops. The foundation of the whole proceedings was laid, (as regularly it ought,) in a Faculty from the Archbishop of York: The Act itself was performed in chief by the Archbishop of Canterbury to whom the said Faculty was directed, and he was assisted therein by the Primate of Ireland, and the Bishop of Cathnes in Scotland, beside the Bishop of London and other Bishops of the English Church. The place where this sacred office was performed was the Archbishop of Canterburys Chapel at Lambeth. 38. But that which made this solemnity the greater was the presence of so many of the Nobility of England besides many Lords of Scotland that were there; Which was occasioned in part by a concurrent action that was also solemnly performed at the same time and place: Namely the Absolution of the Marquis of Huntley, from the Band of an Excommunication, laid upon him by the Bishops of Scotland in the High Commission. The particulars whereof, (being perfectly extrinsecall to my present design,) I shall refer the Reader for them to the History of the Church of Scotland, Lib. 7. ad. An. 1616. written by that wise and grave person the late Archbishop of St. Andrew's. 39 The concurrence of these two great solemnities occasioned a very great number of Communicants at the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, of the Nobility and Gentry of both Nations, beside the Clergy. Whereunto I must add, (as a thing not to be omitted,) that Prince Radzivils' Son of Poland, did also then communicate, and likewise a Noble man of that Kingdom that came over with him as his Governor: Who did both of them very much admire the glory and happiness of our English Church, and the reverend performance of those sacred offices in her. 40. I have now brought this great light almost to his Candlestick, where his actions will be so conspicuous and so many, as it will be both unnecessary and impossible for me to give the world a particular account of them: And therefore I must content myself, and desire the Reader to be contented also, with a few of the chief. 41. It fell out with him, as with a candle newly lighted, which is then in most danger to be blown out. For while necessaries were preparing for his journey to Chester, and for the accommodation of his palace there he retired himself to Clay Hall in Essex upon the earnest invitation of that noble Knight and his worthy friend Sir. Christopher Hatton, and there fell sick of a dangerous fever though, (blessed be God for it,) it continued not long with him. 42. Being happily recovered of this sickness, he made no delay, but presently put himself upon his journey towards his great work; And being advanced as far as the borders of his own diocese, he was met on the way and brought into the City of Chester by such a great number of Knights and other the best Gentlemen of the Country, beside the Clergy, as may give a lasting testimony to their honour, as well as his, in showing such a religious respect to their Bishop. 43. When he was settled there, he found all the inconveniences which he foresaw, and which made him at first so loath to undertake that weighty office, and some also which he could not foresee at so great a distance. For beside the great number of Romish Recusants, which hath always been observed in this Diocese; he found another sort of Recusants, (better known by the name of Non-conformists,) who though they were not as many in number as the other, yet had they so much perverseness and obstinacy in them, as made them equal, or rather superior, in relation to the trouble he had with them. 44. And therefore his first care was to reduce them to their obedience to the Church, wherein he used no less of fatherly mildness towards them, than strength of argument against them. For having cited before him such of the Clergy as were the chief of that party, (whereof the principal ringleader was one Mr. Hind,) he first enquired of them the reason of their nonconformity; which when he understood to be, The use of the Surplice, the Cross at Baptism, and the Ring in Marriage, he was content himself to endeavour their satisfaction in a public and solemn conference with them upon all these three points. But their perverseness frustrating his expectation and desires, in relation to their own good, his next care was to make his endeavours more public, for the common good of the rest of their party. And therefore he Printed a relation of that conference with some enlargements; which he entitled: The defence of the three innocent ceremonies. 45. And having committed this charitable and learned work to the blessing of God upon the hearts of the Readers, he betook himself to endeavour the reducing of the other adverse party, the Popish Recusants, wherein God blessed him exceedingly considering how great the work was, and how little time he had to bring it towards any perfection, being Bishop there not full three years. And of this we have a very authentic and ample testimony from royal authority in the declaration of King James, concerning lawful sports to be used, in these words: We were informed, and that too truly, that our County of Lancashire, abounded more in Popish Recusants than any County in England, and thus hath still continued to our great regret, with little amendment, save that now of late, in our last riding though our said county, we find both by the report of the Judges, and of the Bishop of that diocese, (viz. this reverend Bishop,) that there is some amendment now daily beginning, which is no small content to us. 46. Having thus fallen casually upon this declaration, it will be requisite to speak more fully of it, seeing this reverend Bishop was in a peculiar manner concerned in it. And the case was thus: It was no small policy in the leaders of the Popish party to keep the people from Church by danceing and other recreations, even in the time of divine service, especially on holy days, and the Lords day in the after noon: By which means they kept the people in ignorance and luke warmness, and so made them the more capable to be wrought upon by their emissaries: Which gross abuse this Bishop endeavered to redress in his primary visitation. 47. But it was represented to King James as a very great grievance, at his return out of Scotland through Lancashire, Anno. 1617. by some in Court who were too favourable to that party. And his readiness to hear any complaint against a thing that carried but the name of a public grievance, incourraged some to so much boldness the next Lord's day after, as even to disturb the public worship and service of God, by their piping and dancing within the hearing of all those that were at Church, whereof the King being fully informed by this Bishop, utterly disavoved any thoughts or intention of encourraging such profaneness: and therefore left them that were guilty of it to the Bishop's censure; which he inflicted only upon one, that was the head and causer of it, by way of public acknowledgement of the fault, and penance for it; having formerly caused the Piper to be laid by the heels. 48. There wanted not some still to complain to the King of the Bishops proceedings herein as rigorous and tyrannical; considering that the chief thing they desired was only some Innocent Recreation for servants and other inferior people on the Lord's day and Holy days, whose laborious callings deprived them of it at all other times: and thereupon to solicit his Majesty for some favour therein, and the rather because it was the general desire of most of that Country. Which the King finding to be true upon enquiry, and willing to give them satisfaction therein, consulted with this reverend person being the Bishop of that Diocese, how he might satisfy their desires without endangering this liberty to be turned into Licentiousness. 49. The Bishop hereupon retiring from the Court at Houghton Tower, to his own lodging at Preston, considered of six Limitations or Restrictions, by way of Condition, to be imposed upon every man that should enjoy the benefit of that liberty; which he presented to the King in writing the next day; and which the King did very well approve of, and added a seventh; saying only, he would alter them from the words of a Bishop, to the words of a King. It is not to be omitted that Bishop Andrew's attended the King at the same time, and therefore in all probability was consulted in the same business; but all I can positively say in it, is what I have here said, and this I can positively say because I have often heard it from this reverend Bishops own mouth. And upon this it was that King James published his Declaration of May the twenty-fourth in the 16. and 51. year of his Reign, entitled [concerning lawful sports to be used,] under these following Conditions and Limitations, which I think not amiss to insert, seeing all of them but one, (which I think is the first,) had their original and first being from this reverend Bishop, viz. 50. 1. That all unlawful games should be prohibited on Sundays, as Bear & Bull-bayting, interludes, and bowling at all times by law prohibited to the meaner sort of people. 2. That all such known Recusants, either men or women, as abstained from coming to Church, or divine service, shall be barred from this benefit and liberty; they being therefore unworthy of any lawful recreation after the said service, that will not first come to Church and serve God. 3. All that, though conform in religion, are not present at Church at the service of God before their going to the said recreations, were also debarred this liberty. 4. All such as, in abuse of this liberty, should use these exercises before the end of all divine services for that day, were to be Presented and sharply punished. 5. That every person should resort to his own parish Church, to hear divine service. And 6. that each parish by itself should use the said recreation after divine service. 7. And last of all. That no offensive weapons should be carried, or used, in the said times of recreation. I have kept myself to the very words of the Declaration as much as I could. 51. And he that shall duly consider these restrictions, and compare them with the temper of the people in those parts at that time as they were then wrought upon by some emissaries of the Romish party; will easily see and grant that this was in all probability the likest course to bring them to Church to serve God, and to be instructed out of his word; and consequently to stop the current both of Popery and Profaneness, by allowing them a small latitude for innocent-recreations thus limited and bounded. 52. I am not ignorant what tragical exclamations some have raised against the same Declaration, when it was reprinted and published a new by our late Gracious Sovereign; whether out of faction and malice to traduce him and the Bishops, or ignorance and inadvertency in not searching into the true state of the question, must be left to the searcher of hearts to judge. Only this I shall add for the betrer information of the misguided people, that, (setting aside the convenience of republishing this declaration at that time, whereof I am no competent judge, and which ought not to be measured by the event,) all the arguments I could ever yet see urged against the lawfulness of what is permitted by it, (taking it as it is still, and ever was restrained by these limitations and conditions,) are grounded upon no other bottom, for the most part, than the bare name of Sabbath, as it is applied, or misapplyed to the Lords day. Which being a question still under dispute among learned men on both sides, I shall trouble my Reader no further about it: and had not thus far, but only to defend this learned Bishop from the calumnies which some may still cast upon him in this particular. 53. I shall say no more of him while he was Bishop of Chester, but only, that the great and unwearied pains he took in this Diocese, and the small revenue of the Bishopric, and the great necessity there was of advancing Charity, and maintaining Hospitality, (especially in that place where good House-keeping is so much valued and practised,) moved King James to bestow upon him the Rectory of Stopford by way of Commendam, for the better support of his charge and dignity, which he held during the time he was Bishop of this See; and where his name and memory is still precious among such of the parishioners as are of years sufficient to remember his being among them. 54. In the year 1617. the See of Leichfield and Coventry became void by the translation of his old friend that learned prelate Dr. Overall, (above mentioned,) to the Bishopric of Norwich. To supply which vacancy the King was pleased to have this reverend Bishop translated thither the year after, at the motion of that great pattern of Episcopal perfection, Dr. Andrew's, (above mentioned,) than Bishop of Elie, who was never known to do the like for any other, and yet did this without his seeking or knowledge, that he might have him his nearer Neighbour, (as he said,) and of the same province with himself. His Tarnslation beareth date, Mar. 6, 1618. 55. And here his trouble was not so great as at Chester, though his Diocese was larger, because the common sort of people for the most part were better principled by the care and vigilancy of his predecessor. But yet he abated nothing of his former pains and industry, both in Writing, Preaching, and Conferring with those that were not wilfully obstinate; beside his ordinary vigilancy in Visiting his Diocese, and care in Confirming such children as could give an account of their Faith. It would be too large a task for me to relate the particulars. 56. About the time he was translated to this See, there came over into England that very learned, though unfortunate man, Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalleto, primate of Dalmatia, etc. Which, (as he was wont to glory,) was S●. Hieroms Native Country, as well as his. This great Scholar, (after he had so profoundly asserted the truth of Christian religion, as it is professed and practised in the Church of England, in so many particulars against the errors and corruptions of the See of Rome, in his learned and laborious Books, De Republica Ecclesiastica; and had also from the King's bounty received so great encouragements for his honourable support, as the Deanary of Windsour and Mastership of the Savoy, besides many rich and yearly presents, not only from the Bishops and Clergy, but also from the Nobility and Gentery,) was so far wrought upon by that great Politition count Gondamar, the Spanish Ambassador then in England, and other instruments of the See of Rome, (that sought his ruin under some specious pretences,) as to take up a resolution of returning to Rome; and could not be dissuaded from it by his true friends that really endeavoured his security: Among whom this Reverend Bishop was neither the least nor last, who very earnestly advised him, both by word and writing, not to venture himself upon such a hopeless and hassardous journey. 57 The Arch-Bishops pretence was very plausible and commendable, (and how real he was in it, must be left to God,) namely, to Negotiate an unity in Religion between the Church of Rome and the Church of England, upon those moderate grounds which he had laid down, and so well defended in his learned and laborious works printed here at London. He applauded himself in the excellency of the work, in removing the Schism; and of the honour in becoming a Repairer of the breach, and of the reward which is promised to the Peacemakers. And he thought himself the more likely to go through with his work by reason of the seasonable opportunity he had at that time when Gregory the fifteenth, was newly chosen Pope who had been of his old and intimate acquaintance, brought up in the same School and College with him. And however, he was resolved to make an attempt; because if he failed in it, he hoped he should lose nothing but his labour. For as for his Indemnity, count Gondamar had promised him the security of the King of Spain his Master. But how well that promise was performed will appear by the sequel. 58. While he was swelled up full with this promise and these hopes, the Bishop of Leichfeild and Coventry coming to visit him, had this ensuing discourse with him, (among many others,) which I have often heard him repeat with pleasure, and shall therefore insert it: and the rather because it shows us of how little authority the Council of Trent would be, if it were not for the terror of the Inquisition. Leichf. Domine quid tibi in animo est? Anne convertere Papam? Atque etiam conclave papale? Spal. Quid ni domine? Anne existimas eos diabolos esse, ut non possint converti? Leichf. Minime domine; nec puto dominum Spalatensem deum esse, ut hoc possit prestare: Nostin enim concilium Tridientinum. Spal. Novi domine, & ausus sum tibi dicere, Millies mille sunt, etiam in Italia, qui huic concillo fidem nullam adhibent. 59 This discourse, (and many other too extrinsecall here to mention,) having passed between them, they parted friendly. And not long after did this Bishop reinforce his arguments, with an addition of many more, in a long and learned Epistle to him. Wherein, (among other motives to dissvade him from his journey,) he used one, wherein he showed himself a true prophet, concerning the entertainment he was like to find at Rome. Which proved to be that before he got to Rome; Pope Gregory the fifteenth, his old friend was dead, and a successor chosen in his place; by whom this Archbishop was imprisoned in Castro St. Angelo. Where he died, not without strong suspicion of Murder or Poison: And his body was afterward burnt, (as of an Heretic,) in Campo Flori. 60. I could here start a problematical question concerning this learned Archbishop. Whether or no did he ever retract his works, which he published in Print? If he did, why did they at Rome burn his body for Heresy? If not, than they abused him in his life time, as well as after his death, in the Manifesto which they put forth in his name, which was so learnedly answered by Dr. Crakanthorp. There is but one way of avoiding this Dilemma, (and that will bring them into a greater strait then either of the other,) namely that they burned him after his death for what he retracted in his life time; and if they own this, they must withal proclaim their injustice and cruelty to the world. Let them take it in which sense they will, his reasons and arguments laid down and urged in his learned works will more condemn their cause, than the altering of his opinion, (supposing but not granting that he ever altered it,) can tend to their advantage. His many clear and convincing Authorityes, from the Holy Scriptures, Counsels, Fathers, Historians, and their own Authors will be far more argumentative to any indifferent person that is not wilfully prepossessed; then his own dubious, (perhaps imposed,) authority can countervail. His Manifesto, (if it was his,) consisteth only in affirming or denying in bare words: In his works, whatsoever is affirmed or denied, is backed with such convincing and irrefragable arguments, as no man hath taken the boldness in all these forty years since they were written, to undertake the answering of them. 61. I must acknowledge this to be a Digression, and therefore must hasten the faster from it. And so I shall also from the rest of the occurrences which, concerned this Bishop while he governed the Church of Leichfeild and Coventry: Which were not many of any memorable note, (for as much as I could learn,) though the time he sat there was above fourteen years. I shall only instance in two, whereof the one concerned a person that seemed to be more than a man, the other a Boy that seemed to be little less than a Devil. 62. The former was one George Canner, who like another Didimus of Alexandria, or Fisher of Westminster, was born blind; and yet was not inferior to either of them, (the proportion of his age being considered,) either in strength of parts, or industry in getting of learning, or memory in retaining what he had once heard. Among the rest of the works of Charity performed by this Bishop while he was of that See, one was to bring up this youth in good learning, (his parents being poor and not well able to do it themselves,) which he did first at School, and afterward when he was fitted to receive University learning he sent him to Cambridge, where he maintained him at his own charge in St. John's College, and his Vakle with him to look to him. And after he was well grounded in all manner of secular learning, and had taken the Degree of Bachellour of Arts, he sent for him into his own family, and there instructed him in the whole Body of Divinity; And afterward admitted him into sacred Orders, and placed him in the parish Church of Clifton Canvile in Stafford-shire, where he undertook the cure of their souls, and diligently and laudably discharged the duty of his place; being a very good preacher, and (which is more) able also to perform the whole office of the Church, as it is prescribed by the Book of Common Prayer, only by the strength of his admirable memory. 63. The other instance I intimated; was the Son of one Edward Perry of Bilson near Woolver Hampton in Stafford-shire, from whence he is best known by the title of the Boy of Bilson, both in those parts and elsewhere. This Boy being by nature very dull and uncapable of learning, and thereupon very unwilling to go to School, was wrought upon by some Romish Priests in those parts to free himself from that troublesome task of going to School, by counterfeiting himself to be possessed with a Devil; and he had the promise of a very good reward into the bargain, if he would suffer himself to be dispossessed by their Exorcisms. But the Devil having steeled his heart, (as his own phrase was afterward in his confession,) he continued to act the Demoniac both longer and otherwise then they desired who first instructed him in the art. And in pursuance of it, he accused a neighbouring woman for bewitching him, notwithstanding she was of the Romish Communion, only because she commonly went under the suspicion and title of a Witch. And he acted his part so cunningly in prosecuting the charge against her at the Assizes at Stafford, as the woman did very hardly escape with her life. The particulars whereof both there in public, and elsewhere more privately, as also of his exceeding great art in Counterfeiting, and patience in enduring any thing to keep himself from being discovered, would be too large a task, and too impertinent here to relate; and hath been by In a book written on this subject by Mr. Rich. Baddleley this Bishop's Secretary: see also Mr. Wilson in his narrative of the life of K. James, pag. 170. others upon other occasions published to the world. All that will concern my present undertaking is, that this Bishop, being fully persuaded in his own thoughts that the Boy did but personate and counterfeit in all this, (though so strangely as made it almost beyond discovery,) and again, that if it should not be discovered, the poor innocent Woman that was accused of Witchcraft, was in danger to lose her life, spoke to the Judges that went the Circuit, that he might have the Boy home with him to his own house at Eccleshall Castle, assuring them he would use his best endeavours to find out the imposture before the next Assizes, which he did though not without great pains, difficulty, wisdom and patience; as the Reader may see in the above mentioned relations. And afterward upon the Boy's confession and Repentance, he bound him out an Apprentice to a Shoemaker in Bristol. The man is still living in or about London, (I think in the parish of St. Martin's in the fields,) and I hope hath ingenuity enough as well as memory to testify the truth of all this, to those that shall make any doubt of it. 64. And now this Reverend Bishop having so well discharged himself of his duty in those places he had formerly sustained in the Church, it was his Majesty's pleasure to have him translated to the See of Duresme, in the year 1632. (then void by the death of Dr. John Howson, the last Bishop there,) as to a place of greater trust and honour, as well as of a greater emolument, then either of the other Bishoprics, he had formerly enjoyed. 65. For beside the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical affairs as before in his other Dioceses, he had the care and mannagement of all the temporal affairs within the County Palatine of Duresme, by virtue of the Palatinate which for many hundreds of years had been annexed to his Episcopal See. In particular he had the power of placing and displaceing all the Judges, Registers, Clerks, and other officers belonging to the Courts of Justice; of constituting the Sheriff and under Sheriff, Escheters, Feudaries, Coroners, etc. Of commissionating all Justices of the peace: and likewise of all the Deputy Leivtenants, Colonels, Captains and all other officers of the Trained Band, within the said County palatine of Duresme. In sum his power was so great in all temporal affairs there as it passed for a maxim or general rule: Quicquid potest Rex extra [Episcopatum] potest Episcopus intra. And yet in the mannagement of all these great affairs he carried himself with so much justice and equity, for ten years together before these late troubles put a disturbance in the exercise of his government, that no complaint was ever made against him to the Parliament, during all the time that Satan was let loose to sift him like wheat, as well as the rest of his Brethren of that Holy Order; which is an argument of his integrity beyond all exception. 66. I except only the case of Mr. Smart, which had no relation to the County Palatine, nor concerned this Bishop any otherwise then as one of the Judges in the High commission Court, if the charge had been made good, (as it never was,) against him or any of the rest. And yet for all that, he was troubled by him, (very undeservedly if the truth were known,) in a long vexatious suit for a pretended false imprisonment, though he never could recover any thing upon it. 67. It is a thing too notorious, that the people were wrought upon in some places to make complaints where there was no cause; and therefore I mention this the rather to the honour of the Gentry and others of this County that they could see when they were well: And they are the more to be pitied, in that respect, in being deprived of that just and moderate government under which they and their forefathers had lived so happily for so many generations. It is no part of my present design to inquire how his predecessors administered that Government, though if it were, it would not any way diminish their honour. And yet what he did was not inferriour to any of them. I shall here observe some general rules which he set to himself, because particular instances would be endless, and they shall be such wherein his own particular profit was concerned, because his moderation in them, will abundantly satisfy the Reader concerning his carriage in other affairs, where he had not the like temptations. 68 I have formerly observed, that he was possessed of Jura Regalia by reason of the County palatine of Duresme annexed to his Episcopal See: And by reason of this, beside his Ordinary Rents and Revenues, he had the disposal of all Wardships; and all Wrecks and Deodans, and other things of like nature were also confiscated to him: And therein his moderation was conspicuous. And first for his Fines at the renewing of Leases, he never intermeddled in setting them himself, but referred the business to four Gentlemen of the Neighbourhood to make a moderate composition between him and his Tenants. 2. In wrecks he took such a small sum of the person that had suffered them, as was not worthy of the name of a composition; having no other aim in taking any thing then only to preserve the right to himself and his successors, and assist the distressed person in the preservation and recovery of his goods from the Neighbouring multitude, who are usually too ravenous in such Cases; herein truly imitating that of Justinian the Emperor in the like Case: Nolo siscum meum alienâ jacturâ ditescere. 3. In Deodans, where any man had made himself away; though by law the whole estate was confiscated in detestationem criminis, to deter others from committing the like horrid offence; Yet was he so compassionate as not to exceed a fourth part of the estate in his composition after the most moderate valuation: not willing to add more misery to the living; who had incurred so much affliction by the dead. 4. And last of all for Wardships, they were managed with that tenderness of care and moderation within the liberties of this Palatine, as none of the Gentry had ever any cause of any wrong done either to their persons or Estates during their Minority. 69. By these instances of his great compassion and Moderation in administering the Temporal affairs of the County palatine, even then when the Laws of the Land would have warranted him to have advanced his own interest much higher than he did; we may measure, (tanquam ex pede Herculem,) how much greater his Fatherly care was for the Spiritual affairs of the Bishopric, seeing that by the Law of God, the loss of any one soul which he had committed to his charge, would have been the hazard of his own. I must not enlarge into many instances to illustrate this; and I need not allege more than this one following, because it contains so many under it. The thing I mean was his pious endeavours to redress that gross abuse which is so common, in starving the souls of the people for want of a sufficient maintenance for the Clergy, by settling some competent Augmentations upon the smaller benefices within his Dioceses, whereof the greater half were very meanly endowed Vicaridges, or (which was far worse) stipendiary Cures, some of which not above five pound per annum, and few above ten pounds or twenty marks. 70. His Interest was so great in that Country, as gave him the advantage above most of his Brethren to be a leading man in so good a work; and he doubted not but the rest of the Bishops (who saw the abuse as well as he, but foresaw withal how odious and difficult a thing it would be to apply a remedy to it) might the more easily proceed to do the like, when the the Ice was once broken. Mr. Stephens pref. to S. Hen. Spelmans larger work of Tithes. He had given a good example long before whiles he was Bishop of Lichfield, in abating a good part of his sine to increase the portion of the Minister in the Vicarage of Pitchley in Northamptonshire, as a learned person and exact observer of such things hath told us: and if either his own example or power could redress a grievance of so bad consequence he was resolved neither of them should be wanting. 71. And therefore to lay his foundation the surer, in a work of so great difficulty as well as importance, he applied himself for Council to three of the most learned and eminent persons that were in England for their knowledge both of the Common and Civil Law, the Lord Keeper Coventrie, Mr. Noy the King's Attorney general, and Sir Henry Martin Judge of the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury; who all of them unanimously concurred in these four points. 1. That all Abbots, Priors, and other Religious persons, who had Rectories or personages of Churches Appropriated to their several Convents were bound by law (especially since the time of King Richard the second) upon every avoidance of the incumbent to present an able Clerk, sufficiently endowed out of the Tithes belonging to the said Rectory, to the Bishop of the Diocese wherein any such Rectory was, to be instituted and admitted to the cure of souls within the said Parish. 2. That in case they did not present such a person so endowed within six Months after any vacancy, than the Bishop of the Diocese might Collate the said Vicarage jure de voluto, post lapsum temporis, upon any fit person, and endow it with sufficient maintenance, proportionable to the merit of the person and quantity of the Tithes. 3. That at the Dissolution of Abbeys, Priories and other Religious Houses, all such Rectories Appropriate were settled upon the Crown no otherwise, than the said religious persons formerly had and enjoyed them. And therefore, 4. That the Bishop's authority over Churches appropriate was neither taken away, nor any way infringed, either by the Common or Statute Law; but that he may now as lawfully appoint a competent Augmentation out of the Impropriate Tithes, where the Vicarage is not sufficiently endowed, as any Bishop might formerly have done while Abbeys, Priories, and other Religious houses were in being. 72. Having thus fully informed himself of his just power in a matter of so high concerment for the advancement of Christian religion, and the good of souls, he resolved to put it in practice as far as God should enable him, and trust him with the event; though he knew it would be a matter of no small difficulty to revive a matter of that nature that had laid buried in the rubbish of religious houses ever since their dissolution. And because he was willing to show his own good example as well as his power, he began (as charity directed him) at home with the parish of Bishop-Aukland, so called from one of his houses, the Castle there, (wherein there then was (and great pity it is not still) a Chapel inferior to none of any Prince in Christendom;) here he augmented the stipend of the Mother Church from 16. pound per annum to fourscore; and the Chapels belonging to it from about six pounds per annum to thirty; intending to extend the like Episcopal care in some proportion over all the rest of his Diocese. But this being such a fatal blow to the Prince of darkness, was not like to take the wished effect in the midst of this crooked and perverse generation. And therefore it is no wonder so pious a work should become abortive by the Scotch invasion, which then immediately followed; and after that the rest of those troubles and desolations which have given such a mortal wound to a glorious Kingdom and a flourishing Church, as makes our friends pity our misery, and our enemies rejoice at our folly. 73. I cannot acknowledge any digression in all this, seeing it is one of the principal passages of his life, and such an Heroical action as I could not possibly omit it. But if any shall accuse me of a voluntary digression in what now follows, I shall freely confess the fact, and submit to the Readers pardon. I know I am here engaged in a Paradox, (as that word is taken in the proper sense, for a truth not commonly taken notice of,) but that might pass well enough, if it were not that I have stretched so far beyond my own last, and entrenched upon the noble profession of the Law, in a point which self-interest and prepossession hath rendered very ticklish. Only this I have to plead for myself, that what I say here is no more than a bare report of a matter of fact: and I am the more emboldened to report it, because I find it so consonant to what that learned and judicious Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman hath delivered as the Law of England in this very * In his larger works of Tithes chap. 29. case. I am as unwilling to put a fallacy upon the Reader, as to conceal the truth; and therefore (though I take the liberty to digress a little) I shall set down his own words, so far as they concern the point in hand; and that also with his own Apology and Submission to the learned Masters of the Law, p. 161. that I do it not asserendo docere, sed disserendo quaerere. p. 153. 74. The appropriation of a Parsonage (saith this excellent Author) was no more at first but a grant made by the Pope— to an Abbot, Prior, Prebendary, or some other spiritual person, being a body politic and successive, that he and his successors might for ever be Parsons of that Church; that is, that as one of them died, another might enter into the Rectory, and take the fruits and profits thereof, without further trouble of Admission, Ploughed. f. 500 Institution, or Induction. 75. But shortly after Deans and Chapters— obtained like Licenses to them and their successors, p. 152. who being a body Corporate consisting of a multitude, could not jointly perform this function, and in particular none of them was tied unto it. Then was devised, that by their common Seal (which is the tongue of their Corporation) they might appoint a Deputy or Vicar to do it for them, which invention gave the wound unto the Church, whereof it bleedeth at this day, etc. 76. By this window crept the Vicars into the Church, p. 153. who for the most part were some of the Monastery whereunto the Appropriation belonged, till the Statute of 4. H. 4. cap. 12. provided, that in every Church so appropriate a secular person [viz. a Priest that was not a Monck] be ordained Vicar perpetual, Canonically institute and induct in the same, and COVENABLY ENDOWED BY THE DISCRETION OF THE ORDINARY, to do divine service, and to inform the people, and to keep Hospitality there— and that no religious [that is, none that was a Monk professed of any religious Order] be in any wise made Vicars in any Church so appropriate, etc. 77. Thus came Vicars to get a lock out of the Parson's fleece— But yet notwithstanding they were thus endued before this Statute: for in a Synod holden at _____ for the Province of Canterbury. Anno 1222. cap. 18. it was ordained that less should not be assigned to a perpetual Vicar than five marks a year in Rent; which in the proportion that the rents of that time hold to this, cannot be less than thirty or forty pounds a year, etc. p. 157. 78. It appeareth by that which is afore showed, and the circumstances thereof (as this learned Author goes on) that the appropriating of a Parsonage, or the endowing of a Vicarage out of it, do not cut the Parsonage from the Church, or make it Temporal, but leaveth it still spiritual, as well in the eye of the Common Law, as of the Canon Law. For if it became Temporal by the Appropriation, than were it within the Statute of Mortmain, and forfeited by that very Act. But it is agreed by the 21. Ed. 3. fol. 5. and in Ploughed. Com. fo. 499. that it is not Mortmain, and therefore doth continue spiritual. For which cause also the Ordinary and Ecclesiastical officers must have still the same authority over such appropriate Churches, as they had before those Churches were Appropriate. Therefore in the year 1252. Robert Bishop of Lincoln by Commission from Innocent 4. not only enlarged the endowments that before were made to divers Vicarages, as he thought good, but endowed others out of those Appropriations which had no Vicarages endowed, to the great discontentment of all the Approprietaries of that time, as appeareth by Matthew Paris. And therefore also the Statute of 15. R. 2. cap. 6. and that of 4. H. 4. cap. 12. that ordained that in Licences of Appropriation in the Chancery it should be contained, that the Bishop of the Diocese in EVERY CHURCH so Appropriated, should PROVIDE BY HIS DISCRETION that the VICAR were * Well and sufficiently endowed. 15. R. 2. c. 6. COVENABLY ENDOWED, divine service performed, and a CONVENIENT PROPORTION of the fruits thereof yearly DISTRIBUTED to the POOR of the Parish; did but agnise and affirm the spiritual end whereunto these Parsonages were appropriated, and the authority the Church had still over them notwithstanding such appropriation, commanding the Bishops to see it executed. 79. Thus far this learned Author concerning the nature of Appropriations, and the Bishop's power over them while they belonged to Religious houses. And as for the time since the dissolution, he proceedeth on thus. 80. The Statute [of 27. H. 8. c. 28.] saith, p. 161. that the King shall have all such Monasteries, Priories and other such Religious houses of Monks— as were not above 200.l. a year— in as large and ample manner as the Governors of those and such other Religious houses have, or aught to have the same, in right of their Houses, etc.— whereupon he inferreth, p. 154. that though the statute changed the owner, yet it changed not the nature of the thing. The Monastical persons had them before as spiritual livings, and now the King must have them in as large manner, but still as spiritual livings. 81. And again to the same effect— neither do I yet find where this power [viz. of granting Augmentations] is taken from the Bishops; p. 158. for the Statute that giveth those appropriate Churches to the King, saith not the King shall have them as temporal lands, or discharged of the Bishop's jurisdiction, but that he shall have them as the Religious persons had them, that is, as spiritual livings, and consequently subject to the jurisdiction the Bishops before had over them; and then are they no otherwise in the hands of the Laity. 82. Hitherto this learned and judicious Author whereunto I shall only add (which I wonder he did omit) that both in the aforementioned Act of 27. H. 8. c. 28. and likewise in the other Act of 31. H. 8. c. 13. (where the rest of the Monasteries, etc. which were above 200.l. per annum are confirmed to the King) there is this express salvo: saving to all and every person and persons, and bodies politic, and their heirs and successors, and the heirs and successors of all and every of them (other than the said late Abbots, Priors, etc.) all such right, title and interest— Synods, Proxies, and all other profits, as they or any of them have, claim, aught, may or might have had, in or to the premises, or any part or parcel thereof (and PERSONAGES APPROPRIATE are mentioned expressly as a part of the premises in the Statute of 31. H. 8. c. 13.) in such like manner, form and condition, to all intents, respects, constructions, and purposes, as if this Act had never been had, ne made. From whence I conceive it is no unreasonable inference to conclude that whatsoever power the Bishop of the diocese had over Churches appropriate before the dissolution of Monasteries, he had and hath over Churches impropriate after. And then I have no more to say (as to this particular) but to beg my Readers pardon once again for this long digression. 83. I have now brought this view of the life of this Reverend Bishop to the precipice of his outward splendour; though neither his glory nor happiness incurred the least diminution by his future sufferings: for he was never more happy in his own thoughts, nor more glorious in the eyes of all good men then in being exercised in those troubles, whereof the continued series of public affairs afforded him a perpetual opportunity from this time till his death. The particulars whereof were so many, as I shall only cull out two for instances: the one whereof was in conjunction with eleven of his reverend Brethren, the other peculiar to himself alone. 84. I must make my passage to the former of these through those confluences of the rude multitude at Westminster at the beginning of the late Parliament, which I hope may now be called by their proper name, Tumults without offence; and were never thought otherwise by any, but those that had sacrificed their understandings and tongues to the Votes of the House of Commons. When I know a more proper term for the like overture of reformation made at Ephesus, when some cried one thing, some another, Acts 19.31. and yet the greater part knew not why they were come together, I shall most willingly apply it nearer home. I am sure there could hardly be a fitter parallel to that at Ephesus, than these at Westminster, in one whereof this Reverend Bishop was in extreme hazard of his life, by the multitude that were beckoned thither by the contrivers of our late miseries: whereof some cried, pull him out of his Coach: orhers, nay he is a good man: others, but for all that he is a Bishop. And I have often heard him say, he believed he should not have escaped alive, if a leading man among that rabble had not cried out; let him go and hang himself, which he was wont to compare to the words of the Angel uttered by Balaams' Ass, though the rudeness of the expression argued more of the Ass than the Angel. 85. Upon these and the like violations of the liberty and freedom essential to all the members of Parliament, whereby the Bishops were necessitated to omit the discharge of their duty in the House of Peers, according to their ancient right before the name of Parliament was known in England, and according to the several Writs by which they were summoned to that Parliament; twelve of them (whereof this reverend person was one) meeting together to consult and advise how they might make the discharge of their duty, and the enjoyment of their safety consist together, agreed upon a Petition to the King, wherein they did remonstrate some of those violences offered to their persons, and the just fears they were in by those tumults; and did Protest their dissent from all Laws which should be enacted, till they might attend the service of the House with freedom and safety; and the Nullity of them that should be made, while the Parliament was under such a force, as themselves and their Brethren (being one of the three estates,) could not attend the service of the house without the apparent hazard of their lives, or to this effect. 86. And though it was the known and continual practice of the House of Peers, that any one member of it might enter his dissent upon record from any thing he disliked though it had already passed the House; yet was this Protestation of the dissent of all these twelve Reverend Bishops aggravated with so much virulence by the leaders of the faction, as to get them charged with High Treason by the House of Commons for it, and committed to prison upon it; and yet after they had got the Bill to pass against the Bishops sitting in Parliament, they let the accusation fall without ever drawing it into a formal Impeachment, as being ashamed of ever having it brought unto a Legal trial, where Council might be heard on both sides. And upon this occasion did this Reverend Bishop and the rest suffer about four month's imprisonment; though it is true indeed the place of his and the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventries' imprisonment was the house of the Usher of the Black Rod, whereas the other Ten were sent to the Tower: but whether this was in favour to these two as being very old, or to the person to whom they were committed as being then reputed rich, may best be conjectured by the excessive charge they were at there, more than the other in the Tower. 87. And though this Fact was never permitted to come to a due examination according to the ancient and known manner of proceeding at law in cases of Treason, (though it was earnestly desired and endeavoured by these Reverend Bishops,) yet were they so far prejudged by it, as to make all the twelve liable to Sequestration for it, as that word bathe been abused of late for the taking away of a man's whole estate Personal and Real. Which yet had not been half so grievous to them, if they had not seen an occasion taken thereby to rob God of the patrimony, as well as of the movable goods of their several Churches; which was shared among those that had long gaped for it, or made the price of blood by being put into the Treasury out of which the War was maintained. I pray God it may never be laid to their charge. 88 But to let this pass as the common cause of this once flourishing Church, I shall return to this Reverend Bishop in particular, who being discharged from his first Imprisonment returned to his lodgings in Duresme House, and there attended his Devotions and study, till such time as his adversaries thought fit to give him another occasion to exercise his patience under a second captivity, for which the snare was thus prepared. 89. It was represented to the House of Commons by some of his back-friends as a matter of much prejudice to their affairs, that he should still have in his custody the Seal of the County Palatine of Duresme. (The method and motive were both of them near of kin to that which Jezebel practised to get Naboths Vineyard, 1 King. 21. though I shall forbear the mention of any particular Person.) The House hereupon sent a Committee of their own members to demand it; and the answer he returned was in the Negative, but yet as well sweetened with civil expressions as he could make it; and among other things he desired the Interposition of the House of Peers (for it was while they sat) for their fuller satisfaction; which they rightly interpreting to be an Appeal from those that were not his competent Judges to those that were, sent for him by their Sergeant at Arms to appear at their Bar; which he did, and made it evident to them. 1. That it was not a Seal transmitted from Bishop to Bishop successively, but one that had his own Arms and Impress cut upon it. 2. That to part with it could not but be of great prejudice to several persons within the County Palatine of Duresme, whose estates depended upon it, both by way of Patents for Offices and Leases for Lands. He added also 3. That it might be prejudicial to himself and successors, and to the Person by whom he received the power to make it. Which being a very reasonable Plea, (though the last part of it was not very acceptable to them) the House had nothing to object against it, and so dismissed him for that time. And yet manet altâ ment; his adversaries that could not then have their wills on him, retained their malice against him till another opportunity. 90. And that fell out not long after upon this occasion. The right Honourable the Earl and Countess of Rutland having always carried a very Reverend respect to this good Bishop, and he no less honourable esteem of them and that noble Family, desired him to perform the holy Office of Baptism to a sweet young Lady which God had then newly blessed them withal; which he did (as he always judged a Bishop ought to do) exactly according to the order of the Church, prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer. And this being taken notice of by his old adversaries, and much aggravated by some Zealots of the contrary persuasion (whom I hope God hath forgiven) was complained of to the House of Commons, as a thing superstitious, idolatrous, or I know not what. 91. It is a hard case when the Commons must teach their Bishops (whom God hath placed over them in chief as the guides of their souls) what is superstition and idolatry. But the world being then turned upside down, it was the less wonder the case was so in this particular. And accordingly having sent for him as a Prisoner to their Bar, they patched up this fault to the former to make an Accumulative crime of both together, and so committed him prisoner to their Sergeant, under whose custody he continued about 6. Months before he could obtain his enlargement. 92. Having thus fallen upon a discourse concerning the Sufferings of this Reverend Bishop in relation to the Parliament, it will not be amiss to enlarge it a little farther, so as to take in a business pretended to be done in the late Parliament, wherein he had been a deep sufferer in point of his Reputation, if he had not lived to clear himself of it: the case was thus. 93. In the year 1657. came forth a Book said to be Printed at Roven, entitled [A Treatise of the Nature of Catholic Faith and Heresy] wherein the Author (or Authors) N. N. hath conjured up the old overworn fable of the Nagshead Ordination or Consecration from the place where it was first hatched; and imposeth the patronage of it upon this Reverend Bishop in these words. Chap. 2. Sect. 3. p. 9 94. In the beginning of the late Parliament some Presbyterian Lords presented to the Upper House a certain Book, proving that the Protestant Bishops had no Succession nor Consecration, and therefore were no Bishops, and by consequence had no right to sit in Parliament. Hereupon Doctor Morton pretended Bishop of Durham, who is yet alive, made a Speech against this Book, in his own and all the Bishop's behalf then present: he endeavoured to prove succession from the last Catholic Bishops, who (said he) ordained the first Protestant Bishops at the Nagshead in Cheapside, as was notorious to all the world, etc. Therefore the said Book ought to be looked upon as a groundless Libel. This was told to many by one of the ancientest Peers of England, present in Parliament when Morton made his speech: and the same he is ready to depose upon Oath. Nay, he cannot believe that any will be so impudent as to deny a thing so notorious, whereof there are as many witnesses living as there were Lords and Bishops, that were that day in the Upper House of Parliament. Sect. 28. p, 36, 27. 95. And again in the same Chapter. Whereas Doctor Morton pretended Bishop of Durham affirmed publicly in the Upper House that the first Protestant Bishops were Consecrated at the Nagshead; this answer all the rest approved by their silence, and were glad to have that retiring place against the Presbyterians, who proved clearly that they were not Consecrated at Lambeth, as Mr. Mason pretends, etc. 96. These are the Author's words: and they have already been proved to be so notoriously imposterous and false in a Book written by the accurate pen of the right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Derrie, that I might have saved my Reader this trouble, but only that I measure this action by what I know was the mind of this Reverend Bishop while he lived, who was so exceedingly sensible of the wrong done him in this particular, that he never thought any thing too much to vindicate himself from it. And this is evident by his tripling his guard against it: first in that Codecil annexed to his Will which is herewith published; then by a Letter to Mr. Gunning, desiring him to take notice of the injury in a Book which he was then preparing for the Press: and last of all in a Formal Protestation made by him in the presence of a public Notary before several competent witnesses; and attested unto afterwards by all the Bishops now surviving, who sat in that Parliament, (excepting only the Bishop of Bangor, who lives so far remote in Wales, as he could not conveniently be sent unto;) and likewise by as many of the Temporal Lords who sat in that Parliament, as with any convenience it could be presented unto; and last of all by all the Clerks that attended in the House of Peers, and who are sworn officers to keep true and perfect Records of what passeth there. The form whereof and of the Attestations annexed to it, are word for word as followeth; and for the other circumstances of that Action, I shall refer the Reader to my Preface before the Learned Bishop of Derries' Book above mentioned. The Bishop of DURESMES Protestation. 97. WHereas I am most injuriously and slanderously traduced by a nameless Author calling himself N. N. in a Book said to be printed at Roven 1657. entitled A Treatise of the Nature of Catholic Faith and Heresy; as if upon the presenting of a certain Book to the Upper House in the beginning of the late Parliament, proving (as he saith) that the Protestant Bishops had no Succession nor Consecration, and therefore were no Bishops, and by consequence ought not to sit in Parliament; I should make a speech against the said Book in my own and all the the Bishop's behalf, endeavouring to prove succession from the last Catholic Bishops (as he there styles them) who by Imposition of hands ordained the first Protestant Bishops at the Nagshead in Cheapside, as was notorious to all the world, etc. I do hereby in the presence of Almighty God, solemnly protest and Declare to all the world, that what this Author there affirms concerning me is a most notorious untruth and a gross slander. For to the best of my knowledge and remembrance no such Book as he there mentions, was ever presented to the Upper House, in that or any other Parliament that I ever sat in: and if there had, I could never have made such a speech as is there pretended, seeing I have ever spoken according to my thoughts, and always believed that Fable of the Nagshead Consecration to have proceeded from the Father of Lies, as the Authentic Records of the Church still extant, which were so faithfully transcribed and published by Mr. Mason, do evidently testify. And whereas the same impudent Libeler doth moreover say, that what he there affirms was told to many by one of the Ancientest Peers of England present in Parliament when I made this [pretended] speech, and that he is ready to depose the same upon his oath, and that he cannot believe any will be so impudent as to deny a thing so notorious, whereof there are as many witnesses living as there are Lords and Bishops that were that day in the Upper House of Parliament, etc. I answer, that I am very unwilling to believe any Peer of England should have so little sense of his Conscience and Honour, as either to swear, or so much as affirm so notorious an untruth. And therefore, for the justification of myself, and manifestation of the truth in this particular, I do freely and willingly Appeal (as he directs me) to those many Honourable persons the Lords Spiritual and Temporal yet alive, who sat in the House of Peers in that Parliament, or to as many of them as this my Protestation can come to, for a true Certificate of what they know or believe concerning this matter: humbly desiring them, and charging upon their Souls, as they will answer it to God at the Day of Judgement, that they will be pleased to testify the truth and nothing but the truth herein, to the best of their knowledge and remembrance, without any favour or affection to me at all. I cannot reasonably be suspected by any indifferent man of denying any thing that, I know or believe to be true, seeing I am so shortly in all probability to render an account to the Searcher of hearts of all my words and actions, being now (at the least) upon the Ninety fifth year of my Age: and I acknowledge it a great mercy and favour of God, that he hath reserved me thus long to clear the Church of England and myself of this most notorious slander, before he takes me to himself: for I cannot imagine any reason, why this shameless writer might not have cast the same upon any of my Reverend Brethren as well as me, but only that I being the Eldest, it was probable I might be in my grave before this untruth could be taken notice of in the world. And now, I thank God, I can cheerfully sing my Nunc dimittis, unless it shall please him to reserve me for the like service hereafter: for I desire not to live any longer upon Earth than he shall be pleased to make me his instrument to defend the truth, and promote his glory. And for the more sosolemn and full confirmation of this my Free and Voluntary Protestation and Declaration, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this seventeenth day of July, Anno Dom. 1658. Signed, Sealed, published and declared in the presence of Tho. Duresme. Tho. Saunders Senior. Tho. Saunders Jun. Jo. Barwick Cler. R. Grace. Evan Davies. 98. Hereunto was added the Attestation of a Public Notary (subscribed with his hand, and Signed with his Notarial mark and Motto) in these words: I Toby Holder, public Notary, being requested by the right Reverend Father in God Thomas Lord Bishop of Duresme, at the House of Thomas Saunders Esq in the parish of Flamestead in the County of Hertford, in the year of our Lord, Month and Day above specified, was then and there personally present, where and when the said Reverend Bishop did sign, publish and declare this his Protestation and Declaration above written to be his Act and Dead: and did cause his Authentick-Episcopal Seal to be thereto affixed, in the presence of the Witnesses, whose names are there subscribed. And did there and then likewise sign, publish, and declare as his Act and Deed, another of the same Tenor written in Paper, which he signed with his Manual Seal in the presence also of the same witnesses. All this I heard, saw, and therefore know to be done. In testimony whereof I have subscribed, and thereto put my usual and accustomed Notaries sign. Tob. Holder. 99 To this Protestation were annexed these three following Attestations, from the Bishops, Temporal Lords, and Clerks. The Attestation of the Bishops. WHereas we the surviving Bishops of the Church of England, who sat in the Parliament begun at Westminster the third day of November 1640. are requested by our Reverend Brother, the Lord Bishop of Duresme to declare and attest the truth concerning an Imputation cast upon him, in the Pamphlet of that nameless Author mentioned in his Protestation and Declaration here prefixed: and whereas we are obliged to perform what he requesteth, both for the justification of the truth, and for the clearing of ourselves of another slanderous aspersion, which the same Author casteth upon us, as if we had heard our said Reverend Brother make such a speech as is there pretended, and by our silence had approved what that Libeler falsely affirmeth was delivered in it: we do hereby solemnly Protest and Declare before God and all the world, that we never knew of any such Book presented to the House of Peers, as he there pretendeth, nor believe any such was ever presented; and therefore could never hear any such Speech made against it as he mentioneth, by our said Reverend Brother, or any other, much less approve of it by our silence. And if any such Book had been presented, or any such Speech had been made, there is none among us so ignorant, or negligent in his duty in defending the truth, but would have been both able and ready to have confuted so groundless a Fable as the pretended Consecration of Bishops at the Nagshead out of the Authentic and known Registers of the Church still extant, mentioned and faithfully transcribed and published by Mr. Mason so long before. For the Confirmation of which Truth, and Attestation of what our said Reverend Brother hath herewith Protested and Declared, we have hereunto set our hands; dated the nineteenth day of July, Anno Dom. 1658. Guil. London. Will. Bath and Wells. Ma. Elie. Ro. Oxon. Jo. Roffens. Br. Sarum. The Attestation of the Lords Temporal. 100 WE of the Lords Temporal, whose names are he under written, who sat in the Parliament begun at Westminster the third day of November 1640. being desired by the Bishop of Duresme to testify our knowledge concerning an Imputation cast upon him about a Speech pretended to be made by him in that Parliament, more particularly mentioned and disavowed in his prefixed Protestation: do hereby Testify and Declare, that to the best of our knowledge and remembrance, no such Book against Bishops as is there mentioned, was presented to the House of Peers in that Parliament: and consequently that no such Speech, as is there pretended, was or could be made by him or any other, against it. In witness whereof we have signed this our Attestation with our own hands. Dated the nineteenth day of July, Anno Dom. 1658. Hertford. Dorchester. Lindsey. Rutland. T. Southamton. T. Lyncoln. W. Devonshire. E. Manchester. Berkshire. Cleveland. Monmouth. Hen. Dover. M. Newport. F. Willughbye. J. Lovelace. The Attestation of the Clerks of the House. 101. WE whose names are hereunto subscribed, being Clerks in the Honourable House of Peers during the Parliament begun at Westminster the third day of November 1640. who, according to our several places and Offices, did give continual attendance in the said House; and, as our duty required, did respectively and particularly observe whatsoever was debated and concluded in it; do hereby Testify and Declare, that, to the best of our knowledge and remembrance no such Book was presented to that honourabe House, nor any such Speech made in it, by the Reverend Bishop of Duresme or any other, as are mentioned and disavowed in his Lordship's Protestation and Declaration here prefixed. And therefore we have freely & voluntarily given this our Attestation for the Confirmation of the Truth of what is affirmed and declared by the said Bishop in his said Protestation. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands: Dated the twenty seventh day of December, Anno Domini, 1658. Jo. Brown Cleric. Parliamentorum. Jo. Throckmorton. Sam. Smith. 102. This is so full a vindication of this Reverend Bishop from this foul aspersion, and so clear and honourable an Attestation to the cause of the Church of England in point of Succession, that I cannot see what more needs be added to it, excepting only this ensuing Certificate out of the Journal of the House of Peers, which I must ascribe to the great pains and civility of Mr. Scobel, who after a long and diligent search, wrote these following words over against the place where the objection is made Page 9 in the Margin of the Book which I have in my custody. Upon search made in the Book of the Lords House, I do not find any such Book presented, nor any entry of any such Speech made by Bishop Morton. Hen. Scobell Clerk of the Parliament. 103. And now (I speak it unfeignedly) I know not what N.N. can reply to all these clear Testimonies either in truth or modesty, but only by confessing his error. If all these persons of Honour and ingenuity (after such a solemn charge laid upon them by this pious Bishop to speak nothing but the truth in sincerity) must be thought to conspire together in a Lie, rather than his Ancient Peer shall incur the suspicion of being mistaken, yet the Authentic Record of the proceedings in the Lord's House will sufficiently justify them against that Calumny. Or if (on the other side) the journal of the House shall be condemned by N.N. either as imperfect or obliterated in this particular, yet the Readers, (even of the Romish persuasion) will be satisfied (as many of them as will be satisfied with reason) that this is a poor and groundless shift, when they shall seriously consider these concurrent testimonies of so many persons of all ranks and orders, that are most likely both to know the truth and remember it. But both of these concurring together, will make it as clear as the sun at noonday, that either N. N. or his Ancient Peer is mistaken. 104. And hence I conceive, it is, that N. N. (as I here) in a late reply (which I have not yet seen) to the abovementioned Book of the learned Bishop of Derrie, hath not the confidence to deny the truth of what is both there and here testified; but only betakes himself to the last reserve of a bad cause, downright railing; venting all the malice he can upon the innocent Ashes of this deceased Bishop. Wherein I shall not gratify him so much, as to make (even) that return which Michael the Archangel did to him that suggested this Topick to him; S. Judas ver. 9 but rather that which better becomes a Christian, and was taught us by our great Master, both by his example of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and by his precept to love and Bless, 1 S Pet. 2 23. S Mat. 5.44. and pray for him. 105. It is more than high time that I return from this digression to the remnant of the life of this Reverend Prelate, which cannot be much now that we have seen him so near to his Nunc dimittis. All that I shall need to say further of it (though I glance a little back upon it) will be only this; that from the time this great light was not suffered to shine upon his Candlestick, he did burn the more zealously under his bushel, both in his Devotion towards God, and his Charity towards all men, even his enemies that caused this Eclipse; which offices (together with his uninterrupted laborious course of study) became thenceforward his whole work. This he performed at Duresme House in the Strand, till he was thrown out thence by the Soldiers that came to Garrison it, a little before that horrid fact was committed upon the person of our late gracious KING, which the greatest masters of language can never find out a proper word bad enough to express it by. And after that, being importuned by the earnest solicitation of his honourable friends, the Earl and Countess of Rutland above mentioned, he became a part of their care and family at Exeter-house in the Strand for some short time. But being loath to live at the charge of others, while he was able to subsist of himself, and thinking the Air of the Country might better suit with his declining years, then of the City; he left those Honourable persons (though not without much grief to them) and betook himself to sojourn first with Captain Saunders in Hertfordshire, and after with Mr. Thomas Rotheram in Bedfordshire, till by the great civility and earnest importunity of that Noble young Baronet, Sir Henry Yeluerton, he went with him to his house at Easton Manduit in Northamptonshire; where he found all the tender respect and care from the whole family which a Father could expect from his Children, till after some few months he rendered up his happy soul into the hands of his Heavenly Father. 106. If any shall be so inquisitive as to desire to know (which reason rather than curiosity may tempt any man to) how a person so open handed as he was both in his Hospitality, Liberality and Charity, should be able to subsist so long without being burdensome to any, after his being deprived so many years of all he had, and spending upon the stock, and yet continuing in some repute: I answer, that his case in this particular was not much unlike that of Elias while he was fed by the Ravens, 1 King. 17.6. which are of themselves Birds of prey, and more apt to pluck the meat out of a man's mouth then to bring it to his hand: as of old, so here once again, God was pleased to turn the hard rock into a standing water, Psalm 114.8, and the flint stone into a springing well; and indeed aqua ex silice is the best resemblance of what he got back from them that had taken from him all that he had. 107. The case in brief was thus: when the great contrivers of the ruin of the Church had prevailed so far in the House of Commons as to get a vote for the dissolving of Bishoprics, and selling the Lands that belonged to them; those among them that abhorred the fact, though they wanted power to oppose it, yet prevailed so far upon the rest, as to get a feather stuck down where the goose was stolen: they obtained another vote of the House for some yearly allowance to the present Bishops during their lives, though in effect it proved far short of what I am bound in charity to believe many of them intended. I shall instance only in this Reverend Bishop, whose repute was so great among his very enemies, as to have 800. l. per annum voted to him, which was a far greater proportion than to any of his suffering Brethren, and yet signified very little in the conclusion. For while he was able to subsist without it he never troubled himself with looking after it; and at last when his pressing necessities put him upon this hard choice either to look after this or be burdensome to his friends, making choice of the former, he procured a Copy of the Vote: but found it to contain no more then only that such a Sum should be paid, but no mention either by whom or whence. And by that time he could procure an Explanation of the Order to make the pension payable out of the Revenues of his own Bishopric, all the Lands and Revenues of it were sold or divided among themselves. Only by the importunity of his friends he obtained an Order to have 1000 l. in part, paid out of their Treasury at Goldsmith's Hall, with which he paid his debts, and purchased to himself an Annuity of 200. l. per annum during his life, upon which he hath subsisted ever since. 108. This Annuity was granted at first by the Honourable the Lady Savile in the Minority of her son Sir George, and afterward confirmed by himself when he came to years. And it was a great providence of God that this good Bishop fell into the hands of persons so just and noble as both of them are; seeing it is a thing too frequent that Annuities are so ill paid as the steed may starve while the grass grows, unless the fear of Law facilitates the payment, which was a thing he could hardly have been induced to make use of, as appears by the whole course of his life. 109. But as the case was here, such remedies were so far from being necessary, as he never missed of the money at the time and place when and where it was payable. And indeed there was such a generous contest between a Pious Bishop and a noble Baronet, as the one was troubled at nothing more than that he had not an estate to repay what he had received over and above the strict value of the purchase (though it was made at an equitable rate when it was first granted;) and the other was so sensible of his worth and sufferings, as to proffer the pension for the Quarter current at his Death, (in case he left not an estate sufficient to bury him like himself) after he had repaid double the sum received for the purchase: which yet his Executor durst not accept of, because he desired to do all things according to what he either knew or might reasonably presume, was or would have been the mind of this pious deceased Bishop. 110. This mention of his Executor may possibly suggest to some so much curiosity as to expect something from me concerning his Will. But seeing he hath been necessitated to frustrate that expectation himself, I must also of necessity do the like. I have already met with that enquiry (though out of self-interest, not curiosity;) and must still adhere to my answer, That no man can expect any thing considerable in the Will of a person deceased, who made his own hand his Executors while he lived. This Reverend Bishop, in this particular was much of the temper of his great kinsman the Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury above mentioned, Antiq. Brit. in vit. Jo. Morton. Caeteris suis necessariis admodum parce legavit quia ejus liberalitaetem in vivis uberrime senserant. who chose rather to enrich his kindred and servants in his life-time, then at his death; or rather of William Warham (who succeeded him not long after both in his Metropolitical See and Chancellourship of England) of whom I well remember I have read, though I have forgot where, that (lying upon his deathbed) he called for his steward to let him know what money he had, and understanding from him it was but thirty pounds, * Triginta aureos. he thanked God for it, and said his time was then come, for he never desired to die richer. 111. It is true indeed this Reverend Bishop had somewhat more money by him at his death, according to the number of pounds, though less according to the value and proportion of money now to what it was then. But to be sure he died far poorer in Estate, for his debts were either none or desperate, which is all one: and his goods were either plundered, or sold (not excepting his Books) in his life-time. Of that small remnant which his professed enemies, and seeming friends, and urgent necessities had left him, he gave 40. l. to the one of his servants that attended him at his death, (having abundantly provided for the other in his life) and ten pounds to the poor of the Parish where he died, and his Chalice with a Patin for the cover (both double guilt) to the noble Baronet in whose family he died, for the use of his Chapel lately built. The rest (deducting some small Remembrances) he ordered for his Burial, which though not much above one hundred pounds was so well husbanded (though I say it) as to have a small remnant for a Monument at his own charge; which though of necessity it must be far below his worth, yet will it be such a one as will suit better with his great modesty, than one much more sumptuous at the cost of another: and will tell posterity he died a Confessor in a good cause and bad times, (to the great reproach of a wicked and ungrateful generation) though the year he died in should not be written upon it. 112. I cannot here omit to mention again the chief Legacy of his Will; that which he designed for the common good of all pious and sober Christians, living in the Communion of the Church of England, but bequeathed (as his pastoral charge required) more particularly to those of his own Diocese of Duresme. And this was paid in part by his Executor in the conclusion of his Funeral Sermon, and will be more fully discharged now that both that and this are made public in print, and therefore I refer the Reader to that place for it. 113. Having thus carefully disposed of all outward things in order to his long journey seven months (and of some of them seventeen) before he took it; we may reasonably presume he did the like much more carefully and timely in relation to those things which concerned his Spiritual and Eternal welfare. For, beside the principles of Christianity, he had also his great Calling, Learning and Years to mind him of his great account at a little distance. And he had studied the point so well, as it became a very familiar saying with him for many years together before his death, that he had Vitam in patientia, but mortem in desiderio: till at last God was pleased to Crown his desires with what he had patiently waited for so long a time. The knife that cut the thread of his long life (beside old age which is an incurable disease) was an infirmity with which he had wrestled for a long time, though it had much exercised his patience, and impaired his strength. It was an Hernia or Rupture, which at last falling down more violently then ordinary, became so painful to him, as he could not endure to have it reduced. Hereupon he was cast upon his deathbed for a month wanting three days; during which time God did wonderfully supply him with a great measure of patience and other Christian virtues requisite for his condition in that extremity, (as I have * See above in the Funeral Sermon. elsewhere manifested, and shall not here repeat) till at last God was graciously pleased to grant him his last and (infinitely) happiest Translation from the vale of misery to a Throne of glory, this he obtained the 22. day of September 1659. in the 95. year of his Age, being the 44. of his Episcopal Consecration, and 28. of his Translation to the See of Duresme. 114. Upon the eight day after his death, being the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, his Body was solemnly interred (according to the Order of the Church of England) in the Chancel of the Parish Church of St. Peter at Easton-Manduit, where he died. And though his Estate was so small as could not well consist with any solemn Invitation to his Funeral, yet had he so great respect from the Neighbouring people of all ranks and qualities, (for all he had been so short a time among them) that some of the Nobility, many of the Gentry, and most of the Clergy did freely and voluntarily give their attendance at his Funeral solemnity, the chief of them carrying up the skirts of the Pall, and the rest in due rank and order accompanying his Body to the grave, where now it resteth in Peace till a glorious and happy Resurrection, shall once more Translate it to life everlasting. Animam quidem Christus, Scripta possidet Ecclesia. CHAP. II. A Catalogue of the Books written by this Learned Bishop. 1. HE led his life in a holy and chaste Celibate, being never married to any beside God and the Church, which he had committed to his care and trust: so that what is usually added to the History of other men's lives concerning their Children, may and must be spared in this, seeing he never had any but such as were spiritual whom he begat to God in the Gospel of Christ. 2. And yet if we look upon the Issue of his brain, those learned works he hath left to the world, we shall find him more fruitful in them then his Parents were in the issue of their Body, though that was very remarkable. They had indeed nineteen Children, he left above twenty several volumes in Print, and several others that wanted only his last hand, and some not so much, but only the obstetrication of the Press to bring them into the world. It is true indeed that many of his Father's issue have multiplied into a numerous posterity; and so had His also, but only for this paradox, that their strength caused their Imbecility: for if his Books had been less unanswerable, they had produced Replies and Duplies before this time, considering how long it is since most of them were published, as will appear by this ensuing Catalogue. 1. APOLOGIA CATHOLICA par. 1. Lond. 1605. 4ᵒ. 3. This was the first-fruits of his great labours in writing, which he dedicated to God and the Church under the patronage of that wise Prelate Richard Bancroft then L. Archbishop of Canterbury. 4. But before the second part of this laborious work could be fitted for the Press, that horrid design of the Gunpowder Treason occasioned another little Treatise, which he dedicated to the Seduced Brethren, and entitled, 2. An exact discovery of Romish Doctrine in the case of CONSPIRACY and REBELLION: or ROMISH POSITIONS and PRACTICES, etc. London, 1605. 4ᵒ. 5. And yet not long after he published and dedicated to King James his Book entitled, 3. APOLOGIA CATHOLICA Par. 2. Lond. 1606. 4ᵒ. 6. The forementioned Book entitled Romish Positions, etc. did not a little gall those that were concerned in it: in so much as a nameless Author was provoked by it to return a Moderate answer to it, as he styled it. Whereunto this Learned Author presently returned a Reply, which he dedicated to King James. The subject whereof was concerning the Rebellion and Equivocation of the Romish Priests and Jesuits: and the Title 4. A full SATISFACTION concerning a double Romish Iniquity, etc. Lond. 1606. 4ᵒ. 7. And here steps in Mr. Parsons the Jesuit upon the stage under the mask of P. R. to vindicate his dear friend the Moderate Answerer in his two Positions of Rebellion and Equivocation, by a Book which he wrote and called A Treatise of Mitigation. But he, having a very dexterous wit, very handsomely skipped over the former Position, that of Rebellion, and betook himself to vindicate their other Practice of Equivocation. I will say nothing of his Blasphemy in attributing Equivocation to our B. Saviour himself, because I have heard he afterward repent of it. All that concerns my present purpose is, that this Learned Author returned a very acute Answer to him, which he dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, and entitled, 5. A PREAMBLE unto an ENCOUNTER with P. R. the Author of the deceitful Treatise of MITIGATION. Lond. 1608. 4ᵒ. 8. Against which Book and some others written by this Learned Author, Mr. Parsons having made a reply under the title of A sober Reckoning, etc. he was answered in a Book dedicated to Prince Henry, and entitled, 6. THE ENCOUNTER against Mr. Parsons, Lond. 1609. 4ᵒ. 9 But while this Book was in Writing and Printing, before it could come forth, one of the Champions died, and so the combat fell to the ground. 10. During all these skirmishes with so nimble an Adversary as Mr. Parsons, this Learned Author was not afraid to engage himself in a much hotter battle against a whole Army of Apologists led out into the Field under the conduct of Mr. Roger Brereley: Parque (novum) fortuna videt concurrere bellum Atque Virum— Only this encouragement he found, that as his great friend Archbishop Bancroft put him upon the work, so Doctor James took the pains to examine some of his Quotations in the University Library of Oxford. This Answer to the Protestants Apology was dedicated to King James, and entitled, 7. The CATHOLIC APPEAL for Protestants, etc. Lond. 1609. fol. 11. This learned and laborious work gave such a deadly blow to his Romish Adversaries, as none of them hitherto (and yet it is above 50. years since it was written) have ever been so hardy as to attempt any Answer to it. And therefore it is no wonder if we find this learned writer so much retired for some years after, prosecuting the private course of his own positive studies, excepting only that at the very same time he wrote another little Book, which he entitled, 8. An Answer to the Scandalous Exceptions of THEOPHILUS higgon's. Lond. 1609. 4ᵒ. 12. The next Controversy he had was with some Adversaries of the contrary Principles, the Non-conformists of his own Diocese, while he was Bishop of Chester, (whereof one Mr. Hind was the ring leader) whom he first laboured to convince by a Conference: but finding them very perverse and obstinate, (as that is too usually their temper) he wrote a very excellent Book by way of a Relation of that Conference, concerning the use of the Surplice, Cross after Baptism, and Kneeling at the receiving of the B. Sacrament; which he dedicated to the Marquis of Buckingham, and entitled, 9 A Defence of the INNOCENCY of the three CEREMONIES of the Church of England, etc. Lond. 1619. 4ᵒ. 13. This Book, though it was very strongly fortified with many excellent Arguments, was nevertheless impugned by a nameless Author, generally supposed to be Mr. Ames, which occasioned a very acute defence of it, written by Dr. John Burges of Sutton-Coldfeild in Warwickshire, by the King's Command: and printed in the year 1631. 14. And now this trouble being taken off his hand, and committed to the management of such an accurate pen, this Reverend Author betook himself again to his former studies, in his former way of controversy with his Adversaries of the Church of Rome. And the first Champion he singled out was no less than their Achilles, Cardinal Bellarmine, and the subject of the Controversy no meaner than that of the Authority and Dignity of Kings, and the Person that put him upon the work no worse than the most learned of Kings, which infused so much generous spirit into him, as he performed the work so excellently, that the Book hath not in 40. years found any so hardy as to Answer it, and (which is more) that King James appointed it to be read to his Son (our late most incomparable Sovereign) to whom it was dedicated, while he was Prince of Wales. It was written against that Book of of Cardinal Bellarmine which he inscribed De officio Principis Christiani, & entitled, 10. CAUSA REGIA. Lond. 1620. 4ᵒ. 15. The next Book he published, he dedicated to the same Gracious Prince, then newly advanced to the Crown upon the death of his Father of happy memory. The subject of it was, whether the Roman Church be the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Mother and Mistress of all Churches, out of which there is no salvation, which he proves at large in the Negative. The Title of it is, 11. The GRAND IMPOSTURE of the (now) Church of Rome, etc. The second Edition enlarged, was printed at London 1628. 4ᵒ. 16. And here it will be necessary to advertise the Reader, that there is an Answer written against this Book by a nameless Author (or Authors) under the mask of J.S. which he calleth Antimortonus, whereunto as yet no reply is published, though there was one prepared for the Press within a year after the Adversaries Book first came to this Author's knowledge. Whereof the reason is this: the design of the reply being thus largely laid; First to re-print the Book itself, and then, after every section excepted against, the exceptions of J. S.: and last of all this Author's reply to those exceptions; the Book hereby grew so voluminous as no Bookseller durst adventure the charge of Printing it, especially in such a dismal age of the Church as hath been of late, wherein those that desired to read such Books had not money to buy them, being sequestered and stripped of all their estates; and those that succeed in their Benefices, have generally no affections to such studies, being led in this (as in most other things) by their own interest, which directs them only to such studies as may qualify them for the Pulpit. This is a sad truth which the Adversaries know well enough to be so, & have not a little contributed unto it: and I hope this will satisfy every moderate and indifferent man, that it was the infelicity, not the negligence of this learned and laborious Author that he should thus be necessitated to die in debt to his Adversaries. 17. It was some years after before his next work came forth; and well might be so, considering how large and laborious it was. And yet it was reprinted with Additions in the year 1635. This Book he dedicated to all learned men, especially of the two Universities, Cambridge and Oxford, and entitled, 12. Of the INSTITUTION of the SACRAMENT, etc. (by some called) the MASS, etc. Lond. 1635. fol. 18. But before this second Edition saw the light, there were some strictures written upon the former, by a Romish Author under the name of an English Baron, which occasioned this Author to write another little Book which he dedicated to the Lord Ar. Baron, entitled, 13. A DISCHARGE of five Imputations of MIS-ALLEGATIONS, Lond. 1633. 8ᵒ. 19 The next Book he wrote, was not against any particular adversary, but yet upon a particular subject, which he thought was too generally mistaken at least, if not abused. He dedicated it (as his Book of the Mass) to both the Universities and other learned men, intituling it, 14. ANTIDOTUM adversus Ecclesiae Romanae de MERITO EX CONDIGNO venenum, Cantabrig. 1637. 4ᵒ. 20. But here steps in a particular Adversary, and that a person of eminent note and learning, if by C. R. we are to understand the Bishop of Chalcedon. And though his Book contained not much when it appeared, Annis jam triginta duobus praeter fluxis, à quo, etc. Replic. init. it had been, or might have been very long in contriving, being written against the first Book that ever this Author published, the former volume of his Catholic Apology, which he had printed above (as he saith 32. but I believe it is the mistake of the Amanuensis or Printer for) two and forty years before, vid sup. Sect. 3 viz. in the year 1605. This Book occasioned a brief Velitation from this Author in defence of his former work, (for he thought it deserved no more) which he dedicated to all Scholars of the English Seminaries beyond Sea, and entitled, 15. REPLICA, five Refutatio Confutationis C. R. etc. Lond. 1638. 4ᵒ. 21. Having thus wiped off this great Adversary, he betook himself to a review of his Book concerning the Mass, which he altered so far, both for Matter and Method, as well as Language, as it may justly challenge a peculiar place among his works. It was dedicated to King Charles the first, and entitled. 16. DE EUCHARISTIA Controversiae Decisio. Cantabrig. 1640. 4ᵒ. 22. But before this came forth, he had an occasion to Preach before the King at Newcastle, May 5. 1639. which he performed so well, that he was commanded to print his Sermon. The Text was, Rom. 13.1. 17. Let every soul be subject, etc. Lond. 1639. 4ᵒ. 23. About two years after he was solicited to preach at the spital in London, April 26. 18. A Sermon on the Resurrection, Lond. 1641. 8ᵒ. 24. The next year after (viz. Jun. 19 1642.) upon the like solicitation, he preached at St. Paul's that excellent Sermon upon I Cor. 11.16. But if any man seem to be contentious, etc. since printed, and entitled, 19 The presentment of a SCHISMATIC, Lond. 1642. 4ᵒ. 29. His next Book that was printed, came forth both without his name to it, and knowledge of it, thought not without his full consent to it ex post facto, and that testified in an Authentic manner in the Codicil annexed to his Will. It was written in defence of Episcopal government, and sent to the late Reverend and learned Primate of Ireland, who committed it to the Press with some other excellent collections of his own upon the same subject, the title of it is, 20. CONFESSIONS and PROOFS of Protestant Divines, etc. Oxford 1644. 4ᵒ. 26. I come now to the last Book he lived to publish, the subject whereof was his Meditations upon God's providence, a very fit study for his declining years in these sad times, during his solitude and retirement, being a thing both comfortable to himself and profitable to others: the title of it is, 21. EZEKIEL'S WHEELS, etc. Lond. 1653. 8ᵒ. 26. Having been thus large (I wish I could not say tedious) in a bare narrative of what Books he hath left in Print; I shall not wrong either the Author or Reader so far as to continue this discourse any longer upon my weak commendations of them. My only advice shall be in the words of my great Master; COME and SEE. Joh. 1.39. 27. And yet beside these already Printed, there are a considerable number in Manuscript: some in my custody which I found by him at his Death; and some (that I hear of) in the hands of others; all of them once intended for the Press, whereof some have lost their first perfection, by the carelessness and negligence of some that should have kept them: others want his last hand and eye to perfect them; and others only a seasonable time to publish them. And he might and would have left many more (considering how vigorous his parts were even in his extreme old Age) if the iniquity of the Times had not deprived him of most of his Notes and Papers. 28. There were in his own hands at his Death (and they are still in mine) Anciently Written M. S. 1. Tractatus, DE EXTERNO JUDICE INFALLIBILI, ad Doctores Pontificios, inprimis vero ad Sacerdotes Wisbicenses. 2. Tractatus DE JUSTIFICATIONE. Two Copies, but both imperfect. 3. Some Papers written upon the Controversy between Bishop MONTAGVE and the GAGGER, Imperfect. 4. A Latin Edition of his Book called the GRAND IMPOSTURE. Imperfect. 5. Another Edition of both the parts of his Book called APOLOGIA CATHOLICA. 29. Books lately Written, M. S. 6. The above mentioned ANSWER to I. S. his ANTIMORTONUS, Imperfect. 7. The above mentioned Treatise concerning EPISCOPACY, revised and enlarged. 8. A Treatise concerning PRAYER in an UNKNOWN TONGUE. 9 A Defence of INFANT'S BAPTISM, against Mr. Tombs and others. 10. Several SERMONS. 30. But I must be so just to the Reader as to give him this Advertisement concerning these two last Books. First, that his Sermons are not yet perused, so that I know not yet whether any of them will be thought fit for the Press. And secondly, that he himself had laid aside his thoughts of Printing his Treatise of Poedo-Baptism, Dated Jan 29. 1654. upon a Letter which he received from the late Reverend Bishop of Exeter, to whom he had committed the perusal of those Papers; the reason I shall set down in the very words of the Letter, which I have still in my hand. 31.— I profess (my Lord) it rejoices me to see your wont Genius so lively acting in this Masculine Child of your old age; but I crave this leave of your Lordship to express my thoughts, that having perused your Papers twice over, and with them both Mr. Tombs and his Adversaries rejoinder to him; I find the cause is carried farther by these men's Altercations, than could be foreseen when you wrote this Confutation. And thereupon he adviseth him to supersede the publishing of it, though otherwise (he saith) it might have justly claimed the birthright before the other disputes, etc. 32. Beside these M. S. Books which I have in custody, I hear of some others in other men's hands. viz. 11. A Relation of the CONFERENCE above mentioned, held at YORK by him with Mr. Young and Mr. Stillington. 12. A further Confutation of R. G. in Defence of the Articles of the Church of England. 33. These are all I hear of in particular for the present. What other things of his there may be, I know not: only I understand by a letter from his old servant and Secretary Mr. Richard Baddeley, that he hath some things of his in writing which he thinks may be fit for the Press; but whether some of these already named, I know not. There have been so many things of late obtruded upon the world under the name of Authors of great fame and reputation, that I must once for all give the Reader this Caution, that in case any thing shall hereafter be Printed in the name of this learned Author, it may not be reputed his, unless it have my approbation of it. 34. I have almost wearied my Reader with a bare Catalogue of his Works: what then would it be to read them all? But especially what was it for him to write them? For what Possidius saith of S. Augustine in this case, may very well be applied to this learned Bishop for a Conclusion to this Chapter: In vit. S. Aug. Tota & tanta eruditionis & ingenii sui edidit Monumenta— ut vix Cuncta a studiosissimo quolibet volvi & cognosci queant. Legenda Scripsit, Scribenda fecit. CHAP. III. A short Character of his Person and Qualities. 1. I Am not ignorant how hard a task this third and last part of my undertaking would be, if I should be operose in it, for the same reason, that none was thought so fit to write Caesar's Commentaries as Caesar himself. But this is a thing may the more lightly be passed over, both because he hath been a burning and shining Light upon so eminent a Candlestick for so many years, as renders him very well known to most men; and because I had not only his permission, but Command to write what now I do, on purpose to prevent the over lavish expressions, by way of Panegyric, which he feared, and forbade from another hand, which will obliged me both to moderation and brevity in what I shall speak of him; and last of all because I have upon another occasion made some Essay towards this work already, Sermon at his Funeral. which the reader will find here prefixed. 2. At that time the Text which confined my discourse, led me wholly to make it appear how well he had studied, and how diligently he had practised the example of S. Paul: and therefore it would be superfluous in me now to enter upon any large discourse, to show what a Paraphrase his life was upon 1 Tim. 3. & Tit. 1. vers. 6, etc. and how perfectly his Episcopal Qualifications answered those Rules which that great Apostle there prescribeth as the Standard or Touchstone whereby every Bishop ought to be tried and examined. For the greater will presuppose the lesser a fortiore; and therefore he that had made the Apostles Life the rule of his own, may well be presumed to have taken out those inferior lessons which are indispensably required in every Bishop. 3. And yet because I must of necessity use some Method in what I have to say, and cannot have a better than what is there laid down by this Great Apostle, Orat. de S. Athanas. and was taken notice of by S. Gregory Nazianzen in the like case; though I will not enlarge my Discourse to a Commentary upon the place, I shall use the particulars of that Text (especially the chief of them) for the heads of my discourse, though not in the same method and order, And when I have thus weighed him in the balance, and by the shekel of the Sanctuary, and found him full weight. I shall add a word or two concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Superpondium; For as the former will show he wanted nothing that is indispensably required in a Bishop, so will the later, that he had superadded so much to it, as we may list him justly in the rank of very good Bishops. And I shall make out all this, as near as I can, by particular instances; that neither his enemies may complain that I flatter his memory; nor his friends, that I obtrude my own fancies and conjectures upon the world in stead of real Truths. 4. For the first Qualification, I shall have no occasion to give offence to any, because it is Negatively set down. [A Bishop must be blameless.] So that whosoever shall accuse him upon this first branch, is bound by the Law of Nature to make his charge good against him; and if we take in likewise the Custom of the Romans, that the person accused shall have the Accusers face to face, Act. 25.15. and licenee to Answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him: I shall still have the less cause to be solicitous in this business. For there is nothing in his Writings whereof he hath been accused, wherein he hath not cleared himself in the judgement of the impartial Reader: and if there be any new Charge to be laid against him, the only competent Tribunal will be that of the Righteous Judge of all the earth, at the General Assizes of the World, where alone the parties may appear face to face. And as for his Life, he was in that (by the tacit consent of his greatest Enemies) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 1 Tim. ●. 2. irreprehensible; or even 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Tit. 1.6. sine crimine, if we take the word [Crime] in the proper sense, not for sin, (for no man c 1 S. Jo. 1.10. is without that) but for such scandalous sins d Aquin. in Loc. as make a man justly liable to Accusation and Infamy; in which sense multi sine crimine sunt, as St. Augustine e S. Aug. lib. cont. duas Ep. Pelagianor. Multi sine crimine sunt, & fine querela vivunt, sed nemo sine p●ccato. tells us: and in that rank I doubt not but we may reckon this good Bishop. 5. For he had improved this Qualification to so high a pitch, as to make it also take in another, and make him have a good report of them which are without f 1 Tim. 3.7. the Church: for of that rank I must conceive those to be, who by their Schism cut themselves off from her Communion. And such were those fanatics who in a tumultuous manner assaulted the Bishops going to, or coming from the Parliament at the beginning of our troubles; thereby then declaring that Schism, which since they have more avowedly professed. Yet these, even in the heat of their zeal spared the life of this reverend Bishop as a good man, though they had once the opportunity, See above Chap. 1. sect. 84. and wanted neither will nor power to have pulled him in pieces as a Bishop; of which I have already given an Account. 6. What I here prove by particular Instances might be demonstrated a priore, by taking in another Ephscopal Quality which was in him, [a Bishop must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] which though it be rendered [Sober] is not of necessity to be understood of that sobriety which is opposite to Drinking, which was provided against in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (though that * See the Funeral Serm. p. 30, 31. also was very conspicuous in him) but must be taken in that other sense as Sobriety signifieth Prudence in moderating the passions of the mind, and reducing them under the rule of Moral Virtues, which are said by the Philosopher to be knit together in Prudence. Arist. Eth. l. 6. c. 13. This in itself makes a man's soul very beautiful; but when it is seasoned, and elevated, and enlivened by the Grace of God, it makes it like the King's Daughter, Psal. 45.14. all glorious within. The former is never more conspicuous then in Government: but without a superaddition of the later, there can be no such thing as the Government of souls in order to eternal salvation, S. Greg. Nazianz. Apologet. 1. which is therefore called by the Father, the Art of Arts, and Science of Sciences. And yet both of them were in this reverend Bishop in no small measure, as is evident to the world, so as I need not stand to prove it. 7. By the former of these he had learned, even from a Heathen Philosopher, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutar. lib. de Doctrinâ prin. cipum. Secular Rulers, (and much more Spiritual) were like so many Diamonds, wherein if any spot appear, it will make them liable to be slighted and spoken against. And by the later, that the least spot upon the pure linen of the Ephod would be conspicuous, that a small crack in Aaron's Bells would quite damp the sound. And therefore to secure the outward Acts of his great office, he began first with the internal actions of his own soul. He took the Apostles Method for his direction, to take heed first to himself, and then to the stock, Act. 20 28. whereof the Holy Ghost had made him overseer. He was no stranger to that maxim which St. Bernard taught Pope Eugenius the fourth, (formerly his Disciple, though then his superior) that the government of the Church, though it be a work both spiritual and necessary, may by continual attending to it, somewhat abate, if not quite choke the spirit of inward devotion; and that the charity of a Bishop towards the Church, may divert, or at least cool somewhat of the heat of that charity which a devout soul should carry towards God: Which made this good Bishop's Charity begin at home, in the purifying of his own heart, and rectifying his life, that he might in all things show himself a pattern of good Works: and become both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, blameless in this life, Tit. 2.7. and irreprehensible in his office. Because (as the same a St. Bernard. lib. 4. de consid. ad Eugen. in fine. Oppertet to esse forma● justitiae, Sanctimoniae speculum, pietatis exemplar. Father tells us,) a Bishop must be the pattern of righteousness, the mirror of holiness, the sampler of piety: and another b S. Chrys. Hom. 3. in Act. Apost. before him, that others may sometimes find an excuse for their sins, but a Bishop cannot; and a c S. Greg. Naz. Apologet. 1. third before them both, that it is a fault in a Bishop not to be the best of men. 8. From this root of Christian Prudence (as it knits together all Christian Virtues) did also proceed those several branches of other Episcopal Qualities, which were so conspicuous in this Reverend person; And in the first place that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which St. Paul requires in every Bishop; 1 Tim. 3.3. which the Latin renders by the word [Modesty] and the English by [Patience] and may possibly signify both, if we examine the word by the opposition it hath to those four Negative Qualities with which it is there environed. A Bishop must not be a striker, nor so much as a Brawler, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Patient: and again he must not be given to filthy Lucre: nor so much as Covetous; but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a person of Equity, and Moderation: And so the case was in this reverend Bishop in all these particular instances. Lib. 1. cont. Pelagian. 9 He was neither striker nor brawler, but patient. He was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even to St. Hieroms pitch of the sense of the word; Sine jurgio, not quarrelsome, so much as with his tongue, much less with his hands. In the greatest trial of his temper that ever he had, the news of the Vote that the Revenues of the Church were to be sold (which was much more harsh to him then any thing which did or could concern himself) all he returned was in the words of that Mirror of Patience: The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, Blessed be the name of the Lord: Job. 1.21. which he repeated three times over before the company he then was in, and how often afterward in private (for presently he retired himself to his prayers) is known only to the searcher of hearts. And yet, for all this command he had over his own passions in this great trial, I have often heard him plead for, or at least extenuate the passion of Old Eli, who upon the mention that the Ark of God was taken by the Philistims, fell from off the seat whereon he sat, and broke his neck, 1 Sam. 4.18. and died. 10. Again, he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as that is opposed to being covetous and greedy of filthy lucre; and of this we have a convincing testimony from the emptiness of his purse at his death; which afforded him only the discharge of a moderately decent burial, with a very little or no overplus. If all the men of England had been of his temper; Diog. Laer. in vit. ejus. we might have said of them (as Anacharsis of the Grecians) that they made no other use of money then only to account with. And this appeared by his very exemplary Hospitality, Liberality, and Charity to the poor. 11. Hospitality is a Duty enjoined to all men, which are able to perform it, 1 Pet. 4.9. Rom. 12.13. Heb. 13.2. both by St. Peter and St. Paul. And the later of these two great Apostles makes it a Characteristical note, and consequently an indispensable Qualification of a Bishop in his Epistles both to Timothy and Titus, 1 Tim. 3.2. Tit. 1.8. which of necessity must presuppose an estate wherewith to perform it. To reconcile these together, and show how Hospitality may be a common duty of all Christians, and yet peculiar to a Bishop, we must take in St. Hieroms distinction of the magis and minus. That which will pass for a Christian duty in another man, will hardly arrive to the pitch of a moral virtue in a Bishop. S. Hieron. epist. ad Ocean. Laicus unum aut duos aut paucos recipiens, implebit Hospitalitatis officium; Episcopus nisi omnes recipiat, inhumanus est. For (as that Father tells us) A-Lay-man that entertains one, or two, or a few, hath performed the duty of Hospitality; but a Bishop is not so much as humane, unless he entertains all. And even in this height did this Reverend Bishop perform this duty: of which this one instance may suffice, that he entertained the King and his Court, and (at least the Officers of) his Army, all at one time in the first expedition towards Scotland; which cost him above 1500 l. in one day, as (I have heard him say) his Steward's Books would make appear. Of which I think there will not be found many parallel acts in the way of Hospitality (as this was) in any History ancient or modern; especially considering how plentiful and cheap all manner of provisions are in that place. 12. I cannot make a better transition from his Hospitality to his Liberality then by one usage he had which did participate of both: namely, that there seldom came any Scholar to him, whether Foreign Traveller or English Native, whom he did not receive and entertain with free Hospitality, and dismiss with a considerable sum of Money (proportionable to the parts and merits of the person) to bestow upon some good Books to keep in remembrance of him. 13. His Liberality (considered in itself) was both great and good: large for the extension, and very well regulated for the intention of it, as aiming at some public good, and especially the advancement of Learning or piety. He builded a Free-school at Bishop-Aukland, and endowed it with 24 l. per annum, which is more by so much then ever he purchased to himself, for that was just nothing. And it was very rare if he had not some plants in the Garden, as well as in the Nursery of Learning & piety, which he watered at his own charge; especially if they were of more than ordinary hopes. I shall instance only in Mr. Canner * Chap. 1. sect. 62. above mentioned, and one Mr. Lo (of whom I shall speak hereafter) both of them of singular parts, whom he maintained at his own charge in that College which had so happily afforded him his own education. 14. What his love and gratitude was to that College, will appear by the next instance of his Liberality (with which I shall conclude this particular) in giving so many excellent Books to it, to the value of four, if not five hundred pounds; with an intention at last to bestow 100 l. per annum upon it while he lived, provided they might be Books of special worth, Regist. Epistolar. dicti Collegii p. 371. and not for superfluity, etc. as his Letter to the said College of Aug. 30. 1639. doth expressly declare; and would most undoubtedly have performed it, if the iniquity of these late times had not disabled him, as will appear by his great Love to that College, and their no less gratitude to him expressed in * Ibid. pag. 351.— qui ita annuus in teipsum redis, ita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beneficia repetis, ac si novissima quaequc munera recentiore fulgore castigares. Et pag. 359. Tam frequentia sunt erga nos beneficia vestra, tam perpetuis choreis in orbem acta, ut ducat ilia gratitudo nostra, nec anbela tamen liberalitati tanta responders possit, etc. other Letters written by them to him upon those occasions. 15. What we commonly call Charity toward the Poor is nothing else but a branch of Liberality, terminated to such an object; And in this he was as eminent as in any other Episcopal virtue. * Vide supr. pag. 33. His principal care was (with St. Augustine a Possid. in vita ejus Pauperum prima illi semper cura erat, eisque abundè succurrebat. ) to provide for the poor in a plentiful measure; which he practised (with St. chrysostom b Vita ejus apud Garsium. ad diem 14. Sept. In pauperum inopiâ sublevandâ mirè beneficus fuit— cum ipse interim tenuissimo victu vitam non tam sustineret, quam afflixit. ) with a denying himself those things that were convenient for him, and extended it so far till he had almost reduced himself to the same Quality. He had learned from St. Hierom c St. Hieron. Epist. ad Ocean. Gloria Episcopi est pauperum opibus providere; ignominia Sacerdotis est propriis studere. that the glory of a Bishop consisted in a provident care of the Poor; and his shame in studying to enrich himself; and therefore his design was, to lay up his Treasure in heaven by a faithful dispensation of that Treasure which God had given him upon earth. 16. By these Instances (and others too many to insist upon) it will clearly appear how perfectly that Character will agree with this Reverend Bishop in these particulars, In vitâ Jo. Mortoni. pag. 300. which the Author of the British Antiquities gives his great Kinsman the Cardinal of Canterbury: In pauperibus crebris Eleemosynis refocillandis, indigentium liberis in literis studiisque alendis, notis atque familiaribus promovendis— pietatem, libera. litatem & munificentiam summam declaravit. 17. We have no English word that better expresseth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (taken in its full latitude) then [Equity] which in the true notion of it is defined to be Correctio juris legitimi, Aristot. Ethic. lib. 5. c. 10. a Moderation of strict Justice; And how eminent this Virtue was in him, I have elsewhere so fully observed, Supra cap. 1. sect. 68 & Ser. pag. 32. as I shall but need to add one instance more in this place. S. Mat. 23.24. 18. It is the fault of too many among the modern as well as the ancient Pharisees, to strain at a Gnat and swallow a Camel; to be exact in trifles, even to scrupulousness, the better to cover their Injustice in matters of higher concernment. But this was not his temper; for his Equity was never greater than in the highest Court of Justice, the Parliament, while he sat there; wherein he was always led by Conscience, not drawn by Faction. It was a most imous Slander, which the contrivers of our late troubles cast both upon the King and Bishops, that He should urge them to Vote at his pleasure, or they gratify him with their Votes, beyond or beside the rules of Justice, Prudence, or Conscience. How clearly both He and They foresaw, and how carefully they endeavoured to prevent that Inundation of popular faction which afterward bore down both King, Church, and Kingdom, is a thing which the world sees (now when it is too late) was necessary for Him and Them, and others to do. But farther than these rules this Reverend Bishop (nor I think any of the rest) never sided with any party in Parliament: but carried himself so indifferently between the King and the Subject, as if he had been another Solon; Justin. lib. 2. of whom it is observed, that though he himself sustained the place and office of Archon, yet was he always of such an equal temper between the Senate and Commons of Athens, that neither party could think themselves neglected by his siding with the other. Which Equity though on the one side it proved no better than a Pearl cast before Swine, S. Mat. 7.6. yet on the other it was so well accepted, that we have the words of our late most gracious Sovereign that glorious Martyr, for it, not long before his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. chap. 17. that he never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in that House who would not Vote according to his Conscience. And that these were not his thoughts then first taken up upon this business, is a thing so evident, that I have heard this Reverend Bishop very often magnify his Majesty's gracious disposition, who did not only leave it free by permission, but give it under a Command to him (and I make no question, to the rest likewise) that he should use the liberty of his own Conscience in Voting in Parliament. 19 But there is yet more contained in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than I have yet observed, For the Vulgar Latin in this place renders it Modestia, which signifieth Modesty and implieth Moderation, both which were very observable in this Reverend Bishop. 20. First, His Modesty was remarkable in refusing the Honour of being a Bishop, till a kind of Necessity cast it upon him, Chap. 1. sect. 32, 33, 34, 35. and yet undertaking the work when it did, as I have already showed. In this particular he was perfectly of the same temper with S. Gregory Nazianzen, S. Greg. Nazianz. Apologet. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who would neither take a Bishopric before it was proffered, nor reject it when it was, because (as that Father hath resolved the case) the one is an effect of Rashness, the other of Disobedience, and both of Ignorance. 21. Secondly, His Moderation was very great in order to matters both of Doctrine and Practice: Supra p. 43. whereof there are so many clear instances given in that excellent codicil annexed to his will (and herewith printed) that I should have very little to add here, if it had not been for a Question concerning that Codicil which was put to me by a reverend and learned person that heard it read both at his Death and Funeral, Dr. Samuel Bolton, now one of his Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary. whereunto I shall now publish the Answer I then gave, though I suppose the Question proceeded chiefly from curiosity. 21. The Question was, Why this Reverend Bishop had not in all that Codicill declared any thing of his opinion concerning the matters of Controversy between the Remonstrants and Anti-remonstrants? And though the Answer was easy, That I could give no account of the Actions, (much less of the omissions) of another man, especially my Superior, yet I added withal (and gave him some Instances of it) that I conceived his great Moderation made him unwilling to interpose in that controversy. 22. My Instances were, 1. That ever since I had the happiness to be near him, I had found him very reserved in his Discourses upon that subject. 2. That though he had a very high esteem of Mr. Calvin, yet (in a discourse with a very learned Lay Gentleman, Mr. Laurence Maydwell. whereat I was present) he much disliked Mr. calvin's opinion concerning Reprobation, and would not believe he was so rigid in it, as it appeared he was, upon perusal of the place. And 3. I showed him (afterwards) the Duplicat of a Letter which I found among the papers of this Reverend Bishop to the late most Reverend & learned Primate of Ireland, Bishop Davenant. Edit. Cantabr. 1650. concerning a passage in Corvinus which the late Reverend and learned Bishop of Salisbury hath objected and answered in his Book entitled DISSERTATIONES DVAE, etc. p. 201. whereupon he saith (in that Letter) he must have a Melius inquirendum, to find out the subtlety, how creatió hominis damnandi non sit subordinatum medium ad damnationem, etc. By which it appeareth his Moderation in that Controversy was greater than that of the learned Bishop of Salisbury, though he was one of the British Divines at the Synod of Dort, who surpassed all that were there present for Moderation. 23. I cannot omit one instance more of his Moderation, (which relates to practise, as the former did to Doctrine) because there are still some that are willing to mistake him, and to abuse that repute and reverence which he hath in many good men's minds, to the engendering of jealousies concerning those ancient practices which have been derived from the Fathers, and continued by uninterrupted custom in his Majesty's Chapel, and Cathedrals, and in many Colleges and other places. And because I will not go beyond my warrant in what I shall say upon this particular, I shall keep me to the express words of a letter from him to St. John's College in Cambridge (dated the 20. of April, Registr. E stol. pag. 343. 1635.) which stands still upon record in the said College, and was thus occasioned. 24. I have formerly mentioned one Mr. Lo, a person of very good parts, but especially of a singular Memory, Supra sect. 13. whom this Reverend Bishop maintained in that College at his own Charge: when he came to be capable of it, the Bishop was desirous, and the College willing to make him one of the Fellows; only he had been wrought upon by some that laboured to inveigle so hopeful a young man to their party, to express some dislike to the Ceremonies and practices then used in God's public Worship and service. Whereof this Reverend Bishop being informed by a Letter from the College, returned his Answer to them, expressing the same dislike of him in this particular which they did. His words are these: LOUM nostrum quod attinet, saepe equidem inaudivi per totam Universitatem vestram extare prorsus neminem, qui Ceremoniis illis, quarum ego innocentiam sartam tectam olim defendendam suscepi, repugnet aut reluctetur. Quod si vero gestui illi flectendi se versus sacram Domini mensam hic juvenis adversetur, me multo seniorem habebit sibi utique adversarium: Nec sane immerito. Cum, etc. And then he proceeds on to prove his assertion by reasons and Authorities, which would be too long here to insert. 25. There are still some other Qualifications of a Bishop, which I have not yet mentioned, whereof one is that he must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; 1 Tim. 2.9. And the word being rendered [Modest] in the margin of our English Bible, makes it to be of so much affinity with the last, as to view it in the next place. The Vulgar Latin translates it [Ornatus] which St. Hierom tells us signifieth such a person as keeps a Decorum in his motion, Epist. ad Ocean. Ornatus vocatur qui decorum servat, in motu, incessu, habitu, & sermone. walking, habit, and speech; which is all comprised in our English phrase in that place, A person of good behaviour. And this complex Qualification was so eminent in him, that his greatest enemies could not tax him of the contrary in any branch of it. His motion was upright, his walking sprightful, his speech grave and sober, and his habit Episcopal, even then when it was hazardous to be seen in a Clerical garment: wherein he was decent in his lowest ebb, and never excessive in his highest tide. As St. Augustine usually took his example from St. Cyprian, so did this Reverend Bishop from both. With a Possid. in vita S. Aug. c. 16. Vestis ejus, aliaque & corporis & cubiculi ornamenta, nec nitida nimium, nec abjecta plurimum erant— veste honesta, & nequaquam à vulgari consuetudine temporis illius abhorrente, utebatur: St. Augustine, he was neither too spruce nor too mean in his bodily apparel and furniture of his house; and for the fashion, it was such as was commonly used by others of his own rank and quality: And with St. Cyprian b S. Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. 18. in Laud. S. Cypriani. In vestitu philosophiam, in Congressibus gravitatem cum humanitate conjunctam, pari intervallo à vilitate & arrogantia remotam, etc. (beside the comeliness of his Apparel) there was in his carriage such an exact mixture of gravity and courtesy, as carried him in an equal line between pride on the one hand and meanness of spirit on the other. 26. It is not without cause that I have fetched down this Practice as high as St. Cyprian and St. Augustine, seeing the contrary corruption began to infest the Church even in those ancient times, which extorted very grievous complaints from St. Ambrose a S. Ambr. de dignit. Sacerd c. 6. and St. Gregory b S. Greg. Hom. 17. in Evangel. of bringing the Bishops and Clergy into contempt: And would much more excuse me (now that the fault is grown almost epidedemical) if I should take the liberty to make a Digression upon the same subject. For it is that which the very Vulgar cry shame at to see the professors of the Law from the Judge to the Petty Attorney and Clerk, and the Citizens from the Mayor to the Sergeants and Yeomen, preserve the gravity of their places by their Gowns and other ancient formalities; and only the Clergy (whose office it is or should be to teach all others by their example as well as doctrine) should throw them aside, and expose themselves to the just censure of levity and inconstancy; and their places and callings to the great hazard of scorn and contempt. Ezra. 3.10. See also Ezr. 2 69. The Priests among the Jews preserved their ancient and proper Apparel even after their return from Captivity: And S. John wore his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which was a peculiar Clerical habit) even in the times of Persecution. Polycrat. apud Euseb. Hist. l. 3. c. 31. And long experience ever since hath confirmed it unto us, that such helps as these are very necessary to preserve that reverence and respect which is due from the People to their Bishops and Clergy. 27. I shall not abuse the Readers patience by insisting upon those Qualifications of a Bishop which were so conspicuous in him, as none can be ignorant of them: As that of being the Husband of one wife, whereas he never was of any, leading his whole life in a holy Caelibate; or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which whether we render Vigilant (as in the English) or Sober (as in the vulgar Latin) will be all one as to this particular; seeing he was sober in his person, and vigilant in his office. 28. And this also will supply another Qualification, that he was not given to wine, which he never drank but at meals, and that sparingly, till extreme old age made it necessary for him by way of Physic to drink a glass sometimes in the interim, to cheer his spirits and warm his stomach. 1 Tim. 5.23. Timothy the Bishop of Ep●esus was so abstemious as not to drink wine without the Apostles command; but this Bishop would hardly drink any with it, even then when his stomach and often infirmities required it. 29. Now these Qualities being so conspicuous in him, we may easily believe there was nothing wanting in him which the Apostle requires, 1 Tim. 3.4. For his single life gave a supersedeas to that part of it which requires that a Bishop should have his children in subjection with all gravity: And his vigilance and good example in abstemiousness and sobriety made him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good ruler of his own house (as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a good Bishop in the Church) even then when his family was so numerous, as would have taken up a man's whole endeavours to govern it. He had no children but those whom God had given him in the Gospel, which made him have the more fatherly care of his servants, whom he loved as his children, and had them in subjection with gravity. These he educated and instructed so well, that he could require nothing in the flock under his charge, whereof they might not see the pattern in his own family a S. Hieron. Epist. ad Ocean. Sed quod populo praecepturus est, prius à domesticis exigat. which was (as S. Bernard b Lib. 4. de confid. ad Eugen. Interest gloriae sanctitatis tuae ut quos prae oculis habes, ita ordinati, ita fint informati, quatenus totius honestatis & ordinis, ipsi speculum, ipsi fint forma. adviseth) the mirror and sampler of all honest conversation and good order. 30. This made the Right Honourable the now Earl of Lindsey, Lord Great Chamberlain of England, make choice of his Family as the fittest place for the education of one of his Sons: and many of the chief Gentry (to say nothing of the Nobility b Sir Charles Fairfax son to Ferdinando Lord Fairfax was his Gentleman Usher. ) thought it not below them to get their Sons received into his service; which was indeed rather an Academical institution in piety virtue and learning, than any servitude. 31. There was not one Qualification of a Bishop required by S. Paul that was not conspicuous in him; And of all others there must be much Ignorance or Malice in the mistake, if any shall say he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a Novice, or newly Baptised Christian; not heri Catechumenus, hodie pontifex, S. Hieron. Epist. ad Ocean. as S. Hierom paraphraseth the word. And therefore this is not to be understood of a man in respect of his age, but of a Christian in respect of his growth in grace. For in the ancient Church, when the office of a Bishop was of more consideration than the honour, there was respect had to the strength of Body as well as of Minae, in the person that was chosen to that heavy charge: so that maturity of parts and aptitude for Government was more regarded in such a person then multitude of years. S. Paul himself that prescribes this qualification to Timothy, made Timothy Bishop of Ephesus even in his youth: 1 Tim. 4.12. S. Ambrose a Baron. in vit. ejus. was chosen Bishop of Milan at 42. years of age; S. Augustin b Idem ad Ann. 395. of Hippo at 41. Remigius c Lippelous in vit. ejus. of Rheims at 22. Vigilius d Vit. ejus apud Cassandr. of Trent at 20. yet all of these were excellent Bishops, and famous men in their generations. 32. It is not therefore to be imputed as any blemish to this reverend person, that he should ascend to the honour of being a Bishop in the two and fiftieth year of his age; but rather esteemed as an honour that he was so soon fitted for so great a work. For he was no Novice in the literal sense, because (being baptised in his Infancy) he had been trained up in the Discipline of Christianity 52. years: S. Greg. lib. 4. ep. 50. Nunc inter Neophytos deputan●us qui adhuc novus est in Sancta conversations. nor in the vulgar sense, being a person of great learning, and then in the full strength of his parts and age: Nor in S. Gregory's sense, as it signifieth a man that is but a New-beginner in sanctity of life and conversation; for he was a person of exemplary piety from his youth. 1 S. Joh. 2.16. S. John reduceth all manner of sin to three Heads, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life: in all which he had got so clear a victory over himself, that what S. Gregory Nazianzen saith of S. Cyprian in these particulars may very fitly be applied to him: S. Greg. Naz. Orat. 18: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. The Discipline of his Mind was great in opposition to Covetousness and Ambition, and the Discipline of his Body was no less in purity of Conversation. 33. That which is generally reputed the greatest Qualification of a Bishop, is that he must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apt to teach, and this I have reserved for the last place. S. Hilary a S. Hil. lib. 8. de Trin. Summa omnium virtutum Episcopalium est scientia & doctrina. calls it the chief of all Episcopal virtues, Theophylact b Theophylact. in Tit. 1. Doctrine est virtus est Character Episcopi. makes it the very characteristical note, and the Council of Trent c Conc. Trid. Sess. 5. c. 1. Potissimum Episcopi munus, est Praedicatio verbi Dei. itself the principal office of a Bishop. I cannot therefore without too large a repetition of what I have already said, make it appear in every respect how well this Character befitted him. He that is apt to teach indeed, must be a person 1. Of great Learning, (and so was he, as his Works will declare.) 2. Of great Industry; and his was so great, that the Emperor Severus (who died at York where he was born) may seem to have infused his Genius together with his Motto [LABOREMUS] into him. And that not only before, but also after he ascended to the height of Episcopal Dignity, as if that other Motto of another Emperor * Julius Maximinus. had been his rule, [QVO MAJOR, EO LABORIOSIOR] S. Augustine a Possid. in vita. S. Aug. Episcopali munere suscepto, multo ferventius, & summâ cum authoritate in opus Evangelii incubuit. was his pattern in many Episcopal virtues, & amongst others in this; that the higher he ascended in the Church the more painful and industrious he was in his Office, Wherein he was so indefatigable, that what is said of his great kinsman the Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury, was very true concerning him: b Jo. Budden in vita ejus. pag. 6. Vires supra mensuram corporis; neque aliunde magis, quam de laboribus reparandae. His labour was his recreation. 34. When I can see a man learn without Rules, I shall think he may be apt to teach that is not observant of Order. That this Reverend Bishop was apt to teach in this respect also, is clear from that great respect he carried towards the Governors of the Church who were his Superiors either in Learning, or Ecclesiastical Dignity; and such were those that were most eminent for piety, wisdom, and learning in that age, viz. Archbishop Bancroft, Archbishop Matthews, Bishop Andrews, Bishop King, Bishop Bilson, Bishop Overall, and many others. 35. To this head I may also refer that intimate acquaintance which he had with all the learned men of his time, whether Equals or Inferiors, whereof I have already given some instances * Supra cap. 1. sect. 24, 25, 27, 29, 30, & 31. , and might here allege many more, not only of Natives but foreigners, as Spanhemius, Rivetus, Willius, and others; from whom I found several Letters at his death among his papers, full of reverence & respect to him. 36. Nor can I here omit the great care he had to advance piety and learning, not only by his own pains in Writing, Preaching, Catechising, etc. but also by his Chaplains, whom he chose with much care, treated with great respect, and promoted with all cheerfulness. His precedent herein might possibly be S. Hugh the Bishop of Lincoln, Vita ejus apud Surium. Suscepio igitur praesulatu, prima cura & sollitudo ei fuit ut viros Sapientia & scientia instructos, atque in timore Dei probatissimos, suo lateri adhiberet. Horum consilio & auxilio fretus pastorali munus perquam strenue executus est. commonly called Hugo Carthusianus, whose chief care was after he came to be Bishop, to have men of Wisdom, learning and piety always about him, both to counsel and assist him in that great office. I could here give the Reader a Catalogue of very many and worthy persons who were sometimes related to him in the capacity of Chaplains. But all the rest will excuse me if I make one instance for all, in so eminent and worthy a person as the Right Reverend Father in God, the late Bishop of Exeter, who was his Chaplain, and by him made Archdeacon of Coventry, and afterwards Prebendary of Duresme, the later of which places was so considerable, that he held it in Commendam with his Bishopric until his Death, which makes me wonder the more the learned Author of his life should take no notice of either of them. 37. When I speak of his Chaplains, I must not omit the great care he had in disposing those Dignities and other Ecclesiastical Benefices, whereof he had the Right of Patronage, which he seldom conferred upon any but those of whose worth he had a particular knowledge, and most commonly his own Chaplains. There are as few exceptions against this general rule in him, as in any that had so many places to dispose of as he had; and the persons were always such as were of approved worth for piety and learning, which is another Topick to show that he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 38. When a thing is done Vigorously and Effectually, it will well deserve the name that it carries; (otherwise not) and such was his aptness to teach. For his diligence and vigour in Teaching, I cannot better resemble him to any then Socrates; of whom Plutarch tells us, that he taught not only when he was in the Chair, or at his set hours of reading— but even when he played, when he eat or drank, in Campo, in Foro, in Carcere; he made every place a school of learning and virtue. And I make use of this resemblance the rather, because this Reverend Bishop in his Writing, did so much resemble the manner of Philosophising of that excellent Philosopher, which was not so much by using Arguments of persuasion, Cicero de Invent. lib. 1. as by choosing to work something out of what the Adversary had granted. 39 But that which shows he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indeed was the fruit and effect of his labour and learning, in reducing several persons of great learning and parts from the Errors of the Romish profession, into the Communion of the Church of England. For instance, Mr. Theophilus Higgon, a very learned man and a smart writer, afterward Rector of Hunton in Kent: Mr. Redman a Priest, afterwards Curate of Congleton in Cheshire: Dr. Crofts, a learned man, now Dean of Hereford; Mr. Toby Swinborne, heretofore brought up in the English College at Rome, afterwards Doctor of the Laws, and a very excellent Scholar: Mr. Hulse, Mr. Matthews; the Lady Cholmeley, Wife to Sir Henry Cholmeley, with divers others whose names I may possibly have forgotten. 40. But however I must hasten from this subject: for having made it thus clearly appear how well this Reverend Bishop held measure with S. Paul's Standard, I must remember my promise to cast a glance upon those gifts in him, which God was pleased to cast in over and above, both by his own immediate work of Grace, and mediately by Natural endowments; for in both these God had vouchsafed him good measure, shaken together, and running over: insomuch as we may compare him with the best examples of the holy Bishops and others of all ages for some eminent gift or other. 41. I shall begin with his Predecessor, that most pious and famous Bishop of Duresme, St. Cuthbert, and compare them in their beginnings. For what Venerable Bede (whose ashes lie enshrined in a now-defaced Tomb in that Church) says of the one, Bed. Hist. l. 4. c. 27. Cumpuer adhuc, & ingenii acumine, & mirae agilitate membroram praeditus, puerilibus ludis certaminibusque, ut fert illa ae●as, admodum deditus, allos fere omnes dexteritate quadam in quovis certamine superabal— Nullo saltu, cursu vel lucta failgatus est, etc. is very true of the other: even in his childhood he had not only an excellent sharpness of Wit, but also a strange activity of Body, wherein he excelled all his fellows in sports and games, especially in leaping, running, and wrestling. This venerable Author says nothing in particular of St. Cuthberts' Football playing, and yet I hope the Reader will excuse it, if I here pass not over in silence how active this Reverend Bishop was therein in his younger years, seeing the fame of it continued till his old age, and ascended so high as to come to the Kings Ear. For he was once asked by King James whether it was true, that he struck up the heels of six men so speedily one after another, that the last was down before the first could get up again; which I have heard him say was true though the report which (seldom faileth on that side) had doubled the number. 42. But letting this pass, Lib. 3. c. 155. Vultu decorous, & quaedam mixta jucundicate se veritas— unde bonis erat affabilis, superbis & negligentibus terribilis. I proceed to his riper years, wherein the Character which Trithemius gives of the above mentioned Venerable Bede, doth paint him out to the life; for he also was a person of a comely countenance, wherein there was such a mixture of sweetness and severity, as did very much encourage those that were good, and terrify those that were proud and negligent. 43. My intention is not to Hatter his memory, and therefore when I go about to compare him with Ancient holy Fathers of the Church, I must profess my meaning to be, not to make a parallel, but only to show in some few instances how near he attained to their perfection. I cannot say (as St. Hierome of Hilarion) that he laid upon a Mat spread on the ground till his dying day: S. Hier. in Vit. Hilar. Super nudam humum stratumque junceum usque ad mortem cubitavit: nec mutavit alteram tunicam, nisi eum prior penitus stissa est. nor that he never put on new clothes till the old ones were worn to pieces: but I may truly say, he laid upon a straw-bed when he was past S. Hilarions age (who lived but about 80. years) and he seldom wore a new garment but he gave the old one away. And as for the Character given to St. Hierome himself by the Author of his life, it will well agree with this Reverend Bishop, that he laid hard, because he would sleep no more then only to satisfy the necessity of Nature; that his clothes were but course and ordinary, Vit. S. Hieron. apud Garsium die 30. Sept. Somnus non ad delicias, sed ad Naturae capitur necessitatem: in duro non in mollibus cubat, & vili pallio non precioso & nitido tegitur indumento— canis jam totus aspersus nihil ex studiorum assiduitate remittit— non minu● ad orandum alacris, quam ad legendum promptus.— mirum erat in corpore jejuniis & aetate consumpto tantum Spiritus tantum vigere fortitudinis. and that in his old age (I may truly say when he had outlived St. Hierom many years) he remitted nothing of his pains and industry in his studies, nor of his alacrity in his prayers; insomuch that it was a wonder to see a body that had sustained so much fasting and labour to be so full of vigour and fortitude. 44. When I compare him with S. Hierom in point of Age and Vigour, I cannot pass by what the same Father hath left recorded of Paulus Concordiensis, a person of 100 years old, S. Hier. epist. 21. ad Paul. Concordiens. Oculi quo lumine vigent? Pedes imprimunt certa vestigia, auditus penetrabilis— Vox sonora, corpus solidum & succi plenum: cani cum rubore discrepant, vires cum aetate dissentiunt. after whose example God and nature had much fitted this Reverend Bishop. For his sight was good, considering his great years; He could walk very well; his hearing was quick; his voice was clear; his body solid and full of moisture; the whiteness of his head, and ruddiness of his face could hardly be imagined to be in one and the same person. I verily believe no Physician in the world would have judged him to be of above half the Age he was, if he had only considered the plumpness of his flesh and smoothness of his skin, without looking upon the whiteness of his hair. 45. I think he hath hardly left his equal behind him of any Bishop in the world for multitude of years either as a Man, or as a Bishop: And if we look over all Histories, we shall not find many precedents, if we take them both together: Simon (the second Bishop of Jerusalem) lived (I grant) till 120 a Fulgos. lib. 8. cap. 14. , But he fell far short of the years of this reverend person as he was Bishop: on the other side, St. Athanasius Patriarch of Alexandria b Qui totos 46. annos Alexandriae Ecclesiae pontificatum egregia cum laude gessit. Sr. Cyril. epist ad Presbyt. etc. in Act. Synod. Ephes. cap. 1. , and St. Wilfrid Archbishop of York c Obiit Anno aetatis 74. Quindecies ternos postquam egit Episcopus annos, i. e. Episcopatus anno 45. Vid. Bed. Hist. Ang. circa Anno Dom. 709. exceeded him, the one two years, the other one, as Bishops; but they fell far short of his age as a Man. I cannot call to mind any that exceeded him in both, except St. Remigius Archbishop of Rheims d Vit. ejus apud Hincmarum, In Episcopatu annos 74. sanctissime exegit. Idem ibid. Nonaginta quidem sex cum compleverat annos, Splendid● lux nostras deseruit tenebras. , whose case I think is singular, as being made Bishop in the 22. year of his age, and so continuing till the ninety sixth. 46. But it was not the Age of this Reverend Bishop that was so remarkable as his vigour and indefatigable industry in his old age; wherein he was a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Iron-side, another Hercules (as Laertius speaks of Cleanthes.) It was a Miracle that Moses should continue the vigour of his sight, and natural force till he was 120 years old, Deut. 34.7. and would be thought little less than a Miracle, that any of half his age should now enjoy them: and yet this Reverend Bishop found very little defect in any of his Senses (except only a little in his sight) till death deprived him of them all: What Suidas says of Servilius the Consul; and the Father of Ausonius the Poet, of himself, was very applicable to this Reverend Bishop, when he was older than either of them: Nonaginta annos baculo sine, Corpore toto Exegit cunctis integer officiis. 47. It is possible (I might say probable) that the smallness of his stature might give him some advantages above other men in this particular, (for the lesser the Body is, the more easy it is to be actuated by the spirits) And then, Plutarch. de Institut. liber. if he had lived before Archidamus the King of Sparta this Example might have preserved that King from the Mulct which the Ephori imposed upon him, for marrying a little Wife, (utpote non Reges, sed Regulos daturus.) For however some in those ancient times might dote upon Bulk more than Virtue (as appears by the great Statue of little Lactius the Poet at Rome in Aede Camaenarum) yet it is sure enough there have not been more famous men, Plin. lib. 34. cap. 5. than some of no great stature, as the instance of King Pipin in the French History, and King Edgar in our own, will make manifest. It is often seen that he that is Staturae exiguae, Joseph. Antiq. lib. 18. c. ult. is animi excelsi: so it was with Asinaeus the Captain of the Jews, as well as with these two famous Kings: and so was it likewise with this Reverend Bishop. Macrob. Saturnal. l. 2. c. 3. Insomuch as Cicero's jest may very fitly be applied to him (if we consider his Body and Soul apart) which he made upon his Brother Quintus when he saw so great a picture (and yet but half way neither) drawn for so little a man; Major est dimidius quam totus; His inward and invisible part was greater than any would have thought the whole person to have been. 48. But I have given so large an account already of his inward and invisible part in the two foregoing Chapters, in relation both to his Life and Doctrine, that I may now be excused if I sum up both of them in that Character which Venerable Bede gives of his predecessor St. Cuthbert, Bed. Hist. lib. 4. c. 28. Commissam namque sibi plebem, & orationibus protegebat assiduis, & admonitionibus salubriter ad coelestiae vocabat: Et (quod maxime Doctores juvare solebat) ea quae agenda docebat, ipse prius agendo praemonstrabat. that as he discharged the duty of a good Bishop both in his daily prayers for the people committed to his charge, and his wholesome exhortations to them; So he taught them nothing by his words, whereof he did not give them a good example in his actions. 49. And this excellent Method of teaching by his Deeds as well as his Words, was no new thing in him, but a constant habit of Virtue of very long continuance: For it was so remarkable in him as to be publicly taken notice of in a Sermon preached at St. Paul's Cross 50. years ago, and since printed, Mr. Theophilus higgon's Recantation Sermon at S. Paul's Cross, Mar. 3. 1610. pag. 46. wherein we have these words: The learned and venerable Dean of Winchester (for that was then his Title) of whose Knowledge and Charity I have had so much experience, that whether he be Melior or Doctior, a better Man, or a more learned Divine, I cannot easily resolve: only I can resolve with Seneca, that of these two commendations, O virum Doctum, and O virum bonum, the later doth excel the first. 50. This being a Truth so publicly avowed so many years ago, will both acquit what I have here said from all suspicion of flattery, and excuse my not engaging any further upon this subject. And therefore all I shall now add to what I have said, shall be one instance, which will above all other demonstrate that he was Vir bonus, and that is the Crown of Martyrdom, which he came so near to attain unto, that some even in the first and best ages of the Church have had their Memories celebrated as Martyrs ever since, for doing no more than what he did. 51. In the days of Valerian the Emperor (as the martyrology a Martyrol. Rom. ad diem 28. Febr. Commemoratio sanctorum Presbyterorum, Diaconorum & aliorum plurimorum, qui tempore Valeriani Imperatoris, cum pestis saevissima grassaretur, morbo laborantibus ministrantes libentissime mortem oppeliere; Quos velut Martyres religiosa piorum fides venerari consuevit. tells us out of unquestionable History b Dionys. Alexandr. epist. ad Heracem Episc. apud Euseb. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 16, 17. Vid. Baron. in Martyrol. Rom. ibid. there was a very great and infectious Plague, and yet notwithstanding, several, both Priests, Deacons, and many others, did most willingly lay down their lives, that they might be assisting to those that were infected with this contagious disease: And for this reason are continually commemorated as Martyrs upon the 28. day of February. Vid. Baron. Annal. Tom. 2, ad An. 52. Though St. Cyprian had not attained the honour of a particular Martyrdom, his heroical Charity in this particular (for his example was eminent in this action) would have honoured him with that title; and however it (hath and) ever will superadd a peculiar lustre to his Crown of Martyrdom. It is none of the least causes why Cardinal Borromeus a Vit. ejus apud Gars. ad diem. 3. Novemb. Quia Meminerat boni Pastoris esse ponere animam pro ovibus— tempore contagiosae pestis Mediolani, ab anno 1566. ad finem usque 1567. non raro amore creditae sibi plebi●, discrimini mortis objecit vitam. was honoured with the title of S. Charles of Milan, that in the years 1566, and 1567. when the Plague was so hot among the people committed to his charge, he frequently discharged the duty of their Pastor, in visiting them with the hazard of his life. And then sure it will much more redound to the immortal honour as well as happiness of this Reverend Bishop, that he did the like upon the like occasion, not so much out of Duty as Charity, to those that were not of his peculiar charge, but only his Countrymen and fellow Citizens; whereof I have already b Vid. supra. chap. 1. sect. 16. given the Reader a sufficient account. 53. And now nothing remains but to sum up all I have said concerning this Reverend Bishop in this short Elegy. He was a Saint in his Life, a Doctor in in his works, a Confessor in his sufferings, and a Martyr in this his last mentioned Heroical Charity: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as was said of S. Athanasius) a holy and irreprehensible Martyr; Const. Imp. epist. ad occident. Synod. 6. Act. 18. and this Martyrdom undertaken in the full vigour and strength of his age, and not when Age or Infirmities had made his life a burden to him, but so long before his Death as may equal the ordinary space of another man's life. Insomuch as we may conclude that absolutely of him which Cassianus speaks only with a [Penè] concerning S. Athanasius; Jo. Cassian. lib. 7. de Incarnate. cap. ult. Prius indeptus est MARTYRIS meritum, quam CONFESSORIS caperet dignitatem. In MEMORIA SACRA Heic vivit usque, & usque vivat Exiguum etiam illud quod Mortale fuit Viri Pietate Literis Hospitalitate Eleemosynis Celeberrimi, Reverendi in Christo Patris ac Domini THOMAE DUNELMENSIS Episcopi Eoque nomine PALATINI COMITIS, Clarâ MORTONORUM familiâ oriundi, Quem RICHARDO peperit ELIZABETHA LEEDALE Sexto de Novendecim puerperio, EBORACI in Lucem Editum: Quem Collegium S. JOHANNIS Evangelistae In Academia CANTABRIGIENSI perquam nobile Alumnum fovit instructissimum Socium ambivit Selectissimum Benefactorem sensit Munificentissimum Ornamentum perpetuo celebrabit singulare: Quem Ecclesia MARSTONIENSIS, ALESFORDIENSIS, STOPFORDIENSIS, Rectorem Sedulum; EBORACENSIS, Canonicum Pium; GLOCESTRIENSIS, WINTONIENSIS Decanum Providum; CESTRIENSIS, LEICHF. & COVENTR. DUNELMENSIS Praesulem Vigilantem Habuere. Qui, Post plurimos pro Sanctâ Ecclesiâ Christi Catholicâ, Exantlatos labores, Elucubrata Volumina, Toleratas afflictiones. Diuturnâ (heu nimium) Ecclesiae procellâ Hinc inde jactatus, Huc demum appulsus, Bonis exutus omnibus, (Bonâ praeterquam famâ & Conscientiâ) Tandem etiam & Corpore, Senex & Caelebs Heic requiescit in Domino; Felicem praestolans Resurrectionem, Quam suo demum tempore bonus dabit Deus. AMEN. Nullo non dignus elogio; Eò verò dignior quod nullo se dignum aestimaverit. Obiit Crastino S. MATTHAEI Sepultus Festo S. MICHAELIS Anno Salutis, 1659. Aetatis, 95. Episcopatus, 44. THE END.