The Emblem of Ingratitude.  
A TRUE RELATION OF THE UNJUST, CRUEL, AND Barbarous Proceedings against the ENGLISH at AMBOYNA in the East- Indies; By the NETHERLANDISH Governor & Council there. ALSO, A farther Account of the Deceit, Cruelty, and Tyranny of the Dutch against the English, and several others; from their first to their present Estate: With Remarks upon the whole matter. Faithfully collected from Ancient and Modern Records.  
Published by Authority.  
LONDON: Printed for William Hope, at the North Entrance into the Royal Exchange. 1672.   

To the Reader.  
[It is not intended to detain the Reader with any Prefatory Discourse, as to the Additions in this Book; the faithful Author of the Relation of the Barbarous Cruelty, etc. having said so much in his Epistle to the Reader, which is directly as followeth.]  
GEntle Reader, thou mayest (perhaps) wonder why this Relation of the business of Amboyna, so many Months since taken upon the Oaths and depositions of our people that came thence, and presented to his Majesty, and the Lords of his Privy Council, cometh now at last to the Press, and was not either sooner published, or altogether suppressed. The truth is, the English East- India Company have ever been very tender of the ancient amity and good correspondence held between this Realm and the Netherlands, and have been very loath, by divulging of the private Injuries done them by the Netherlands East- India Company, to give the least occasion of any distaste or disaffection, which might happily grow between these two Nations, for the sake, and on the behalf the two Companies respectively. For which cause, although the wrongs and injuries, or rather contumelies done unto the English by the Dutch in the Indies, have been as intolerable as manifold; as to say nothing of those great heaps of them buried in the Amnesty of the Treaty of the year 1619. and only to point at the general heads of those committed since that Treaty, and grossly contrary to the main intent, and express words and disposition of the same: First, in the point of Hostility; the invasion of the Islands of Lantore and Polaroon, then and before in the quiet possession of the English, in the name of the Crown of England; the taking of the same Islands by force; the razing and demolishing of the English Forts; the binding of the English (that had not so much as resisted them) to stakes with ropes about their necks, throttling them with the same, and flourishing their naked Swords about them, as if they would presently have dispatched them; then taking them so amazed and bound, and tumbling them down the rocks; and after, carrying their crushed and bruised carcases away in Irons: Secondly, in the point of their usurped Sovereignty; their taking upon them the Conusance of controversies between the English and the Indians, for matters passed far without the compass of the Netherlands pretended jurisdidiction, and executing their sentences thereupon by plain force; seizing of the English Companies goods, fining, imprisoning, stocking, yea, whipping our people at a post in the open Marketplace, and after, washing them with Vinegar and Salt: Thirdly, in point of Partnership with the English; their putting great Sums to the Common Account, which were disbursed to the private and sole behoof of the Dutch; giving great Presents for the glory of the Dutch, without consent of the English, and making War for the enlargement of their own Dominion, yet bringing the Charge to the Common Account; together with infinite other the like, the particulars whereof would arise to a just and ample Volume: Nevertheless, the English Company from time to time contented themselves with informing His Majesty, and His Honourable Privy Council with their grievances privately in Writing, to the end, that necessary Relief and Reparation might be obtained, without publishing any thing to the World in Print, thereby to stir up or breed ill blood between these Nations, which are otherwise tied in so many reciprocal Obligations. And the same course they have hitherto holden also in this Crying business of Amboyna; only offering to the Manes of their murdered Countrymen, Factors & Kinsfolks, their effectual Endeavours in a dutiful course unto His Majesty for Justice for their Innocent Blood, and Reparation of the Honour of the Nation herein interessed. In which their wont way they were so constant, that they could not be driven out of the same by the contrary course of some of the other Party; that not glutted nor mollified with the Blood of these Innocents', nor with all the other Sufferings of the English in the Indies, published a Pamphlet in Print in the Netherlands Language, not only in Justification of this barbarous Butchery, but withal in disgrace of the English Nation, and the Laws and justice of the same. But behold now further, the same Pamphlet, being called in by an Edict of the State's General, was yet afterwards translated, and printed in English, and dispersed even in this Realm itself, to brave and disgrace us at our own doors, and in our own Language. This, no English patience can bear: The Blood of the Innocent cries out against it, the Honour of the Nation suffereth in it. Wherefore the English East- India Company is hereby enforced, contrary to their desire and custom, to have recourse to the Press, to maintain the Reputation of those their Countrymen and Servants, that lost their Lives unjustly; and to acquaint the World with the naked truth of this cause, hitherto masked, muffled, and obscured in a Fog of Factions, Concealments, and crafty Conveyances of the Author of this Pamphlet, and his clients, the Governor and Council (so termed) of Amboyna.  
Having thus acquainted thee, gentle Reader, why this Business was no sooner published in Print, it remaineth yet further, that thou be satisfied in an Objection or two more, which common Reason will suggest unto thee. Without doubt, reading this Discourse, and being a true Patriot of thine own Country, and a well-willer of the Netherlands (as we presume and wish thee to be,) thou wilt wonder how it cometh to pass, that our Nation, which hath not been wont to receive such disgraces, should now be so weak and unprovided in the Indies, as to suffer such indignities, and to be so grossly overtopped, outraged and vilified there? as also thou wilt no less admire, that any of the Netherlands Nation, which hath received such and so many favours and supports from hence, and held so good and ancient correspondence with our Nation, should now offer and commit such odious contumelies on English men, their Partners and Allies by special Treaty. Herein thou wilt soon answer thyself, if thou but consider the different end and design of the English and Dutch Companies trading in the Indies, appearing by their several course and practice respectively. The English being Subjects of a peaceable Prince, that hath enough of his own, and is therewith content, without affecting of new acquests; have aimed at nothing in their East- India Trade, but a Lawful and competent gain by Commerce and Traffic with the people of those parts. And although they have in some places builded Forts, and settled some strength, yet that hath not been done by force or violence, against the good will of the Magistrates or people of the Country; but with their desire, consent, and good liking, for the security only of the Trade, and upon the said Magistrate and people's voluntary yielding themselves under the obedience and Sovereignty of the Crown of England; their own ancient Laws, Customs and Privileges, nevertheless reserved. Further, the same English had undoubted confidence in the Netherlands Nation there also trading, especially being lately conjoined with them in the strict Alliance and social Confederacy of the year 1619. and therefore attended nothing from them, but the offices of good affection and partnership. Upon these grounds, the English Company made their equipages answerable only to a course of Commerce and peaceable Traffic; not expecting any Hostility, neither from the Indians, nor especially from the Dutch. On the other side, the Netherlanders, from the beginning of their Trade in the Indies, not contented with the ordinary course of a fair and free Commerce, invaded divers Islands, took some Forts, built others; and laboured nothing more, than the Conquests of Countries, and the acquiring of new Dominion. By which reason, as they were accordingly provided of Shipping, Soldiers, and all Warlike provision, as also of places of Rendezvouz upon the shore, and thereby enabled to wrong the English as well as others: So the cost and charges of their Shipping, Forts and Soldiers, employed upon these designs, rose to such an height, as was not to be maintained by the Trade they had in those parts. Wherefore, for a supply, they were forced (as some of their own Countrymen and Adventurers in their Company, affirm) to Fish with dry Nets, that is to say, to pick quarrels of the Indians 〈…〉 to take their Ships, and make Prize of their Goods. Which yet not answering their Charge and Adventure, they proceeded also to quarrel with the English, to debarr them of Trade to free places; and for attempting such Trade, to take they Ships and Goods. Touching which, when a good Order was set by the said Treaty of the year 1619. yet they saw, they could not make their Reckoning to any purpose, unless they utterly drove the English out of the Trade of those parts; thereby to have the whole and sole Traffic of the commodities of the Indians in these parts of Europe, in their own hands; and so to make the Price at their pleasure, sufficient to maintain and promote their Conquests, and withal to yield them an ample benefit of their Trading. Which unless they can, by this and the like worrying and wearying of the English bring to pass, it is easy to be judged by those that understand any thing of the course and state of the Trade of those parts, that albeit their Returns hereafter should prove as great continually, as of late extraordinarily they have happened to be, yet the main Stock and Estate of the Company must needs abate and decay by some Hundred thousands of Pounds yearly. Thus, Reader, thou seest what hath made us unprovided against such Accidents, and what now enforceth the Dutch East- India Company, or their Servants in the Indies, against the common Genius of their Nation, and the wont firm affection betwixt these two Nations mutually, thus to degenerate and break out into such strange and incredible Outrages against their nearest Allies and best deserving Friends. Farewell.   

A TRUE RELATION Of the Unjust, Cruel, and Barbarous proceedings against the English at Amboyna in the East-Indies, by the Netherlanders there, upon a forged pretence of a Conspiracy of the said English.  
AFter the fruitless issue of two several Treaties: the first Anno 1613. in London; and the other An. 1615. at the Hague in Holland, touching the differences between the English and Dutch in the East-Indies, at last by a third Treaty, Anno 1619. in London, there was a full and solemn composition made of all the said differences, and a fair order set for the future proceeding of the Supposts of both Companies in the Indies, as well in the course of their Trade and commerce, as otherwise. Amongst sundry other points, it was agreed, Tha● in regard of the great bloodshed and cost, pretended to be bestowed by the Hollanders in winning of the Trade o● the Isles of the Molluccos, Banda, and Amboyna, from the Spaniards and Portugals, and in building of Forts for the continual securing of the same, the said Hollanders therefore should enjoy two third parts of that Trade, and the English the other third; and the charge of the Forts to be maintained by Taxes and Impositions to be levied upon the Merchandise. Wherefore in consequence of this agreement, the English East-India Company planted certain Factories for their share of this Trade; some at Molluccos, some at Banda, and some at Amboyna. Of the two former of these, there will be, at this present, small occasion to speak further; but the last will prove the Scene of a sad Tragedy.  
This Amboyna is an Island lying near Seran, of the circuit of forty leagues, and giveth name also to some other small Islands adjacent. It beareth Cloves; for gathering and buying in whereof, the English Company for their part, had planted five several Factories: the head and Rendezvouz of all, at the Town of Amboyna; and therein first Master George Muschamp, and afterward Mr. Gabriel Towerson, their Agents with directions over the smaller Factories at Hitto and Larica upon the same Island, and at Loho and Cambello, upon a point of their neighbouring Island of Seran.  
Upon these Islands of Amboyna, and the point of Seran, the Hollanders have four Forts, the chief of all is at the said Town of Amboyna, and is very strong, having four Points or Bulwarks with their Curtains, and upon each of these Points, six great pieces of Ordnance mounted, most of them of brass. The one side of this Castle is washed by the Sea, and the other is divided from the land, with a Ditch of four or five fathom broad, very deep, and ever filled with the Sea. The Garrison of this Castle consisteth of about two hundred Dutch Soldiers, and a Company of free Burghers. Besides these, there is always a matter of three or four hundred Mardikers (for so they usually call the free Natives) in the Town, ready to serve the Castle at an hours warning. There lie also in the road (for the most part) divers good Ships of the Hollanders, as well for the Guard of the place by Sea, as for the occasions of Traffic: this being the chief Rendezvouz, as well for the Island of Banda, as for the rest of Amboyna. Here the English lived; not in the Castle, but under protection, in a house of their own in the Town; holding themselves safe, as well in respect of the ancient bonds of amity between both Nations, as of the strict conjunction made by the late Treaty before mentioned.  
They continued here some two years, conversing and trading together with the Hollanders, by virtue of the said Treaty. In which times there fell out sundry differences and debates between them: The English complaining that the Hollanders did not only lavish away much Money in building, and unnecessary expenses, upon the Forts and otherwise, and bring large and unreasonable reckonings thereof to the common account; but also did, for their part, pay the Garrisons with Victuals, and Cloth of Coromondell, which they put off to the Soldiers at three or four times the value it cost them, yet would not allow of the English Companies part of the same charge, but only in ready Money; thereby drawing from the English (which ought to pay but one third part) more than two thirds of the whole true charge. Hereupon, and upon the like occasions, grew some discontents and disputes, and the complaints were sent to Jacatra, in the Island of Java Major to the Council of defence of both Nations there residing: who also, not agreeing upon the points in difference, sent the same hither over into Europe, to be decided by both Companies here; or, in default of their agreement, by the King's Majesty, and the Lords the State's General, according to an Article of the Treaty of the year, 1619. on this behalf. In the mean time the discontent between the English and the Dutch, about these and other differences, continued, and daily increased, until at last there was a sword found, to cut in sunder that knot at once, which the tedious disputes of Amboyna and Jaccatra, could not untie. And this was used in manner as followeth.  
About the eleventh of February 1622. Stilo veteri. A Japoner Soldier of the Dutch in their Castle of Amboyna, walking in the night upon the wall, came to the Sentinel (being a Hollander) and there, amongst other talk, asked him some questions touching the strength of the Castle, and the people that were therein. It is here to be noted, that those Japoners (of whom there is not thirty in all the Island) did, for the most part, serve the Dutch as Soldiers, yet were not of their trusty bands always lodged in the Castle, but upon occasion called out of the Town to assist in the watch. This Japoner aforesaid, was for his said conference with the Sentinel, apprehended upon suspicion of Treason, and put to the Torture. Thereby (as some of the Dutch affirmed) he was brought to confess himself, and sundry others of his Countrymen there, to have contrived the taking of the Castle. Hereupon, other Japoners were examined and Tortured, as also a Portugal, the Guardian of the Slaves under the Dutch. During this examination, which continued three or four days; some of the Englishmen went to and from the Castle upon their business, saw the prisoners, heard of their tortures, and of the crime laid to their charge; But all this while suspected not, that this matter did any whit concern themselves, having never had any conversation with the Japoners, nor with the Portugal aforesaid. At the same time there was one Abel Price, 
Abel Price examined.  Chirurgeon of the English, prisoner in the Castle for offering in his Drunkenness to set a Dutch man's house on fire. This fellow the Dutch took, and showed him some of the Japoners, whom they had first most grievously tortured, and told him, they had confessed the English to have been of their confederacy for the taking of the Castle; and that if he would not confess the same, they would use him even as they had done these Japoners, and worse also. Having given him the Torture, they soon made him confess whatever they asked him. This was the fifteenth of February 1622. Stilo veteri. Forthwith, about nine of the Clock the same morning, they sent for Captain Towerson, and the rest of the English that were in the Town, to come to speak with the Governor in the Castle: They all went, save one that was left to keep the house. Being come to the Governor, he told Captain Towerson, that himself and others of his Nation were accused of a conspiracy, to surprise the Castle, and therefore, until further Trial were to remain prisoners. Instantly also they attached him that was left at home in the house, took the Merchandise of the English Company there, into their own custody, by Inventory; and seized all the Chests, Boxes, Books, Writings, and other things in the English house. Captain Towerson was committed to his Chamber, with a Guard of Dutch Soldiers. Emmanuel Tomson was kept prisoner in the Castle; the rest, viz. John Beaumont, Edward Collins, William Webber, Ephraim Ramsey, Timothy Johnson, John Fardo, and Robert Brown, were sent aboard the Hollanders Ships then riding in Harbour, some to one Ship, and some to another, and all made fast in Irons. The same day also the Governor sent to the two other Factories in the same Island, to apprehend the rest of the English there. So that Samuel Colson, John Clark, George Sharrock, that were found in the Factory at Hitto, and Edward Collins, William Webber, and John Saddler at Larica, were all brought prisoners to Amboyna, the sixteenth of February. Upon which day also John Powl, John Wetheral, and Thomas Ladbrook, were apprehended at Cambello, and John Beaumont, William Grigs, and Ephraim Ramsey, at Loho, and brought in irons to Amboyna the twentieth of the same month. In the mean time the Governor and Fiscal went to work with the prisoners that were already there: And first they sent for John Beaumont, and Timothy Johnson, from aboard the Unicorn; who being come into the Castle, Beaumont was left with a guard in the Hall, and Johnson was taken into another room. Where, by and by, Beaumont heard him cry out very pitifully; then to be quiet for a little while, and then loud again. After taste of the torture, Abel Price the Chirurgeon, that first was examined and tortured, (as is above remembered) was brought in to confront and accuse him: But Johnson not yet confessing any thing, Price was quickly carried out, and Johnson brought again to the torture; where Beaumont heard him sometime cry aloud, then quiet again, then roar afresh. At last, after he had been about an hour in this second examination, he was brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet, and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body, and so laid aside in a by-place of the Hall, with a Soldier to watch him that he should speak with no body. Then was Emanuel Tomson brought to examination; 
Emanuel Tomson examined.  not in the room where Johnson had been, but in another, something farther from the Hall. Yet Beaumont being in the Hall, heard him roar most lamentably, and many times. At last, after an hour and an half spent in torturing him, he was carried away into another room another way, so that he came not by Beaumont through the Hall. Next was Beaumont called in, and being demanded many things, all which he denied with deep Oaths and protestations, was made fast to be Tortured, a cloth tied about his neck, and two men ready with their Jars of water to be poured on his head. But yet for this time the Governor bade lose him, he would spare him a day or two, because he was an old man. This was all Saturdays work, the fifteenth of February aforesaid.  
Upon Sunday the sixteenth of February, William Webber, Edward Collins, Ephraim Ramsey, and Robert Brown, were fetched from aboard the Rotterdam, to be examined. At the same time came Samuel Colson, William Grigs, and John Clark, George Sharrock, and John Sadler, from Hitto and Larica, and were immediately, upon their arrival, brought into the Castle Hall.  
Robert Brown Tailor was Robert first called in; 
Robert Brown examined.  and being tormented with water, confessed all in order as the Fiscal asked him.  
Then was Edward Collins called in, 
Edward Collins examined.  and told, that those that were formerly examined, had confessed him as accessary to the Plot of taking the Castle. Which when he denied with great Oaths and execrations, they made his hands and feet fast to the Rack, bound a cloth about his throat, ready to be put to the torture of water. Thus prepared, he prayed to be respited, and he would confess all. Being let down, he again vowed and protested his innocency; yet said, that because he knew that they would by torture make him confess any thing, though never so false, they should do him a great favour, to tell him what they would have him say, and he would speak it, to avoid the torture. The Fiscal hereupon said, What, do you mock us? and bad, Up with him again; and so gave him the torment of water: which he not able long to endure, prayed to be let down again to his Confession. Then he devised a little with himself, and told them, That about two months and a half before, himself, Tomson, Johnson, Brown, and Fardo, had plotted, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle. Here he was interrupted by the Fiscal, and asked, whether Captain Towerson were not of that conspiracy. He answered, No. You lie, said the Fiscal; did not he call you all to him, and tell you, that those daily abuses of the Dutch, had caused him to think of a Plot, and that he wanted nothing but your consent and secrecy? Then said a Dutch Merchant, one John Joost that stood by, Did not you all swear upon a Bible to be secret to him? Collins answered with great Oaths, that he knew nothing of any such matter. Then they bade make him fast again: whereupon he then said, All was true that they had spoken. Then the Fiscal asked him, whether the English in the rest of the Factories, were not consenting to this Plot. He answered, No. The Fiscal then asked him, whether the Precedent of the English at Jaccatra, or Master Welden Agent in Banda, were not Plotters or privy to this business. Again he answered, No. Then the Fiscal asked him, by what means the Japoners should have executed their purpose. Whereat, when Collins stood staggering and devising of some probable fiction, the Fiscal holp him, and said, Should not two Japoners have gone to each Point of the Castle, and two to the Governors' Chamber door; and when the hurly-burly had been without, and the Governor coming to see what was the matter, the Japoners to have killed him? Here one that stood by, said to the Fiscal, Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak of himself. Whereupon the Fiscal, without attending the answer to his former question, asked what the Japoners should have had for their reward. Collins answered, 1000 Rials apiece. Lastly, he asked him, when this Plot should have been effected. Whereunto, although he answered him nothing, (not knowing what to devise upon the sudden) yet he was dismissed, and very glad to come clear of the Torture, though with certain belief that he should die for this his confession.  
Next was Samuel Colson brought in, 
Samuel Colson examined.  being newly arrived from Hitto, as is before touched, and was the same day brought to the Torture, who, for fear of the pain wherewith he saw Collins come out, in such a case, that his eyes were almost blown out of his head with the Torment of water; chose rather to confess all they asked him: and so was quickly dismissed, coming out weeping, lamenting, and protesting his innocency.  
Then was John Clark, 
John Clark examined.  that came with Colson from Hitto, fetched in, and a little after was heard (by the rest that were without in the Hall) to cry out amain: They Tortured him with water and with fire, by the space of two hours. The manner of his Torture (as also of Jonson's and Tomsons) was as followeth: First they hoist him up by the hands with a cord on a large door, where they made him fast upon two staples of Iron, fixed on both sides at the top of the door posts, haling his hands one from the other as wide as they could stretch. Being thus made fast, his feet hung some two foot from the ground; which also they stretched asunder as far as they would retch, and so made them fast beneath unto the door-trees on each side. Then they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close, that little or no water could go by. That done, they poured the water softly upon his head, until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils, and somewhat higher; so that he could not draw breath, but he must withal suck in the water: which being still continued to be poured in softly, forced all his inward parts, came out of his nose, ears, and eyes, and often as it were stifling and choking him, at length took away his breath, and brought him to a swoon or fainting. Then they took him quickly down, and made him vomit up the water. Being a little recovered, they triced him up again, and poured in the water as before, eftsoons taking him down as he seemed to be stifled. In this manner they handled him three or four several times with water, till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead: yet all this he bare, without confessing any thing; insomuch as the Fiscal and tormentors reviled him, saying that he was a Devil, and no man, or surely was a Witch, at least had some charm about him, or was enchanted, that he could bear so much. Wherefore they cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein. Afterwards they hoist him up again as before, and then burned him with lighted Candles in the bottom of his feet, until the fat dropped out the Candles; yet then applied they fresh lights unto him. They burned him also under the elbows, and in the palms of the hands; likewise under the arm pits, until his inwards might evidently be seen. At last when they saw he could of himself make no handsome confession, than they led him along with questions of particular circumstances, by themselves framed. Being thus wearied and overcome by the torment, he answered, yea, to whatsoever they asked: whereby they drew from him a body of a Confession to this effect; to wit, That Captain Towerson had upon New-year's day last before, sworn all the English at Amboyna to be secret and assistant to a plot that he had projected, with the help of the Japoners, to surprise the Castle, and to put the Governor and the rest of the Dutch to Death.  
Having thus martyred this poor man, they sent him out by four Blacks: who carried him between them to a Dungeon, where he lay five or six days, without any Chirurgeon to dress him, until (his flesh being putrified) great Maggots dropped and crept from him, in a most loathsome and noisome manner. Thus they finished their Sabbath days work; and it growing now dark, sent the rest of the English (that came that day from Hitto, and till then attended in the Hall) first to the Smith's shop, where they were loaden with Irons, and then to the same loathsome Dungeon, where Clark and the rest were, accompanied with the poor Japoners, lying in the putrefaction of their Tortures.  
The next morning being Monday the seventeenth of February, Old Style, William Griggs, and John Fardo, with certain Japoners, were brought into the place of examination.  
The Japoners were first cruelly tortured to accuse Griggs, 
William Griggs examined.  which at last they did: and Griggs, to avoid the like torture, confessed all that the Fiscal demanded. By and by the like also was done by John Fardo, 
John Fardo examined.  and other Japoners: but Fardo himself endured the torture of water, and at last confessed whatsoever the Fiscal asked him; and so was sent back to prison.  
The same day also John Beaumont was brought the second time to the Fiscals Chamber; 
John Beaumont examined.  where one Captain Newport a Dutch man's son (born in England) was used as an Interpreter. William Griggs was also brought in to accuse him; who said, that when the consultation for taking of the Castle, was held, than he (the said Beaumont) was present. Beaumont denied it with great earnestness and deep Oaths. At last being triced up, and drenched with water till his inwards were ready to crack, he answered affirmatively to all the Fiscals interrogatories: yet as soon as he was let down, he clearly demonstrated to Captain Newport, and Johnson a Dutch Merchant, than also present, that these things could not be so. Nevertheless he was forced to put his hand to his confession, or else he must to the torture again, which to avoid, he subscribed; and so had a great iron bolt and two shackles rivitted to his legs, and then was carried back to prison.  
After this George Sharrock Assistant at Hitto, 
George Sharrock examined.  was called in question; who, seeing how grievously others were martyred, made his earnest Prayer to God (as since upon his Oath he hath acknowledged) that he would suffer him to make some such probable lies against himself, as the Dutch might believe, and so he might escape the torment. Being brought to the Rack, the Water provided, and the Candles lighted, he was by the Governor and Fiscal examined, and charged with the Conspiracy. He fell upon his knees, and protested his Innocency. Then they commanded him to the Rack, and told him; Unless he would confess, he should be tormented with fire and water to death, and then should be drawn by the heels to the Gallows, and there hanged up. He still persisting in this his innocency, the Fiscal bade him be hoist up. Then he craved respite a while and told them, that he was at Hitto, and not in Amboyna, upon New-year's day, when the consultation was pretended; neither had been there since November before, as was well known to sundry of the Hollanders themselves, that resided there also with him. Hereupon they commanded him again to the Rack: but he, craving respite as before, now told them, that he had many times heard John Clark (who was with him at Hitto) say, That the Dutch had done them many unsufferable wrongs, and that he would be revenged of them: to which end, he had once broken with Captain Towerson, of a Plot. At which word the Fiscal and the rest were attentive, encouraging him to proceed. So he went on, saying, that John Clark had entreated Captain Towerson that he might go to Maccasser, there to consult and advise with the Spaniards to come with Galleys, and rob the small Factories of Amboyna and Seran, when no ships were there. Here they asked him, what Cap. Towerson said to this, He answered, that Captain Towerson was very much offended with Clark for the motion; and from thenceforth could never abide him. Hereupon the Fiscal called him Rogue, and said he prated all from the matter, and should go to the torture. He craved favour again, and began another tale; to wit, That upon Twelf-day than last passed, John Clark told him at Hitto, that there was a practice to take the Castle of Amboyna; and asked him, whether he would consent thereunto. Whereupon he demanded of Clark, whether Captain Towerson knew of any such matter. Which, Clark affirming; then he (the said Sharrock) said, that he would do as the rest did. Then the Fiscal asked him, what time the consultation was held: He answered, In November last. The Fiscal said, That could not be: for, the consultation was upon New-year's day. The Prisoner said as before in the beginning, that he had not been in Amboyna since the first of December, till now that he was brought thither. Why then quoth the Fiscal, have you belied your self? whereto the Prisoner resolutely answered, that all that he had spoken touching any treason, was false, and feigned only to avoid torment. Then went the Fiscal out into another room to the Governor, and anon returned, and sent Sharrock, unto the Prison again. The next day he was called again, and a writing presented him; wherein was framed a formal confession of his last conference with Clerk at Hitto, touching the plot to take the Castle of Amboyna: which being read over to him, the Fiscal asked him, whether it were true, or no. He answered, No, Why then, said the Fiscal, did you confess it? He answered, for fear of Torment. The Fiscal and the rest in a great rage told him he lied; his mouth had spoken it, and it was true, and therefore he should subscribe it. Which as soon as he had done, he fell presently into a great passion, charging them bitterly to be guilty of the innocent blood of himself and the rest, which they should look to answer for at the day of Judgement: withal he grappled with the Fiscal, and would have stopped him from carrying in the confession to the Governor, with whom he also craved to speak; but was instantly laid hold on, and carried away to prison.  
William Webber, 
William Webber examined.  being next examined, was told by the Fiscal, that John Clark had confessed him to have been at Amboyna on New years day, and sworn to Captain Towersons plot, etc. All which he denied, alleging, he was that day at Larica: yet being brought to the torture, he then confessed, he had been at the consultation at Amboyna, upon New-year's day, with all the rest of the circumstances in order as he was asked. He also further told them, he had received a Letter from John Clark; after which was a Postscript, excusing his brief writing at that time, for that there was great business in hand. But one Renier a Dutch Merchant, then standing by, told the Governor, that upon New-year's day, the time of this pretended consultation, Webber and he were merry at Larica. So the Governor left him and went out. But the Fiscal held on upon the other point, touching the Postscript of Clark's Letter, urging him to show the same. Which when he could not do, though often terrified with the torture, he gave him respite; promising to save his life, if he would produce that Letter.  
Then was Captain Towerson brought to the examination, 
Gabriel Towerson examined.  and showed what others had confessed of him. He deeply protesting his innocency, Samuel Colson was brought to confront him: who being told, that unless he would now make good his former confession against Captain Towerson, he should to the Torture, coldly re-affirmed the same, and so was sent away. They also brought William Griggs and John Fardo to justify their former confessions to his face. Captain Towerson seriously charged them, that as they would answer it at the dreadful day of Judgement, they should speak nothing but the truth. Both of them instantly fell down upon their knees before him, praying him for God's sake to forgive them, and saying further openly before them all, that whatsoever they had formerly confessed, was most false, and spoken only to avoid torment. With that the Fiscal and the rest offered them again to the torture: which they would not endure, but then affirmed their former confessions to be true.  
When Colson (who had accused Captain Towerson before) was required to set his hand to his confession, he asked the Fiscal, upon whose head he thought the sin would lie: whether upon his that was constrained to confess what was false, or upon the constrainers? The Fiscal, after a little pause upon this question, went in to the Governor then in another room; but anon returning, told Colson he must subscribe it: which he did; yet withal made this protestation: Well, quoth he, you make me to accuse myself and others of that which is as false, as God is true: for, God is my witness, I am as innocent as the child new born.  
Thus have they examined all that belong to the English Company in the several Factories of the Island of Amboyna.  

John Wetheral examined.  The one and twentieth of February, they examined John Wetheral, Factor at Cambello in the Island of Seran. He confessed, he was at Amboyna upon New-year's day: but for the consultation, whereof he was demanded, he said he knew of no other, but touching certain cloth of the English Company, that lay in the Factories rotting and wormeaten, which they advised together how to put off to the best avail of their Employers. The Governor said, they questioned him not about cloth, but of Treason: whereof when he had protested his innocency, he was for that time dismissed. But the next day he was sent for again, and Captain Towerson brought to confront and accuse him, having before (it seems) confessed somewhat against him. But Mr. Towerson spoke now these words only: Oh, Mr. Wetheral, Mr. Wetheral, speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, as God shall put into your heart. So Captain Towerson was put out again, and Wetheral brought to the torture of water with great threats; if water would not make him confess, fire should. He prayed them to tell him what he should say, or to write down what they would, he would subscribe it. They said, he needed no Tutor; they would make him confess of himself. But when they had triced him up four several times, and saw he knew not what to say, than they read him other men's confessions, and asked him from point to point, as they had done others: and he still answered, Yea, to all.  
Next was called in John Powl, 
John Powl examined.  Wetherals assistant at Cambello: but he, proving that he was not at Amboyna since November, (save now when he was brought thither prisoner) and being spoken for by one John Joost, who had long been well acquainted with him, was dismissed without torture.  
Then was Thomas Ladbrook, 
Thomas Ladbrook examined.  servant to Wetheral and Powl at Cambello, brought to be examined: but proving that he was at Cambello at the time of the pretended consultation, and serving in such quality, as that he was never acquainted with any of the Letters from the Agent of Amboyna, he was easily and quickly dismissed.  
Ephraim Ramsey was also examined upon the whole pretended conspiracy, 
Ephraim Ramsey examined.  and particularly questioned concerning Captain Welden the English Agent in Banda; but denying all, and proving that he was not at Amboyna at New-year's tide, being also spoken for by John Joost, was dismissed, after he had hanged in the Rack a good while, with irons upon his legs, and the cloth about his mouth.  
Lastly, John Sadler, 
John Sadler examined.  servant to William Griggs at Larica, was examined; and being found to have been absent from Amboyna at New-year's tide, when Griggs and others were there, was dismissed.  
Thus have we all their examinations, tortures, and confessions, being the work of 8. days, from the 15. to the 23. of February. After which was two day's respite before the sentence. John Powl, being himself acquitted as before said, went to the prison to visit John Fardo, one of those that had accused Capt. Towerson. To him Fardo religiously protested his innocency; but especially his sorrow for accusing Mr. Towerson: for, said he, the fear of death doth nothing dismay me; for, God (I trust) will be merciful to my soul, according to the innocency of my cause. The only matter that troubleth me, is, that through fear of Torment I have accused that honest and godly man Captain Towerson, who (I think in my conscience) was so upright and honest towards all men, that he harboured no ill will to any, much less would attempt any such business as he is accused of. He further said, he would before his death receive the Sacrament, in acknowledgement that he had accused Captain Towerson falsely and wrongfully, only through fear of Torment.  
The five and twentieth of February, old stile, all the prisoners, as well the English, as the Portugal and the Japoners, were brought into the great Hall of the Castle, and there were solemnly condemned, except John Powl, Ephraim Ramsey, John Sadler, and Thomas Ladbrook, formerly acquitted, as aforesaid.  
Captain Towerson having been (during all his imprisonment) kept apart from the rest, so that none of them could come to speak with him; writ much in his Chamber, (as some of the Dutch report) but all was suppressed, save only a Bill of Debt, which one Th. Johnson, a free Burgher, got of him by favour of his Keepers for acknowledgement, that the English Company owed him a certain sum of money. In the end of this Bill he writ these words: Firmed by the Firm of me Gabriel Towerson, now appointed to die guiltless of any thing that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt; and receive me to his mercy. Amen. This Bill being brought to Mr. Welden, the English Agent at Banda, he paid the money, and received in the acknowledgement.  
William Griggs (who had before accused Captain Towerson) writ these words following in his Table-book: We, whose names are here specified; John Beaumont Merchant of Loho, William Griggs Merchant of Larica, Abel Price Chirurgeon of Amboyna, Robert Brown Tailor, which do here lie Prisoners in the Ship Rotterdam, being apprehended for Conspiracy, for blowing up the Castle of Amboyna: we being judged to death this fifth of March, Anno 1622. which we through torment were constrained to speak, that which we never meant, nor once imagined, the which we take upon our deaths and salvation: they tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water, that flesh and blood could not endure: and this we take upon our deaths, that they have put us to death guiltless of our accusation. So therefore we desire, that they that shall understand this; that our Employers may understand these wrongs, and that yourselves would have a care to look to yourselves: for their intent was to have brought you in also; they asked concerning you; which if they had tortured us, we must have confessed you also. And so farewell: written in the dark.  
This Table-book was afterwards delivered to Mr. Welden aforenamed, by one that served the Dutch.  
Samuel Colson also, another that accused Captain Towerson, writ as followeth in the waste leaves of a book, wherein were bound together the Common-Prayers, the Psalms, and the Catechism.  
In one page thus;  
March 5. Stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lying in Irons.  
UNderstand that I Samuel Colson, late Factor of Hitto, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for any thing I know, must die for it: wherefore, having no better means to make my innocency known, have writ this in this Book, hoping some good English men will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by his death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any English man guilty thereof, nor other creature in the World. As this is true: God bless me.  
Sam. Colson.  
On the other side, upon the first page of the Catechism, is thus written:  
IN another leaf you shall understand more, which I have written in this Book.  
Sam. Colson.  
In the beginning of the Psalms, and in the leaf so referred unto, is thus written; viz.  
THe Japons were taken with some villainy, and brought to examination: being most tyrannously tortured, were asked if the English had any hand in their Plot. Which torture wade them say, Yea. Then was Mr. Tomson, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Collins, John Clark brought to examination, and were burned under the arms, armpits, the hands, and sols of the feet, with another most miserable torment to drink water; some of them almost tortured to death, and were forced to confess that which they never knew, by reason of the torment which flesh and blood is not able to endure. Then were the rest of the Englishmen called one by one, (amongst which I was one) being wished to confess, or else I must go to torment; withal caused Mr. Johnson, who was before tormented, to witness against me, or else he should be tormented again; which rather than he would endure, he said, What they would have, he would speak. Then must I confess that I never knew, or else to go to torment; which rather than I would suffer, I did confess that, which (as I shall be saved before God Almighty) is not true, being forced for fear of torment. Then did they make us witness against Captain Towerson, and at last made Captain Towerson confess all, being for fear of most cruel torment, for which we must all die. As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business. Written with my own hand the first of March, Stilo novo.  
Sam. Colson.  
Yet in another page were these words;  
I Was born in Newcastle upon Tyne, where I desire this Book may come, that my Friends may know of my innocency.  
Sam. Colson.  
This Book he delivered to one that ●erved the Hollanders, who sowed it up ●n his Bed, and afterward, at his opportunity, delivered it to Mr. Welden be●ore named.  
All these said writings are yet extant under the hands of the several parties, well known to their friends here in England.  
The six and twentieth of February, Stilo veteri, the Prisoners were all brought into the great Hall of the Castle (except Captain Towerson and Emanuel Tomson) to be prepared for death by the Ministers. The Japoneers now all in general, as some of them had done before in particular, cried out unto the English, saying; Oh you English men, where did we ever in our lives eat with you, talk with you, or (to our remembrance) see you? The English answered, Why then have you accused us? The poor men, perceiving they were made believe each had accused others, before they had so done indeed; showed them their tortured bodies, and said, If a stone were thus burnt, would it not change his Nature, how much more we that are Flesh and Blood?  
Whilst they were all in the Hall, Captain Towerson was brought up into the place of examination and two great Jar● of water carried after him. What h● there did or suffered was unknown to the English without: but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession. After supper John Powl, Ephraim Ramsey, Thomas Ladbrook, and John Sadler, who were found not guilty, as aforesaid, were taken from the rest, and put into another room. By and by also were Samuel Colson, and Edward Collins brought from the rest; into the room where Emanuel Tomson lay: The Fiscal told them, it was the Governors' mercy, to save one of them three: and it being indifferent to him, which of them, were the man, it was his pleasure they should draw lots for it, which they did, and the free lot fell to Edward Collins; who then was carried away to the Chamber, where John Powl, and the rest that were quit, lodged, and Samuel Colson back into the Hall. Anon also John Beaumont was brought out of the Hall into the Chamber, where John Powl, and the rest of the acquitted persons were, and was told, that he was beholding to Peter Johnson the Dutch Merchant of Loho, and to the Secretary; for they two had begged his life.  
So then there remained in the Hall ten of the English; for Captain Towerson and Emanuel Tomsom (as is said before) were kept in several rooms apart from the rest. To these that remained in the Hall, came the Dutch Ministers, who telling them how short a time they had to live, admonished and exhorted them to make their true confessions; for it was a dangerous and desperate thing, to dissemble at such a time. The English still professed their innocency, and prayed the Ministers that they might all receive the Sacraments, as a seal of the forgiveness of their sins; and withal, thereby to confirm their last profession of their innocency. But this would by no means be granted. Whereupon Samuel Colson said thus unto the Ministers; You manifest unto us the danger of dissimulation in this case. But tell us, if we suffer guiltless, being otherwise also true believers in Christ Jesus, What shall be our reward? The Preacher answered, By how much the clearer you are, so much the more glorious shall be your resurrection: With that word, Colson started up, embraced the Preacher, and gave him his purse, with such money as he had in it, saying; Domine, God bless you: tell the Governor, I freely forgive him; and I entreat you, to exhort him, to repent of his bloody Tragedy, wrought upon us poor innocent souls. Here all the rest of the English signified their consent to this Speech. Then spoke John Fardo to the rest, in presence of the Ministers, as followeth: My Countrymen, and Brethren, all that are here with me, condemned to die; I charge you all, as you will answer it at God's Judgement Seat, if any of you be guilty of this matter, whereof we are condemned, discharge your Consciences, and confess the truth for satisfaction of the World. Hereupon Samuel Colson spoke with a loud voice, saying, According to my innocency in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins: and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of thy heavenly joys. At which words, every one of the rest cried out, Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation, being wrung from them by the pains or fear of torture. And they all freely forgave one another: for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely. In particular, George Sharrock (who survived to relate this night's passage) kneeled down to John Clark, whom he had accused of the tale at Hitto above mentioned, and craved forgiveness at his hands. Clark freely forgave him, saying; how should I look to be forgiven of God, if I should not forgive you, having myself so falsely accused Captain Towerson and others?  
After this, they spent the rest of the doleful night in Prayer, singing of Psalms, and comforting one another; though the Dutch that guarded them, offered them wine, bidding them drink Luslick, and drive away the sorrow; according to the custom of their own Nation in the like case, but contrary to the Nature of the English.  
Upon the morrow morning, being the Execution day, the 27 th'. of February, Stilo veteri, John Powl being freed (as is above recited) came into the room where the condemned persons were, and found them at Prayer. They all requested him to relate unto their friends in England, the innocency of their cause; taking it upon their deaths, that what they had confessed against themselves and others, touching this crime, was all false, and forced by fear of torture.  
The same morning William Webber was called again into the Fiscals room, and there pressed to produce the Letter, which he had before confessed to have received from John Clark, in the Postscript whereof some great business was intimated. They promised him his life, if he would deliver or produce them that Letter: which although he did not, nor indeed could, yet at last they pardoned him, and sent him to the rest that were saved, and Sharrock with him.  
That morning Emanuel Tomson understanding that John Beaumont was pardoned, made means to have him come and speak with him; which, with much ado, he obtained. Beaumont found him sitting in a Chamber, all alone in a most miserable fashion; the wounds of his torture bound up, but the matter and gore-blood issuing through the Rollers. He took Mr. Beaumont by the hand, and prayed him, when he came into England to do his duty to the Honourable Company, his Masters, to Mr. Robinson, and to his Brother Billingsley, and to certify them of his innocency, which (said he) you yourself know well enough.  
All things being prepared for the Execution, the condemned were brought forth of the Hall along by the Chamber where the quit and pardoned were; who stood in the door, to give and take the farewell of their Countrymen now going to Execution. Staying a little for this purpose, they prayed and charged those that were saved, to bear witness to their friends in England of their innocency, and that they died not Traitors, but so many innocents', merely murdered by the Hollanders, whom they prayed God to forgive their blood-thirstiness, and to have mercy upon their own souls.  
Being brought into the Yard, their sentence was there read unto them from a Gallery, and then they were thence carried unto the place of Execution, together with nine Japons and a Portugal; not the ordinary and short way, but round about in a long procession, through the Town; the way guarded with five Companies of Soldiers, Dutch and Amboyners, and thronged with the Natives of the Island, that (upon the summons given the day before by the sound of the Drum) flocked together to behold this triumph of the Dutch over the English. Samuel Colson had conceived a Prayer in writing, in the end whereof he protested his innocency: which Prayer he read to his fellows the night before, and now also at the place of Execution devoutly pronounced the same; then threw away the paper, which the Governor caused to be brought to him, and kept it.  
Emanuel Tomson told the rest, he did not doubt but God would show some sign of their innocency; and every one of the rest took it severally upon their death, that they were utterly guiltless; and so one by one, with great cheerfulness suffered the fatal stroke.  
The Portugal prayed over his Beads very devoutly, and often kissed the Cross; swearing thereupon, that he was utterly innocent of this treason: yet confessed, that God had justly brought this punishment upon him, for that having a wife in his own Country, he had, by the persuasion of the Dutch Governor, taken another in that Country, his first being yet living.  
The Japons likewise (according to their Religion) shut up their last Act with the like profession of their innocency. So there suffered ten Englishmen, viz. Captain Gabriel Towerson the Agent of the English at Amboyna, Samuel Colson Factor at Hitto, Emanuel Tomson Assistant at Amboyna, Timothy Johnson Assistant there also, John Wetheral Factor at Cambello, John Clark Assistant at Hitto, William Griggs Factor at Larica, John Fardo Steward of the house, Abel Price Chirurgeon, and Robert Brown Tailor.  
The Portugal also suffered with them: his name was Augustin Perez; he was born at Bengala.  
The names of the Japonese that suffered (if any be curious to know them) were as followeth: 

Hititso all born at Firando.  
Tsiosa all born at Firando.  
Sinsa all born at Firando.  
Sidney Migiel born at Nagansacque.  
Pedro Congee born at Nagansacque.  
Thome Corea born at Nagansacque.  
Quiandayo native of Coraets.  
Tsabinda of Tsoncketgo.  
Zanchoe of Fisien.    
Besides these, there were two other Japonese; the one named Soysimo, born at Firando; and the other Sacoube, of the same place: the former of which being tortured, confessed both to have been privy to this pretended treason, and to have offered his service unto the English, to aid them in taking of the Castle: and the latter confessed to have had knowledge of the consultation of the other Japons to this purpose. But neither of them was executed, nor so much as condemned: The reason whereof was not known to the English that were saved.  
They had prepared a cloth of black Velvet, for Captain Towersons body to fall upon; which being stained and defaced with his blood, they afterwards put to the account of the English Company.  
At the instant of the execution, there arose a great darkness, with a sudden and violent gust of wind and tempest; whereby two of the Dutch Ships, riding in the Harbour, were driven from their Anchors, and with great labour and difficulty saved from the Rocks. Within a few days after, one William Danckin, who had told the Governor, That Robert Brown, the English Tailor, had a few Months before told him, he hoped that within six Months the English should have as much to do in the Castle of Amboyna, as the Dutch: This fellow, coming upon an Evening to the Grave where the English were buried, being all (save Captain Towerson) in one pit, fell down upon the Grave; and having lain there a while, rose up again stark mad, and so continued two or three days together, and then died. Forthwith also fell a new sickness at Amboyna, which swept away about a thousand people Dutch and Amboyners: in the space wherein, there usually died not above thirty at other seasons. These signs were by the surviving English, referred to the confident prediction of Emanuel Tomson abovenamed, and were by the Amboyners interpreted as a token of the wrath of God for this barbarous Tyranny of the Hollanders.  
The next day after the execution, being the eight and twentieth of February, Stilo veteri, was spent in Triumph for the new General of the Dutch then proclaimed, and in public rejoicing for the deliverance from this pretended Treason. The day following, being the first of March, John Beaumont, George Sharrock, Edward Collins, and William Webber, were brought to the Governor; who told Webber, Beaumont, and Sharrock, that they were pardoned in Honour of the new General, and Collins, that he was to go to Jaccatra, there to stand to the favour of the General. So the Governor made them drink Wine with him, and courteously dismissed them: willing them to go and consult with the rest that were saved, who were fit to be placed in the several Factories. Which done, and their opinions reported to the Governor, he accordingly commanded each to his place; adding, that he would thenceforth take upon him the patronage and Government of the English Companies business. To which purpose, he had within a few days past, opened a Letter that came from the English Precedent at Jaccatra, directed to Captain Towerson; being (as he said) the first English Letter that ever he intercepted; further saying, that he was glad that he found by that Letter, that the English at Jaccatra were innocent touching this business.  
The Governor and Fiscal having thus made an end at Amboyna, dispatched themselves for Banda: where they made very diligent enquiry against Captain Welden, the English Agent there; yet found no colour nor shadow of guilt to lay hold on: but at last entertained him with courteous speeches, professing to be very glad, that they found him, as well as the English at Jaccatra, to be without suspicion of this Treason, (as they term it.) Captain Welden, perceiving the disorder and confusion of the English Companies affairs at Amboyna, by means of this dealing of the Dutch; forthwith hired a Dutch Pinnace at Banda, and passed to Amboyna: where, instantly upon his arrival, he re-called the Companies servants, sent (as before) by the Dutch Governor to the upper Factories.  
Having enquired of them, and the rest that were left at Amboyna, of the whole proceedings lately passed, he found, by the constant and agreeing relation of them all, that there was no such Treason of the English as was pretended: as also understanding what strict command the Governor had given to the surviving English, not once to talk or confer with the Country people concerning this bloody business, although the said Country people every day reproached them with Treason, and a bloody intention to have massacred the Natives, and to have ripped up the bellies of women with child, and such like stuff; wherewith the Dutch have possessed the poor Vulgar, to make the English odious unto them. The said Mr. Welden therefore finding it to sort neither with the honour, nor profit of the English Company, his Masters, to hold any longer residence in Amboyna, he took the poor remnant of the English along with him, in the said hired Pinnace for Jaccatra; whither the Governor had sent John Beaumont and Edward Collins before, as men condemned, and left to the mercy of the General,  
When this heavy news of Amboyna came to Jaccatra and the English there, the Precedent forthwith sent to the General of the Dutch, to know by what Authority the Governor of Amboyna had thus proceeded against the English, and how he and the rest of the Dutch there at Jaccatra, did approve these proceedings. The Governor returned for answer, that, The Governor of Amboyna's Authority was derived from that of the Lords States General of the United netherlands; under whom he had lawful Jurisdiction both in Criminal and Civil causes, within the district of Amboyna; further, that such proceeding was necessary against Traitors, such as the English Executed at Amboyna might appear to be by their own confessions: a Copy whereof he therewith sent to the English Precedent; who sent the same back to be Authentically certified, but received it not again.  
Hitherto hath been recited the bare and naked Narration of the Progress and passage of this action, as it is taken out of the Depositions of six several English Factors; whereof four were condemned, and the other two acquitted in this Process of Amboyna: all, since their return into England, examined upon their Oaths in the Admiralty Court. The particular of Captain Towersons, as also of Emanuel Tomsons examinations and answers, are not yet come to light, by reason that these two were kept apart from all the rest, and each alone by himself; nor any other of the English suffered to come to speak with them, except only that short Farewell, which John Beaumont took of Tomson, the morning before the Execution before mentioned. The like obscurity is yet touching the Examinations and Answers of divers of the rest that are Executed; being, during their imprisonment, so strictly looked to, and watched by the Dutch, that they might not talk together, nor mutually relate their miseries.  
But because the Hollanders defend their own proceedings by the confessions of the parties executed, acknowledging severally under their hands, that they were guilty of the pretended crime; it will not be amiss to recollect and recall unto this place, as it were unto one sum and total, certain circumstances dispersed in several parts of this Narration; whereby, as well the innocency of the English, as the unlawful proceedings against them may be manifested.  
First, Therefore it is to be remembered, that the Japons were apprehended, examined, and tortured three or four days, before the English were attached; and the same as well of their apprehension, as torture, was rise and notorious in the Town of Amboyna, and the parts adjoining. Tomsom, in this interim, and the very first day of the examination of the Japon, went to the Castle to ask leave of the Governor to land some Rice, and brought back the news with him to the English house of the cruel handling of these poor Japons. This had been Item enough to the English, if they had been guilty, to shift for themselves: whereto also they had ready means by the Curricurries or small Boats of the Amboyners, which lie along the Strand in great number, wherewith they might easily have transported themselves to Seran, to Bottom, or to Maccasser, out of the reach and Jurisdiction of the Dutch: but in that they fled not in this case, it is a very strong presumption, that they were as little privy to any treason of their own, as suspicious of any treacherous train laid for their bloods.  
In the next place let it be considered, how impossible it was for the English to achieve this pretended enterprise.  
The Castle of Amboyna is of a very great strength (as is before declared;) the Garrison therein two or three hundred men, besides as many more of their free Burghers in the Town. What their care and circumspection in all their Forts is, may appear not only by the quick Alarm they now took at the foolish question of the poor Japon, made to the Sentinel, above recited; but also by that which a little before happened at Jaccatra, where one of their Soldiers was shot to death for sleeping in the Watch.  
Durst ten English men (whereof not one a Soldier) attempt any thing upon such a strength and vigilancy? As for the assistance of the Japons, they were but ten neither, and all un-armed, as well as the English: For, as at the seizure of the English house, all the provision therein found, was but three swords, two Muskets, and half a pound of powder: so the Japons (except when they are in service of the Castle, and there armed by the Dutch) are allowed to have no Arms, but only a Catan, a kind of short sword: and it is forbidden to all the Dutch, upon great penalty, to sell any hand-gun, powder or bullets to the Japons or Amboyners. But let it be imagined, that these twenty persons English and Japons, were so desperate as to adventure the exploit; how should they be able to master the Dutch in the Castle, or to keep possession when they had gotten it? what second had they? There was neither Ship nor Pinnace of the English in the Harbour. All the rest of the Japons in the Island, were not twenty persons, and not one English more. The nearest of the rest of the English were at Banda, forty Leagues from Amboyna; and those but nine persons, all afterwards cleared by the Governor and Fiscal themselves, from all suspicion of this pretended crime, as were also the rest of the English at Jaccatra.  
On the other side, besides the strength of the Castle and Town of Amboyna, the Hollanders have three other strong Castles, well furnished with Soldiers in the same Island, and at Cambello near adjoining. They had then also in the road of Amboyna, eight Ships and Vessels, namely, the Rotterdam of 1200 Tun, the Unicorn of 300 Tun, the Freeman's Vessel of 100 Tun, the Calck of 60 Tun, Captain Gamals Junek of 40 Tun, the Flute of 300 Tun, the Amsterstam of 1400 Tun, and a small Pinnace of about 60 Tun; and all these well furnished with Men and Ammunition. It is true, that the Stories do record sundry valiant and hardy erterprises of the English Nation, and Holland is witness of some of them, yea, hath reaped the fruit of the English resolution; yet no Story, no Legend scarcely reporteth any such hardiness, either of the English or others, That so few persons, so naked of all provisions and supplies, should undertake such an adventure upon a counter-party, so well and abundantly fitted at all points.  
But let it be further granted, that they might possibly have overcome all these difficulties; yet to what end and purpose should they put themselves into such a jeopardy? They knew well enough, that it was agreed between both Companies at home, That the Forts in the Indies should remain respectively in the hands of such, as had possession of them at the date of the Treaty, Anno 1619. and that the same was ratified by the King's Majesty, and the Lords States General. They knew likewise, and all the world takes knowledge of his Majesty's Religious observation of Peace and Treaty with all his Neighbours, yea, with all the world: what reward then could these English hope for, of this their valour and danger? Certainly none other than that which is expressly provided by the Treaty itself, that is, To be punished as the disturbers of the Common Peace, and Amity of both Nations.  
But let these English men have been as foolish in this Plot as the Hollanders will have them; is it also to be imagined, that they were so graceless, as when they were condemned, and seriously admonished by the Ministers to discharge their consciences, yet then to persist in their dissimulation, being otherwise of such godly behaviour, as to spend the time in Prayer, singing of Psalms, and spiritual comforting one another, which the Dutch would have had them bestow in drinking, to drive away their sorrow? Let Colsons question to the Minister be considered: his and the rests offer and desire to receive the Sacrament, in sign and token of their innocency; their mutual ask forgiveness for their like false accusations of one another, forced by the Torture; Tomsons last farewell to Beaumont; Colsons prayer, and his writing in his Prayer-book; Fardo's farewell to Powl; also his conjuring exhortation to his fellows, to discharge their consciences, and all their answers thereunto; craving God's mercy or judgement, according to their innocency in this cause; their general and Religious profession of their innocency, as to their Countrymen, at their last parting with them; and finally, the sealing of this profession with their last breath and blood, even in the very Article of death, and in the stroke of the Executioner. What horrible and unexampled dissimulation were this? If some one or more of them had been so fearfully desperate, yet would not there one amongst ten be found to think of the judgement to come, whereunto he was then instantly summoned without Essoin, Bail, or Mainprize? What? had they hope of reprieve and life, if they kept their countenance to the last? Yet what hope had Tomson and the rest, when Captain Towersons head was off? Nay, what desire had Tomson and Clark to live, being so mangled and martyred by the Torture? They were executed one by one, and every one several took it upon his death, that he was guiltless.  
Now to blanche and smooth over all this rough and Barbarous proceeding; it is here given out, that the Governor and Fiscal found such evidence of the Plot, and dealt so evenly in the process, that they spared not their own people; having used some of their Native Hollanders, partakers of this treason, in the same manner as they did the English. But this, as well by the Relation here truly and faithfully set down, grounded upon the sworn Testimony of six credible witnesses, as also by other sufficient reports of divers, (lately come out of those parts) appeareth to be a mere tale, not once alleged by any in the Indies in many months after the Execution, but only invented and dispersed here, for a Fucus and a fair colour upon the whole cause, and to make the world believe, that the ground of this Barbarous and Tyrannous proceeding was a true crime, and not the unsatiable covetousness of the Hollanders, by this cruel treachery to gain the sole trade of the Molluccos, Banda and Amboyna, which is already become the event of this bloody process.  
To add hereunto by way of aggravation, will be needless; the fact is so full of odious and barbarous inhumanity, executed by Hollanders upon the English Nation, in a place where both lived under terms of Partnership and great amity, confirmed by a most solemn Treaty.  
Thus you have had an account of the great misery inflicted upon defenceless mortals, the English, by their fellow Creatures, yea pretended Friends and Allies, the Dutch; a misery indeed as great as their malice could invent, or cruelty pursue and practise. For 'tis too probably to be feared, by their own contrived accusations imposed upon, and extorted from the innocent Sufferers, that their cruelty reached not only to the transitory destruction of their frail bodies, but to the eternal ruin also of their immortal souls.  
A Tyranny so execrable, that Heaven would not withhold a severe and speedy Vengeance upon the Authors and Actors of it; for thereupon, First, King James and King Charles' the First, excepted those Murders from the Indempnities that passed in those times between us and the Hollanders. Secondly, a sudden Hurricane or terrible Tempest did much damage to the Dutch Ships in the Haven of Amboyna, about the very time of this horrid Execution. Thirdly, the first informer against the English, fell down as dead upon the very place where the murdered men were buried, rising again distracted, in which condition he continued till his dying day. Fourthly, in the year 1630. eighteen Dutchmen (whereof three were guilty of the Massacre at Amboyna) supping at Frankford in their way to Strasburgh, boasted how they served our Nation; which one in the company noting, and relating it to two English Captains then in the Germane Wars, whose Kindred had suffered there; the Captains laying in Ambush for the Hollanders with a Troop of Horse, took them and commanded them to prepare for death; upon which the Dutch submissively laid their Treasure at their disposal, hoping thereby to redeem their lives; but they resolutely replied, your Treasure we seek not, but you must die, for that our Countrymen and Friends you murdered at Amboyna: and so hanging up one Johnson the chief Amboynist, and giving the rest leave, by casting the Dice, to try their fate which of them should bear the News of this to Holland, they dispatched all but him, whom they sent home to relate the certainty of Divine vengeance, and assure his Countrymen, that doubtless there is a God that judgeth the Earth.  
They indeed promised before, the year 1625. but never made any suitable satisfaction for these injuries, nor restored to us any of those Islands of Spices that they had taken from us; but added to their insolences a strict Order against all free Trade to Flanders, monopolising it to themselves; and indeed wherever they have seen any advantage, by cunning, force or fraud, without any consideration of Right, League, Humanity or Religion, they have endeavoured to prosecute their designs.  
This cruelty of the Dutch against the English is much more horrible, if considered with those aggravating circumstances that attend it, for when England was newly recovered from Popery, and unsettled, when engaged in Ireland and the Countries about, when governed by a Woman, when threatened from Spain, did then relieve the distressed States, espoused their quarrel, and ventured their lives and fortunes in their cause. Yea, so great was the endearment, that they seemed but one Nation, being constantly entertained with the affection of Brethren, the love of Friends and the respects of Neighbours and Allies.  

The Cruelty of the Dutch against the Polaroons.  
POlaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was in possession of the English at the time of the Treaty, in the Year 1619. and by agreement was to remain theirs; after the Treaty came to the Indies, the Hollanders forbore the publishing thereof in the Islands of Banda, until they had taken Polaroon. But knowing that it must be restored again, according to the Treaty, they first take all courses to make the Island little or nothing worth: They demolish and deface the Buildings, transplant the Nutmeg-trees, plucking them up by the roots, and carrying them into their own Islands of Nera and Poloway, there to be planted for themselves; and, at last, find a means to dispeople the Island, and to leave it so, as the English might make no use of it worth their charge of keeping: It happened that there was a young man (the son of an Orankey, or a Gentleman in Polaroon) that had committed Felony; for which, by the Laws of his Country, he was to die; This fellow, to save his life, fled to another Island of Banda, called Rofinging, and there turned Christian: but quickly understanding, that that would not preserve him safe from punishment, he went back secretly to his own Country of Polaroon, and having lurked there a few days, took his passage for Nera, another Island where the Dutch have a Fort; and told the Dutch Governor, that the Orankeys of Polaroon had conspired to Massacre the Dutch, as well at Polaroon as at Poloway, with help of the People of Seran, that should send over thirty Curricurries for that purpose. Immediately upon this information, certain Prows or Fish-boats of the Polaroons that were fishing at Poloway were seized, and the People made Prisoners. And Command was sent by the Dutch Governor to Polaroon, that the Orankeys should come over to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter. The Priest of the Polaroons and seventy Orankeys instantly took a Prow, or small Vessel of their own, and embarked themselves for Poloway. As they were at Sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met by a Fisherboat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were apprehended, and that if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Nevertheless, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and means to make their escape to Seran, and other places safe enough from the Hollanders; yet were so confident of their Innocency, that they would needs go to Poloway to vindicate & clear themselves: Where, as soon as they were arrived, they were instantly carried Prisoners to the Castle; and, the Governor with a force of 200 Men, went forthwith for Polaroon; whence he brought all the rest of the Orankeys, and made them Prisoners in the same Castle, and presently brought them to the torture of water and fire, even in the same sort as our People were afterwards at Amboyna; only herein differing, that of those at Poloway, two were so tortured that they died in their tortures, the rest being one hundred and sixty two persons, were all upon their own forced Confessions, Condemned and Executed. The Priest when he came to the Place of Execution, spoke after this manner, in the Mallaian tongue: All ye great and small, rich and poor, black and white, look to it; we have committed no fault. And when he would have spoken more, he was taken by the hands and feet, laid along, and cut in two by the middle with a Sword: After which, the Governor caused the Wives, Children and Slaves of those of Polaroon, to be all carried out of that, and dispersed into other Islands, subject to the Dutch: by reason of which Banishment, being deprived of the Natives assistance, neither the English nor Hollanders themselves can carry on their trade so commodiously as they might have done; which shows the vigour of their malice and the insatiableness of their cruelty was such, that they had rather submit to some damage, and embrace their own loss, than let their unreasonable and savage designs pass unaccomplished.   

Some Injuries and Abuses done to the English in divers parts, either by the Order or permission of the Dutch.  
THey forced us to Trade at second hand. 1. In Ternata, under their Fort Tabuche. 2. In Motir. 3. In Tidore. 4. In Balvan, Hillo, Amboyna. 5. At Banda. 6. Poloway. 7. The Coast of Cormandel, near the Arsenal at Jaccatra. 8. Their chief places Bantham, Japan, Jamby, though we advanced them to all these places. They represented us as Pirates, and when they had done any mischief, said, they were English Men, until for our safety, we were fain to distinguish ourselves from them by the solemnity of November the 5 th' and 17 th'.  
They contrived to blow up our Warehouses; Forbade us all Commerce upon Queen Elizabeth her Death, made all Christians so odious, that the first question in those parts was, Are ye Flemings?  
They seized our Yards, Wharffs, etc. giving order to kill every English Man, that would not swear fealty to them; upon the erecting of their Fort at Banna, intending to put all English into an old Ship, and blow it up. They search and stop our Ships; give out that they are under a King: Making us pay a Custom at Bantham. They seized our Ships at Poloway, although the Island was given our King; Leading our men about the Streets with Halters about their Necks and an hour glass before them; intimating, that after that ran out they should be hanged.  
And (though the Mogul would not look on them till Sir Thomas Roe assured them they were our friends) they seized our Polaroon, 1617. Suborning the slaves to burn our Ships; loading our men with irons, dismembering some, setting others lamentably wounded, in hard Grates; wherein their legs swollen so, that they could go neither in or out without great misery; Pissing over their heads in Dungeons every Morning, and allowing them but a halfpenny loaf and a pint of water a day.  
It was proved at Jaccatra, that the States were seven years plotting a War between the English and the Dutch at the Indies, threatening likewise to land sixty thousand men in twenty four thousand flat-boats in England.  
They carried us in Cages from Port to Port, boasting that our King was their Vassal.  
Though we assisted them between the years, 1577. and 1625. in their Indian trade, so that they got 1500 Tuns of Gold in private hands; besides 400 in common; How did they use us in Amboyna?  
They disputed our Right to the Sea, stopped our entrance to, and Trade at Bantham, Scanderoon, Guinee, Angola, etc. Burned our Factories at Jambee.  
They surprised us at Guinee, abused us in the restoring of the Island Polaroon, which they have promised from time to time, since 1622. They would needs, forsooth, give us Law in the New Neither Lands, which is but a spot of ground they held of us by courtesy.  
They put our men in nasty Dungeons in Castle-delmina, to lie in their own Excrements, having not bread and water enough to sustain Nature; leaving the living and the dead (after exquisite tortures) to lie together. These injuries (with infinite more of the like nature, to the value of 600000 l. in Goods) being aggravated with their preparations for War to maintain them, even when his Majesty solicited them to Justice and Peace, will make it evident to the world, that, War (which being defined, the State of two parties contending by public force about Right and Wrong) is become necessary to us, since equity is denied, and we are so long eluded of due satisfaction for those many injuries we have so frequently sustained by them. Their unworthiness and impiety is very heinous toward Heathens, much more towards Christians, and most of all towards the English, who have been their chief promoters, continual Patrons and greatest Agents under Heaven of raising them to that height and mightiness they are now arrived at. And lastly, I shall refer the Reader to his Majesty's Royal Declaration, from all which any competent judge may gather, Reasons many and weighty enough why his offended Majesty of Great Britain no longer delays to vindicate his own Sovereignty and People's Rights, whom God long preserve in honour and safety and give him victory over all his Enemies.   

The Perfidy and Treacherousness of the Dutch with all Nations in general.  
IF the Treachery of the Dutch had extended and spread itself no further than the English Nation, they would at least pretend that we were partial and unjust in our accusations; But to prevent that scandal, a cloud of witnesses may be produced to back and second our Testimony; for there's scarce any Nation whom they have traded with, but are in some measure sensible of their false dealings, and can experimentally attest their perfidious transactions.  
In the Year 1630. the Dutch entered into a league Offensive and Defensive, with Lewis the 13 th' of France, upon condition he would make no Peace with Spain without them; Notwithstanding which, they endeavoured a truce with Spain, without either his advice or consent; as appeared (by several passages of underhand dealings of the Dutch with the Spaniards) in a complaint made by the French Ambassador to the States.  
Yea, when another League Offensive and Defensive was concluded, Feb. 8. 1635. between France and Holland, and a War with Spain commenced thereupon, the Dutch went so far underhand in promoting and procuring a Peace with the Spaniards, that their Attorney General Musch was dispatched to Don Martin Axpe, the King of Spain's Secretary, about a Treaty, though they denied it to the King of France, who notwithstanding had intimation of it, and thereupon told my Lord Paw their Ambassador, that these secret proceedings did contradict their solemn Treaty, and differed much from the Justice he had showed toward them. The same League being continued from 1636. to 1642. in the year 1640 they treat again with the Spaniard, contrary to the League with the French; that intimated their Nonability to Treat with Spain without the Concurrence of his Majesty of France. Yea, a Peace was Negotiated and managed by several Letters intercepted to the Conned. Pinneranda, and showed the States by the French Ambassador at the Hague, at the very same time, when 12000 French ventured their Lives and Fortunes for them against Dunkirk and Flanders, which Peace was concluded at Munster, though confessed by Heer Van Nederhurst, one of the Plenipotentiaries there, to be contrary to the agreement between France and Them, and so manifested by a Declaration of the King of France.  
They that durst deal thus with the French, think they may presume to deal worse with the Portugals, with whom when they revolted from Spain, as they had done before; they entered into a firm League at Lisbon, and the Hague, 1640. with mutual clearness (as to outward appearance) on both sides. But, see the Craft of these People! They insert in their Articles of Peace, that it should not begin beyond the Line, till a year after: In the mean time, advising their Men at Brazil, and elsewhere to take all they could get from the Portugeze, as they did, Angola, Malacca and Brazil.  
Ambassadors were sent from Portugal to demand these places: The Hollanders produced the said clause of the Truce, which was all the Portugeze could get of them; for, said they, there is no wrong done, in regard in that clause it is said, That each side should hold and keep what he can take, and in such a Time.  
Whereupon, The Portugal Ambassador said to them, very well, That it must be understood, Bona Fide, Viz. That which should be taken, without having any knowledge of the Truce.  
Neither have they been more faithful to the Swedes, when they engaged to assist them against the Danes, and in the midst of their Service deserted them, making Conditions of Peace for themselves and retiring.  
And the King of Spain hath also had sufficient experience and proof of their perfidiousness, from whose Government they first revolt, and afterward unworthily Treat him.  
There is yet another Testimony, Their dealings with the King of Macassar; which story whoever peruseth and censures with an unbiased judgement, must from thence necessarily gather their huge ingratitude and injustice.   

Their perfidious dealing with the King of Macassar.  
THe Dutch by virtue of their late success against the K. of Macassar in the Isle of Chaelebes, made the said King to sign an Article suddenly, for banishing all the Portugezes and English, out of his Territories, and never from thence forward to admit them, or any of their Adherents to drive any Negotiations, or Trade under the Government of the Macassars, The occasion of the War and the sum of the story is as followeth.  
The East-India Company, who for divers years have had in design, the engrossing the whole Trade of Spice, etc. into their own hands, did in order thereunto engage one of the Princes of Macassar (that hath vast quantities of Cloves growing on Islands in his own Territories, and in places unknown to the Dutch) to Trade only with the Merchants belonging to the East-India Company of the Netherlands, which the said Prince (who is Brother in-law to the King of Macassar, and is himself King of Ternate) did consent to, on Conditions following, Viz.  
That the General of India, Governing the said Company, or his Successors, or some person or persons by him or them deputed, shall well and truly pay, unto the said King of Ternate, his Heirs or Assigns every year, the just sum of 25 thousand Crowns, for prohibiting his Subject's Trading with any other Nation, particularly are mentioned the English and Portugezes. This contract was for some years strictly observed on both sides, but Anno 1658, 1659., and 1660. The Governor General of India for the said Company, John Maetsuycker and his Counsel, sent not the sum of Money to the said King of Ternate, agreed upon (and yet demanded the excluding of all others but themselves of trading with his Subjects) but instead thereof presented the said Prince with several rarities of Europe, upon which the King of Ternate Complains to his Brother, the King of Macassar, advising with him what was the most prudent course for him to take in that affair.  
Adding that if the Dutch performed their Contract, he had not half the Advantage he could have, by permitting a free Trade to all Nations Negotiating into those parts:  
The King declared that his Brother had no reason to take any notice of the said Contract with the Netherlandish East India Company, and adviseth him to publish a free Commerce with the English, Portugezes, or any other; not excluding the Netherlanders, promising the King of Ternate, that if the said East-India Company should be unreasonable to resent it so, as to make a War upon a point wherein themselves were only to blame, he would assist his Brother in the just defence of his rights to the utmost of his power.  
For prevention of this free-Market, the General and his Council, in the year 1660. abetted a Prince, by name Radia Palacca, in the Kingdom of Macassar, against his Sovereign, and backed the pretensions of the said Prince with an Army, under the Command of John Van Dam, (afterwards Governor of Amboyna and Banda) and possessed themselves of many Towns and Villages, and one strong Castle; but this small Conquest was soon vanquished by the powerful Arms of the King of Macassar.  
The Prince fled out of his Country, and, soon after the Dutch East-India Company quitted their Castle and other Holds they had possessed themselves of, in the name and right of the said Prince, on Conditions following.  
First, That the Netherlanders should never aid, abet, or assist any the Subjects of the King of Macassar or his lawful Successors against their Sovereign.  
Secondly, That the 25000 Dollars or Crowns formerly Covenanted, to be yearly paid to the King of Ternate, by the General for the East-India Company should be paid, Bona Fide, without fraud or covin. As also that the King of Macassar should receive a considerable sum of Money, well and truly paid to him, for the charge he had been at in levying an Army by the said East-India Companies Officers residing at Batavia, (the certain sum is not known) besides a yearly Pension.  
Upon these Conditions, The King of Macassar and King of Ternate engaged they would Trade in the Spicery of Cloves, only with the East-India Company of the Netherlands.  
But the aforesaid revolted Prince which is called Radia Palacca, the King of Bougeroons or Bougis', was not to enjoy any of his Territories or Dominions, but it was consented to by the King of Macassar, that he might reside in Batavia, or other the Holds of the Netherlandish East-India Company: And, in the process of the story, he kept his Court at Batavia, receiving an honourable allowance from the said Companies General, and had respect according to his Quality.  
Soon after the Conclusion of this Peace, The East-India Company received in all points the former privileges they had enjoyed from the King of Ternate, having entirely the Trade of the Cloves, the utmost of their Compact.  
But the Dutch in the year 1663., sent the Kings instead of the yearly sum agreed upon, the third part of the value in Presents, which the Kings of Macassar and Ternate perceiving, resolved to make the best Market of their Spice they could with the English and Portugezes; The Netherlanders having now a second time broke their Contract with them, and resenting the Injustice of the Dutch so high, that they threattned to cut off all the netherlands Merchants in the Territory of Macassar, the Consul or chief of whom, was Abraham Verspreet.  
The News of this arriving at Batavia, the General Maetsuycker dispatched the Ship Nightingale under the Command of one Jart Backer with a great present, but to stand upon his Guard. In order hereunto, he departed in the latter end of Octob. 1666 from Batavia, and arrived at Macassar the 12 th' of Decemb. following, but went in with his fight Sails only abroad, but yet pretended all peace and satisfaction imagineable, earnestly desiring a free trade, or liberty to bring off the Netherlanders. The King of Macassar refused all trade, but not the people's departure, unless he would deliver to his Officer the Rudder of his Ship, for his assurance, that they should trade for nothing without his consent, and paying such duties as belonged to him. To this, the Merchants on Shore consented, but the Commander of the Ship utterly refused to send the Rudder, answering, he would keep the Rudder fast to his Ship, as long as he could; with much ado at length, they fixed a present upon the King of Macassar, which he accepting, the Netherlanders began to expect an accommodation of all things, and the Nightingale, and Lioness proceeded on their Voyage, the Nightingale for Amboyna and Banda, the Lioness for Amboyna only, who was shipwrecked in her Voyage on an Island belonging to the King of Macassar.  
The Macassars saved abundance of goods, which they restored to the owners, only detained such small part, as in right (according to the custom of the place) belonged to their King, and that would upon reasonable terms satisfy them for their labour in preserving the goods: Upon this the Netherlanders begin to threaten the Macassars, which the King resented very high, upon which the Chief of the Company in that place fled with his wife and Children, but Cornelius Knight of Alemar, second man of the Company, who stayed to execute his charge, was put to the sword with all the Netherlanders that stayed with him; this happened in the year, 1665.  
The Company to be avenged of this affront, set out the Heer Cornelius Speelman, with what Land and Sea sources they thought necessary, and with them went the Malcontented Prince, Radia Palacca King of Bougis and his Allies, who have very much contributed to the Victory mentioned in this following brief Narrative.  
In November 1666. Admiral Cornelius Speelman sailed out of the Bay of Batavia, with 13 Ships extraordinarily manned, and about the 20 th' of December arrived before the City of Macassar, putting out the red flag, afterwards he Steered into the Bay of Turnate, and on the 23d. of December, burned 10 Villages, with much Paddy and Rice, and a new man of War, and brought off 14 Prisoners and 14 Heads.  
On the 24 th' he arrived before Bonteyn, landed 10 Companies, burned 30 Towns 100 Ships, and 3000 Last of Rice and Paddy, and this happened in the Macassars Magazine.  
December 31. He sailed towards Bouton, a place belonging to Radia Palacca, and found it besieged by the Macassars, with an Army of 10000 men, and about 450 great and small Ships; here he landed and burnt 60 of their Vessels, and many of the People running away into Radia Palacca: The Macassars seeing their power weakened, broke up in the night, and set the place of their Camp on fire.  
January 3. Three Principal Commanders of the Macassars Army, with 5500 able men, submitted themselves to the East India Company; and being disarmed, were set upon in an Island between Boughton and Pontisiana, whereof 400 were made Slaves.  
In the interim 5000 Bougis were run over from the Macassar to Radia Palacca with 86 Prows, so that with some stragglers, there fell 11000 into the hands of the Company and 4000 Last of Rice.  
With this success, the Admiral sailed to the Eastern Provinces, and having settled things there, returned the 8th of June from Amboyna, with 16. Ships, and 14 Shallops, whereof 4 were from the King of Ternate. The Admiral afterwards coming near to Bontoin, found it strongly fortified and guarded with 6000 Macassars, and after several hot encounters, burned all with little damage. After this, their Admiral set sail to Macassar, where on the 19 th' of July, they shot Briskly from the Kings Fort. Afterwards happened divers hot skirmishes, and then the Bonnese Army which came from Turata, consisting of 6000 men, landed with the Dutch before Glisson, besides these there were about 7000 Bougis and 3000 Ternatanes, and the King of Macassars Forces were about 20000. With which Army they fell upon Glisson, and after many desperate encounters, it was taken by Radia Palacca and the Admiral's party, by casting many hand Granado's and Fire-pots into their Forts: Afterwards the Enemy fled, and after several Encounters, where the Macassars had the worst, the City of Sambouca was besieged, and on the 24 th' of June, the Wall thereof blown up, which made the King of Macassar retire into the Land, and keep his Principal Residence at Goa. Where, being in want of all things, was forced to desire a Peace with the Dutch, which they granted upon such terms as they pleased themselves: Whereby all Forts towards the Sea, but such as the Dutch please to possess, shall be demolished; The most considerable and best part of the Land made theirs, to Plant, and themselves freed from all Customs for the future, with several sums and fealties to be paid to them for the present Peace.  
I shall now only add one instance or two, which will declare the demeanour of the Dutch in Japan, and then conclude with a brief rehearsal and bare recapitulation of some injuries and abuses they have done to the English.  
In the Year 1640. The Dutch make their addresses to Caesar, the chief Governor of the Japonians, and with all possible acknowledgements submissively petition him to grant them the privilege of building a house, wherein they pretended to dispose of, and lay up their Merchandise, and also to have the Governor and Members of their Society inhabit; which being once obtained, they not only raise up a sumptuous and beautiful building for habitation, but so strongly fortify it, and in so convenient a Situation, that they seem to out brave and threaten the Japonians; and will they, nill they, to maintain their Residence there; so that now they have confidence enough to monopolise all Wares, and put them off to the Japonians at what rate they list: But their subtle contrivances being brought under suspicion, were quickly discovered, and their towering ambition unexpectedly laid in the dust; for the Governor forthwith sent to them a great Band of Soldiers, with a Command, that they should either demolish their new petty Babel, or be immediately put all to the Sword; but self-interest soon prompted them what they should do, therefore (though unwillingly) yet with a seeming cheerfulness they obey the Governors gracious command, and most busily ply them to their new imposed task, laying waist that which they did so much pride themselves in and were at so great charge to get accomplished. And ever after their actions were more narrowly observed, and the Japonians claimed the privilege of paying them in their own Coin, to wit, monopolising all merchandise, and imposing it on them at their own price. Thus you see the just recompense of ingratitude.  
But further, The Dutch seem to be a people wholly addicted to secular Interest, choosing rather to enjoy their lives and profits, than hazard either in propagating the Christian Religion; for the Laws of the Japonian Kingdom being very strict and severe against Christians, whereby they are frequently persecuted and meet with grievous and lamentable tortures, to the end they may deny their Faith; the Dutch have not been observed at all to endeavour the promoting the Gospel's publication, but rather submitted to Heathenish dictates, so, that they may live without trouble and molestation, than quit their Trade, and be deprived of their so sweet and delicious worldly gains.  
And thus you have a brief account of the deportment of the Dutch in Foreign Parts, which sufficiently demonstrates their ingratitude and injustice to those they have had Commerce with.  
But their indignities to the English exceed all in number and quality, which the time would fail to recapitulate, how they solicited our Queen, and yet covertly applied themselves to the French King: How they promised us Free Trade, yet stopped our Ships: How they borrowed our Money to buy a Peace with Spain: How they admitted our Ambassadors to their supreme Senate, yet because they should not understand all debates, they presently set up a secret Council: How they entreated the Queen to send over the Earl of Leicester, yet abused him so far, that he quitted their unworthy Country, and left behind him a Medal whereon there was engraven, a Dog and a Flock of Sheep, with this Motto, Non oves sed Ingratos.  
How they depended on our Field-Officers, and yet raised jealousies amongst them one against another. How they delivered us the Caution Towns we had taken, yet were never quiet till we had trucked for them: How they owned King James their Protector, yet set up a blasphemous Reader (I mean Vorstius) in Competition with him: What earnestness they used to dissuade him from Alliance with Spain when they had a Correspondent there.  
How they complemented King Charles the First (of blessed Memory) when they disputed his right to his own Seas: How they protest their obligations to him, yet cheat us of the Impost upon their Herring-Fishing, and presume to fight with Oquendo the Spanish Admiral in our very Havens: How they had their Agents here during our Civil War, under pretence of Mediating our Peace, observing the Advantages they could make of our War.  
How affectionately they there embraced the King's Interest, and yet how suspiciously their Ambassadors faulter'd about his Death.  
How zealously they espoused his Majesty's Interest that now is, while hopeful, 1649, 1650, 1651, 1652. (for a pretence to hide their design of quitting the Homage they owed to England and engrossing its Trade) and when that was done, how cunningly they deserted it, from 1653, to 1660. How eager they were to entertain his Majesty (though not till they had assurance of his Restauration) and yet how kind to his excellent Sister and her Son.  
How instant for Peace at White-Hall, and yet how unreasonable in their Usurpations, Piracies, Depredations and Surprises in Africa and America? How ready to deliver the Pepper Islands, and what pretence from year to year to keep them: How earnest in soliciting a War with the Turks in Algiers, yet how treacherous in deserting it: For having gotten the Royal assurance for their Aid, Sir John Lawson was appointed to attend their Service, and the Interest of Christendom, but then they most perfidiously fell off without any notice of their departure, and made as fast as they could for Guiny to fight against his Majesty's Subjects there, whilst his Subjects assisted them in the straits. How importunate in their Addresses for Peace, yet how diligent in their Preparations for War: How ready to make satisfaction for Old Injuries, when in the mean time they offer New Ones: How respectful to his Majesty in their Embassies, yet how abusive of his Person, Government and Relations, in their Licenced Libels and Pictures; what Civility, what Kindness pretended, yet how barbarous to our Prisoners at home, how severe to our Merchants abroad. Thus you have had some hints of the base and unworthy actings of the Dutch, whose several branches would admit their respective aggravations, but that is left to the impartial and judicious examiner of each cause, for I never intended to clothe the Relation with Burlesque or Raillery, but rather chose to publish the truth in its most becoming attire, brevity and perspicuity.  
Thus have I given you an exiguous draught of our ignoble and ill natured Neighbours the Netherlanders, of whom, an ingenious Jocalist gives this description, That they rob God of his Honour, The King of his due; The Fishes of their Quarters; and burn up the earth before the day of Judgement.  
The Learned sort of Readers who would be further satisfied, may peruse these Pages in Varenius his History, where they may find these Passages.  
In the Island of Japan, The Dutch having leave to build a Aware house, made it a strong Castle against the King, p. 194.  
Of 400000 Christians there massacred, the Dutch were the Occasion. p. 212.  
And for obtaining of Trade, do dissemble all show of Christianity, p. 208.  
This Varenius was a Physician of their own Country, An excellent Geographer, who walking out in Holland to take the Air, never returned again, perchance being made away for discovering the iniquity of his Countrymen.  
The next Royal Author I refer ye to, is the King, in His Majesty's Declaration published in 1672. Where, If you can peruse it with unbiased Judgement, you will find Provocations and Indignities too great, too manifest and too manifold for a Prince to pardon with respect to his own Sovereignty and his People's safety: Whom the God of Hosts prosper in these his hostile designs both by Sea and Land, and Crown all his Royal undertake with Honour and Victory.  
Finis.