THE LOYALTY OF THE LAST Long Parliament: OR, A LETTER TO AN English Gentleman AT FLORENCE.  
SHOWING, That the late Parliaments (Addressed against) did not so much Entrench on the PREROGATIVE, as that of XVIII YEARS Continuance, of whom His Majesty said, NEVER any KING was so happy in a House of Commons, as I in this.— King's ANSWER, 20 Febr. 1663.  
LONDON Printed for Francis Smith, Senior. 1681.   

THE LOYALTY OF THE LAST Long Parliament, And their APPROVERS; In a LETTER to an English Gentleman at Florence.  
SIR,  
I Received yours of Sept. 1. Stilo Novo, wherein you are pleased to discover to me your Sentiments concerning the state of the Parties among us, and the division of Minds about public Affairs; whence I readily perceive how obnoxious you that live in Popish Countries, are to Misinformations and False-conceptions of the state of your own Country: For whilst you take your Measures either from public Prints, or private Letters, written either by the Popish or Yorkian Party, (and such are all that are brought over and entertained by the Men of Intelligence where you are;) You are altogether as unable to give a right Judgement, as he that determines a Cause having heard only one Party.  
Hence it is, you imagine that we here are now again divided in our Minds and Actings relating to Government, just as we were forty years ago, and that they are the same Men, or those that succeed in the same Principles, that are now prosecuting the same Ends, even the alteration of Government both in Church and State, and instead of Episcopacy and Monarchy, to introduce Presbytery and Democracy. Indeed it cannot be wondered that you who have lived so many years out of your own Country amongst strangers, should harbour such conceits, when even here (where men have such plentiful means of true Information) the Popish and Mercenary Agents working upon Prejudice in some, Malice, Envy and Revenge in others; Jealousy in one sort, and affectation of Prudence in another: Prevail with many to forget Coleman's Letters, Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Murder, and the Trial of my Lord Stafford, much more the dreadful Burning of London; the the two Armies, one of 73, the other of 78. The Declaration of Indulgence, the Popish Designs of Clifford, the Impeachment of Danby, and the Popish Lords by divers Parliaments; the many Sham-plots, especially that discovered by Dangerfield, or the Meal-tub Plot; the Subornation of Witnesses to take away the Life of the Duke of Buckingham, and Dr. Oates by odious Accusations; the Assassination of Justice Arnold, and Attempts to corrupt Bedlow, and others: not to speak of the Trial and Judgement given and executed upon Coleman, and upon Godfrey's Murderers, and upon the Jesuits; and many other things, which demonstratively prove the Plot of introducing Popery and Slavery into these Nations, or in Coleman's own phrase, Of utter subduing a pestilent Heresy, etc. And according to my Lord D. of Governing without a Parliament. It cannot be wondered at, I say, that such as you should falsely conceive of the State of these Kingdoms: But if you will have the patience to look a little back upon some few things that are past, and compare them with things present, you will easily perceive that it is not some factious men of Commonwealth Principles, nor the Clamours of Non-conformists against Popery and Arbitrariness, that forms the discontented and aggrieved People among us, but it is in truth the old and loyal Friends of the KING, RELIGION and GOVERNMENT of England; such as assisted His Majesty and his Royal Father in their Wars and Counsels, and the Successors and Adherents of such who constitute the Bulk of the substantial Men and Protestants in the Nation, with whom the Dissenters join and fall in. These are the men who for these nine or ten years' last passed, have seen and set themselves against the Popish and Arbitrary Designs carried on by Cabal Counsels and Parasites. Indeed the Discovery of the horrid Popish Plot and Treasons did open the eyes of many, who would not see these mischievous Designs till they had a Meridian Light.  
That this is the Naked Truth, will appear plainly to you, if you consider, with what earnest desire, joy and applause, His Majestry was restored to his Crown; was ever any people so transported with Joy and Triumph as the people of England? Insomuch, that even those who where obnoxious to, and suffered Capital Punishments afterwards, were lulled into a hope of Impunity by the universal Congratulation. Then as soon as might be, was the King's Long Parliament called, whilst the people was in this passion, and they chose (to be sure) those especially whom they apprehended most grateful to the King and his Prerogative, and most averse to the Principles and Practices of foregoing times. This appeared in all the Votes, Addresses, and Bills of that Parliament for many years; wherein they set themselves with all their skill to assert the King's Power and Authority against Parliamentary Pretensions, and had almost raised his Revenue to such a prodigious height, that he should never need Supplies from his People. They were so fully addicted to please the King, that he 
Answ. 20 Fe● 1663.  says, Never any King was so happy in a House of Commons, as He in this. And surely he judged aright concerning them, if the King's happiness consist in the Parliaments Concurrence with Cabinet Dictates.  
Notwithstanding the Gentlemen of this House began, after the dreadful Burning of London, (which to a Committee of their House was proved by many shrewd Evidences, to be done by contrivance of the Papists) to make Addresses against the Papists to repress their Insolences. But in the Year 1672, after the Plotters had procured the Exchequer to be shut up, and the Properties of many Thousands of the People in it, and that the Triple League (which cost the people so great Sums of Money in favour of it) was dissolved, and a War against Holland in Conjunction with France was commenced; and the penal Laws against Papists and Dissenters dispensed with by Declaration: the Commons in Parliament saw clearly which way they were driving, and therefore as soon as they were permitted to sit, Addressed the King against that Declaration of Indulgence, informing Him, That penal Statutes in matters Ecclesiastical, cannot be suspended but by Act of Parliament. And though 
●●br. 4. ●672.  His Majesty tell them in answer, That they question His Power in ecclesiastics, which he finds not done in the Reign of any of his Ancestors: Yet they reply, That his Majesty hath been very much misinformed, since no such Power was ever claimed or exercised by any of his Predecessors. In fine, His Majesty was induced to cancel that Declaration, and declare it should be no Precedent for the future.  
Hereupon I would gladly ask our Boasters of Loyalty, and Exclaimers against the late Parliaments, (excepting open and secret Papists, for whose Interest this Indulgence was procured) whether they approved of what the King did, or of what the Parliament did in this Affair. If of the Declaration, than they had the Presbyterians and Dissenters in General on their sides, owning the Prerogative by taking Licences for exerciseing Worship and Religion contrary to Law: if they did not approve of the Declaration, but of the Address, then let them acknowledge that at this turn, the Dissenters were more Loyal (as they call it) and greater Adorers of Prerogative than themselves, and that it is not the King's Prerogative which these love, but their own Malignity, and the Prerogative for the sake of that; so that if the King should use his Prerogative contrary to their minds, they would be as much against it as now they are for it: Judge they as they will concerning it, it's a plain Case, that the Parliament, which sprang out of the most Ardent Affection that ever was in a People towards their Prince, and out of the greatest Detestation of Republican Principles, yet resolved that the King was deceived by his Cabal Councillors in a matter, which in the direct consequence of it tended to the interrupting the free course of the Laws, and altering the Legislative Power. And since the discovery of Coleman's Letters, I think there's none doubts but that Indulgence was the effect of Popish Councils; and the Papists were the Persons who designed the greatest advantage to their cause by it, If any Favour was intended for Dissenters by it, it's strange that His Majesty should not pass a Bill for Nulling of the Rigorous Act of the thirty five of Queen Elizabeth, when it had already past both Houses of Parliament.  
In the same Session of Parliament it was, that the Parliament passed a Bill for imposing a Test against Popery upon all that should bear any Office Civil or Military in the Kingdom, which the Duke of York submitting to, had his Commission of High Admiral vacated, but his Advice and Influence still vigorous. By this means also my Lord Clifford was discovered to be Popish, and quitted his High Office of Lord Treasurer and great Minister of State. Was it not high time for those in Parliament that had any love to their Religion and Government, to look about 'em? Or was it saucily done for the Parliament to concern themselves with the King's Councillors, and find fault with their managment? Nay, they proceeded so far in the next Session, as to Address against the consummation of the Marriage between his Royal Highness and the Duchess of Modena (which was already done by Proxy) because she was a Papist. And after they had received one Answer from his Majesty in this matter, The Commons in Parliament proceed to give their reasons against it, praying him to relieve his Subjects from those fears and apprehensions which at present they lie under, from the Progress made in that Treaty— That for another Age at the least, this Kingdom will be under continual Apprehensions of the GROWTH of POPERY. And the danger of the 
Octo. 31. 1673.  Protestant Religion. Here we see that the language of fears and apprehensions of the Growth of Popery, and danger of Protestantism, is as well the language of the King's happiest Parliament, that ever was, as of the unhappiest Parliament of Forty One.  
Three days after this, they Address to his Majesty for a General Fast, and that upon these Grounds, (viz.) Being passionately sensible of the Calamitous condition of this Kingdom, not only by reason of the War (which was then managed against the Dutch) wherein it is at present involved, but many other intestine differences and divisions amongst us, which are chief occasioned by the undermining contrivances of Popish Recusants, whose numbers and insolences are greatly of late increased, and whose restless practices threaten a Subversion both of Church and State. What is the difference now between this Seventy Three Parliament, and that of Forty One.  
Feb. 7. Following, they show there resentment of the Black-heath Army, and resolve, That the continuing of any standing forces in this Nation, other than the Militia, is a great grievance and vexation to the People. What? This Loyal Parliament talk of grievances and vexation to the People in the King's management of his Prerogative.  
This House of Commons (as well as some that have been since) take upon them to pray the King to remove some of his Great Councillors from his Presence and their Public Employments. But their Address against Duke Lauderdale, Feb. 23. 75. is very remarkable, both for the matter and language of it; for thus they say — Though we have great cause to rest assured of the continuance of your Majesty's Gracious Disposition towards us, yet we find upon a serious examination of the State of this Kingdom, that there is a great jealousy arisen from some State-proceeding in the Hearts of your Subjects; That some Persons in great employment under your Majesty have fomented designs, contrary to the Interest of your Majesty and People, intending to deprive us of our ancient Rights and Liberties, that thereby they might the more easily introduce the Popish Religion, and an ARBITRARY Form of GOVERNMENT, to the Ruin and Destruction of the whole Kingdom. Here's a Charge with a Witness: all the worst of Forty one Forms of Declaiming against the Government. This is the General Charge; let's hear the Particular — The said Duke of Lauderdale did Publicly affirm in the Presence of your Majesty sitting in Council; And before divers of your Majesty's Subjects then attending, that your Majesty's Edicts ought to be obeyed, for your Majesty's Edicts are equal with Laws, and aught to be observed in the first place. Thereby justifying the said Declaration [of 15 March, 71.] and the proceed thereupon, and declaring his Inclinations to Arbitrary Counsels, in terror of your Majesty's good Subjects. They conclude thus; We do therefore in all humility implore your Sacred Majesty— That for the ease of the hearts of your people, who are possessed with extreme grief and sorrow to see your Majesty thus ABUSED, and the Kingdom endangered; That your Majesty would graciously be pleased to remove the said Duke of Lauderdale from all his Employments, etc. Is not this Writing after the 41 Copy? Is not this striking at His Majesty and the Government through his Ministers sides? What! that House of Commons tell His Majesty he is abused, and the Kingdom endangered, which was chosen, and nourished, and indulged for 18 years together, to be an ensample to all succeeding Parliaments.  
But to proceed in His Majesty's Answer to their Address of the 20, or 26th of May, 77. advising him to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive with the States against France: He tells them, How highly he was offended at that great invasion of his Prerogative. And in His Majesty's Answer to their Address of Jan. 31, he reminds them of it: But (says He) you take no notice of it, but on the contrary, add to your former ill Conduct, new Invasions equally offensive to His Majesty's Authority, as contrary to His (and He thinks) most other men's judgements. Unhappy House of Commons now, how ever happy heretofore, thus to interfere with His Majesty's Authority and Judgement too.  
This sharp Answer and Reproof bears date 4th of Febr. 77. but in March following the Parliament having prepared a Poll-Bill for furnishing His Majesty with money, for entering into an actual War against the French King, His Majesty past that Bill, March 20. Thus with great vigour and animosity, to the universal joy of the whole Nation, Drums were beat up, and all preparations made for the War, and a bitter Book, entitled, Christianissimus christianandus, published by Allowance, against the French; but the Conspiritors at Court intended no such thing, for the than Lord Treasurer's Letter to Mr. Montague then Ambassador in the French Court, bears date 5 days after, viz. Mar. 25. wherein he gives him directions for proposing Conditions of Peace between the King and ours with the Confederates, and such as for which (says he) the King expects to have six Millions of Livers yearly for three years— because (he adds) it will be two or three years before he can hope to find his Parliament in humour to give him supplies, after the having made any Peace with France. This I take notice of, to let you see, Sir, how different Sentiments and Designs that Prerogative Parliament and the great Ministers had in the transacting of State-matters. But before this Letter was discovered, the Commons in their Address of May, 10, 78. did deeply resent the Councils the King took in these Affairs. ‛ For they tell his Majesty, that the refusing of their advice [given the 26 of May before, and reiterated the 31 of January ensuing] and dismissing the Parliament in May last, was the occasion of these ill Consequences, which have since succeeded both at home and abroad. All which have arisen from those misrepresentations (say they) of our proceedingsses which have been suggested to your Majesty by some particular persons in a Clandestine way, without the Participation and Advice, as we conceive, of your Council-board, as though we had invaded upon your Majesty's Prerogative of making Peace and War: Whereas we did only, etc. upon which Grounds your Majesty was induced to give us such Answers, to those two Addresses rejecting our advice, as thereby your Majesty's good Subjects have been infinitely discouraged, and the State of your Majesty's Affairs reduced to a most deplorable condition. We do therefore most humbly desire, that for the good and safety of this Kingdom and the satisfaction of your Subjects, your Majesty would Graciously be pleased to remove those Councillors, &c,  
These things were done and said by this Parliament, even before the discovery of the horrid Popish Plot, and Treasons. For how vigorously they acted after that discovery in the Prosecution of Coleman, the Jesuits and Godfrey's Murderers, in the Impeachment of the Popish Lords and Danby, for High Treason, in throwing out the Popish Lords from sitting in the Lord's House, and other matters, (for which they were subjected to an Honourable Death or Dissolution) I shall not need to mention, because they are fresh in every one's memory: One thing of an elder date I will call to mind, wherein the temper of that House against Popish and Arbitrary designs, does notably appear it was their rejecting of two Bills passed in the House of Lords, and sent down to the Commons, The one was tituled, An Act for the more effectual Conviction and Prosecution of Popish Recusants; which they rejected with great contempt, for being ready to put the question for throwing it out, it was moved they should stop a while to see if any Member of their House had the face to speak for it. It appearing so evidently to them that this Bill tended directly contrary to its Title. The other Bill was to be An Act for further securing of the Protestant Religion, by Educating the Children of the Royal Family therein, and for the providing for the continuance of a Protestant Clergy. In this Bill there was a Test to be presented to every future King and Queen of this Realm against Popery. A fine Project, which clearly implied, that any King or Queen in future may be a Papist, and then the security of the Protestant Religion, etc. was to lie in this Paper-Statute, Maugre all the Wit, Policy, Craft, Power, secret and open violence of all Jesuits, and Papists with the Crown of England on their sides. But the Commons rejecting this, did not only show disaffection to Popish Cabal Councils, but also their judgement in seeing into the malice of those contrivancies, that had already over reached the House of Peers with the Bishops in it, and that in the great concern of Religion their proper Province.  
But because the Impeachment of the Earl of Danby, is a full discovery of the sense of that House touching Court Councils and Actions, give me leave to mind you of it more particularly.  
The first Article saith, That he hath Traitorously encroacht to himself Royal Power, by treating in matters of Peace and War with Foreign Ministers, etc. against the Express Declaration of His Majesty and His Parliament, etc. For when the King at the instance of the Parliament, had made provision for War, had raised an Army, and money for that end. Then did he treat of peace with the French Ministers, and with the French King by the English Ambassador, as aforesaid.  
The second Article, That he hath Traitorously endeavoured to subvert the ancient and well established Form of Government in this Kingdom, and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical way of Government, and the better to effect this His purpose he did design the raising of an Army, upon pretence of a War against the French King; and to continue the same as a standing Army within this Kingdom: And misemployed the money given for the disbanding of that Army to the continuance of it.  
3. Article, That he Traitorously intending to hinder the Meetings of Parliaments, and to deprive His Majesty of their Council, and thereby to alter the constitution of the Government, did negotiate a Peace for the French King— for the doing whereof he endeavoured to procure a great sum of money of him; for the carrying on his Traitorous designs.  
4. Article, That he is Popishly affected, and hath Traitorously concealed the late horrid Popish Plot— and hath suppressed the Evidence, and reproachfully discountenanced the King's Witnesses, etc.  
5. Article, That he hath wasted the King's Treasure, by issuing out of His Majesty's Exchequer — for unnecessary Pensions and secret services, to the value of 231602. l. within two years, etc.  
6. Article, That he hath by indirect means procured from His Majesty to himself, divers considerable Gifts and Grants of Inheritance of the ancient Revenue of the Crown, even contrary to Acts of Parliament.  
Here we have a great Favourite, and mighty Minister of State accused for High Treason, in respect of great Transactions of Government for a long time together: And the accused person thought not fit to stand upon his justification, and put himself upon his Trial, but pleads his Majesty's pardon, thereby implicitly confessing his guilt. And that is of the highest nature that can be, no less than subverting the ancient and well established Form of Government in this Kingdom, and introducing an Arbitrary and Tyrannical way of Government.  
But that which is more to my purpose is, the consideration of the persons that exhibit this charge, I have told you already who they were, such a House of Commons, so Loyal, so obliged in Interest and Affections to Prerogative, so abominating all Principles and pretences against it, or that may seek to entrench upon it, as never can a better on that account be expected in England; now if this House find such horrid Crimes in Court-councellors. And if the three Parliaments we have had since, have but proceeded in the same Methods which this Parliament took, and led them into, than the inference from these Premises are very Obvious; as,  
1. That the Court is in the Opinion of the King's best Subjects and Friends liable to be abused by not only ill and hurtful, but by treasonous, and destructive Counsels.  
2. That (which is the thing I under took to show you) not only the best, the wisest, the loyalest, but the Body of the Nation is of this mind, and will ever be so, as there is great reason to conclude.  
3, That they who would persuade His Majesty and the People, that the actions of the late Parliament which are but the same, or of the very same Nature with those of this Long Parliament are irrugelar, factious, seditious, injurious to the King's Prerogative and the Government, do in plain consequence find fault with the constitution of the Government and legislative Power of England, by King, Lords and Commons, and desire and endeavour the subverting of it.  
That the Body of the People, the loyalest, and most substantial part of the Nation is thus minded and will in reason always be so, appears from the Nature of the Long Parliament and the continuance of it, and the Successors of it. For that Parliament continued about 18 years, and we have had three since in these 3 years, and all agreeing in the same Counsels, in opposition to Court Counsels and actings. Now if the People can never be expected in any circumstances, to be better inclined to choose a Prerogative Parliament than they were at the choice of that, and that the Parliaments since have been of the same temper and judgement, and this for 21 years, 3 lives of single persons, how can it be imagined we should ever have a more Prerogative Parliament. And then my third Inference follows, that they who Inveigh against these Parliaments, do in true construction inveigh against the constitution of Parliaments in England, and desires the Subversion of the Government. For if all the Individuals be naught the Species must needs be naught, which subsists in these Individuals. If all Parliaments that have been these threescore years have been in these men's Opinion seditious and injurious to the King's Rights, and are ever like to be so, surely there ought to be a Reformation, for injury ought not to be done to the King's Rights, and there remains no way to remedy this but the alteration of the ancient English constitution, and either to throw off Parliaments wholly, or to reduce them to the present State of the French Parliaments, that they may not dare to oppose, or not to affirm and ratify every of the King's Edicts, or according to the Scoth Oracle, Duke Lauderdale, That the King's Edicts are not only equal to Laws, but aught to be obeyed in the first place.  
Now I hope Sir, you cannot imagine that the Body of the People can be weary of their Old English Government, or that any but such as I spoke of at first, persons obxnoious to the Justice of Parliaments, their Friends and Favourers, Deputies, the envious and revengeful Papists, or indifferent to any Religion, or those that hate all that are not of their minds, or whose Interest it is to desire a French Government, together with some dull Spirits that think it the only way to peace and quietness, yield up all to Court-councels of what kind so ever; such as these are the Party, the Faction, the Clamorers against the late Parliaments, and in them against all English Parliaments whatsoever.  
Here, Sir, I that to have concluded, having in my Opinion said enough to show that the present Lovers of Parliament Counsels, are both the greatest part or body of the Kingdom (which appears from their choice of Representatives, for the Commons in Parliament do best speak the Voice of the people) and also the most loyal and true Lovers of His Majesty and the English Government, but I crave your leave to add some more things that occur to my mind in reference to this matter.  
And you may remember (if at least you were then in England) that in the Year 75. there was a great Contest between the Lord's House and the House of Commons, about Privileges, insomuch that the Lords entered into a Debate, and put the Question, Whether they should Petition His Majesty to dissolve that Parliament and call a new one, which had been carried in the Affirmative, if they had decided it by the greater number of Lords, then present at the Debate; but they but they called in the Aid of Voices by Proxy, and so concluded it Negatively: thereupon the affirming Lords make Protestation against it, and give their Reasons; which Reasons and many other Objections against the continuance of that Parliament, were answered in a Pamphlet, entitled, A Packet of Advices to the Men of Shaftsbury: which tho' it was written by a mercenary Pen, yet there's no doubt (that I ever heard) of its being written at the Instigation of the then Lord Treasurer, and contains as high praises of that Parliament as can be given; I'll instance but in one or two passages, pa. 15.  
A Parliament (saith that Author) which hath had the honour to re-settle the Crown and Kingdom, after it had, by a wonderful hand of God, been but newly rescued out of the ruins of a late Rebellion; a Parliament that hath done perhaps more for the preservation of this well-tempered Monarchy, than many other of the best Parliaments put together ever did before: and I may boldly say, because it can be proved by Instances of Fact, that they have done more towards the containing of Monarchy Power, in its just bounds, than any Parliament ever did, that may be counted to have been the most popular and public hearted. And p. 56. the generality of this House of Commons are known to be men of the best Quality and of Estates, and of the best Understanding; they understand what the true Interest of the Crown is, and— as they have ever been, so they still are right and firm to it and the Government. This was the Earl of D. judgement of this House in those days; but when they came to Impeach him of High Treason, than the dangers of Dissolving them are quite blown away; and now it's advisable, that His Majesty should meet his People in frequent Parliaments. I would ask the Clamores against the late Parliaments, Whether they did not hearty approve of the Character given to that Parliament in the Book cited, and of the Treasurer and other Councillor's Advice to continue it? If they did, how can they think that good Counsel which induced his Majesty to Dissolve it; and that at a time when the people were never more full of Fears of the Designs of Papists against the King's Life, the Religion and Government of the Kingdom? Or was this House of Parliament all of a sudden fallen from their Loyalty, their Understanding and firmness to the Crown and Government? There was a long Bill of Pensioners said to be found amongst them, such as the Treasurer had gratified with the Sum of 231602 l. in two years' time; I presume these were not the cause of their Dissolution: It was not the Treasurer's Interest to cast of these Servants, whom he bought at of dear a rate. It was the generality of that House which he had by his Agent so much extolled, whom he now falls out with, and by whose Influence, judge you, they were dissolved! What clearer Demonstration would any man have, that the Cabal Councillors, and the most substantial and loyal people of the Kingdom were now at odds: For to be sure those Members of this Parliament which had behaved themselves well, and according to the minds of those most loyal Freeholders, Citizens and Burgessers that chose them at first, would be in high estates with them still; and this they manifested by choosing them into the Parliaments that succeeded. Accordingly we find near 200 besides Court-dependants of the same individual men in the next Parliament. Those that were left out, were either Pensioners or Dependants on Cabal Councillors: Those that were chosen were the ablest men of Parts and estates; whence it came to pass, that these were the leading-men still in the House of Commons, and thereforet read in the very same steps, and prosecuted the Treasurer and his Adherents, the Papists and their Abbetters, just as they had done before; with only this advantage, that they were freed from a heavy clog of Court-pensioners, where by they were more unanimous and more uniform in their Votes and Addresses, than they could be whilst those were among them.  
But we have a greater Testimony than this, that Cabal Councils and Parliament Councils were at a great distance; for His Majesty himself in his Declaration of April 20. 79. whilst this new Parliament was sitting, for the dissolution of his Old Privy Council, and the choosing a new one, tells us, That He had been induced to use the Advices of some few— for many years past: He is sorry for the ill success he has found in this course, and sensible of the ill posture of Affairs from that, and some unhappy Accidents, which have raised great Jealousies and Dissatisfactions among his good Subjects, and thereby left the Crown and Government in a Condition too weak for those Dangers we have reason to fear both at home and abroad. Hereupon he resolves for the future to take the Advice of this Privy Council and the Parliaments.  
I think this is an unexceptionable Evidence of the illness of Cabal Councillors, and the great difference between them and Parliaments: And I hope men shall not incur the reproach of Disloyal, Fanatic, Whigs, Enemies to the King and Government, etc. for adhering to, and commending the Counsels and Actions of Four Parliaments successively, whereof the 18 years' Parliament has such Testimonies to their Ability and Loyalty, as they surpass in their opinion for any that has gone before them, or that in moral possibility can come after them; excepting those that have already succeeded them, wherein their very selves made the most considerable and leading number: insomuch that all these Four Parliaments may in reason be reckoned One Long Parliament, with this difference, that in the Three last they were reformed and purged from many diseased and corrupt Members, which had been poisoned by Court Empirics: Shall men, I say, be made Enemies for adhering to this House of Parliament, which represents both the Persons, Judgements and Affections of all the substantial and unbyass'd Commons of England? And that against either the same Councillors, or those that succeed them in the same Spirit; especially at the time, when the only security of the Papists and guilty Caballers, and the only hope they have of carrying on their Plots and Designs, lies in fomenting these Differences and Animosities among His Majesty's Protestant Subjects, and hindering the effectual sitting of Parliaments: How many Sham-plots have they set on foot, to throw guilt upon these Protestants that are most eager in their Prosecution. How many persons have they laboured to Suborn to charge Treason, to take away at once the Lives and Innocency of those whose only security lies under Divine Providence, in the safety of the King and the Government, can you think Sir, that any other persons can possibly be in these endeavours, and in that party but such as I have already described unto you? You hear perhaps of many Addresses, which disaprove of the late Parliament-councels and actions, and they are said to come from numerous Bodies of men: But I conceive you will easily grant, that the temper of their Representatives in Parliament doth better show the temper of the People than those Addresses, which many times are gained by sinister Arts, and from a few that take upon them the Name of the Many.  
Besides there is so much clear reason and wisdom in the House of Commons assembled in Counsels, that even those persons that are chosen by the Caballers Interest, if at least they have any sparks of Ingenuity left in them, do sometimes become quite other men, and have other Sentiments than they had before.  
Have we not known some, who by this change have reaped the Curses and Dam'ems of their Electors; so that the mind of the people cannot be known till they meet together in Parliament. And I persuade myself that many of those that are now of a contrary mind, could they but be admitted to hear the Debates in Parliament, would give their Suffrage to the same things they condemn. But I seem now to have said enough in this matter, tho' very little to what might be said, and almost all I have said is plain matter of Fact: As for my reasoning a little upon it, I refer it to your judgement whether it is not genuine and clear. But if you chance to show my Letter to any of your Popish Conversants, they'll turn it off with a scoff, and think you must take that for an Answer; but they are much mistaken in you, or else I am, who still retain that hearty affection for you, which I professed at your departure hence: and I am sure I shall never cease to love you, and hope I shall never have any cause not to Honour you for your Affection to all true Protestants and Lovers of English Government.  
Sir, Yours, etc. T. B.