THE REGAL APOLOGY: OR, The DECLARATION of the Commons, Feb. 11. 1647. Canvassed. WHEREIN Every Objection, and their whole Charge against His Majesty is cleared, and for the most part, retorted.  Eccles. 10.20. 
Curse not the King, no not in thy thought.  Hosea 10.3, 4. 
For now they shall say, We have no King, because we feared not the Lord, what then should a King do to us?  
They have spoken words, swearing falsely, in making a Covenant.  Prov. 28.2. 
For the iniquity of a land, many are the Princes thereof.  
Printed in the year, 1648.   

The PREFACE.  
THis hath been an Accusative age in England; and the Prince of Darkness was never more imitated by us in that Epither, notwithstanding our new lights. Yet for the most part, our Accusations have been but like the crackling of thorns under a pot: And our Accusers like the Mountains, which swollen into that bulk, as it summoned the expectation of the world, and were delivered of a poor Mouse. You cannot name us many Charges which either have not been quite withdrawn, or sunk into a lower stream. Pray what Delinquent (as they term them) Abate us but the Tragedy of Strafford and Canterbury, with the hotham's, and a very few more who fell in a fit of Justice, and were sacrificed to Revenge and Passion) hath been brought to a Period commensurate to his Charge?  
How did the Impeachment of the Judge's echo through the kingdom? yet some of the chief were not only permitted to sit on those Chairs, which it was pretended they d●d prostitute, but offered Preferment also. What a terrible Mouth was opened upon the twelve Protesting Bishops? yet the turn being served, and the Votes against their whole Order passed in the House, they were not only acquitted of their Charge, but also dismissed from Custody. How high ran the Tide once against the Monopolists? what ease from other Burdens did not the People believe they should have, by the squeezing of those swollen Sponges? yet who among them hath received the measure of his Desert? Nay, which of them, that would nimbly dance after the Pipe of his great Accusers, hath not been even hugged in their Bosom, protected from the lawful Attempts of injured and oppressed Subjects? What Haranges have been made against evil Counsellors? How was the Kingdom born in hand, with hopes of some exemplary Punishment upon, or some severe Admonition at the least unto them? And yet name but one single Privy-Counsellor ever questioned for ill advice formerly given to the King. Of late, what a Charge was entered against the 11. Members, some of them Persons of eminent Integrity and Merit, the Pillars of their respective Houses? yet we hope well in their behalf. It will not stand with the Justice of a Parliament, to install one (the Earl of Pembroke) again upon the Bench, and make him their Judge, when his hand was to all the Warrants for Leavy's, and bring them to the Bar, condemn them for Traitors, who signed but only one; whose fault was in comparison but looking over the Hedge, while the Other Stole the Horse. What hath been said against the late Lord Maior, and the Aldermen, Stars of the first Magnitude in their Orb, whose influences have strongly contributed unto the prosperity of the Parliament's Cause? yet we despair not, but that they also may be dismissed, if they would but fairly sit down themselves. For we are not ignorant of the underhand Offers, which have been made them, and the Devices which have been in Agitation, to come off with them handsomely. And it is a good Omen that Alderman Culham (whose guilt if it were any, was greater than any of his brethren's) is discharged upon his humble submission.  
These are Instances enough to prove what I proposed; and Both sufficient to convince any judgement: That it was not Public Justice, nor Relief of the Kingdom's grievances which were the springs of these actions; but sinister and private designs of their own: Something like that of Absalon, Oh that I were made Judge (or rather Tyrant) in the Land, that every man which hath a suit or a cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice.  
But all these former Proceedings are but rude Essays, in comparison of this last Grand accusative Declaration against the KING, which we are ashamed of already, and after-Ages will condemn as the Top of malicious Villainy, and an unspeakable Scandal to our Religion. And, that which boils up the Iniquity to the height, the King is debarred the Privilege of His meanest Subject, of the greatest Malefactor, which is, to Plead for Himself, and to wipe off these black Aspersions, whereby His Honour is so deeply wounded: Nay to hear, or know His Accusation.  
Let me therefore be pardoned the Presumption, if in this case the unworthiest of millions of His people I become an Advocate for my oppressed Sovereign; and with a few sparks which I shall strike (as near as is possible) from the Rock of Truth, afford some Evidence of His Innocence, until the Searcher of all Truth shall bring forth his righteousness as the light, and his judgement as the noon day.  

The Method of the Apology.  
In my discourse upon this Argument, I shall proceed this way. 1. I shall premise somewhat, which may serve for a discovery of the Grounds and Designs of the Declaration. 2. I shall give some general Answers to the Declaration in gross. 3. A distinct particular Answer to each Article or part thereof. In which last part I shall speak to the Title first, The Votes after, Then to the Particular Charges, as they are reducible to certain Heads. The first, of what the King is pretended to have committed in relation to this Kingdom of England. The second, to what he did in relation to Foreign Estates.  
To the first, I shall reduce all which were done 1. Before his Reign, until he wore the Crown. 2. From His Coronation until this Rupture between His Majesty and the Parliament, whether they relate more immediately to His own Person, or to His Officers and Ministers as the Privie-Councel men, His Council at Law, and Servants: or to His Courts of Justice. 3. All Passages since the Rupture. To the second Head or Classis, I shall reduce whatsoever is objected concerning 1. Scotland, 2. Ireland, 3. the Protestants in Rochel, and all France. In which if any particular relate to more heads than one, we shall (to avoid repetion treat upon it, under that which it is most proper unto. In the Discourse I shall first repeat the Charge, then give an Answer, and where it is their own doing, lay the charge before their own doors.   

The Ground and Design of the Declaration, discovered.  
It is well known to all the world, That from the beginning of our War (to trace the pedigree of them no higher) there have been two main parties in the Parliament (to omit their subdivisions) commonly distinguished by the names of Presbyterians and Independents; who, though in the general they concurred in beating down the power of the King, yet had several and indeed irreconcilable designs therein unto themselves.  
Nor can it be doubted, that the supreme sole Power and Authority was the Apple of contention, as well between them now thus divided, as formerly between the King, and them conjoined; what gaudy Colours soever are cast over, and specious Pretences made to stalk before it. Truth is, This is the general Ground of most Quarrels; every man inheriting that ambitious Humour of our first common Parents, even from the Disciples in their Poverty (who were projecting for the Right-hand and for the Left, and in a kingdom too) unto the greatest Statesmen. Nay, a wise Gentleman of our Age observed it to be the Itch, even of kitchen-boys, who should be the greatest.  
Now the Independents (though inconsiderable at the first, even to Contempt, being not above six among fourscore in the Assembly, nor double that number visible in both Houses) have played their Cards so well, and followed their business so close, that they have got the Purse of the kingdom at their command, the whole Strength of it at their devotion, and now grasp at the Authority also, and seek to establish their Iniquity by a Law.  
But by what steps and Degrees they have climbed thus high, is very difficult to discover exactly; the foundation being laid deep under ground, and carried up with as much Art, as ever Building of that nature was; Nor is it much material.  
The greatest and only unquestionable Authority of this Kingdom is of the King and His two Houses of Parliament; to this their Ambition did aspire. But having struggled in vain in the Houses for a good while, they found the wind to sit too strong in their faces there, and an impossibility for them to begin that way, as the Temper of the Houses stood. If the King were but in their hands, being stripped of all strength, and in some desperate apprehension of Himself, than their Hopes would handsomely smile upon them.  
In order to this therefore a Quarrel is picked with the Parliament, the King's Person seized on, and soon after the Parliament is most shamefully despised, abused, disgraced, made to double at pleasure, to eat up their own Ordinances and Decrees, perfectly overawed and even trampled on. So far, that one of their own Members in the House openly told them, That he could not call them a House of Parliament, but a company of Gentlemen met together to fulfil the Just of an Army.  
Yet were they so wise, and commenced their quarrel so cunningly, as that they might keep two strings to their Bow; and as the Beast, which hath two holes to his den, can stop or open either, as the weather sits: even so were their Proposals and Declarations contrived and sent abroad, that by changing or interpreting one word, they might comply with the King to destroy the Parliament, if they should find themselves unable to mould it after their own Humour; Or if once it were under their Girdle, than afterward to bring the King to their Bent, or lay him quite aside, and by binding his Hands to establish the whole Power and Authority of the Kingdom in their own. And either of these Cards they drew, as they had Occasion, and conversed with men of different Interests.  
In the mean time, they handle the King with much Civility, and shows of Indulgence, allowing him the service of his Chaplains, and the free use of the Liturgy, which was denied him by the Houses, bearing him in hand, that they preferred Episcopacy before the Presbyterian way; and tickling him with ambiguous Promises; to mollify his hard Conceits toward them, or at least to harden him the more against the Presbyterians, and make that breach wider. They had likewise the wit for to humour and stroke the Royal party, by a thousand pretty devises and Artifices, entertaining some of them in their bosoms, allowing them Seats, even in their Counsels of War, carefully forbearing in their Declarations to stigmatize them with that so familiar brand of Malignancy, and filling them with hopes and expectations of I know not what great favours; which they meant to perform, when two Sundays met together.  
Thus having well divided the King's party from the Presbyterians, they had then a smooth and easy way to victory. The City opens the Gates; The Parliament trembles; The chief Leaders of both Houses, either fly for't, or withdraw for a while, and play least-in-sight. Which was fore-seen when Cromwell stole privately to Newmarket from London, and ask Whether they had the King in their hand? Being assured of that, told some of the Officers, That then they had the Parliament in their pockets.  
Those who are of private spirits, and for their own either safety or designs constantly swam with the stream and Tide, began now to tack about, and to do Journy-worke for the stronger side, and Vote with the prevailing party, of which I will give but one Instance by the way, and that is of Colonel Hervy, who three days before would undertake to beat them three miles into the Ground, but upon their admission into the City, was their first Advocate.  
When the House was thus brought in a great measure to be at their devotion, the last Rub in their Alley was the King, He persisted in his Obstinacy, and would not yield up the Bucklers into their hands, nor the power to protect his people. Wherefore to bring His Majesty under the more advantage, by insinuations both of danger to His Person, and of an impossibility in them to save Him from the Agitators, (whom yet they countenanced for that purpose) and withal by secret promises of fair compliance, he is juggled into the Isle of Wight.  
After that Bills are provided, with pretence of condescension, lest they should seem to invade the Throne per saltum; but in very deed, such as would have stripped him bare of all Sovereignty, and of power to protect His Subjects, and established themselves by a Law, in an absolute domination and Tyranny over us.  
The King not more for his own interest and safety, then for the benefit of his Subjects, refusing to comply with their desires herein, is immediately confined; and that in such a manner, as it is hard to find a Parallel. His Wife, Children, Friends, Servants, all the Comforts of life kept from Him, (a course formerly pronounced barbarous and inhuman, even in a Subjects case.) By-and-by, the prodigious Votes, forbidding all intercourse of Letters to Him or from Him, under the penalty of High-Treason, so cutting off all possibility of Accommodation, were carried in the House.  
Last of all, to render Him as black as was possible, and so utterly to alienate the affections of his people, this goodly Declaration (first set on foot in the Army, and allowed the Agitators to please themselves withal, so to divert them from more dangerous designs, as the Chess at the siege of Troy to keep Soldiers from mutiny) is thought upon, and taken up by the Grandees, licked into a better form, so exposed unto public view; that besides their aim therein against the King, they might somewhat stroke the Levellers, by taking up their Principles, in a recompense for divesting them of their power: and so pave their way as much as was possible to a perfect sovereignty for themselves.    

THE REGAL APOLOGY. The general ANSWER to the DECLARATION in Grosse.  
1. THis Declaration imports very little or nothing, but what hath been either by the Parliament in their Remonstrances, Declarations and Messages, or by their Instruments and Emissaries, inculcated ad ravim usque, and so often repeated, that they do even nauseate the Reader. And surely it yields a shrewd Suspicion of Penury of Matter, when they are fain so often to take up the Old, and to harp thus continually upon the same Strings.  
2. Many of the Charges are not of his own faults, some being of the Courts of Justice, his Judges and other Ministers of State; for some of which there hath been satisfaction given, either by a total abolition of the Judicature, as of the Star-chamber, High Commission, etc. or by abridgement of their Jurisdiction, as of the Privy Counsel, or by exposing those Instruments to the rigour of the Law; nay, to the very will of their mortal Enemies, the Parliament.  
It would go but hard with his Accusers, if they would take upon themselves all the Mis-carriages, all the Cruelties and Oppressions of their Commits, or of their Soldiers; and yet have they many Eyes to see, many Ears to hear withal: nay, if they would own but the personal faults of their own Members, which would fill up many Volumes, if all were set in array against them. If we will not admit of that old Law-maxime, The King can do no wrong, nor be so Courtlike, as the Persians, whose fashion it was to beat the clothes only of their young Princes and Noblemen, when they had committed an offence, methinks we might at least be so just, as to lay the saddle upon the right Horse, and charge every man but with his own Crimes.  
3. Many of those against himself have been abundantly (for to satisfy the people) acknowledged, and amended (offered to be so at least.) With God Almighty, Confession goes for good Satisfaction. And what Pattern should we rather follow than that of our heavenly Father? Be ye merciful, as your heavenly Father also is merciful, Mat. 5. Even in the judgement of a Heathen man, Repentance is above half way to Innocence. And surely, when a King shall please to stoop so low to his own Subjects, as upon their Admonition to recall himself, and cry Peccavi, his high Place sets a higher price upon his Repentance; and he richly deserves to hear no more of his former Oversights.  
4. The foulest of these Charges is not backed with any proof, but insinuated; and that sometimes upon no manner of Ground at all (as that of the Spanish Fleet) sometimes upon lamentable weak Surmises, bare Hear-say's, flying Reports, perhaps started on purpose against such a time. But what? Is this justice? to a King? to our own King? By the mouth of two or three witnesses (saith the word of God) shall every word be established. Not under two, (saith the Civil-law) and those contemporary to the fact, not successive. Indeed, by the Law of this land, One single Witness for the King is enough. But shall his Honour bleed, his Authority be snatched away, his very Life struck at, upon Suggestions from one, from none? upon Surmises and Conjectures? How miserable then, beyond compare, were the condition of a King? How true was that saying of Demetrius, That if men knew the Thorns it was beset withal, they would not stoop to take up a Crown, even from the Channel.  
5. Notwithstanding all this, There is a strong Presumption, that this is farced with whatsoever Malice could prompt, or the Wit of Men and Devils could contrive. Consider the multitude in both Houses, their several Relations and Dependences, some of them being of the Bedchamber to the King. It is impossible, any fault could escape them, their Eyes being more than those of Argus for number, of Lynceus for Perspicacity; (nothing so quicksighted as Malice.) Again, do but take a Survey of the Committee, entrusted with this Affair, Lisle, Martin, Mildmay, chaloner, etc. Some of them covetous and cunning; such as desired to keep the waters troubled still, that they might fish the better, for another Mastership of St. Crosse's, or some such like Advantage; Others of them, broken in their Estates, and cracked in their Credit, could wish the whole Kingdom like themselves; All of them of an anti-monarchical spirit, whose Hearts are brimful of Gall and venom against the Crown, and whose Tongues drop continually with the poison of Asps against the Person of the King.  
It was the Boast of a French Promoter, That he desired no other advantage to break any man's neck, then that he might be employed in an Office of State, but for a twelve month; So hard he deemed it for such a one to execute his place free from Exception, foe easy for those that stand on Battlements and Pinnacles to catch a fall. And if the faults of Kings (as Q. Elizabeth was wont to say, who was much delighted in wearing of white) were like spots in such Garments, easily discovered, and though small in themselves, borrowed greatness of their great Authors, judge you, how it must far with the King, when so many sly Promoters, crafty Lawyers, malicious Enemies, do jointly set their wits on the tenterhooks to find out matter of Accusation, when they go nosing and smelling after faults (and have done for seven years together) throughout the Spacious field of his whole Reign; nay, of his private life too; and pry into every nook, every Corner for an Imputation, whereby they may with some Colour bespatter him, and lay his Honour in the dust.  
6. These Articles were never presented to him, that he might make his defence (a Privilege never yet denied any man, save by the Parliament) but thrust abroad into the world for to empoison the inconsiderate part of the people (an everlasting Objection against this sinister way of proceeding.) Many things at Court appear but on the Dark-side; It were no wisdom to lay open the Arcana Imperii. The design might be good, though attended with ill Success. Things are not always as they appear; some are worse, some are better; and therefore the judge of all forbids us to to judge after the appearance, that being no righteous Judgement. How easy is it this way to blast and pervert both words and deeds of a true Saints to make any Speech, Treason; any Action, Villainy?  
7. Divers of their own Members, such as have gone hand in hand with them, and resigned up their judgements and understandings in a willing Captivity to their Sense, have failed them in this Transaction. Many of whom withdrew, during the Debate; and some do cry Shame upon't ever since. We know more than one or two, who were tutoured at their first Access unto the House, never to desert their Party for right or wrong. We can tell of another, was wooed into one side by this Argument, Thou wilt never be able to do thy Country service, thy friend a Courtesy, or stand upon thy own legs, otherwise. Besides it is known now, that if the Lord Inchequin would have put his neck into such a Collar, he had not suffered under such Accusations and Reproaches, nor been exposed to those difficulties in Ireland.  
8. Few or none of those Objections and Crimes, they asperse the King withal, but they are in a transcendent measure guilty of themselves. Even among the Jews, not a man could be found to throw the first Stone at an Adultress, because his Conscience twitted him with his own inward guilt. With what Brass have they fenced their Brows against all shame? what brawny seared Consciences dwell within their Breast, when they pelt a matchless Prince with Stones, being themselves such great Strangers to Innocence? Blush, o England! for these thy Sons, whose Impudence hath forgot all bounds. Methinks, they should have swept before their own doors first, before they brought the Besom unto the Court-gates; pulled out the Beams out of their own Eyes, which hindered them to see clearly, before they attempted to take the Moats out of their Soveraigne's Eye. Till this be done, we may not let loose our Belief to their loud Criminations against our Sovereign Lord; nor need we doubt, upon the high warrant of the Lord of Lords, to call them Hypocrites.  
9 Add to all these, That these very men have made many Promises, to render him a Great and glorious King beyond all his Royal Predecessors, after most of these supposed Crimes were committed. If their Charity was then so large a Mantle, as to cover such a multitude of sins, it can be nothing but their Malice, that now proclaims them upon the Housetop. And we will take the Confidence to presume, that if the King had gratified them in the matter of their four last modest Bills, only praeambular to a personal Treaty (which, alas, contained nothing, but provision for their safety and security) then had he now been Rectus in Curiâ, nor had the World been put to this Astonishment in reading such a Slanderous Chronicle of his life. But now, that they find him obstinately averse from parting with his Crown and protection of his people, (for indeed their four Bills amounted to little less) out shall all come in one heap, and his Nakedness (if any) must be discovered in sight of the sun.  
But from the general Answer, let us descend unto an examination of every particular Branch apart, and first a word or two of the Title.  

The TITLE of the Declaration considered.  
It is christened a Declaration; where observe the deviation of this manner of proceeding from the Rule in the Gospel; which enjoins in case of Trespass against a Brother, first a private Admonition; then, if that work no good effect, before two or three witnesses; and if neither will serve the turn; if the delinquent adds obstinacy to his Trespass, then, not till then, Dic Ecclesiae, declare it to the Church. Now this rule I take to reach to civil Affairs, and to be a direction for private men in their reciprocal Behaviour. The Scripture holds forth stricter Precepts in reference to the King, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people, (no not upon any Provocation) and Is it fit to say to a King, Thou art wicked? and again, Curse not the King, no not in thy thought. Eccles. 10. It was only the ungracious Son, that made sport with his father's Nakedness; for which even his Posterity were pronounced Heirs of his Malediction. If they would needs rake in the shame of their Sovereign, How much better had it been for them to have taken the Counsel given them by one of their own Members, To send it to the King himself, because he knows best, whether these things are true or no, I am sure some of our Proofs are short. This course might have raised in him an opinion of the Tenderness of his Commons toward his Honour, and in case he were not innocent, wrought some Conviction upon his Spirit. But since they have stopped their Ears to his wholesome Advice, and chosen the way of unrighteousness, every good man will look upon it, as a Defamation, rather than a Declaration.  
Or if it must be a Declaration, then 'tis of themselves, of what lay before in the Closet of their evil Hearts, treasured up against a convenient season; a Declaration of their deep Distaste against the Crown, their old Malice against the King's person, their itching desire of Domination, their low Conceit of this great and wise people, to be fobbed with Paper, and fooled with reasons of Straw; and that too, after the long and frequent Experience of so many forged Plots and Cheats.  
2. Consider we the Authors, on whom it is fathered, the Commons of England. So then, 1. It is considered, this was not passed by the Lords. The calling of their Concurrence was decried, because they had some Noble blood in their veins, to make them startle and hang off for a while, (though they must submit at last.) And perhaps, some of them having lived in a sphere nearer to his Majesty, might be too well acquainted with his Innocence in many things, and so by discovery of truth in the debate, bring less Credit upon the whole Exploit. 2. Not of all the Commons, bate me an Ace there. It is notoriously known, that between 50 and 60 of the ablest men, who for the most part were likely to oppose this violence, were purposely sent out of London, to raise the ninemonethes' Assessment from the respective Countries, so to ease them of freequarter, (where, we will note by the way, there was a double Aime. 1. To have the advantage of their Absence, in relation to this course against the King. 2. To draw an Odium upon them from their Countries; whiles that, either the condition, upon which the Money was invited out of their hands▪ should not be performed; or another Tax (as indeed there is one already of six months) made the Requital of their forward discharge of the first sums.) It is true, some of them were returned, but few or none present in the House. 3. Not of all those Commons, who were not so sent abroad, for upon the division, there were 50 on the one side, and 80 on the other. 4. It was at eight in the night, a work of double Darkness▪ not daring to look the sun in the face. It was huddled up; when divers, that had their lodgings in the remoter parts of the City, or without it, divers that were infirm, or aged, or lazy, or hungry, or tired, or fearful, all that took care to avoid the throw of the die between the Envy and evileye of a prevailing Faction and their own Consciences had retired: the House so thin, that a Motion was made by a grave Patriot, that it, being a Business of very great concernment unto the Kingdom, might undergo the fullest debate, be re committed, that a full House might be called, and then all referred unto the wisdom thereof.  
Where by the way, let me put them in mind, that the best-governed States in Christendom, even such to which they pretend to model themselves, Venice, Holland, etc. (Indeed, where is it not so, abroad?) nothing of Consequence is concluded, but wherein two Thirds of the Suffrages do concur. In our Kingdom, how oft hath a Voice, or two, an inconsiderable Overplus, carried a business, even to our undoing? Let me mind them of one thing more, That there they have Boxes, by which means their Votes are Secret, and their consciences under no awe of an Imperious faction, under no danger of question for having dissented, of being Posted, or exposed to the Rage of Porters, as ours are, and have been.  
Even among that number, if you deduct such as were Crackt-Courtiers enraged by former dis-respects, or having Judas-like betrayed their Master, cannot be secured but by his Ruin; such as were broken Citizens, Venus, Penington, Hervy, etc. that had in their Eye to heal the wounds of their ruinous Estates; such as were Low-fortuned Soldiers, driving at the continuance of their Trade, by laying the grounds of new Contestations; such as sailed by the Compass of their Leaders, following the Herd they were sorted to, by a blind faith, and through pure Simplicity; Such as were Committee-men, obnoxious, and in danger to be questioned for Accounts, so willing to shut the door fast against that storm; & lastly, such as were devoted unto Journy-work, in expectation of a Boon, or to be reciprocally gratified in some other kind; deduct (I say) all these, and you will have a poor Company, perhaps no more, than sometimes have served in the House of Lords to pass matters of high Consequence, the Speaker and one or two more. Let the whole world now judge, whether this deserves to bear that high Stamp and Character, as an Act of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament.   

Of the VOTES, and how they were passed in the House of Commons.  
Because the Votes lead the file, and are made the occasions of the Declaration, It is fit they should come to the Test; and I shall show you, how they passed.  
1. Fifty or sixty (as I said afore) of the most active intelligent Members, suspected to be cros-grained to that way, were sent abroad under colour of the Public service.  
2. The Headquarters were appointed to draw towards London; and the Soldiers from other parts, to startle the securer Members, and affright the weaker and obnoxious.  
3. At the Debate, the first Vote was begun withal, which had some show of Reason in it; cunningly enough; that when the Dissenting party had champed upon that awhile, they might perhaps yield unto it, and then retire; while the other three Votes were dispatched in their Absence.  
4. To evince these Votes, there wanted not Argumenta bacillina, Insinuations of Force and compulsion (a common practice there in all Debates of Consequence) made by Crumwell especially, who represented it more than once, how distasteful it might be to the Army, if not consented to. And upon the Division, Crumwell addressed himself to Ceely, whom he had not spoken to in in many months before, and gave him thanks; whose Answer was, that though he was of his mind in that point, yet was it not upon his Argument.  
And thus the Votes were carried in the House of Commons.   

The VOTES how passed in the House of Lords.  
There was never much Difficulty made of the maddest Votes to pass the House of Lords, if the Commons pleased to switch or spur them up: yet here they were not willing to trust their good Natures altogether. First, a Message of Thanks is sent from the Army by a glittering Committee of six Colonels, to the House of Commons, with a promise to live & die with them in defence thereof (a sure sign, where the Bird was first brooded, and from whence it came to the House of Commons.) A Message with two faces, one looking to what was already done by the Commons, the other (which was the chief) to what was expected from the Lords, and afterward from the rest of the Kingdom, to which it was meant as a Preparation. Secondly, Address was made in particular to every one of the Lords, by these Champions of the Votes, the Colonels; much Courtship showed; many promises made; all of them dealt with, according to their several Temper and Disposition. The fiery Spirits stooped unto and plied with gentle Fomentations; the well-affected encouraged; with some implicit Menaces unto the tame Spirits; a strong Motive to bring the Lords over to a compliance with the Commons, when they entreat, that can enforce it, if it be denied. Thirdly, A public printed Engagement, to maintain the Honour of the House of Peers is tendered. For they foreseeing the Inference would unavoidably be made, That if the Crown were trampled on, Peerage could not look for any long Date, did wisely enough by this printed little piece of Rhetoric, apply themselves to invalidate that piece of Logic, and so to satisfy the Scruples of the Lords before hand. Fourthly, While the Lords made some demur, and as yet the Scale stood even, high words passed in the House of Commons, to this effect, That as they had saved the Kingdom without the Lords, so could they settle it without them; and more to that purpose. Fiftly, To make sure work under pretence of a Guard to the Houses, a Rod is brought over their Heads, of a Regiment of Foot to White-Hall, and another of Horse to the Mews. This, this struck the business dead. The Lords are convinced by such Arguments, and so concur.   

The Iniquity of the VOTES in their Substance.  
I need not spend much time on this Argument; it seems, the Kingdom is convinced hereof already: for neither the Example of the Army (who made haste to present a Gratulatory Acknowledgement unto the House for these Votes) nor the Policy of the Committee-men, Justices, (men according to their own tooth, chosen to adjutate for the two Houses, more than for their Country's service) with other Engineers and Emissary's, Nor yet the Force of their Soldiery, dispersed through the Kingdom, hath been sufficient to awe them or entice them into such a Noose, as to make any demonstration of their Concurrence in Judgement, or of Engagement with them in the defence thereof; except the poor Town of Taunton, and an inconsiderable part of inconsiderable men in Buckingham-shire, we hear of none; and for Those it is no Wonder: for the Taunton-men are so Independent, that they will not acknowledge any Landlord; but pretend those Houses which stand in the Town, were saved by their Sword, and with the hazard of their lives; and therefore are their own. The Buckingham-shire men were out-witted; some being made believe, the Petition was for taking off Freequarter; Others, for the Presbyterian Government. Others were sent for up to meet their Ministers and other Confidents at Paddington, upon pretence of business of huge Importance, but knew not what, until they were come thither, and then went on, like Geese, with the flock.  
Let the Kingdom but seriously consider the Barbarism herein toward his Majesty, and the misery wherein they involve this Nation thereby, and I believe there will no more be found to tread in their Steps. Imprisonment is the Burial of a Man alive, and that which Private persons hardly endure with patience: no Creature will, if it be possible to make any Escape. And it was formerly a high Charge, even in a Subjects case, upon the Star-Chamber, and other Courts. But for a King to be so dealt withal, our own, an Innocent and Pious Prince, by his own Subjects, & to be put under the custody of his desperate implacable Adversaries; further, to be deprived of all Access or Intercourse with his Wife, Children, friends, sequestered from all the Comforts of life, This is much more, than ever was inflicted upon Lilburne, Pryn, or Bastwick; whose hard usages have been thundered by themselves throughout the Kingdom, to be savage, barbarous, inhuman. By the Law of this Land. It is Treason to imprison the King, though at large. 25 Ed. 3. c. 2. What will these men be thought worthy of, when that shall recover its own Channel, and flow down our Streets like a Stream? when they shall come to their Accounts?  
The Miseries wherein they involve this Nation hereby, are obvious to every understanding. The Parliament touching the Succession, 1 Mariae, cap. 1. acknowledgeth, That the welfare, profit, and special benefit of the universal people is continued and maintained, in the surety and preservation of the Prince. Even in this Parl. in their Declarations, they say, That the very Safety and Being of both his Kingdoms depends upon His Majesty's return to London. Since the King was in their power, The very Army could acknowledge, There can be no Peace in this Kingdom, without a good agreement between the King and his Subjects. Now, is it possible, there should be an Accommodation, where there is no Intercourse, no Addresses made or entertained? Those who have felt the Burden of this War, need no Admonitour to judge, what will be the Burden of another. As much as lies in them, the Houses have laid a lasting foundation to entail, if not perpetuate the Discord to our Posterity, with all the sad Consequences thereof.   

A Collection of all the particular Objections against His Majesty before he came to the Crown.  
Those Objections which are made against His Majesty before his Reign, and belongs to the first Classis of his Charges, are only sour.  

1. His Letter to the Pope which he writ in Spain.  
2. The Articles of Marriage made with Spain.  
3. The Articles of Marriage made with France.  
4. The Death of King James.   
But because the three first do relate to that Charge which are against his Majesty, as being inclined to Popery; we shall give them their answers under that.   

The brief of their Calumny concerning K. James his death, is this,  
That when the Duke was charged by the House of Commons of high Misdemeanour and Presumption, In that he did contrary to the advice of his Physicians, cause a Plaster to be applied, and a Drink to be given to K. james, who was sick but of an Ague; and that conceived to be in the Declination by his Physicians: whereupon, divers distempers and ill symptoms ensued, and the King himself did attribute the cause thereof unto the Plasters. That his Majesty who now is, took notice of this in the Lord's House, told them He could be a Witness to clear the Duke in every particular, and did interrupt them by frequent Messages in their proceeding: afterwards Dissolved the Parliament, and did imprison Sir I. Eliot and Sir Dudley Diggs; and hereupon, they desire every one to judge where the guilt lay.   

An Answer to that Calumny concerning K. James.  
1. It is known to all, that K. James was an aged man; and to all the Court, that he kept an ill Diet: particularly, how he was addicted to Excess of sweet Wines; by reason whereof, together with ease and want of exercise, as also the forbearance of all Physic, he grew full of humours, corpulent, and of an evil constitution. For the sickness he died of, it was a kind of Ague, mixed of a quotidian and a tertian, called an Hemitritaea; and so determined of by all his Physicians, six or seven at least. Now that Disease, though styled by the name of an Ague, is known to be mortal in its own nature, and more to die of it, then to recover: But in such an Age, Constitution, and course of Diet, as King James was of, nothing more certain; Especially considering he hated Medicines, would conform to no directions; nay, was so cross, that when one of his Doctors, as the mouth of the rest, had told him, that he must bleed, in a great Rage, he ingeminated the Scandal of a Butcher upon him.  
2. As they agreed, this was his Disease, so they were convinced, that his Death was the natural and genuine effect thereof, and they testified the same.  
3. His Body being opened, was found fair and free from any ground of Suspicion, in the judgement both of his Surgeons (of whom Master Hayes is yet living, and in the Kings-bench) Apothecary's and Physician's. There are three of those Physicians yet alive, Doctor Hervy, Doctor Lister, and Doctor Craig, all three honest and worthy men, the two last resident in the Parliaments quarters about London, and in this Breach between the King and them of their party; Doctor Craig under a disgust at Court, and discharged from his Attendance long afore, and therefore not likely to be partial to the King; Who all do testify the truth of this Narrative, and (I believe) are so noble, that they will readily give satisfaction to any man, that shall but do his Judgement that right, as to inform it.  
2. Touching the Duke, I shall first premise somewhat; both about that he administered to K. James, and also how far he was accused in Parliament, then answer the Charge.  
The Duke himself had been sick of an Ague, and that not long before: in which Disease he was attended by three able Physicians; but after some wrestling with it by their help, the Countess of Buckingham his Mother, shutting them out of doors, gives the Duke a Vomit, made with Tobacco; which wrought violently, but recovered him from his Disease. After which, finding himself somewhat weak, he retires to the Earl of Warwick's house in Essex, where, either upon change of Air, or some relics of the disease, or what cause soever, he suffered a relapse: and being persuaded by the E. of Warwick, sent for one Remington, a Physician living thereabout, who by a Plaster, applied to his Stomach and Wrists, and a Posset-drink taken inwardly, recovered him from that Relapse.  
After this, K. James being sick, his disease an Ague, the Duke ignorant of the distinction between Agnes, thinking all of the same Nature, that bore the same Name, perceiving the Physicians doubtful, other directions unsuccessful, the King's disposition impatient of many Medicines, declareth to the King his own Cure, proposeth to the Physicians to Vomit him with Tobacco. But the danger thereof being suggested, by reason of the violence of it, and the special Antipathy of the King against it, he forbears that remedy, yet upon the urgent desire of King James himself, procures for him the aforesaid Plaster and Drink; the one being only London-Treacle, the other no more but Posset-drink, boiled with Hartshorn and Marigold-flowers, then sweetened with syrup of Gillyflowers; which were both discovered to the Physicians afterwards, and obtained before, not without some assistance of the Earl of Warwick.  
After the application of this, whether by the natural course of the disease, or some other cause, the King grew worse indeed; the Physicians take it not well; these Medicines are laid aside. Yet, the disease not abating upon intermission of the directions, the King, impatient both of his disease, and of his Physicians prescripts, importunes again for that Remedy, which he had rejected. Hereupon, a Bed-chamber-man is presently dispatched unto the Apothecary, Monsieur du Plure, Treacle is sent for: no term of Specification being added, he thought it fit to send the best unto his Majesty, and by that means sent him Venice-Treacle, which as it was better in itself, so was it worse for the King's disease. This being brought, no body there present could order it, but the Countess of Buckingham. It was applied again; but being hotter than the former Plaster, and the King's hot fit approaching, it might somewhat aggravate his Heat; whereupon, he cried out, That these had done him hurt, and were the cause of his Extremity. Upon this, some one in the room drank up the Posset-drinke; and the Plaster was applied to another, who took no manner of hurt, but that he was cured of an Ague.  
This is the whole truth concerning that Application; and besides others, it will be attested by Master Patrick Maule, then of the Bedchamber, and in Attendance, a Gentleman, whom the Parliament hath employed about the King, ever since he hath been in their hands, and therefore one that in all probability would relate nothing to their disadvantage, on set purpose.   

For the Duke's Impeachment in Parliament, this was the ground of it.  
When that Parliament was summoned, and the Elections were made, Sir John Eliot, who much honoured the Duke, and was reciprocally much esteemed of by him, made an address unto the Duke in the name of many Members, offered him many Arguments to bring him unto their Party, made engagements unto him to establish him in all his Places by Parliament, and to add unto his Grandeur. But the Duke, rejecting these offers, and replying with some Scorn, according to the Height (and perhaps, vanity) of his Spirit, That the King should have that now, by no leave of theirs, which formerly he would have thanked them for; and that the turbulent Spirits were so dashed, that there could be no considerable Opposition in their House to his designs (and indeed in sight, more of the Members of that Election were at the Duke's devotion.) Whereupon, Sir John Eliot, like a good Patriot, replied, that he was mistaken in the Spirit of that House, the very walls infusing Resolution into them who sat there; and rather than the Duke should not be dashed, that he himself would break the ice. And hereupon was the E. of Bristol countenanced (whom in former Parliaments they themselves had cast some frowns upon, and threatened with some danger.) This Impeachment against the Duke is contrived in such a way, as that the King must either engage against him, or at least stand Neuter, or (which was worst of all) bear the reflection of that Dirt, which they would bestow upon the Duke. This was the true ground of that Charge; and this was the Man, who carried it up, and did chiefly manage it in the House of Commons and in their Committees.  
3. These things thus premised, I answer, First by way of Concession, that indeed the Duke was guilty of Imprudence, to meddle in an Art, he was not Master of; And more yet, to exhibit any thing that way unto a King; so that he was in some measure liable to the Charge against him. Secondly, by way of Exception, 1. This was no cause of the King's death; and so much the very Charge implies, which was but of Misdemeanours and high Presumptions. Had it been of his Death, it could not have stood on this side High-Treason; and therefore it was a malicious intimation to the Kingdom, that his Majesty was guilty of what they themselves were ashamed to charge upon the Duke. 2. It was done out of a good affection, and an intent to recover the King. Had he had other Ends, he would never have owned the Action, as he did. He was not so weak a Politician, as to do such a business with his own hands, or by those of his Mother, or so much above-boord. 3. The Medicines of themselves were innocent, and could not prejudice. I have heard it from learned Physicians, that London-Treacle is of a temperate nature, and propulsive of Venom from the Heart, a Cordial; the decoction of Hartshorn with Marygold-flowers and Gillyflowers is no other. Nay, this was attested by some of the Physicians upon their Examinations in that Parliament, that those Medicines did him no hurt. 4. There was a possibility to save the King thereby. Experiment is the best Leg and Base of Physic; and oftentimes, when a learned Doctor hath struggled in vain, a Nurse or a Midwife hath wrought the Cure by an approved Receipt. How oft hath the Lady of Kent flattered herself in this kind, and the Lady Brooks too, or they have done Cures by a Medicine or two, which have been blowed at in vain by good Physicians? 5. It was done by K. James his earnest entreaty; and we know, how far the Importunity of a great Person, a Prince, may transport a man, his servant, even against Reason, much more where there was Reason for it. We can produce an example of a French K. in a Fever, who being prohibited all Wine by his Physicians; did so importune his Servants for that liquor, as they gave him his fill, and that of the strongest too, whereby he was not only satisfied, but his Fever cured. 6. The chief Witnesses against the Duke were Ramsey and Eglisham, the first to the Parliament, the other to the Kingdom by his pen, both of them of so bad a Reputation, that their testimony was not to be taken against a private man; the former being expelled, or enforced to relinquish the College of London for his ill-behavior, who will lie, swear, flatter, do any villainy: the latter expelled from his University, a Papist, or rather of no Religion, and of as little honesty or learning, a man of a cracked Brain too. 8. For K. James his own Clamour, his word that way was no Slander. How often hath Treason been in his Mouth, when he was but crossed or disturbed in his sports and recreations? I have heard, the King of Sweden used to make himself merry with that Expression of King James, upon an accidental cut of his finger by his Carver. 9 That the Disease was in the declination, was uncertain. Sometimes one fit flatters, and the next kills. Physicians love to speak Placentia, especially to Great Patients. We have lately had an Experiment of that in the L. Fairfax who died of a Corn in his Toe, and that presently after his Physician had made his Attendants and Friends secure of his recovery. Nor is it sometimes amiss in reference to the Cure, to feed them with hopes, and to cherish their conceit, which is, though but of small reality, yet of no small Consequence. Besides, at that time it was given out by them so; One of the ablest told the rest, and divers others, That the King's disease was mortal, and would surely speed him; giving this reason, That he had twenty Patients that year, and none of them recovered, under sixteen fits, but the King had not strength enough to endure twelve. Besides, that was the year, which preceded the great Sickness; before which, usually diseases have much Malignancy, and oftentimes put tricks upon the best Physicians.  
4. As to his Majesty, that now is, Those who were conversant about him, both Physicians and others give this account, that they are confident, he knew not any of those Passages. In that he brought off the Duke, he might think himself bound by a threefold Cord, of Honour, Justice, and Friendship: of Honour, because that which was the ground of the Accusation was his own service, at least, pretended so to be. Of Justice, because he had done King James no hurt, did it in obedience to King James his own command, intended him all good; and was prosecuted by his Adversaries upon another Score and Spite. Of Friendship also, it being well known, how deeply the Duke had wound himself into the King's favour (I dispute not, how justly) the very laws of friendship called for relief at his hands, when he saw the Duke in danger to be oppressed. H. Martin himself, the most professed enemy unto the King, thought so meanly of this Accusation, that he only made sport of it: when in some company it was spoken of, told them, (if it were true) It was the only good action he had ever done in his life, and therefore desired he might not be always twitted with that.  
And now let all the world judge of the abominable Iniquity of these men, that lay to the charge of their own Prince things that he knew not, things of that ugly Stamp, that a loyal Subject dares not put them into words.  
We may add unto all that hath been said in defence of his Majesty,  
1. The singular observance and dutifulness of his own Children towards himself, a comfort seldom vouchsafed, but as a reward of former obedience. God observes, for the most part, a proportion in all his Retributions; and punisheth, as it were, in Specie, according to the nature of our Offences, in their own kind.  
2. His Majesty's composedness and equality of Spirit, in the midst of his dangers and afflictions. When his Chamber hath been beset with Armed men, I cannot learn, that he lost one hours Rest for that, which might have been a cause of Terror, even to a clear Conscience. Nor can I understand, that he made scruple at any of those Cates, which were cooked by a Hand, that had been armed and held up against him in the field. Whatsoever his troubles and distresses were, he was himself still 
— Mediis tranquillus in undis.  But Murder, especially Parricide is a Fury, which keeps the Conscience in a continual Alarm, and presents unto all the Senses, objects of horror and approaching vengeance. The History is known of Nero, who never could endure a clap of Thunder, after the murder of his own Mother; but crept even under his Bed, or into the closest Corner he could possibly find, at the noise of it. And I need not enlarge that story of a Prince, who hearing Swallows singing in his Palace, fancied they sung it clearly, That he was his Father's murderer, and therefore caused them to be pursued and beaten down. Many more such Arguments we might insist upon, if we would make use of such Topics, as pass with the House of Commons for excellent strength of reason, when it may serve their Occasions.  
I must acknowledge, that I expected with this, His Majesty should have been charged with the Death of his elder Brother Prince Henry also: for I know, That had a place in the first rude draught of the Catalogue of his Crimes, which was composed in the Army. But the House remembered, his Majesty was but twelve years of Age, and so that was expunged.   

A Collection of the Crimination they make against His Majesty from the time of His coming to the Crown until the present Rupture.  
Those Aspersions, which they cast upon the King from his entrance upon the Crown until this Breach between Him and them, are reducible to 3 Heads:  
The first to such, as more immediately relate unto his own Person.  
The second, to such as were done by his Ministers, and did originally flow from them, as the Lords of the Privy Council, his Council at Law, and his Servants.  
The third, to such as were done by his Courts of Justice, either Civil or Ecclesiastical.  
Under the first of these, we may marshal, 

1. Perjury, and Breach of Trust.  
2. Popery, and a Conspiracy with Papists to massacre all the Protestants in England and Ireland.  
3. Tyranny.  
4. Hate of Parliaments.     

Their Charge of Perjury, and Breach of Trust.  
This deserves the first place, as the greatest Crime in a Prince, if true; and the foulest Calumny, if false; which they tax His Majesty withal in these general words, page 11. He hath broken his Coronation-Oath, several Vows, Protestations, and Imprecations, through His whole Reign, and so oft renewed before God and the world: a little after, They accuse him of a continued Track of Breach of trust, since he wore the Crown.   

That Charge answered and retorted.  
1. These are but barely asserted; and I appeal to their own Breasts, whether it be fit to take their word in this Case; I am confident, I may to the Kingdom.  
2. This is only a General Accusation; no particular Instance given. Indeed afterwards there is an Imputation of Breach of Articles with the Scots; denying of any Commission to have been granted to Cockram, which they took with other Papers; and some such things there are which amount to no more than Tergiversation, if all were true as they relate; and shall have a full Satisfaction in their proper places. If they had held forth any proof of any particular, we should have joined Issue, and made no question to vindicate His Majesty. They may remember, Generalities afford a shrewd suspicion of juggling fraudulence; and we have some aim at their Intents, by their audacious Imputations to make something stick upon His Majesty, whether true or false.  
3. With what Confidence can they accuse his Majesty (if he had been guilty) of that, wherein they themselves lie so grossly open to Exception? Quis tulerit Gracchoes? etc. Their whole Practice hath been Prevarication, Breach of Oath and Trust, both with God and Man. Have but a little patience, to eye their deportment towards all men they have had to deal with. In relation to the King, Have they not broke the Oath of Allegiance, wherein they have sworn to bear faith and true Allegiance to His Majesty's person, and to defend the same against all Conspiracies, & c? Have they not broke the Oath too of Supremacy, wherein they have professed, testified and declared him the only supreme Head and Governor over all Persons, in all Causes, within these His Dominions? both which Oaths they must and do take, before they can legally sit and Vote in that House. Have they kept the Protestation better, which provided for the King's honour, Power, and Safety, before their Privileges? And have they kept their own solemn Covenant, either in this or any Branch thereof? Nay, hath it not been resembled to an Almanac out of date, by one of their own Members, Martin in his Answer to the Scots Declaration, and that without a check?  
How have they deceived and abused this poor Nation, in reference to the King; when they conjured us up to rescue the King's Person, (among other things) out of the hands of his Evil Counselors, and to fetch him home gloriously to his Greatest, and most faithful Counsel, Themselves?  
How well have they answered that very great Trust the King reposed in them, when (to please them if possible) he tied up his own hands from the dissolving this Session of Parliament, without their Consent? (the greatest Breach of Trust that ever the King made, if we may believe John Lilburne.)  
How have they acquitted their Engagements to the Scots, as touching the King? Nay, have they not disclaimed their own Declarations, as Obligatory, and told the Scots since, That they were framed, published and made use of, as Affairs than stood, and that they may alter them now? and in another place, that they are alterable at pieasure, although they were Promissory, and that upon the most sacred Invocation possible; as you may see in the Scots Papers, We profess in the sight of Almighty God. which is the strongest obligation that any Christian, and the most solemn Public Faith that any State can give, (Husbands Book of Decl. p. 587. & 663. the like,) That no trouble nor success should change their resolutions, ib.  
And how they have made good these following Expressions of the Army, (for now I must charge the Parliament with the Doubling of the Army, who rule the roast there) Whereas there is a scandalous Information, presented to the Houses, importing as if His Majesty were kept a Prisoner amongst us, and barbarously and uncivilly used, We cannot but declare, that the same and all other Suggestions of that nature, are most false, scandalous, and absolutely contrary, not only to our declared desires, but also to our Principles, etc. and a while after, We clearly profess, we do not see, how there can be any Peace to the Kingdom firm and lasting, without a due consideration of and provision for the Rights, Quiet, and Immunity of His Majesty, His Royal Family, etc. Remonst. from Ex. and A. Jun. 23. 1647. in another place, That until the settlement, His Majesty may find all personal Civility and Respects, with all reasonable Freedom, in the Letter from Sir Tho: Fairfax, besides many more; which applied to their present practice, do loudly proclaim their odious Prevarication toward His Majesty.  
In relation to the Kingdom, How strangely have they fall'n short of their Trust? Can their Consciences flatter them, that they were entrusted by us, with the least thought, that they should enthrone themselves, during life, in those Chairs, and entail their Places on their Posterity? yet many of them being put to it, have intimated thus much; nay, in the House it hath often dropped from them, That it was dangerous to pitch upon a time of Dissolution, though within these ten or twenty years. Some of them have been so ingenuous, as to say, If they give way. Another Parliament must be call' within these three years; and the Kingdom is so totally corrupted, that it is Ten to one, but That would attaint the Members of This. Many of them, who are Fathers, have by their Power and Interest already brought in, not only their eldest Children (some in their Nonage, and Children indeed) but two or three, as the Lord Say, who hath three of his own Sons in the House of Commons. They were entrusted by the people (I trow) to ease them of their Grievances, establish the liberty of their Persons, settle the propriety in their Estates: yet let me bespeak them in the words of one, that hath lost his blood in their service, Mr. Lilburne by name, I challenge them to show one Act, they have done for the benefit of the people. We feel their little finger heavier than the Loins of the King with all his Predecessors. They have brought us from the Government of one King, who was bound up by law, to the Tyranny of 5 or 600 of themselves, nay every petty Committe-man, every insolent Officer, whose Will and Lust is their Law; so into an Egyptian Vassalage, a condition worse than that of the Peasants of France, of the Boors in Flanders, of the Slaves in Turkey, (to use a man's word, of their own side.) What can we call our own, if one of the Grandees, or his Friend's mouth waters after it? If they Vote to pocket up our Estates, to take away our Wives, our liberties, our very lives, who can stand before their Omnipotency?  
Let their Officers and Army's be heard, what measure hath been meted out to them. They were promised Golden Mountains, The Parliament would stand and fall, live and die with them. Yet when the first Army had set them up, and broke the ice for them, how dis-honourably was the Lord General, how unthankfully were the rest laid aside, even without their wages, which they could never obtain to this day? This last Army had the same doom; but they took better Courage, and knew their own strength. The Scots (however stroked with the name of Brethren to this day) were served with the selfsame sauce, and put to retreat (faster than was for their Ease) from Newarke toward their own Confines, with a great Body of Horse at their heels.  
The City (unto whose blood and treasure they owe their being, and whatever they have) rings again of their breach of Trust and faith with them. Instead of Signal marks of the Enlargement of their Privileges, Recompenses for all their offices of love. Their Works are demolished. The Tower is wrested from their hands. Themselves besieged in a manner. A Garrison threatened to be put upon them, their arms to be taken away, (if they durst) Their Trades decayed, threatened to be quite ruined. Their late Lord Major and Aldermen (some of which were their fastest friends and Zelots) impeached for their lives upon no ground. Their whole Common Council menaced. Divers of their Ablest Members marked out already for destruction. Nay, the whole City kept in continual fears of fire or sword, or other violence by them.  
The Assembly-men and Ministry give no better account of their faith toward them neither. How did they tickle them at the beginning of these troubles with Engagements and Covenants for a Church-Government to their content, making them a glorious Clergy, establishing a free and full maintenance for Preaching Ministers? Yet their Persons are now more vilified then ever. Their Function exposed to contempt and scorn. Their maintenance abridged, and that by the connivance of the Houses, nay the example, private encouragement, if not the project of their Members.  
We will not twit them with their deceitful Ordinances, of self-denial, (which only broke the ice to ingrossement of all Places and Offices of profit into Members hands or their Confidents to Distribution of at least 300000l. of our Estates amongst themselves) Of Accounts of the Kingdom, (by which they have increased their expenses many thousands without mention to perfect, or call any man to refund) Of hearing complaints against bribery and injustice of their Members (whereby they may take notice of the Person that dares question any of their Houses, and after they have worried him there, by a fruitless and chargeable attendance, find some advantage to break his back) nor many such like.  
Nor yet stop they there, in falsifications of their own; but they compel others to break their Oaths and Promises. (I say nothing now of those Oaths they force upon the Consciences of such men, as had rather trust God with their Souls, then them with their Bodies and Estates) They have compelled their own side to break those Articles and Engagements, which they had struck up; witness the Cessations in Yorkshire, made by the late Lord Fairfax, and that in Cheshire. Nay, themselves entertained, and by their Ministers persuaded some Hundreds of Men taken Prisoners at Brainceford, and dismissed by the King, upon their Oath to bear no more Arms against him, within very few days to vomit those up again, as unlawful Obligations.  
Last of all, Is it not a great part of their Quarrel against the King, that they cannot enforce him to forget his Oath, whereby he stands obliged to defend the Church in her Rights and Privileges? that he will not yield up the Laws of the Land, to be new-modelled according to their Lusts, and the Power to protect his Subjects (which he is bound by Oath to do) into their hands, that they may oppress them at their pleasure? how infinite is this Argument? I pray God, they have not halted even with him also. We are strongly tempted to believe, that their Fast, their Praying, their zealous and solemn Executions of Pictures and Crosses, were but Pageantry to deceive the People, rather than true Devotions to make an Atonement with the Almighty; and perhaps we could prove it upon many. But God is the only Searcher of Hearts, and to him we refer them for that matter.   

The Charge of Popery upon the King.  
This Charge hath two Branches; the One of his Inclination to Popery, and favour of that Religion; the Other of a Concurrence with the Papists to destroy all the Protestants in England and Ireland. For the former they offer these proofs,  
1. His Letter to the Pope, when he was in Spain.  
2. The Articles of Marriage, both with the Spanish and French.  
3. That he had an Agent in Rome.  
4. That by the Queen and the Earl of Ormond he offered a Toleration unto the Irish Papists, though he had formerly vowed against it, as also to take off the Penal Laws.  
5. His entertaining of a Nuncio here.  
6. His leaving of Blanks with Secretary Windebank, a notorious favourer of Papists, when he went to Scotland, when he denied a Commission to the Parliament as they desired. Letters of the said Secretary; whereupon he durst not endure the Examination, but fled.   

The latter is confirmed many ways, as  
1. By a pious Design the Queen had in hand, helped forward by a Fast.  
2. An Information given upon Oath to the Archbishop.  
3. An Attestation of a Servant of the Queen-Mother.  
4. Speeches of the Rebels in Ireland.  
5. Unusual Preparations of Arms and Ammunition, Mounting Guns on the Tower.  
Nay, 6. Found in Papists houses.  
7. Commissions given them to rise, etc.   

The King cleared from the Aspersion of Popery.  
Indeed, it was necessary to rake together so many Circumstances, whereby to pin this vizard on again, which was even fallen off; when the Kings own strict and ploughs' Life, continual defence of the true Protestant Religion against all Opposition, and his highest and public solemn Protestations, even upon the receiving of the Holy Sacrament, being added to divers strong Presumptions do assoil him. It is not unknown to us now, that his Father, of blessed Memory, sending some Ministers into Spain after him, charged them to have a care of Buckingham; as for his Son Charles, he durst trust him for perseverance in his Religion. What a sleight advantage did the King take to rid his hands of the Queen's Priests? What strict Commands did he give, that none should be permitted to enter into her Chapel, who was not her Menial Servant? We know, that nor the Queen's own power with him, nor the Mediation of her friends about him, could extend to dis-place a poor Porter at Saint James'; who for keeping out a Citizen, that under pretence of being her Servant would have pressed in, for to go to the Chapel, and for such other strict performances of His Majesty's commands, had much incensed her.  
We remember also his severe Edicts and Proclamations against those of that Religion in general, his Instructions to his Ministers for their prosecution, his Banishment of Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon. If his under. Officers failed of their duties, it is but justice to set the Saddle upon the right horse. What Law did he ever refuse, (nay, hath he not called on them to offer) for the Education of Popish Children in the Protestant Religion, for their better Conviction, or further Punishment, and that even at times of his dis-advantage and danger to disoblige any of his Subjects? I have heard many of the Papists revile him, under that notion, that he would give them all up as a sacrifice for to compass a peace with his Parliament, though they have remained loyal to him in his extremity.  
They themselves have published such Letters of his (never intended for their view, written in private to his Queen, with whom, if with any one alive, he would be free sure in that point) wherein he declares himself to be different in judgement from her. What need we say more? Though at the first, when the war was commenced, Master Hampden being asked by a Minister, why Religion was made a cause of it? gave this account, that the people would not stir else; yet Master Martin hath in the House, and divers other places been so ingenuous, as to tell them, They need not lie for a good Cause, It was not Religion they fought for, but Liberty.   

1. The Charge from the Letter to the Pope answered.  
1. For the Letter to the Pope, It is so fully answered in a Book called Vindiciae Caroli; and in another Treatise called, The Pre-eminence and Privilege of Parliament, that I need not insist thereon. The Prince being upon a Match with Spain, it could not be passed, in regard of the difference of his Religion, but by a Dispensation from the Pope. Yet although he had left all that Transaction to the Spaniard, to avoid intercourse with him, yet the Pope taking his advantage, writes a Letter to the Prince. Being at this ward, I see not, how even in Civility (especially considering the Preciseness & Punctuality of that Nation in all Courtship and Compliment) as also in safety (as being in the hands of Strangers) and to the securing of the Match (the main Business he came for) he could forbear to answer it. Yet was it done by him with that Wisdom and Care, as it might give no offence; and by the severest Censure of an unbiased Reader, that understands the Language, not smell at all of any Compliance in Religion. Moreover, that it might bear no ill sense, as of a clandestine Correspondence, he was pleased to publish it to the world.  
It is no strange thing to write even to the Turk, (which the two Houses have offered our Merchants to do for them) or to the King of Morosco, that are mahometans, to Princes of what Nation or Religion soever. But if you do observe it, this their own Weapon wounds themselves and makes for the King: for what needed a Dispensation, if the King had been of that Religion?   

2. The Charge from the Articles of Marriage with Spain and France, Answered.  
The Articles of Marriage with Spain and France are fully satisfied in that forementioned Book, Vindiciae Caroli; yet if any have not seen or perused that Book, Let him take this short account here:  
1. That a particular Toleration had a former precedent, even in Q. Elizabeth, (whom they never durst accuse for a favourer of Papists) in those Articles of Marriage, which were consented to, with the Duke of Anjou. Where, by the way, you may take notice, that in her time, Master Stubs, a Lawyer, but a great Professor, and one Master Page had their hands cut off, for writing a Tract against that Match, which they had entitled, The Marriage of a Child of God with the Son of Antichrist. Camb. Elizab. An. 3, 4, 5, & 6.  
2. That if the Intelligence were true (which these Accusers take from an ordinary News-monger or Mercury) of an universal Toleration agreed upon, it was Intuitu majoris Boni. The Palatinate was to be restored again, and the Protestants of Germany to be re-enstated in their Possessions upon that Condition.  
3. That this was King James his Act, not King Charles his, who was only passive therein, and to whose hand these Articles were beaten before his coming into Spain.  
4. That they were never any Prejudice to this Kingdom, because the Match with Spain was broken, and therefore should be no Objection. The Articles of the Marriage with France (which went forward) had the same reasons, and so are answered.   

3. That of the Agent at Rome, Answered.  
1. The Agent in Rome, if any, was from the Queen, and not the King.  
2. Grant it to have been from the King (which is not true) he may surely claim as much liberty that way, as Q. Elizabeth, who had an Ambassador, or Agent, namely, Sir Edward Carne, with the Pope in Rome, Camb. Eliz. 1559. at the beginning of her Reign; yet was never under any Suspicion for it. King's have, or aught to have their Espyals and Intelligencers in all places, from which there is possibility of danger to their Dominions. I have heard, Q. Elizabeth had, even in the Pope's own Family, and in the Colleges of the Jesuits. Their Projects against us could not better be disappointed, then by thus picking the Locks of their very Bosoms.   

4. That of Toleration answered.  
That he offered a Toleration to the Papists in Ireland, contrary to his former Resolutions, was but upon great and pressing Necessity (which hath no Law;) and to that degree of Necessity the two Houses had driven him, so the consequences were to be set upon their Score, not his own: yet even then, in his Letters about that Affair (published by themselves) he doth insist on it, That the Bargain may be made as good, as can be, for him. But I have seen other Letters from one of his Secretaries to the Irish, which I am insured were true; wherein were these Expressions, after Expostulation of their delays in his Assistance, He is informed that taking advantage of his low condition, you insist on something in Religion, more than formerly you were contented with. He hath therefore commanded me to let you know, that were his Condition much lower, you shall never force him to any further Concessions to the prejudice of his Conscience, and of the true Protestant Religion, in which he is resolved to live, and for which he is ready to die; and that he will join with any Protestant Prince, nay with these Rebels themselves, how odious soever (meaning his two Houses) rather than yield the least to you in this particular.   

The same retorted.  
Besides, herein the Parliament doth somewhat justify him; For if the Papists themselves may be believed, they have been solicited formerly to serve the Parliament, and were promised by some of their Agents an universal Toleration, and a Repeal of the Penal Statutes, which is the more credible, because Henry Martin told them in the House, (not long since) That he had a Petition from all the Papists in England for one, and was their Advocate for it, though unseasonably. Nay, many of the Independent Writers, (who never received check for it from the House) do in their Books not only allow, but give reasons for it. And in the Compositions for Delinquency, (though the two Houses pretended them to be without Capacity thereof) They were admitted, nay and at lower Rates and with more favour, than many zealous Protestants, who had been less active in this war.   

5. That of the Nuncio, Answered.  
1. The Nuncio's business was merely to the Queen, and he a Layman.  
2. It is no Courtship, to forbid an ordinary man's Wife all intercourse with those of her own Religion, though different from that of her Husband; nor is it the way to convert her. I am persuaded divers of both Houses have been guilty of that Allowance. Yet the Right of a Queen is greater, and it was an Article of Marriage.  
3. It might have been afforded with less Regret for to smooth Her Majesty, and to take off the Remembrance of the banishment of her Priests.  
4. The Man was of so weak Parts, and of so loose a life, that his Company might have been borne withal the better, to serve as a Dissuasive from his Religion, as the Lacedæmonians used by the apish and uncouth behaviour of Drunkards to possess their young Children with a perfect hatred of that vice.  
5. Assoon as it was discovered distasteful, or of danger, he had his Mittimus.   

6. That of the Blanks left with Windehank, and of his Letters and Flight, Answered.  
1. Whosoever knows the Custom of the Court, knows it to be no strange matter of Trust with a Secretary of State, to be employed in any sudden emergency, when there cannot be recourse unto the King; especially when there are general Instructions left, and sometimes the very matter made ready, the form only referred to his discretion. Nay further, there are some of the House of Commons can testify, how familiar it is for a Secretary of State to entrust the same with his own Secretaries; and how impossible it is to dispatch businesses of haste and necessity without some such remedy. I have heard, the like is not unusual with his Excellency the Lord Fairfax, and other Great Commanders, to give their Servants of Trust, leave to subscribe their names for them, in matters of common concernment, I am sure Col. Mainwayring the Passe-maker, (which was the best Trade he ever drove) in time of greatest danger to the City and affrightment also, left his Hand and Seal with many of his Servants, to fill up with the names of such Persons, as they should think fit. Nay, but do not the Houses themselves daily so, or more in matters of high concernment, by their Power delegated unto the Keepers of the Great Seal, Privy-seal, and their ordinary Courts of Justice, their Secretary of State, and persons officiating in Trust under them?  
2. If he were a notorious favourer of Papists, His Majesty might likely not know so much of him; Servants being generally studious to conceal their faults from their Masters.  
3. If His Majesty did know it, yet Places of Trust have been often delegated by Princes to such as have been of a Persuasion contrary to theirs, whom they have found Persons capable thereof. Even Q. Elizabeth herself did send the Viscount Montacute upon an Embassy to Spain, in behalf of the Scots, and to justify the Protestant Religion, though he were a Papist, as Camden hath it in her Life.  
Now whereas it is added, the King would not leave any such with his Parliament:  
1. The Case is different, if it be meant, with them for passing of Acts, which were not repealable by himself, whereas the Secretary was accountable for his Transactions; and his deeds, They if not answerable to His Majesty's desires, capable of reversion by His Majesty.  
2. There was no need in so short an absence of His Majesty, whilst Bills are so long in debate, before they come to their Perfection. For His Letters we can give no account, unless we knew their purport. He might run away justly, and in providence which every man oweth to himself. He saw the House of Commons begin to ramp upon him, and he knew how easy it was for them to find a staff to beat a dog withal, and make a just quarrel when they had an edge against any man.   

That of the Plot to destroy all the Protestants in England, Answered.  
But the Plot to cut all the Protestants throats is so brimful of Malice, that it confutes itself.  
1. It is well known, there are not in all above 24000 Papists convicted, in all England and Wales; allow as many more without that capacity (for sure, when you shall have deducted the old decrepit Men and all the Women their number will not be much above.) Now how these Papists should procure Arms, embody (and no discovery be made of it) so as to become considerable, and if all in a Body, accomplish the Ruin of above a Thousand for One, is incomprehensible; yea though each one had the hands of Geryon and Briareus, and in each hand the Club of Hercules. The Protestants had need first be tamer Creatures, than these late Broils have showed them to be. In Ireland, where the Papists and Natives are five hundred to one, what a tough piece of work have they found it, to root them out? and now we hope they may drink of the same Cup they provided for Others.  
2. The King in that case must be looked on, as void of common understanding, who would divest himself of the Monarchy over so many Millions of men, that he might have it, only over 24000 to inhabit this spacious Territory; nay, and some of them like to come short home.   

1. That of the Queen's pious Design, Answered.  
The Queen's pious Design was known to be nothing more than a Contribution, by way of Assistance to her Husband against the Scots, whom he then looked upon, as his Enemies. And to that Expedition divers of themselves, divers of the Upper House afforded their helping hand under the same notion, Essex, Holland, Northumberland, Salisbury, etc. And why was the fault greater in a Wife to assist her Husband, then in Subjects, their King?   

2. That of the Qu. Mother's Servant, Answered.  
The Q.M. servant, for aught we know, may lie as well as swear, If it be the Man we guess at, he is of little credit, even among his own Nation. Nay, the Ministers and Protestants of their Churches here (though the man pretend to be under the notion of a Convert, and a Protestant now, though formerly a Papist) give him but a base report. And we cannot think, it is for nothing, that he hath been bolsterd up, in the murder of his own Wife, under the pretence of Physic, in the oppression of her Children, which she had by a former Husband, and in the prosecution of a worthy Gentleman, her Brother.   

3. That of the suggestion to the Archbishop, Answered.  
The suggestion to the Archbishop, was by one Habernfield, a Bohemian, from a Priest in Rome, first given to Sir William Boswell in Holland, and so sent over; in which the principal persons to be made away, were the King and the Archbishop, for their being so much against the Romish Religion and purposes. But this Circumstance is (wisely enough) concealed by these Accusers. Can any reasonable man let his belief so run riot, as to be persuaded, the King should drive on a Plot, apparently to his own destruction? How blind will malice make? whither will it not transport?  
Of the Irish Rebels words we shall speak in a more proper place.   

4. That, of the Arms in Papists houses, Answered.  
The Arms and Ammunition in Papists houses, were a Bow and Arrows with one brown Bill. This calls to our mind the Training under ground, the blowing up of the Thames, etc. Is it not Impudence even to a Prodigy, to think (now the Scales are fallen from our eyes) thus to mock and befool us still?   

5. That of the Ammunition, and Preparations about White-Hall and the Tower, Answered.  
Unusual Provision of Ammunition, fireworks, etc. about the Tower and White-Hall, mounting Ordinance upon the White-Tower, etc. was made indeed, but only in Order to security, at that seditious and tumultuous time. Would these good men think it a just Challenge against them, Now that they have manned White-Hall with ten times the number, and the Mews to boot, Now that they have raised Batteries in the Tower, mounted Canon, cleansed the ditches, brought in a Garrison of strangers, and laid aside or over-sized the ordinary Guard, That therefore they intent to destroy the Presbyterians, or the rest of the Kingdom?   

6. That of Commissions to Papists, Answered.  
Commissions were indeed given to the Papists, but since the war was begun, and I would fain learn, what Privilege the Papists have, from being employed in defence of their King; and whether it had been wisdom in us to hazard ourselves, and that the Protestants should spend their Mettle one upon another, while they sat still and looked on. Yet I cannot compute upon the most severe survey, that the hundredth Commission was issued unto Papists. What danger could there be in that disproportion?   

7. The Charge against His Majesty of Tyranny.  
The third Charge against His Person is of Tyranny, and an Endeavour to enslave us, which is proved, 1. By His Principles, in regard he holds forth to us in his Declarations, That he is liable to Account, for nothing he doth, to any man; and that nor one nor both Houses of Parliament can make, or declare a Law. 2. By his Practices, as 1. In attempting to enslave us by the German-Horse. 2. By the Spanish fleet.   

That Charge Answered.  
To the first, The Principle which the King holds out, was ever taken for Truth heretofore.  
1. All his Predecessors in this, all Sovereign Princes in other States have made claim hereto, (and for aught I have heard, were never questioned before for it.) To pass by King James and all others which might admit exception, Hear what Queen Elizabeth saith, Although Kings and Princes Sovereign, owing their Homage and service only unto Almighty God, the King of all Kings, and in that respect not bound to yield account or render a reason of their Actions to any other but God their Sovereign, yet (though among the most ancient and Christian Monarches, the same Lord God hath committed unto us the Sovereignty of this Kingdom of England, and other Dominions, which we hold immediately of the same Almighty God, and so thereby account only to his Divine Majesty,) We are, notwithstanding this our Prerogative, moved to declare, etc. In a Declaration of the causes moving her to give assistance to the Netherlands, printed by her own Printer, 1585.  
2. The Lawyers of the Kingdom have constantly taught us the same, who call the King Caput & Principium Parliamenti, Pater Patriae, the Head and beginning of his Parliament, the father of his Country; who also tell us expressly, Omnis sub Rege, Ipse sub nullo, nisi Deo. Non est inferior sibi subjectis, and Rex non habet superiorem, nisi Deum, satis habet ad panam, quòd Deum expectat ultorem. The King hath no Peer in this Land, and he cannot be judged. The Regality of the Crown of England is immediately subject to God, and to none other.  
3. This very Parliament hath made a tacit acknowledgement hereof, as well as all others, by taking the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, by making their Addresses to the King under the notion of his liege men, and most humble subjects, and by their very Petitions.  
4. It hath been the practice of all Ages, and was of this present Parliament, to decline the King, even in those things which had been acted by his Commands, and to fall upon the Ministers; according to the sense of that Law Maxim, The King can do no wrong. It were strange now, that the Children might call the Father to an account, The he'll lift itself against, or the Members question the Head, The Subject over-top the Sovereign. The Fable hath a good Moral, and I doubt is verified in our times. The Tail of the Dragon once made that pretence of Governing against the Head; but having obtained the liberty to Led, after a great deal of toil led all the Body into a ditch. But this being granted and proved, how will the consequence ensue? It is not the exemption from Account, which makes a Tyrant, but owning no Law, making his Will and Pleasure to be the standard of all his Actions. There is no State, wherein there is not an ultimate Judicature, which is not to be Accountable. By this rule all Government should be Tyrannous.  
2. That both Houses can make no Law, they themselves confess, I am sure the Lord Cook in his fourth book, Printed by their own special Command, doth often. That they can declare a Law is against reason. If the King be necessary to the making, doubtless he is also to concur in the Interpretation, otherwise to what purpose doth his Council serve? But to arrogate a Power to declare a Law, contrary to the evident sense or interpretation received ever since it was made, even though a hundred or a thousand years, is a monstrous usurpation, and the greatest evidence of a Tyrannical spirit, that is possible. If they have a power to interpret only according to the evidence of the letter, or former acceptation, where then is the Privilege? and what need there be a quarrel?   

That of the Germane Horse, Answered.  
1. The Horse out of Germany was but in Proposal, never resolved on, much less put in execution. Now an Embryo is no perfect man, nor a Design to be esteemed a Fact, much less is a bare Proposal.  
2. It appears to be rather the Duke's doing, who at that time took upon him the managery of most affairs in this Kingdom. And why should they make the King black with the Duke's faults, if that were one?  
But 3. the true design of those Horse, was only to discipline our English, and make them more expert for foreign Employments (as it may be remembered, we had divers old Foot-soldiers and Officers out of Holland for a while to that purpose) and how unskilful our Nation was therein, as also of what Consequence it was, Our Army in the Isle of Ree was a fatal evidence; and since that, their own Armies have felt at Worcester, Edge-hill, and other Fights; until by frequent Experience, and the great pains of some Dutch and Scotch Officers they were made formidable.  
4. The Instruments, whose Counsels were used in this great pretended Crime, who made the first offer to raise and conduct those Horse, have been harboured in the bosom of the Houses, and employed in Places of signal trust, as Sir William Balfours, Dalbiere, etc.   

That of the Spanish Fleet, Answered.  
Rather than they will want a Charge, the Spanish fleet shall furnish them with one, though brought into our Havens by mere necessity, being pursued by the Hollanders, and having spent their Powder. Poor King Charles! How is he burdened and even pressed down, upon whom not his own Actions only are charged, but those of his Servants, those of his Courts, those of Strangers; nay, and those of mere fortune and Contingency? If this expedition of the Spaniard were by the King's contrivance or privity, why did he sit still, permitting them to be assaulted within his own Harbours? why did he suffer his own Ships to be idle Spectators of their Ruin? How comes it, that there never followed thereupon the least expostulation for so great a loss, from the King of Spain? It is well known, the Spaniards were wasted in Flanders, the Natives began to know their own strength, and were in hand with a Machination to shake off the Spanish yoke from their necks, in emulation of their Brethren of the United Provinces. There was but need then of a recruit, which could not be compassed without sending a strong Fleet to convey men into Flanders; And this was the Fleet, which we quietly beheld beaten and scattered. Mean time, what miserable shifts are these men at home put unto, when they are glad to catch after such shadows, thereby to bring an envy and hate upon their King?   

The whole Charge of Tyrannical Government made good upon Themselves.  
1. If it be exemption from Account, which constitutes a Tyrannical Government, the two Houses cannot wash their hands of it, by their own Rules; no men pretending to higher Privilege therein; no men seeking to fortify themselves more, against all possibility of being reckoned withal.  
2. If the Characters, which Aristotle in the 4. of his Politics, chap. 10. assigneth, and most other Statesmen unto Tyrannical Rule, be true, the Parliament have outdone all Tyrants in all Ages.  
The Badges are these,  
First, To acknowledge no Boundary of Law to their Actions, besides their own will.  
2. To rule by violence over their Equals and Superiors.  
3. To regard mainly their own private Utility, not the Public. Examine their Proceedings by these Marks, and you shall find them suitable to a hairs breadth. Is not much of this quarrel for the repeal of Laws formerly established? Doth not the King continually invite, provoke them to this Touchstone? Nay what law, that stood in their way, have they not suspended, or annulled? Their whole Ecclesiastical Government is besides, nay against clear law. Their Secular hath been altogether Arbitrary; for what law warrants their Militia, their dealing thus with His Majesty, their Imprisonments, Oppressions, Extortions? And what law had they for alienating the Bishop's lands, not only from the Bishops, but from the whole Clergy for ever?  
Lastly, (that I be not infinite) what Law to cut off Canterbury's Head, to murder Tomkins, chaloner? etc.  
2. How could they possibly maintain their Power without an Army? do they not trample and revel it over their Lords and Masters (we will say nothing now of His Majesty, their Sovereign, whom they insult upon.) Have not they set their feet upon the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom? ruin'd and undone them? whereas themselves for a great part are of the basest among the people; Among whom (except what they can reckon their Places at) a hundred cannot make one thousand pounds by the year.  
3. What have they done for the Public? Though it be a bold, I fear it is a true Challenge, John Lilburne makes, (which I am tempted once more to observe) I here challenge them to show me one deed, they have done from the beginning of their Convention for the benefit of the people. We are sure they have not been wanting to themselves. All Places of profit are distributed among their Members. Our moneys, to the sum of 3 or 400000l. are put up in their bags. Our Persons are at their devotion. Their Privileges are what they list. The truth is, All the evidences of tyranny against all the Kings of England, until this present age, could not amount unto so much, as the two Houses have been guilty of, within these very few years. Nay, it was impossible, for all the Kings of England ever to attain unto it; so true a Prophet was even Master Hampden, who, when some expressed much Impatience at the want of a Parliament, wished them to pray for a good one; for nothing could undo England, but a Parliament.   

The fourth Personal Charge, That he hated Parliaments.  
That he was a Hater of Parliaments, they do back with these Proofs: 

1. That he never called any in twelve years.  
2. Prohibited all speech of any.  
3. Dissolved them at his pleasure.  
4. Searched the Closets and Pockets of the Members after Dissolution.  
5. Imprisoned others, which proved the occasion of their death.  
6. Even in Parliament, charged 5 of their Members.  
7. Offered them violence in his own Person, attended by a Train of Papists and others.  
8. Endeavoured to over-awe them, by bringing the Northern Army to London, and that when he had declared against it.  
9 Called a Mock-Parliament at Oxford.  
10. Raised War against this Parliament, which never King did against any, but Herald  
11. Upbraided his own at Oxford with the Name of a Mungrell-Parliament.     

The Improbability of this Charge.  
1. This cannot be easily admitted for a truth, That the King should hate a Parliament: if you consider,  
1. That he was an Advocate for them in his Father's time, and by his Endeavour procured many good Laws for them in his days, which was confessed in the Parliament, as you may find in the Journal thereof.  
2. That to give them satisfaction, he pressed his Father against his Resolution and Reason to begin a War with the House of Austria, and obtained it: though King James like a Prophet told him, That it was not their Hate toward the House of Austria, nor their Zeal to the Protestant Cause, which moved them to put him upon that suit, But a design to bring him into a Noose; that being in distress by reason of it, they might desert him, and then make their Markets of the Crown; And he did particularly acquaint him with the steps and Gradations, which they would proceed in; first question and strip him of his Tonnage and Poundage, then bind his hands from making other Provision for himself; afterwards bring him upon his knees to them.  
3. Since his Reign, never any King called more Parliaments than He, for so short a space, notwithstanding those twelve years' Intermission.  
4. All the Kings of England never offered more compliance, or performed more Acts of Grace, than He did.  
5. Lastly, few Kings have testified a greater desire of correspondence with, or of condescension to a Parliament, than His Majesty hath done by this:  
1. In resigning up his faithful Servants, to be disposed of according to their will, even against his Conscience.  
2. In offering them (as it were) a Blank, Jan. 20. 1640. which is to be seen in their own Book of Declarations.  
3. In giving up so many Bishops (whose Votes for the most part were at his devotion) to be expelled the House of Lords.  
4. Lastly, In the establishment of this Parliament by a Law, during their own Arbitrement.   

1. The Charge from the dis-use of Parliament for twelve years, Answered.  
To the first particular, I answer: 1. By way of Concession; that Parliaments were under long dis-use.  
But 2. that it might be out of some foresight and sense of this tumultuous Spirit in its secret workings, of which the King might think by abstinence and diet to correct their Luxuriancy. It argues no hate to a Parliament, to desire it might contain itself in the bounds of its ancient moderation; and so a fair correspondence be maintained between the Crown and the People. And this Judge Hutton in his Argument could not choose but touch upon, if you please to peruse him.  
3. Notwithstanding this reason for it, His Majesty had made an acknowledgement hereof as of an Error, engaging himself to redress it for the future.  
Nay, 4. did apply himself to that particular way, which themselves proposed, a Triennial Parliament.  
5. Further yet, when that gave not satisfaction, by a law confirmed this present Parliament to the length of their own desires.   

2.3. That for Breaking up of Parliaments, and forbidding all Speech thereof, Answered.  
1. Herein His Majesty did no more than all his Predecessors. Look upward, and you will find it practised. If it were against the words of a law, yet usage makes the law of the Kingdom, and supersedes the Letter. Suppose it an Error, why should it be a Charge upon the King, and never objected unto His Father, Qu. Elizabeth, Qu. Marry, K. Edward, K. Henry 8. and so upward?  
2. The King did never Dissolve any, but upon their own distempers and for mutinous deportment; and than it was providence to cure an evil in the beginning, and crush a serpent in the shell.  
3. This very House of Commons doth at this time entertain within their walls, one Instrument of the dissolution of the last before this, I mean Sir Henry Vane, whose false suggestions were the occasion of the Kings Breaking it up. If you have not heard the story, then take here the plain truth of it:  
The Parliament was willing to give the King a sum, in consideration of Ship-money; and an offer was made, so the King would relinquish his title thereunto of six Subsidies. His Majesty was willing to comply, and in order thereunto gave Sir Hen. Vane and others a command to signify so much unto the House. But Sir Henry, contrary to the directions, demands and insists on Twelve. Whereupon, the House is put into some distemper; which Sir Henry represents unto His Majesty with the utmost Aggravation, and some Addition too, whereupon His Majesty Dissolves it.   

Searching of Pockets, and afterwards Imprisoning, Answered.  
To this we give this account, 1. That it was no Breach of Privilege, when the Parliament was dissolved. The Elements are but of ordinary use, extra rationem Sacramenti: by that time they were reduced to their proper sphere; and why may not the King upon reasons of State, send to search the Pockets and Closets of any private man? when he found the correspondence between his Kingdom and himself to be shaken, who could blame him to search the cause of it to the bottom, that he might prevent it for the future?  
Though the King did imprison them, it was in an Honourable way; he made them such an Allowance, that Master Long hath professed, he spent the King 1500l. there; after which rate perhaps it might be of a Surfeit, that those died, who are objected.  
3. Themselves never made dainty of it to imprison their own Members, during their Session, without any cause expressed in their Warrants, and without any Allowance for their subsistence. What was Commissary General Coply imprisoned for, these six months? Some say, for nothing but telling what a clock it was, at a Committee. Others have been for as long a time, and for as little reason.   

The Kings charging of the 5 Members, answered, and retorted.  
1. This is true indeed, that the King did charge or impeach so many of the House: but then,  
2. His Majesty had some reason sure. Whosoever reads the Articles, and compares the Consequences, will find them high enough, and be convinced of their truth.  
3. If you consider the Kings proceedings thereupon, his Retractation of his own way and error in the process, if it justled with any unknown Privilege, his desire of their direction, and (when nothing else would give Content) his utter withdrawing of the Charge, and if you reflect withal upon what other Princes have done, what the Law gives out, to wit, There is no Protection for Treason, you cannot choose, but admire his lenity.  
4. This is no more, than they have suffered, if not encouraged the Army, (their own Servants) to do, unto double that number of their Houses, and some of the same Members, that had been charged by the King; and this too upon less ground, if any at all,  
5. I could tell them of Doct. Parry, a Member of that House in Q. Elizab. time▪ who was not only charged but taken thence, condemned at the Kings-bench for Treason against the Queen's Person, drawn and hanged before Westminster-Hall-gate, at the very time the Members repaired to the House. I could tell them of more than this, but I pass it over.   

The Kings going to the House, answered, and retorted.  
1. Though His Majesty went unto the House, there was no assault made or intended by him, as far as can appear, without their Comment. It had been a desperate attempt, with so few to set upon so many, and those backed by so great a power, and had served themselves so far into the affections of the City. If any wild expression fell from the mouth of one or two of his retinue, why were they not seized on and questioned?  
2. This hath been so often acknowledged for an Error by him, yet still objected by them, that methinks they might blush at this mention of it.  
3. What did he do therein, which themselves had not been guilty of before it, and much outdone since? We remember the robustious Petition of the Porters, and we know at what rates some of them were hired, by what devices others were cheated thereinto, it being told them, it was a Petition, that Watermens should be prohibited to carry Burdens. The Posting of Names, exposing the Members of different judgement to the fury of the madding Multitude, was a kind of Force sure. So were the Shoals of Citizens, who came upon their Invitation and encouragement to cry for Justice. If those were not, we are certain the Reformadoes were (for many of them smelled ill then, and Horror was seen in the faces of most) which the Army taxeth some Members withal. And the Petitions, Remonstrances, Declarations, Advance of this Army, with their Interposition since, are a violence beyond dispute.   

Bringing the Army to London, answered, and retorted.  
1. None of those Examinations (which we have read over, all of them) do hold out clearly, that the King did intend to bring them up to London, only to put them in a posture for his Service.  
2. This was limited, according to the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and the Liberty of the Subject.  
3. It amounted but to a Petition, which is printed, and may be read in the first Vol. of the Decl  
4. This came from the Officers unto the King and those Members of Parliament. Now in that conjuncture of Affairs, wherein was the King too blame? when the Soldiers were discontented, the Parliament grew high, there were visible Symptoms of an intention to model the State anew, to cast out the Government of the Church. If the King did so far comply with them, as to allow; nay, to countenance them, by an humble Petition to represent their sense of the Innovations they feared, and of a Breach of the Laws of the Land, How happy had it been for us, if it had proceeded and taken place? Is it not the same, which this Army hath accomplished to the destruction of the Law, and dissolution of all legal Authority?   

The Raising of War against them, Answered.  
The raising of the War will be Answered in another place. As for the Aggravation (a thing never done but by King Charles) it is no wonder; since never King needed before to deal with a Parliament by Arms: One Breath of his mouth was enough to dissolve them.   

The Mock-Parl. at Oxford, Answered, and retorted.  
The Mock-Parliament was not to be so slightly thought of. Themselves and their own men, the Army, appeal to the equitable construction of the Law. And if so, pray what equity would justify this Parliament about That? The King is confessedly one Estate, The Lords with him were two for one, twenty or more Earls, as many Barous, when two Lords made up a House here often, and Ten were thought a goodly number. Nay the House of Commons there were near upon the number with those that stayed here. Did the walls at Westminster make a Parliament? surely, in the equitable construction, those Gentlemen made it much rather, who were called together by the King's Writ, and sent by their respective Counties and Burroughs. But why do we dispute that? Did not many of these men, that talk thus, flee themselves? Did they not eat up an Engagement with the Army? Was there not an intention at least of another Mock-Parliament? If their Return to Westminster had not been so quick and easy, we cannot forbear to think, they would actually have done the selfsame thing themselves, which they thus condemn in others.   

The Mongrel Parliament, Answered.  
The King hath sufficiently explained himself for that matter, that he used that Expression in reference to the Earl of Sussex and his faction, who had made a breach in that fair Correspondence, that was maintained between them formerly.   

The Charge of Crimes done by his Ministers.  
We proceed from the pretended faults, which relate immediately to the Kings own person before this Rupture with the Parliament, unto those done by his Ministers, and those especially under this Classis, concern Oppression of us in our Estates. Of which sort are the Enforced leaves, Privy-Seales, Coat-and-Conduct-money, Enlarging Forests, Enclosing Commons, Engrossing Patents, Monopolies, etc.   

The Answer to these in general.  
To these in general, 1. That they were put in execution in times of great necessity. The King was engaged in a bloody war, and by the incitement, encouragement, and promise of this faction of men, and deserted as soon as he was well entered; the best Revenue of the Crown questioned, if not withheld. The King of Denmark beaten for want of supply, Germany overrun, the Protestant cause all over Christendom in a precipice, great Preparations made round about, Hannibal ad portas. What Irregularities might not be excused in such exigencies, by that Supreme Law of Necessity, which bears out all transgressions? 2. None of these were contrived by Himself, many of them were by his Counsel at Law, many were suggested by Mr. Noy in particular, his Attorney, a man well versed in the Laws and ancient Records of the Kingdom, one who could have given a good account of his Actions, and was once thought a great Champion of the Laws against Arbitrary Encroachments. 3. There was a Redress offered upon the first Complaint, and the Subject fenced by wholesome Laws against any such future Attempts. 4. The Instruments who first contrived, or abetted, and put then in execution, are many of them in both Houses, more of them in Places of eminent trust: None of them all ever punished upon this score, but for some other fault. In Particular,   

The Privy-Seales, Answered.  
His Majesty was so careful to satisfy his Subjects for what they had lent him this way, that he sold unto the City of London, Land at 12000. l. rend of Assize, and out of the money due thereupon left and secured in the Chamberlain of London's hand the sum of 216000. l. 15. s. 4. d. to the end that out of this such might be paid, as had formerly lent unto the King, either by Privy-seal, or otherwise, which the City made this advantage of (not contented with such a bargain, though they paid for the purchase, by the very Wood and Timber upon the ground, as the King was informed;) They sent their Emissaries into all Countries, where they knew there were any of the King's Creditors, who were ignorant of this Assignment, and agreed with them at under-rates, nay for little or nothing, for the debt they accounted as desperate, and by that means at once deceived the people of their repayment, and the King of the reputation of his Justice.   

Forests, Answered.  
1. The King herein used and followed the advice of his Counsel at Law, and of the Lord of Holland; yet was his Lordship their Confident, until this quarrel divided them.  
2. What was done herein, was upon Oath, and by due process at Law.  
3. His Majesty remitted his clear Right, where the people were troubled, for instance, a great part of the County of Essex.  
4. He allowed them to be bounded by the Countries themselves.   

Enclosing of Commons, Answered, and retorted.  
1. It was done by virtue of Law, which investeth him with that power.  
2. It might have been for the benefit, not of the Kingdom only, but of the very particular Inhabitants of those respective places, if Instruments had done their duty.  
3. The Parliament keeps those in their possessions still, without refunding any Compensation to those they pretend were injured.  
4. Nay at this time, they set upon a work of Enclosure of more than all the Commons in England, which have been enclosed these 100 years; I mean the Draining of the Fens in Lincolnshire, whereby thousands of poor people are bereft of their subsistence, The adjacent parts are endamaged by the Torrent of the waters turned upon them to their vast prejudice.   

Engrossing of Patents, and Monopolies, Answered.  
That I may Answer these, I shall lay for a Ground, That all Grants and Letters-Patents of the King of England are not Monopolies; though concerning Trade, or Manufacture, or the labour of the Subject, or be appropriated to one man or more, as Charters, Privileges, to Cities, to Towns Corporate, to Corporations, Companies of Trade, Custome-house-officers, the Registers-office in Chancery (now enjoyed by Mr. Miles Corbet and Goodwin, two Members) the Clerks of the Parliament, and many such like; which were unquestionably used to be granted by the Kings of this Land, in order to the governing and well-being thereof. But those only, which are notoriously evil before, or discovered to be so after, and are not for the manner of granting them, but for the matter accounted invalid. And therefore many great things of high Concernment to the Commonwealth have justly merited, and to this day do enjoy the warrant of Law and Authority, which were never confirmed by Act of Parliament, whilst others of less moment have troubled all the three Estates for an Act of Parliamnet, as Hunting the Hare, Paving of certain Streets in London, etc.  
Now we Answer. 1. That these were suggested by Citizens or men skilful in those ways and Advantages, which might accrue to the respective Trades or Manufactures, and so redound to the benefit of the Kingdom.  
2. That His Majesty did always make reference of these to his Counsel, and to others learned in the Law, as his Attorney, Solicitor general, and Masters of Requests (as divers yet alive can testify, and Judge Jenkins hath testified to the view of all the world) that they might examine the justice of them, and their proportion to the established Laws, and that His Majesty hath often given strict charge of great Caution even unto them in their determinations; by which means multitudes of Monopolies which were by Citizens and others daily represented and pressed on, were rejected, and the Authors received a Check.  
3. That even those Grants, wherein there was no discoverable Inconvenience, but much benefit pretended to the Kingdom, were for the most part made but Probationers by him; whereas either in the Patent itself there was limitation expressed, and a Proviso for their revocation, if they appeared contrary to Law, or of damage to the Kingdom; or there was a Bond entered into by the Parties entrusted unto that purpose.  
4. That upon any complaint made against them he caused it to be heard (sometimes did it Personally) at the Council-table, where the Lord Keeper and the rest of the Judges of his Privy Council assisted him; and about the beginning of the year 1640. when he found the Complaints to multiply against them, instead of hearing the Patentees, he disannulled their Patents by Proclamation.  
5. That divers of them are continued until this day, as the Post-office upon Mr. Prideaux of the House. The Lord of Warwick. The Merchant Adventurers. The Greenland trade, and many more.  
6. That this was done in all King's Reigns, and Errors of this nature have been committed, from Ed. 4 Hen. 6. to Queen Elizabeth's time (when they multiplied to a great excess) and King James; and they may be pardoned a Prince, as well as the Inconveniencies of sundry Acts of Parliament, (which have been afterward found a Grievance, and so repealed) the three Estates.  
7. That many of those, who either sit in the Houses, or are in great Offices of trust about them, and are their Favourites, were the Contrivers, and Instruments hereof, yet were never under question; as Sir John Evelin, who had the first Monopoly of Powder; Sir H. Vane sen. who wiped him of it, and settled it upon his own servant, when it was the greatest grievance; Sir John Trevor, who persuaded the King to the Imposition upon Coals; Mr. Saint john's and Cromwell, who represented and driven on the Draining of the Fens; the Earl of Holland, Mildmay, Alderman Woollaston, who managed the Monopoly of Gold-and-Silver thread; Smith, once Secretary to the Earl of Northumberland, now in a great Office. I must omit Mr. Whitaker, Alderman Gibbs, Mr. Ralph Farmer, Solicitor for Sequestrations in London, Mr. Reading the Lord Major's Passe-maker, Mr. Jackson Solicitor for Sequestrations in Westminster; and multitudes of others, to whom they have offered signal favours since that time, never questioning any of them for their Patents or Monopolies.   

Ship-money, Answered.  
1. This was first suggested by Mr. Noy for Law, who had few equals in the knowledge thereof. 2. Examined and approved by the Lord Keeper Coventry, a man of great learning. 3. Subscribed by all the Judges of England. 4. When it was questioned by Mr. Hamden, a free debate was allowed before all the Judges (who give Judgement upon Oath) and the Business disputed Seriatim for many days together, and at last determined for the King. In which debate (by the way) His Majesty suffered the great Arcanum of Government, His High-Prerogative, to be banded by their Lawyers at a Bar, which these men would never permit to be done by their Privileges, though they do Petition for them in the beginning of every Parliament. What fairer course could have been taken? What better confirmation could the best Right any man hath to his land of Inheritance have then this? 5. If themselves had not been convinced of the justice of the sentence, why did they once offer six Subsidies to purchase the abolishment of it? Why did they not punish those Judges, which we find they have been ready to advance; as particularly Trevor, who hath nor Law, nor Learning, whom they have sent at this time upon the Circuit; Judge Bramstone, whom they proposed unto His Majesty for Chief Justice, nay and Banks, who was a great Instrument therein, yet one they pitched upon for a place of Eminent employment in their first Propositions, etc. 6. Lastly, the King condescended to abolish this Ship-money by an Act of Parliament, and why should this be conjured up against him?   

This Charge of Oppression upon our Estates, by His Ministers and Officers, retorted.  
If these were Oppressions, O what have we suffered since, by those who would make us believe, they are our Saviour's! I dare confidently aver, and can fully prove it, That neither Daneguelt, Taxes, Loans, Privy-Seals, Ship-money, etc. Nor all the Impositions, and grievous Burdens laid upon the Subjects by all the Kings since the Conquest, and equalise that Mass of Treasure, which themselves have either in their own persons and to their use, or by their Instruments under pretence of the public service, squeezed out of the Subjects of this Kingdom, within these five or six years; and that, for to make good their bound less Privileges, to establish them eternally in their Tyrannous usurpation, and to make ourselves with our Posterity vassals for ever unto their vain and shuttle Humours. In particular (to take the blame upon ourselves of what we willingly parted withal, and what by their Cheats were smoothly invited out of our Purses) Have they not constrained us under the notion of Loans and voluntary Contributions to give the twentieth and fifth parts of our Estates unto them; at other times 60000. l. 100000. l. 50. Subsidies, etc. which we should much rather have kept, but that the rest had been too little to expiate our denial? Have they not ravished our Children and Servants out of our Arms and Houses, and compelled us not only to afford so poor an Allowance as of Coat-and Conduct-money, but of Horses, Arms, and divers Months pay unto them, nay slain some of them that have refused, Women that have interceded for their Husbands, and Children? Do not they keep all the Forests in the Kingdom at their disposal, placing Members of their own therein? If they do not enlarge them, do they not destroy them by cutting down the fairest Timber-trees, etc. to the Kingdom's damage, though to their proper advantage? do they not project how to improve them by Enclosures and sales, through which hundreds, thousands of Families must needs foresee their Ruin at hand, who had their subsistence thereby? Are they not now in a hot pursuit of draining the Fens (to gratify two Members especially) which are a Common? do they not detain in their hands, what Commons were enclosed? do they not keep on foot divers Monopolies and Imposts? Have they not erected some Monopolies and Offices, which were never before? I will name only the Projectors Office, of registering Judgements and Recognizances, which in twenty or thirty years neither King James, nor King Charles could be induced to grant. But have they not erected one in our Kingdom, which once the Nation could not endure the name of, and unto which all the rest amassed into one body, are but as a Pigmy. I mean the Excise, whose benefit is at least 300000l. a year; yet no public Charge borne out by all this, though all the Revenues of the King, the Queen, the Prince, the Bishops, the Deans and Chapters, the Delinquents, etc. are in their hands, being almost one moiety of the Kingdom; though most of the rich Offices be in their possession; though there be particular Impositions besides raised for Ireland, for the Scots, for the Army, and indeed for what not? and though they seize upon that old decried Grievance of Tonnage and Poundage, while they take no Ship-money.   

The Charge of the Crimes of his Courts, or such as concern Oppression of us in our Bodies.  
The third Charge is in relation to his Courts; and here are laid in his Dish our Personal Oppressions, as of cruel Whip, stitting Noses, cutting off Ears, Fines, Imprisonments, Racks, branding Cheeks, etc.   

The Charge answered.  
Our Answer is, 1. That these things were done in Courts of Justice, and by men, who were responsible.  
2. That these Penalties were inflicted for high Crimes, such as formerly had been capital.  
3. Upon turbulent and obstinate Offenders, such as these men have not been able to hold their hands from, since this Session of Parliament.  
4. That the Fines, Imprisonments, and rigour of their Sentences were frequently mollified and abated by His Majesty.  
5. That those Courts, from which these things issued, are abolished, through His Majesty's Grace and Condescension.  
6. That none of those Judges hath hitherto been punished, if at all questioned for any transaction in the Star-Chamber, or High-Commission-Court. The E. of Salisbury in the House of Lords, and Sir Hen. Vane sen. in the House of Commons were men, who gave their suffrages unto that Sentence against Lilburne, of those cruel whip against Pryn, Bastwick, and Burton, of those cuttings and branding; and when were they charged therewith? was it so much as once objected against them?   

The same, retorted.  
These are the severest Courses they can object against His Majesty. But are these any more than Flea-bite to what hath been done without punishment, or so much as a Check, by their Committees, Armies, Courts of Justice, nay by their own Members? The Barbarismes of their Committees (a Name now sufficiently odious) would fill a Volume bigger than the Book of Martyrs. Their whip, their tortures, their Imprisonments, even to the starving of multitudes, of not a few equal to the best in their respective Countries, upon Shipboard, in such narrow Cabins, and other places provided on purpose, that they had not room to stand upright, or lie at length, until even their Sinews shrunk, their Bodies were eaten by Vermin; And this for no manner of Cause, but their Conscience. Nay, we can name the men, who have been sequestered and imprisoned for five or six years and still are so, yet never heard one Accusation laid against them unto this day; and others, who have after that been adjudged Innocent, yet dare not call for reparation of their Estates, or any Amends for their Sufferance. Their very Army and petty Officers take upon them to domineer, and play what pranks they list. Among a multitude of their later Cruelties, Let me tell you one story from Sussex, of a thing done, since all pretence of Martial-law hath ceased, and in a County where they lived gratis, by a formal process, when most of the Gentlemen of the Shire were present and interposed. One Mr. Lover, a Yeoman of good fashion, who had formerly served as their Party, was by a Sentence of a Council of War consisting of one Major Husbands, one Cornet, and three or four Corporals, at the Marketplace in Lewis clapped neck and heels together, and used there with that severity, that he sounded upon the place, and hath not to this day recovered his health (though it were done two months ago.) And this for no cause, but for telling some Soldiers, when he saw them in his own grounds dipping two lewd women after an obscene way in a Pond, That he could not envy their Churches such Members; for they were known to be Whores by all the Country. After complaint of this wrong made to the House, it was referred to the Officers of the same Regiment to make enquiry after it, and to punish it; which was done by a Preferment.  
Have they not licenced a Villain to wander about the whole Kingdom, who by Watchings, Fast, and Tortures, compelleth poor silly people to confess themselves Witches, and upon that accusation and proofs as weak, they have lost their lives? Have they not others to carry away poor Children, who under that pretence purloin whatever they can lay their hands upon, and send them unto new Plantations?  
Look to their Courts of Justice too, you shall find Westminster-Hall, and the Country too filled with Clamour against them: the poor Client eaten up alive, crucified with wearisome Attendance; his Purse exhausted by Bribes, his Cause proceeding, like to Penelope's web, one day forward, and another backward; at last he hath an Order or a Judgement, which signifies nothing, or is the Seal of his Oppression. And this must be no otherwise, while the Members over-awe the Judges into what Judgement they please; while the Sentence is resolved on first, and the Cause heard after; they cutting them out such Hallifax-law, to execute before enquiry. Of Multitudes, let me pick out these three for Instance, very late and fresh in memory: The Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer being resolved on against Capt. Burleigh, the Judge was to be chosen. Godbolt was proposed, but by Master Lisle rejected, with these words, Let's not have him; in my Judgement we had best pitch upon Sergeant Wild, he will do the Business. The Committee of both Houses for Oxford concluded to expel Doctor Fell from his Deanory of Christ-church, and Vice-chancellourship, before ever they heard him speak, and assigned his Places to another. But after the Humour was over, and they conscious to themselves that the Character of Injustice was very visible upon that Action, the Order was reversed: but within a while after under the pretence of a formal Process the same thing was done, the same man established in his room. Judge Jenkins is now condemned to die by an Ordinance, upon mere hear-say, and before one Witness was examined upon Oath against him, as far as it can be done by the House of Commons.   

The Charge of Ecclesiastical Courts, or concerning Oppression of our Souls.  
But they have not done yet. They charge the King with Lording it over their Souls, no less than their Bodies, leading them captive into Superstition and Idolatry, triumphing over them by Oaths, ex Officio, Excommunications, Ceremonies, Articles, new Oaths, Canonical Oaths, etc.   

That answered.  
To these we answer, 1. That they were done by the Bishops and their Courts; and why do they balk the Counselors, the principal Actors hereof, and blame His Majesty, being for most part but passive, for believing men (who at least pretended to Sanctity and knowledge) in their own ways and Government?  
2. That most of those supposed Crimes and Objections were practised ever since the Reformation, and established by the Laws of the Land. Even in Q. Elizabeth's time you may read, the Oath ex Officio was urged, Ecclesiastical Constitutions made, Subscription urged, Articles at Visitations given, etc.  
3. Those Innovations which were begun, were not so many as were exclaimed on; and some of them Renovations rather then Innovations; some unjustly censured, as tending to innocent and due decency in the outward worship of God; proving offensive not so much for their own sakes, as for the men that used them and pressed them immoderately, men also otherwise distasted by many; Nor were they ever practised but by some particulars, and in some places; nor were they in Doctrine, or in the substance of Religion, but in the form and Circumstance of Worship; Besides that all of them have been long since forborn and buried, therefore maliciously raised up thus again, to throw them in His Majesty's face.  
4. The Power and Jurisdiction of those Courts was extinguished by Act of Parliament, with His Majesty's consent; though it had been much better for us to have suffered under them, then under the Remedy.  
5. We never had assurance, that the Government intended should not have been more oppressive and burdensome. Nay, we had great reason to expect, our Whips should have been turned into Scorpions; and our redress, but as the Proverb holds forth, Out of the Prying-pan into the Fire. Their Penalties were as high; the Temper of the Men entrusted with their execution, as keen. Col. Leigh openly professed at a Committee even against those, that had been Pillars of their Cause, and Champions for it in the field, It was unfit any of them should live in the Kingdom. Mr. Edward's in his Gangraena is as tart. Their power of Excommunication is as large, but allayed indeed with a Liberty of Appeal from one Court to another, at last of all to the Parliament, which is a Mare mortuum, that swallows up all Causes, never making a return of any; or at least a Labyrinth, from whence there is no redemption, but by a Golden thread, and is Compendium of all grievance.   

That Retorted.  
But let us grant them their Plea; How much better had it been for us to have endured that yoke, and been Lorded over in that manner, then by these men, as now we are? How many Millions have they brought unto the Brink of Hell by their Oaths and Vows? Do not they themselves give us Oaths at their Committees against ourselves, and our dearest friends? Have they not instead of Superstition in the form of Worship, brought us into a Profanation, if not an abhorrence of the Worship itself? How many prodigious doctrines, heresies, blasphemies have they suffered to be broached, abetted, and protected? How many whole Parishes have they in a manner excommunicated? by taking away Orthodox Ministers (and such as there was no other exception against, but that they were of signal piety and learning, and refused to act against their conscience) by that means not only debarring them from the Sacrament, but all other ordinances, and exposing them as a prey to Sectaries and Heretics. This Theme is infinite, if I should enlarge upon it: But because themselves are so short, I pass it over in the same manner.   

A Collection of all their Objections against His Majesty, since the Rupture.  
The Objections against His Majesty, since his absence from Parliament, are reducible to these few heads:  
First, Of Commencing war against them, which never King did, but King Charles.  
Secondly, Of Refusing Petitions for Peace, and all Overtures, which might tend to make up the Breach.  
The former they labour to confirm:  
First, By the Preparations he made beforehand.  
Secondly, By the Intelligence they received from abroad; in particular,  
1. Raising of Regiments under pretence of the service of Portugal.  
2. Ammunition and Guards taken into White-Hall, and the Tower.  
3. The Lord Digbies appearance at Kingston upon Thames, in a Warlike posture.  
4. His Letters to the Queen, advising His Majesty to retire to a Place of Strength.  
5. Cockran's Instructions to deal with the King of Denmark for Forces, which the King called a Vile Scandal; but yet they were afterwards taken in his Cabinet.  
6. Commissions to the Earl of Newcastle, and Col. Legg, to seize on Newcastle and Hull.  
7. Bringing of Ordnance in ballast of Ships.  
8. The Queens going to Holland, and by pawning the Crown-Jewels, procuring Ammunition and Money.  
9 Raising Guards, and this, when he protested not to think of War against his Parliament, getting Subscriptions, Proclaiming them Traitors, setting up his Standard.  
The latter they prove:  
1. By his refusing particular Petitions for Peace.  
2. His never condescending to any Proposition, they made; though so reasonable, that they might seem to have resigned up their Judgements, no less than their Desires, for an Accommodation; and had made seven several Applications to him, for that purpose; though they never had any Proposal from him, reasonable for them to accept; which they aggravate in that he would not hear the Cry of Thousands of Families ruined, which Cruelty itself would pity.  
3. By his making advantage of their Treaties; As when he appointed Windsor, and they were in preparation to a Treaty, he advancing surprised Brainceford; where his men having committed horrible cruelties, were forced to retire; And when under colour of renewing a Treaty, he sent a Commission to destroy them.  
4. That even since He hath been in their power, He would not hearken to Propositions sent unto him at Hampton-Court, nor sign so much as four Bills, which were only in order to their Security during a Treaty, since he was in the Isle of Wight, though those made way to a Personal Treaty upon the rest. To all which I shall answer.   

The General Answer.  
That the King did not begin the War, may first be concluded from the improbability thereof:  
1. Themselves assoil the King from that fierceness of disposition and inclination to war, when they make that Comment upon the Lord Digbies Letter, who writing to the Queen, among other Passages, hath this for one, I have taken the hardiness to write unto His Majesty, according as his Affairs and Complexion requires; which they interpret to be a Mildness of Spirit.  
2. There was a very vast disproportion between his strength and theirs: for 1. The Affections of the people, and the wealth of the Kingdom were all at their devotion; the King being looked on but asquint (though causelessly) by his Subjects. 2. The Ammunition and Arms of the Kingdom in their power. 3. The Navy at their dispose. What King (said our Saviour) going to war against another, sits not down first, and considers whether he be able with his ten thousand to meet him that cometh against him with his twenty thousand? It could not have stood on this side madness, for our King to harbour such a Resolution, to meet them, or set on them rather, that had I will not say 20000. but 200000. against his One.  
Secondly, granting their proofs all true, by what Logic doth it follow, that all this was done by the King, with an intention to levy war against the Parliament? A Preparation may be for Defence as well as for Assault. We have not forgotten, that it was one of their own Arguments, whereby they pressed for putting the Kingdom into a Posture of the Militia under their command, because they heard of great preparations in Spain, France, Denmark, and God knows where. At this time they themselves do fortify Newcastle, have farced thereinto a Garrison of 3000 men, into Tinmouth-Castle 600. etc. But would they be well pleased with that inference, Therefore they intent to make war against the Scots? If a Ship at Sea discover a Man-of-War, it is no Defiance to clear her Guns, open her Portholes, let down her Wast-cloaths, etc. In Spain, if one man draw his Sword, all the Company draw theirs also presently, whatsoever the Occasion be. I have heard of a Gentleman who never sees another take up a Sword in his hand, to look on, to show, to buy, but straight he draws his own; and gives this reason, Do I know what the Devil may tempt him to? When His Majesty perceived such unusual and unseemly Expressions, High and insolent Demands, No satisfaction he could give accepted, Words uttered in his face, that he was not worthy to Reign, and those by Apprentices, and by the scum of the people, The power of the Parliament to Depose Kings, His indeserts for that high Place, liberally in all Companies made the discourse of their Confidents, yea of their own Members, The Militia not only demanded, but wrung out of his hands, His own Ammunition seized on, Towns fortified against him, The Navy disposed of contrary to his desires, Was it not then high time for him to look about him, to project his own Safety, to prepare against the Storm thus hanging over his head? which if he had failed to do, he must have cast himself down at their feet; and so had he made good what at the beginning of these Troubles (for want of other Accusation) they spared not to bespatter him withal, That he was but a degree from an Idiot.  
As for the Proofs in particular, they are so frivolous, and yet have had such frequent effectual Answers in His Majesty's Declarations (which are to be seen in print, published by Husbands their own Printer, and are so very well known among us) that I will spare both myself and the Reader the pains to insert them in this place.   

This Charge made good upon themselves.  
But to lay the Child at the right father's door, The truth is, though this War were the Hand of God upon us all for our Crying sins, and the first Rise of it were almost as unsearchable as the Head of the Nile, yet are there some Tracks, that infallibly fasten it upon the Houses. If you will allow the first defiance to begin the War, it was the Parliaments Remonstrance (piget meminisse) scent unto the King at Hampton-Court, which some of the wisest contested against, and among others upon this Ground for one, That it must be presented upon the point of a sword. If you make it to relate unto the first Guard, The Parliament raised that, when the King was in Scotland. If to the first violence, It came from the Tumults at Westminster for justice on the Earl of Strafford, and for expulsion of the Bishops, acted by the Citizens, but incited and encouraged by Members of their own House; Besides the Conducting of the five Members by a just Army to the House by land, and besieging as well as shooting at White-Hall by water. If the first manning of the Garrisons, it was by the Parliament at Hull; If the first Army, it was begun by the Parliament under the Earl of Essex, who had an Army of 15000 and upward, when the King had not one thousand. If the first Blow between them, did not their Army at Edge-hill first give fire to the Cannon? Indeed, we must acknowledge, the King trod in their steps, sometimes foote-hot, and most an end wrought by the Pattern, they had cut out for him.  
The same thing may further be cleared by the Confidence and Assurance of their friends, that there could be no war; that it was enough for the Parliament to raise an Army, the King would never be able to do it, or at least so as to balance theirs; and then he must lie at their Mercy. Thus ran their discourse among themselves, this was the Presumption of their Junto then. Nay such assurance had they hereof, that Mr. Hamden himself (as quicksighted as the best behind him) offered to lay an hundred pound to a shilling thereon. Let Mr. Lilburn speak, if still you are to be convinced, an Agitator at that time, and one who knew the secrets of their Cabinet, They have engaged the Kingdom in a bloody War, under pretence of Vindicating the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, but never intended (God knows) any such thing, but merely by the Blood and Treasure of the people, to make themselves Lords and Masters over them, Oppressed man's Oppress. p. 34.   

The Kings refusing Petitions for Peace, Answered.  
Now to clear His Majesty from the Charge of refusing Petitions for Peace, or Overtures to that purpose.  
1. It can hardly obtain credence with a prudent man, that the King should turn the deaf ear toward a just Peace, because it was for his own Interest. Both sides fought upon his score; those that died in the quarrel against him, were his Subjects. He was the poorer for the very Plunder and destruction, that fell upon his Enemies. He had three Crowns at stake. His ears and eyes were continually filled with the desolations of his Country, & the spoil of the people. In his own Person he was stripped of all the usual Comforts of his life, and for most part hunted as a Partridge upon the Mountains, and in continual danger. Whereas our Masters at Westminster continually gained by that, which other men lost by. How else were it possible, that they and so many of their servants and Officers should start up into such Estates, from the very dunghill, or a lost condition? They were at little hazard, some of them being of an Estate, twice or thrice sold or mortgaged for more than the worth, others worth nothing. They made sport with the Relations of Burnings and Massacres, and heard them as some Romance, when themselves sat voting securely at Westminster, snorting upon their downe-beds, feeding upon the delicacies of the Kingdom, dividing the spoils of it among themselves, even at least 300000. l. professedly, (to say nothing now of Clandestine ways, cleanly Cheats, Offices, etc.) Besides, they were well acquainted with that Maxim of Alexander of Parma, That when Subjects draw their swords against their Prince, they must fling away the scabbard.  
2. If you revise the pretended Petitions, you will find they were (for the most part) as great Reproaches, as ever otherwise were cast upon the King, such as must needs beget a Prejudice, and carry their Answer in their very Foreheads.  
3. They were not Petitions for Peace, but rather Admonitions to the King to submit, to divest himself of his strength and power to protect his people, for to sacrifice his friends, to cast himself upon their Mercy. Who could blame either them for making such Petitions, or the King for denying them?  
4. If you know the Ends and Designs they drove therein, so well as we who sat near the Chair, and sometimes conversed with the Council, you would rest fully satisfied, that they were rather to get wind of the King, to appease the people, and win their Affections by a seeming dissembled Affection and pursuit of what they so much gasped after; when God knows, they never harboured the least expectation or desire of Condescension from the King; and that they made no bones to confess among their Confidents.  
5. It is false and impudent averment, to pretend that any Petitions (though of this nature) upon such grounds, were rejected by the King; or indeed had not a fair answer given, and such a one as in our judgement might have satisfied reasonable men.   

His Majesties not admitting Propositions Answered, and retorted.  
Now to clear His Majesty from that Aspersion of not admitting Propositions, or making any fit for them to receive. 1. We desire the Reader to take notice of the several offers the King hath made. 1. Before the War was throughly kindled. Jan. 23. 1641. Book of Declarations, wherein he did upon the matter send them a Blank. 2. Before much blood was drawn, His Messages from Nottingham which you may see in the same Book. 3. His Propositions at several Treaties, at Colebroke, Oxford, Uxbridge, (which last was ingenuously and without a false Gloss exposed to the world, yet never to this day had any answer) In most of which never King made appearance of more gracious Condescension to a disadvantageous Composure, had it been possible. Whereas they never yet made any, but such as expected from him, 1. To sacrifice his Honour. 2. To violate his Conscience. 3. To give his fastest friends for a victim unto the fury of their Enemies.  
2. It is too evident a truth, that whatsoever they pretended of an Inclination to a Composure or making up the Breach, it was but to baffle and gull the people. Ad populum phaleras. They were resolved to hold the sword naked, and to throw away the scabbard. How otherwise could they have proved such deaf Adders to the many gracious Messages from His Majesty (besides the Propositions mentioned before?) How could they cast behind their backs so many sweet courting Letters, dispatched one upon another? What Colour can they pretend, for their waving of the French, and Hollanders interposure, when they made friendly offers of Mediation? Nations, the one to whom formerly the King of this Land with his disobedient Barons, made reference of their differences: the other, of our own Profession, maintaining that Discipline of the Church, which these men dote upon, as their great Diana, and having lately screwed themselves into the Independency of a Free state; both of them indifferent to our quarrel; and if any Bias hung upon the latter, it must be toward the Parliaments party.  
3. Besides it is not quite out of our Memory in this City, That when the generality of the better and wiser Citizens were assembled at Guildhall in a peaceable way to draw up a Petition for Peace, there were twenty or thirty men with drawn swords (of which Mainwayring's son was one) sent in amongst them to assault and provoke them to a defence of themselves, and to reciprocal violence, so that they might have some pretence to charge them with Mutiny and Riot (as was done by a scandalous and lying paper, afterward put forth by their Authority;) and that by killing some (as one was served by Harvies own hand) and imprisoning others, all such hopes or lest Motions that way might be extinguished. Nor have we forgotten, how divers Buckingham-shire people, being assembled to like purpose, about the time of Uxbridge Treaty, were dispersed by their Horse, and some made Prisoners. We pass by many, but these are enough to demonstrate, who were the most resolved against any peaceable Conclusion.  
4. The Circumstances of their Propositions clearly prove, that they were in a great fear lest the King should condescend (though they were never so unreasonable) What else should be the meaning of their limiting His Majesty to six, to ten, to twenty days, but for fear lest any further time and consideration should make him grant them? And what, of their requiring certain numbers to be left to their mercy without any name, but by that means to amuse His Majesty and keep him in suspense, which of his friends should be marked out for slaughter? And since the Armies march through London, What of their leaving all such out of their Votes for Indemnity, as had any hand in that Message of the King of May 12. last, wherein he offered all that possibly could be offered, or in approbation of it? Observe, how they confess (in their last Declaration for no more Addresses to the King) that their Propositions sent to Newcastle were the same in effect with those at Uxbridge, and those at Hampton-Court with those at Newcastle; And yet how much time was spent between their sending of them?   

Brainceford business Answered, and retorted.  
Now whereas it is pretended, the King took advantage to assault their Quarters at Brainceford, while they were in Treaty, our Answer is,  
1. That there was no provision made for the suspension of all Hostility, during that space.  
2. That Propositions were but pretended to be framing (which have often taken up many months in Parliament) not sent unto the King.  
3. That they did not accept of the King's motion, to allow him his own House at Windsor for his use.  
4. That even the day before, there were divers men drawn out of London into Kingston, with Ordnance and Ammunition sent towards the King's quarters; the Earl of Essex, and Waller, and the Earl of Warwick, were in earnest preparation to advance; the Countries round about were summoned, and in preparation to march. Upon which let any reasonable man judge, whether it were fit, the King should be merely passive and permit them either to surround and shut him in, or to creep into such Advantages over him, that if he had overslipt but that nick of time, he could not have redeemed himself and his Forces out of their hands.  
And since that impertinent passage is foisted into their Declaration, that he was forced to retire with shame and loss after so much Cruelty committed in Brainceford, (agreeable to a false relation published at that time by their Command;) Let all the world know, divers of this City being witnesses of it the very next day after, That there was left in that Town, after the Royal Armies retreat, both abundance of Bread, Drink, and Wine, and also Provender for Horse; nor was there any, but here and there a disaffected person, sustained any considerable loss, which thing bordered upon a Miracle, being very rarely practised by any Army especially so ill paid, To lie there 15000 of them together for a whole day and night, in an Enemy's Country, a Town which was defended against them and taken by assault, and follwed in the rear by a potent Army, yet to commit no more outrage. I am sure, These men can produce no such instance on their own side. Now the Parliaments party, when they afterwards came into the Town (I know the men, that saw these things) killed divers of the King's Soldiers, who were left drunk in the streets, and taking that honest Italian revenge, to send their drunken souls to the Devil (as much as in them lay) together with their Bodies to the Grave. Also their Soldiers pulled down divers houses to the ground, under pretence that their Owners were of the Conspiracy to bring the King's Army to the Town; plundered the houses and shops of others, nay of one who was in service in their own Army, dragged poor wounded men by cords tied about their necks, pricking them behind with pikes and swords, twitching some up at a Carts-taile by Roaps about their necks, then letting them down again, under pretence that they were Irish, and to make them confess, whereas they were poor Welsh, and could not speak our language. Moreover they forced Women into the Thames, there pricking them with their Pikes, and striking them under water, to put them to many deaths at once, under the notion of Irish women; and all this Inhumanity without any check from their Commanders.   

The Commission under pretence of a Treaty, Answered.  
For the Commission to murder them under pretence of a renewing the Treaty (as they are pleased to style the Commission of Array.)  
1. It was only to Arm some of the well-affected loyal Citizens, that they might vindicate their Liberty.  
2. There was small probability, that much Blood (if any at all) should have been spilt, had the design taken place.  
3. It was no more than themselves have done, and sped better in, as at Shrewsbury, Hereford, Eccleshal Castle, etc. Prosperum & faelix scelus— Virtus vocatur.  
4. Stratagems were never less lawful than open force, against an Enemy.   

The Propositions at Hampton-Court, Answered.  
As for the Propositions they sent unto the King at Hampton-Court:  
1. They were the same as formerly; and though here and there a word was mollified, yet in substance they were more unreasonably rigid than the former.  
2. They were huddled up here, the Scots being not warned of them, but the very night afore, yet appointed to be present at the delivery.  
3. They were never intended by themselves for the King's condescension, only sent in a formality, and out of a mere purpose to increase the number of their Addresses. Which was the more apparent, in regard Master Peter with divers of the Army came to quicken the Parliament, by this false asseveration, that they were very sure, the King would grant them, whatsoever they were. The Solicitor pressed in the House of Commons for a Compliance in one Proposal, giving this for a reason, That they might gain the greater Advantage upon the King's refusal, as he was assured that he would refuse; but in case the King should yield, he had a way to frustrate the Advantage, which the Malignants might expect.  
4. That the King might be encouraged to wave them, The Army had presented him with Proposals, which were much lower, and might better be digested by him; some say (and those of their own House too) on purpose to indispose him toward the Parliaments Propositions, and so render him the more obnoxious, to what they projected against him.   

The 4 Bills presented at the Isle of Wight, Answered.  
As to the 4 Bills sent to the Isle of Wight. 1. They were protested against by the Commissioners of Scotland: and who would not look upon it as a strong dilemma, either to disoblige and irritate that Nation with the Presbyterian currant here by his Assent, or the Army's Faction and Independents by his Assent? who would not judge it better to take in the Interest of both Parties, and so cut off the danger of further embroiling the Kingdom, which His Majesty most wisely and Christianly for the prevention of further Bloodshed, offered.  
2. Those 4 Bills were Voted by many against their Conscience, who did ingenuously profess as much, and that they wished, they might not be yielded to; giving this reason, why they had so passed them, contrary to their Minds, If they should have given their Vote against them, they must incur the Imputation of being Enemies to Peace; If for them, a Tyranny would be established in the Army and Independent Party over the Kingdom.  
3. The matter of them was utterly to enslave us all, and put us under the Arbitrary power of a Faction for ever: for by them a Power should have been granted the Parliament (which I pray, what is it now in effect, but the Army, and that Faction?) of Pressing any men without limitation, and of raising what Sums they pleased, from whom they pleased, toward the Charge, and also of disposing this strength, according to their will.  
4. The King had not only destroyed the Liberty and Property of all his Subjects hereby, but put Himself also under a Power to compel him not only to grant the rest of their Propositions in a Personal Treaty, but what else soever their boundless ambition might have tempted them to demand, without any provision for His own Honour, or His own and his people's safety. For every man can tell himself this plain truth, That who so wears the Sword by right Investiture, needs no other Law or Logic, and (as the Wiseman answered Croesus) He that brings the better Steel, will quickly be Master of the Gold and Silver.  
5. The Treaty was not promised to be Personal, but by Commissioners, and that at the Isle of Wight; who should have been cooped up within such Rules and Instructions, that they should not dare transgress in a word or tittle, without recourse to their Masters at Westminster: and His Majesty treated withal as in a Prison, which must have invalidated the Conclusions between them, and given his Posterity an advantage which the King himself was not willing to, that he might establish the peace of the Kingdom upon the surer Basis and foundation.  
6. The Persons, most likely to have been designed for this Employment, were engaged perhaps to represent the worst sense of the Transactions, to make it their chief work to incense the Parliament, and to infuse into them a new Quarrel against the King; as those did, who (being to account for the Passages at the delivery of the Propositions at Hampton-Court, the King having importuned them to intercede for a Personal Treaty, and in his earnestness letting fall this Expression, If I may obtain that with my Parliament, all the Devils in Hell shall not hinder a good Agreement) did thus misreport his words, If I cannot obtain a Personal Treaty with my Parliament, all the Devils in Hell shall not defeat me of my Resolutions. I forbear to tell, how the Passages were clipped, and the worst part only related in the House of Commons, by the major part of those, to whom that charge was given from the Isle of Wight.   

The Charge in reference to the Scots.  
Their Charge against the King in reference to the Scots, is the first of those that relate to foreign Estates, and this is it:  
1. That there was a new book of Common-Prayer and Canons imposed on them.  
2. An Army was raised to force them to receive these Innovations.  
3. The Articles of Pacification were broken, and burnt by the hand of the Hangman.  
4. A new War was levied, etc.   

The Answer to that.  
Our Answer is, 1. This was ever before the Impeachment of Strafford and Canterbury, and others; esteemed the Action of Evil Counselors about His Majesty.  
2. If it were a crime, those men have expiated it by their death, it being a great part of that burden that sunk them even to the Block.  
3. The Scots themselves are satisfied; and why we in England should be so officious, as to take up their Quarrel, when they sit down themselves, I know not.  
4. These Passages are buried by an Act of Oblivion; which although these men break thus for their own ends, we shall better observe. And though the King might be acquitted from what they tax him with herein, yet we had rather suffer those sparks to die of themselves, then kindle the flame anew, or blow abroad the ashes.   

The Charge concerning Ireland.  
In their Charge concerning Ireland, we find they are Industrious, omitting nothing that can be imagined, whereby to fasten on His Majesty an Allowance at least, if not a positive command of the Rebellion there: and because they set so much of their Rest upon that, you shall have most of it, and in their own words:  
It is well known, 1. what Letters the King sent into Ireland, by the Lord Dillon, immediately before the Rebellion.  
2. Where the Great Seal of Scotland was, and in whose hands, when that Commission was sealed at Edinburgh to the Irish Rebels, who dispersed Copies thereof with Letters and Proclamations; And we have a Copy thereof, attested by Oath, with Depositions of those who have seen it under the Seal.  
3. Which was promised (by the confession of some of the chiefest of the Rebels) to the Irish Committee at London, being most part Papists, (which was thought a good Omen) and since most active Rebels.  
4. Upon whose private mediation the King gave away more than 5 Counties, saying, he expected, they should recompense him.   

This answered.  
To wipe off this Calumny, 1. It is clear by their own Testimonies, and by the confession of divers among the Rebels, That this Rebellion hath been upon the Anvil these many years; some of their Priests acknowledging, themselves had travailed therein above seven years; others six, etc. which you may learn from Sir Jo. Temple, in his discourse of the Irish Rebellion, p. 67. (which Book I shall often and the more cheerfully urge, because he was a Privy-counselor in Ireland, present there at the time of the Insurrection, and long after; a person dis-obliged by the King, a Parliament-man here, and one that hath given up his name to their Faction, that run most at random.) Now how can this be admitted by any prudent man, that the King should be so infatuated, as to conjure up such Devils to disturb his Kingdom, when it was in peace; to destroy his Subjects, who had no thought of Dis-loyalty toward him (of whom those that are yet left, for the greatest part, continue firm still) to ruinate the wealth of that people, which afforded him a considerable Revenue, which also was to be improved.  
2. The same Author is confident, that though their Intentions in Ireland might be to set up the Popish Government, yet their prime Aim in this Rebellion was to shake off the English yoke, to settle the power wholly in the hands of the Natives; the other they made use of, only to draw in poor ignorant people to sacrifice their lives for them, p. 83. & 66. And he gives one reason for their Encouragement hereunto, That the Scots had by their Arms and wise management, drawn His Majesty to condescend unto their entire satisfaction, both in Discipline of the Church, and the Liberties of the Kingdom. And these things are attested on Oath by divers; As in the Examination of one Cook, who deposed, that Tirlogh Brady should say, All the Irish were risen against the King and the Counsel, That the Irish would within a fortnight have a King of their own, the Examination of Alice Tibbs, p. 50. The same deposed by Avis Bradshaw; that they had a new King by R. Bartar. p. 51. Of the like nature were many other Examinations taken, That they had the Scots for a precedent, They would have the Kingdom in their own hands, Laws of their own, Deputy of their own, without molestation from another Nation; this was sworn by J. Bigar, that he heard one Eustace a Commander profess, p. 19 with many other of like importment, in a Book called a Remonstrance of Passages in Ireland, presented to the Commons of England, and recommended by the Justices and Council of that Kingdom. Now they that can think, the King should concur in a design to divest himself of one of his own Crowns, do certainly under the same thought suppose him void of Common Reason, without the use of his right Wits.  
3. There was never any Officer or man of quality, not the Lord Mac-guire himself, who was in the contrivement of the Rebellion, that did ever in good earnest, when he was in the power of the English, and under sentence of Condemnation, nay at the point of death (which is no time to dissemble) that ever did affirm the King any way privy thereunto. Though Mac-guire was much importuned, fairly promised, threatened, nay turned off the Cart, and recovered again (a fact too barbarous toward a very Rebel) did acquit the King upon his death (to use his own words) and any other man in England, except one, and he but a private Gentleman (who came by chance, as he said, to the knowledge thereof) from being guilty so much as of knowing it.  
4. In all His Majesty's Declarations, Messages, Letters, Speeches to the Parliament, he doth not only speak with much abhorrence and detestation of them, but conjure and excite the Parliament, to relieve his Protestant Subjects there, and to revenge the Blood that was shed, offering his own Person, and all other Concurrences therein.  
5. It may be added, that most of the Soldiery, employed in that Action, most of the Ministry, expulsed by the Natives, most of the English Gentry who had their abode in that place (even Sir Hardres Waller was so, before he came over; and that so high, that he told the Lord of Ormond, though Sir W. Waller were his Kinsman, he had learned to spew such out, as forgot their Allegiance to His Majesty; and since that, until he saw this Side thrive best, and last of all the Independents, to whom for their success sake he hath glued himself) are but cold friends of the Parliaments, and adhered to the King, at least in their Opinions; which they could not possibly have done, if they had ground to suspect, their Miseries to have been derived from him; especially considering their Necessities, and the hopes they might have from the Parliament of Subsistence, if not of Preferment also.   

Particular Answers to the particular Proofs.  
Although by what hath been spoken, His Majesty's Innocence be as clear as the noonday, yet we will be at the pains to follow these men through every step of their Track.   

1. Of the Seal of Scotland to the Rebels Commissioners.  
1. It was a wonder, the Scots could be ignorant of it, by whom the King was sufficiently watched; and only we English at the distance of 300 miles, and nothing interested therein, should have such Intelligence.  
2. It is easily averred; but until we meet with better proof than their bare word, we have but a poor deal of reason to believe them.  
3. Mac-guire upon his Death professed he never saw any, who had as much reason to see it as any man, having been a prime Agent in the very contrivement of that Rebellion.  
4. If a Commission under the Seal was showed and boasted of, it might easily be done. What Difficulty was there for them to make one, and afterward set it to what they pleased? (we know, who did as much, and issued out Commissions against the King in his Name) What great labour was it to fasten an old label to a new Parchment; fair enough to deceive those, who were willing to be deceived? Nay, how weak had they been, if they had not done so, and done what else was possible to ensure their own side, to amaze the English, and cast Bones between us?  
5. It is of no more truth, because affirmed by Sir Philem Oneale, or by others of the Rebels. The same Persons did withal (if these Declarers had been pleased to quote the whole evidence) affirm, That they were sure of the Scots to be of their side. Remonst. p. 37. That they had the E. of Argyles hand and most of the Nobility of Scotland, ibid. That the King himself was in person among them. These, and many other of the same bran, Sir J. Temple tells us ingenuously, were the devices to delude others and to distract us. The Copy of it and the Oaths may be called in question, when there are no Particulars named; but if true, they may be suborned on purpose, or be of that false Commission, which was given them by their own King Tyrone, for so some of the Examinations do testify, They cared not for King Charles, and had a King of their own, p. 54. of the Remonstrance.   

2. His giving 5 Counties, and other Acts of Grace, Answered.  
For those Acts of Grace, employed in the Letter by the L. Dillon, & giving up 5 Counties upon the private mediation of the Commissioners:  
1. It argues their ingratitude, not the King's concurrence; in that they would, after so much favour, so far dishonour him, and seek his mischief.  
2. They were granted at such a Conjuncture of time, that the King had been taught more lessons than one, against irritating of a Kingdom, or exasperating of Wasps; and was concerned to give them satisfaction, rather than let them carve for themselves, according to the Examples they had before their Eyes.  
3. These were granted by him, not by private mediation of the Commissioners, but by the Importunity of both Houses of Parliament, (see Sir Jo. Temple, p. 13.) by whom they were sent, and under the notion of Redress of Grievances; in which it is worth your notice, (what our Author testifies) That many of the Protestants in Parliament were made instrumental to them, under pretence of Ease and Redress of Grievances.  
4. Those Acts were thought necessary by the Lords of the Counsel; and further Grace, and it is called by our Author, An unbending themselves into a happy and just compliance with the seasonable desires of the people, and mollifying the sharp Humours, raised by the rigid Passages of former times.   

3. His not Disbanding the Irish Army, Answered.  
That the Irish Army was no sooner Disbanded, was 1. upon point of Honour and Safety to this Kingdom, whilst the Scots kept theirs on foot, it was for neither to disband, 2. for that Kingdom. Had these men been sent into Spain (as was intended by the King, and in good earnest solicited by that Ambassador, but opposed by the Parliament) that place had been disburdened of so many Pests. How doth it reflect upon the King, if the Natives had another design besides his? I am sure the same Author confessed, that the Natives were very unwilling that they should be sent into Spain, as much as the Parliament here.   

4. Their Pretences for the King, Oaths, etc. Answered.  
That they pretended to vindicate the King, took an Oath of Allegiance to the King, styled themselves the Queen's Army, or in their Letters of Mart gave in charge to spare the King's Ships,  
1. It is of no moment, but to show their cunning and care to maintain divisions among us under that Colour. It is not long, since we had such Protestations taken and enforced; Our Armies at the beginning pretended to fight for King & Parliament, etc. And we have read of an old Stratagem of Hannibal, to plunder and ravage all other men's Lands and Estates, except those of Fabius, whom he most hated, that he might by that means nurse up a Jealousy in the people against him.   

5. The suspense of the Proclamations, Answered.  
That it was long ere the Proclamations were issued, and but 40 neither against them:  
1. 'Twas the advice of His Council there, who knew the state of that Kingdom, better than our Parliament; and who hoped (as Sir Jo. Temple intimates) that they might have been reclaimed by gentle means, whilst rough and hard usage might have made them desperately persist in, and grow to a greater head of violence.  
2. Besides that, They thought it wisdom to do more themselves, by giving Arms even to the Papists of the pale, by dissembling their knowledge that they had been of the Conspiracy from the beginning, by forbearing Acts of Hostility, even against professed Rebels in their Country, by kind Invitations of them, when they had actually imbrued their hands in the Massacre.   

6. The Earl of Leicester's Delay, Answered.  
1. The Delay of the E. of Leicester was not His Majesty's fault, but the Parliaments, for when His Majesty had given him Commission and Instructions, which the Houses called for, examined, and could not quarrel at, yet was his Lordship kept here six weeks after, without any dispatch or supply answerable to that employment. Afterwards, going from hence to Chester, upon promise that necessary supply should be sped after him, he stayed there five or six weeks without any. In which time this unhappy war broke out, and occasioned the King to send for him for some time.  
2. It would have been disadvantageous to the Conquest, while his single Person not attended with a power answerable would have rendered the Condition of this Kingdom despicable, and have encouraged the Rebels to more impetuous Resistance; whereas being in suspense and expectation of a greater supply against them, than he could have brought, they went on with more Caution, and a slower pace.  
3. At least it could be no more damage to the service, than it was to supersede his son the Lord Lisle, from execution of his Commission and voyage thither, until the time of it was near expired, as themselves did.   

7. Divers officers going over by the Kings Pass, Answered.  
That divers Officers and Papists of quality went over into Ireland, by help of the Kings own hand-writing, who there proved active Rebels. 1. Hath been often answered by the King. 2. Might be done to a good purpose, many of them being public Persons, and making great protestations of Loyalty, might have done good service in moderating the rest. The Lords of the Council gave to Papists not only Commissions, but Arms (as you may read in Sir John Temple) that so they might engage them. 3. Might be done by misprision, or be counterfeited. I have been credibly informed, that more than 40 Priests and desperate Rebels went over in one Regiment of their own sending from Chester, and I am deceived, if some Book printed by Licence from themselves do not declare as much. Nay we know at this very present, that Colonel J. Barry (besides others) a notable Adjutant and Papist is lately allowed by a Pass from their General to go over into Ireland. These times have taught us, that any Hand or Pass may be so handsomely dissembled, that it will prove a hard task to discover the Cheat.   

8. The Kings refusing to give Commissions to the Lorn Wharton and Brookes, Answered.  
That the King refused to give Commissions to the Lord Wharton and Brookes, as also that he intercepted clothes and Ammunition sent thitherward, may have good satisfaction.  
As 1. The War was on foot here, Those two Lords were his avowed Enemies, and of the Junto against him. There were divers Regiments raised under that pretence, which were intended & employed against him. He had been really as weak, as once they would have made us believe he was, if he had cut his own throat with his own hands, enabled his Enemies to ruin him, under what pretence soever.  
2. It was neatly contrived to assign clothes and Ammunition for Ireland, if they were surprised; but to employ them against him, if they could arrive in safety to their strengths.  
Lastly, there was order given to release them by His Majesty.   

9 Letters to Muskery, Answered.  
1. The Letters from Court to Muskery were from Taaff, and they might be without Commission.  
2. If they were allowed, was it not good Policy to court them into divisions, or rather back again into their Duties? The Earl of Ormond (a thing notoriously known) by that means blue Coals between the Rebels, when they had encircled and distressed Dublin; wherein he prevailed more by putting on the Fox's skin, than he could have done by that of the Lion, and preserved the English interest in all that Province, which of necessity must otherwise have been lost.   

10. The Withdrawing of the Ships, Answered.  
The King did indeed withdraw some Ships from those Coasts; but 1. It was for his own necessary defence against them, when they had seized upon the rest of his Navy. 2. The Posts assigned to the Ships, were not so obnoxious for importation from Spain and other foreign places. 3. It was not so great an advantage to the Rebels, as their withdrawing, contrary to Articles, the Ships appointed to prevent the landing of Irish in Scotland, which they make a shift to answer their Brethren. 4. Besides we see they can receive Ammunition, and other supplies even now too.   

11. The Commission to Glamorgan, Answered.  
The greatest Objction of a Commission to the Earl of Glamorgan and Antrim to raise Armies for the service of the King. To which we Answer.  
1. That it is not well cleared, the King did give any such Commission.  
2. That if he did, it was but the employing of his own Subjects in his service, to which they were obliged by their Allegiance, and he was bound by the very law of Nature to make use of.  
3. It was upon a desperate pinch that he was put unto by the two Houses. Men will catch at the very Nails of a Plank to save themselves from being ingulph'd in the Waves; hold even by Thorns to keep above water. He were a weak man sure, that would make conscience of quenching a great fire in his Roof, by the hands of Thiefs or Murderers.  
4. We have often heard, and many too of these great Accusers profess as much, that they would cast themselves upon any Nation (I have heard, Colonel Morley and others should say, upon the Turk) rather then let the King subdue them; And yet their Case was different.   

The whole Charge retorted.  
Let's now see, whether all this may not be retorted upon the House of Commons, and their Confidents. Whosoever will seriously consider, 1. The quarrel which the Irish made, namely their Liberty and Religion, and Redress of Grievances, the very same which our Parliament pretended, 2. The Time when, when the Scots were hardly settled upon their lees again, and the Parliament of England high flown already, and advanced in their Contestation, 3. Their Preparatives to Rebellion, by invading new Privileges, as to determine in Cases Capital and Criminal, Charging of Public Officers, banding against Greivances, etc. and an Itch also to have procured a longer (if not a Perpetual) Parliament, if Possible (which is evident in Sir John Temples relation) under the Authority whereof it is probable they designed to act afterwards, rather than of a Supreme Council, which was done here, even to the joint prosecution of some particular Officers, as the Earl of Strafford, etc. 4. Their Proceedings first to sequester and seize the Goods of those, whom they declared Enemies to the State. 5. The persons on whom they wreaked their Malice most, Clergymen and Officers of State. 6. The Copy they writ by, or at least pretended to write by, namely, the Scots. 7. The backwardness of our Parliament to send any relief thither, which was evidenced by their disputes and Punctilios with the King, and indeed their denials to assist, without his perfect resignation of himself to them, seizing money to the sum of 100000. l. to their own use (though indeed they have paid it since, out of the Kingdom's purse, upon the Clamour of the people, and notice given of it by the King) employing such forces as were raised under that notion here in England against His Majesty, Particularly the Regiment of Colonel Bamfield, of Chidley, and others, suspending the Journey of the Earl of Leicester first, then of the Lord Lisle thither, a man of their own Election, until his Commission was almost expired, Pretending to send over succours since, but letting them lie upon the Countries, until they become intolerable, and then disbanding them as super-numeraries, The Miseries they expose their own Army there to (of which they were sound told by Captain Cope lately, who charged them in the very House with the death of Thousands, with the Ruin of more, and with streams of Blood, which cried for vengeance against them in that place.) To all which if you add, 8. The fierce prosecution of Strafford, whose continuance in that place, and strict discipline would have prevented that Insurrection, or crushed it in the shell. 9 Their withstanding the sending of that Army out of the Kingdom which had discharged it of so many instruments of rebellion. 10. The Profession of divers of their Confidents, especially in the Army, That they cannot fight against the Irish with a good Conscience, That their quarrel is but to enjoy their Religion and Liberty, And 11. a speech which was uttered before this Rupture, by a true friend of theirs at Manidowne in Hamp-shire, when the Scots first came into England, What if this Kingdom should rise for their Property and Liberty, and Ireland take that Advantage, what will he be King of then? a shrewd speech, though I believe the man had no foresight of this Combustion, with many other Circumstances. One would verily believe, the Bustles in England and the Rebellion in Ireland were like Castor and Pollux, ovo prognatus eodem, hatched by a Common-council of Parliament & Irish, and that they were mutually engaged to promote each others Interest. But we must be ingenuous, and allow them better measure, than any they have yet allowed unto their Sovereign. All we aim at, is but to open to the world, that there may be full as much, or rather a great deal more charged on themselves, as to that Business, then upon His Majesty.   

The Charge of Rochel.  
We are now in sight of the shore, and shall conclude with the business of Rochel, which Town (they say) they can fully show, was betrayed by the King, and so was there a fatal Blow given to the Protestant Cause in France; They tell us, how he lent divers of the Navy and Merchants ships to the King of France, to be employed against those, whom he was engaged to assist; And when some Commanders disputed his Commands, he gave order to Sir John Penington to put them into the service of that King, or else to sink them.   

That Answered.  
1. Herein they impose a blind belief upon us, we have little reason to take their bare word, (as we hinted before) whose Interest is to deceive us, and who have done it so oft. We never yet could discover in them any such Tenderness, either in blasting the King's Honour, or in covering their own shame, as to conceal any thing, which was to their own Advantage, or his disgrace.  
2. How could his Maj. betray those whom he had never taken into Protection, as at that time he had not done by them, Are they themselves treacherous too, or have they betrayed the Hollanders, against whom they sent divers of the King's Soldiers taken at Naseby to be employed in the Spanish service?  
3. Though it be acknowledged, that there were ships lent unto the King of France, yet it was not to that purpose, to employ them against the Protestants; and the King of England was a stranger to the design of the King of France therein. Q. Elizabeth, when that very Town of Rochel was besieged by the King of France, and some of his Subjects with the Duke of Montgomery had relieved it, disclaimed the Act, called them who did it Pirates, professed she would not protect nor afford them any supply. Camb. Eliz.  
4. King James in his life time had in effect promised assistance unto the French King against any of his Subjects, whatsoever were their Religion or their pretence.  
5. The same thing was done by the States of Holland at the same time, who lent unto the King of France twenty sail of ships (whereas ours were but seven) under the Command of Hauthain their Admiral, who did in the same manner demur at the Employment, (being charmed by some pitiful Letters from Rochel) until the Rochellers treacherously and unawares surprised and burnt his Vice-Admiral; which roused him up in good earnest, and made him not only set upon, but wholly discomfit them, by the help of our and other ships. Now it is very improbable, the Hollanders would have conspired against the Cause of Religion, and their own Church-discipline, which the French held forth, if there had not been some other just cause of that War.  
6. We might very well be tender in undertaking the Protection of those Protestants; for it is not quite forgotten, how Queen Elizabeth sent over a considerable Army to their Assistance, and that upon Articles between them, which Army of hers was set upon and besieged by those very men, whom they were come to defend, and expulsed out of that Kingdom, and out of New-haven by the help of the Protestants (who by means of their succours had gotten the better Composition with their own King) as you may read in Mr. Cambden and others. Anno 1563.  
7. The King did what was possible toward their relief, when he had the advantage of Hostility against the King of France (which he could not otherwise have done with any Colour either of Justice or Policy) by sending an Army to the Isle of Ree, by sending two several Fleets to their relief. If all succeeded not, that ought not to be laid in his dish. For the Means only are in man's power, God keeping events and Successes in his own. The Horse is prepared against the day of Battle; but safety is from the Lord. It is very certain, he did his utmost endeavour; I know those who will testify he gave the most earnest Injunction possible for their Relief, though it should prove to the endangering of his whole Fleet. And it is observable, The grudge hereof hath not yet been forgotten by the Crown of France, which in a sly Revenge hath probably helped to raise this Devil of Intestine War in our Nation, and denied all considerable Supplies to the King of England, in these days of his distress; yea, though a Daughter of the Crown and her numerous Issue be involved in the same Calamity.  
8. But to give you the best last, The truth & Ground of the whole Business will be made very clear, and beyond all scruple by this following Narrative, which I have delivered from honest and understanding Statesmen.  
The Palatinate being wrested from the Palsgrave, The Protestants in Germany almost ruinated, Our King unable at that time by his own strength to relieve them, there was a League proposed and agitated between the Crowns of France, England, Denmark, the States of Holland and Venice, against the House of Austria; and this in good measure was brought toward perfection, especially by the managery of the Duke of Buckingham. The wise Cardinal of France, making advantage of those Traverses, and taking Time by the foretop, deals with the Duke for supply of these abovementioned Ships. The Duke being Admiral, and presuming high upon his Master's allowance, commands the Ld. Conway, than Secretary of State, to write to Penington his Vice-admiral to put the Ships under the French service, and Seals this Letter with the Signet. But Penington refusing to do it upon such Authority, the Duke himself as Admiral seconds the first Letter with his Command: which being likewise disputed, a Letter was sent with the Kings Name subscribed, and signed with the Privy-signet, yet without His Majesty's knowledge (which was no difficulty, considering the Signet is usually kept by the Secretary, and that many Blanks are usually and must of necessity be left in trust with great Officers, especially so great, as the Duke then was) Nay, I have been informed, that the King, being at Woodstock, when the News hereof was first imparted to him, and that by Sir John Penington himself, was in a great rage at it, and not without some difficulty reconciled unto the Duke about it.  
Is it now a rational and just Inference to lay the Miscarriage of Rochel upon His Majesty's score? Have they so much Compassion toward Strangers, and so little Justice toward their own rightful Sovereign? Are they so deeply affected with the wounds given to the Protestant Religion through the sides of Rochel? Would God they themselves did not stab it ten times more desperately by these their un-Protestant, un-Christian, unparalleled Proceedings, to the dishonour of God, the Grief and Anguish of every good Soul, the Joy and unspeakable Advantage of our common Adversary of Rome.  
Hoc Ithacus velit, & magno lucrentur Atridae.    

The Settlement which they intent, and the Conclusion.  
ANd thus have we examined the truth of their Declaration against His Majesty; before we conclude, It will be worth while to examine a little the truth of what they declare for Themselves; We shall use our utmost endeavour to settle the present Government, as it may stand with the Peace and Happiness of the Kingdom. I ask, How can they settle the Peace of the Kingdom without a King? If their Horns should prove as long, as themselves are cursed, and God permit them to fill up the measure of their Iniquities, by the accession of the Murder of this King, which we do even tremble to mention, yet have some reason to believe they do design, One of their Members having professed as much, and offered himself a Felton for that fact, yet never so much as questioned; And one Hall, being a Suitor for the Command of a Ship in their Navy, unto their Committee of Admiralty, was accused for having said, The Parliament were foolish, that they had not hired somebody to kill the King whilst he was in the hands of the Scots: It was thereupon replied by Sir A. Haslerig, Have you no more against him? let him go to choose, We must have such men as will be faithful against him; and since that, they gave him the Command of a very good Ship. Allow (I say they should be able to compass this, How will they trust the Children of a Father, in whose blood they have imbrued their hands? And how will they be able to alienate the Crown from that Royal Line? which so many Millions of this Nation, and the best for Estate, the ablest for Judgement, will sacrifice their dearest Blood for, being obliged thereunto by many both Sacred and Civil Bonds? which is incorporated into so many Kingdoms and States abroad, Scotland, Denmark, France, Holland, etc.  
But grant, they may arrive at this Impossibility; What Peace or Settlement therein can this Kingdom expect from their hands, who have used us or rather abused us thus, whiles as yet they stood but upon their Good Behaviour; while they were no more than Probationers, or Candidates of Sovereignty? Our Peace must be to lie down quietly under their Paws, while they like Harpies do snatch away the meat out of our Mouths, like Vultures feed upon our live bodies; whilst (as a wise man said, such Statists use to do) they toss our heads, our very lives like Tenis-balls, to make them sport withal. Our Settlement is like to be firm indeed, which must depend upon their Ordinances (a Lawyer of their own at an Assize could handsomely call it, Jus Vagum & Incognitum) one of them justling the other daily out of fashion, according as the vane of their Humour sits. In a word, It is impossible, there should be either Peace or Settlement, whilst His Majesty is a Prisoner, till there be mutual Condescendencies, and Provision made for all considerable Interests on foot, which His Majesty hath graciously offered, and by a Personal Treaty managed with due Christian temper on all hands, may through God's blessing be yet accomplished.  
The End.