MARRY R.  
WILLIAM and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, & c. To all Our loving Subjects, of what Degree, Condition and Quality soever, within Our Kingdoms and Domiminions, Greeting. Whereas Our Trusty and Wellbeloved, John Dunton, Citizen and Stationer of London, hath represented unto Us, That he is Printing an English Translation out of French, of the Edict of Nantes, in Four Volumes; and that, in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him, he hath humbly besought Us to grant him Our Royal Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof; We are graciously pleased to gratify him therein, and accordingly We do therefore hereby grant unto him the said, John Dunton, Our Royal Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof; strictly charging, prohibiting and forbidding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part, or to imprint, buy, vend, utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same, or any part thereof, Reprinted beyond the Seas, within the said Term, without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors, Administrators or Assigns first had and obtained, as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril; whereof the Master, Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London, the Commissioners, and Officers of Our Customs, and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern, are to take notice, that due Obedience may be given to Our Pleasure herein signified.  
Given at Our Court at White-Hall, the 30th. day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign. By Her MAJESTY'S Command. J. TRENCHARD.   

THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes: CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS, That have been in FRANCE From its First Publication to this Present Time. Faithfully Extracted from all the Public and Private Memoirs, that could possibly be procured. VOL. 1.  
Printed first in French, by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland. And now Translated into English.  
With Her Majesty's Royal Privilege.  
LONDON, Printed for JOHN DUNTON, at the Raven in the Poultry. MDCXCIV.   

TO THE QUEENS Most Excellent Majesty.  
MADAM,  
YOUR Majesty's Eminent Zeal for the Protestant Religion, and the tender Compassion and Charity you have shown to multitudes of French Refugiez, of all Ranks and Degrees, who have been forced to fly hither for your Glorious Protection and Relief, encourages me to hope, that your Majesty will be pleased to pardon me this presumption, of humbly laying at your Royal Feet an account of their deplorable Afflictions, by permitting me to dedicate to your Illustrious Name, this Translation of their History of the Edict of NANTES.  
Your Majesty may see in it with what an astonishing Barbarity the formerly Flourishing Churches of France have been ruined and destroyed; with what Rage, Fury and Cruelty their Persecutors have treated them, and how many thousand Dangers those miserable Innocents' have run, to find Sanctuary in your Kingdoms.  
The Reading of this History, how afflicting soever it may be in it, self will, I am confident, Madam, notwithstanding afford your Majesty some considerable satisfaction; for tho' the Ruin of these Churches cannot but very deeply afflict your most tender and Christian Breast, yet your Extreme Piety will however receive no small measure of Joy and Comfort, to find, that this corrupt and Infidel Age, wherein Open wickedness hath reigned with Reputation, hath yet produced Martyrs and Confessors, whose Courage and Constancy have scarce been inferior to those of the Primitive Church, tho' they have suffered almost beyond Expression for the sake of their Religion, and for their Holy Faith have undergone a Persecution, which, taken in all its dismal Circumstances, is far beyond the Blackest of any that can be met with, in all the Records and Monuments of Pagan Antiquity.  
Nor, may it please your Majesty, will this History be unprofitable to your Subjects; for it will teach them what Dutiful Respect, Obedience and Acknowledgements they owe to your most Excellent Majesties, by informing them what a Horrid Persecution Popery was preparing for them too, and the unexpressible Calamities into which they must inevitably have fallen, if God had not wrought a Wonderful Salvation for us, by making use of your Majesty's Piety and Zeal, to effect this Great and Happy Deliverance.  
That signal Favour Heaven was pleased to show to England, at a time, when both Church and State were overrun with Popery and Arbitrary Power, and brought to the point of Destruction, gives those miserable Refugiez strong hopes, that they shall one day be reestablished; as it doth your Subjects a mighty Expectation, of seeing a Noble Change of the whole Face of Affairs, with respect to the Peace and Liberty of EUROPE.  
Your Refugiez have no other Recourse, next to Almighty God, than to your Majesties, who are engaged to labour their Re-establishment, not only by that Tenderness and Compassion, so natural to all generous Souls, and which is so peculiarly Bright in your Majesty to the Afflicted and the Miserable; but by the endearing Obligations which one and the same Communion lays upon you, by all the Christian and Honourable ways, to procure it for them.  
And here, MADAM, I have a fair occasion to speak of the Royal Virtues which adorn your Majesties; to acquaint the world with that profound Reverence you have for the Protestant Religion, and with that Great Zeal you show in the Defence of it: with what a disinteressed Virtue the KING opposes the unjust Usurpations of France, with what firmness of Courage He hath exposed his Royal Person to the most imminent Dangers of War; with what Prudence and Policy He hath united so many Princes of Europe of different Religions, and confederated them all in a steady Resolution, to put an end to those unparalelled Violences which have so long raged in a Neighbouring Kingdom, under the name of a Most Christian Monarch, who notwithstanding makes▪ it his Glory to be Insensible of those almost Insupportable Calamities, which his own Subjects suffer and groan under by his means, and is the Inhuman Ravisher of the Public Liberties of Christendom.  
I could enlarge upon these, and many other of your Great and Illustrious Virtues, which are the supreme Ornaments of Crowns and Sceptres; but where your Majesty commands my Silence, I have nothing to do but to submit, and to pay a most profound Obedience.  
But I humbly beseech your permission to let me speak this Truth, that your Majesties have both testified, that an Universal Good hath been the end of all your Royal Cares, that you have preferred, the Raising of the Honour of the Nation, to your own Glory.  
How often hath that precious, that Invaluable Life been hazarded abroad in the public Cause of the Rights and Liberties of almost all Europe; whilst You, MADAM, here at home, have governed with so Careful, so Just, so Wise an Administration, that You have rendered your Name no less Illustrious for your Prudence, and the rest of your shining Virtues, than the Greatest King in the World, I mean, WILLIAM III. hath made His Glorious, by His Valour, Conduct, and the Infinite other great Qualities of his Mind: and both your Sovereign Majesties are become the Delight of your Honest and Loyal Subjects, the Admiration of Foreign Princes, and the great Dread and Terror of your Enemies.  
May you Both live long, that your People may be happy long, and rejoice long in you; and that your Majesties may be long happy in your People, having the Hearts, the Esteem, and Veneration of ALL your Subjects to be the Felicity and Glory of your Reign.  
So Wishes, so Prays, with all imaginable Earnestness and Devotion, May it please your Most Excellent Majesty, Your Majesty's most Humble, most Faithful, and most Obediently Loyal Subject, COOK.   

To My Lords The Lord's Deputy Counsellors OF THE States of Holland AND WEST-FRIEZLAND.  
Most Noble and Puissant Lords,  
IF I do 〈…〉 follow here the example of those Writers, 〈…〉 place a studied Panegyric upon those ●● whom they have made choice for t●…ors, at the beginning of their Works, 'twas 〈…〉 fear of ill success that hindered me, had I had any such design, nor of exposing myself to the Distaste that has been long since taken against such kind of undertake. I must confess I have no great reason to build much upon my Eloquence, but I might find in the abounding Treasure of the Subject, wherewith to supply the defect of my Skill and Parts: and I might hope withal to please the Reader, since I should have an opportunity to tell him those things which he rarely sees in writings of the like Nature. 'Tis a difficult thing at this day to force into such an Eulogy those bold strokes of Wit or Rhetoric, that might adorn it with any Graces of Novelty: more especially most people believe that Truth very seldom appears in such Applauses. But it would be an easy thing for me to do something more than usual upon the Subject which I should have in hand; in regard that though my Praises were never so transcendent, they would never be looked upon as suspected or excessive. There would need no more for me then to consider YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES, as an August Body, to which all the Merit of the Illustrious Members that compose it, is due. It would be easy for me by this means to adorn my Discourse with a thousand Ornaments not common to the World: neither, would any Person presume to suspect me of rearing the Glory of All together too High: seeing that if we should take asunder every one of those who rae called to those Eminent Dignities, we should find in his Name, in his Endowments, in his Employments and his Services, as many several Subjects for a just and lawful Panegyric. But I know well, MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS, that solid Virtue is not ambitious of these vain Oblations. Only vulgar Souls are intoxicated with such perfumes. They who have a Soul truly Great, choose rather to be profitable to the Public by their noble Actions, then to hear either their Persons or their Conduct extolled. I make no question, but your NOBLE PUISSANCES, deem it far more worthy of yourselves to engrave your Eulogies in the Hearts and Memory of the People by your Sage and Prudent Government, then to read 'em in an Epistle Dedicatory. Therefore not to engage myself in a labour that would be ●o way grateful to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES, I will only give you an account of the reasons which emboldened me to present you this Piece, which I have now transmitted to public View. I have not so good an Opinion of myself, MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS, to imagine that the Fruits of my Labours are Offerings that merit your Acceptance. But the Nature of the Subject which I handle in this History, dedicated to Your Lordships, may serve to excuse the liberty which I take to lay it under the Protection of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES: and after a full Examination, it may be easily acknowledged, that in reason and justice it could have been no other where addressed. It contains a Recital of the misfortunes which in France have befallen those, who for these fourscore and ten Years have lived in that Kingdom under the Faith of the most solemn Edict that ever was published. It represents what they suffered, till the Revocation of that Law, which had been so long the Buckler of their Religion, and the Bulwark of their Liberty. It shows several thousands of Families by Violence and Injustice reduced to abandon the Advantages and Delights of their Native Country; and to seek, on every side, a Sanctuary for their Persons, and Repose for their Consciences. 'Tis true that in all parts of Europe, wherever these Persecuted Professors of the true Christian Faith have been led by Providence, they have received great marks of the compassion and good will of Foreigners: but in no State or Kingdom were they received with more tenderness, nor cherished with more affection than in this. The Charity of our Thrice Potent Sovereigns made haste to meet their Petitions. Upon their arrival, they found all manner of succour ready at hand. They shared, as I may say, the Conveniencies and Riches of the Country with the Inhabitants, by the free and liberal participation which they met with. They no sooner breathed the Air of these Countries, but they tasted the Abundance of it. They also whom the common Tempest had cast on other Shores, were sensible of this Heroic Beneficence: not only because it was a leading example to others, but because the effects of it were not enclosed within the limits of these Provinces. If the first Honour of this extreme Bounty be due to our Sovereigns, whose Zeal and Piety became ●o signal by such a Glorious Testimonial; it cannot be denied, at least, MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT, LORDS, but that the second belongs to yourselves. You found, you distributed the Funds whence these Immense Profusions of Charity were drawn. 'twas by the hands of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES, that so many Professors of the Christian Faith, so many persons of Great Quality, so many Pastors and Teachers, so many ruin'd Families, so many people of both Sexes, which the Persecution had reduced to utmost Exigency, have hitherto received, and still receive all necessary Succour and Relief. In the midst of such Prodigious Expenses, occasioned by a hideous War, The care which you take for the Public does not slackn your Diligence for the Consolation of so many afflicted Innocents': and your inexhaustible Charity does the same in procuring them an easy and comfortable Life, which your Indefatigable Vigilance performs in suffering nothing to be wanting to the Commonwealth in her lawful designs. After all this, there is no question to be made, most NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS, that it is no more than justice to Dedicate to yourselves the History of those whose miseries you so generously assuage and soften. As it will make an Apology for their Innocency, so it will also magnify, your Bounty and while it makes it appear that neither Seditions nor Conspiracies, nor Civil Wars drew upon the Reformed these dreadful Misfortunes, so will it also publish to the World, that your Favours are so much the more worthy of Immortal Applause, by how much it was impossible to place 'em better; that a compassion truly Christian produced 'em; and that you did not relieve those disconsolate Families, but because you compassionated an Affliction which they had no way deserved. I may likewise farther add, MOST NOBLE and POTENT LORDS, that in presenting this History to your Lordships, I do not take so much upon me a liberty which has need of an Excuse, as an Opportunity to acquit myself of a necessary Homage. 'Tis a mark of acknowledgement, which all the Refugees in some measure offer to your Lordships by my Hands, as it were to make the Returns of succeeding Ages to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES, of those Thanks and Testimonies of their Gratitude, which are due to your Lordships. And I dare presume to say, that they make use of my Pen to make this Protestation to your Lordships, that it is not so much their design to preserved to Posterity the remembrance of those Sufferings, as the Memory of that relief and those consolations which your Lordships afforded 'em. Nor do I hazard any thing in taking upon me to be answerable for their Intentions and their Thoughts, in regard the conformity of our common condition ought to inspire into us all an equal sense of Gratitude for the Bounty of our Generous Protectors, whose Succour and Assistance was so seasonable and so comfortable to us. Besides, it is no difficult thing for me to reach the Sentiments of other people's hearts, on this particular occasion. They loudly enough express themselves, and every where declare, that they are beholding for their Lives and their Repose, solely to your Lordship's Bounty. As for my own part, MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS, I wish to see this Work of mine may be kindly received in Public, not so much for my own, as for the Interest of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES. And it would be less a pleasure to me, to see my own Name consecrated to Eternity, if my Writings may acquire the privilege of pretending to it, then to Immortalize your Glory, by informing future Ages, what share you had in the relief of so great a number of unfortunate Sufferers. But if my endeavours cannot soar to such a height, it will suffice me, MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS, to obtain at least one thing which I aspire to, as the Lawful Recompense of my labour; That in pursuance of that extraordinary Favour ●nd good Will, of which YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES give such Proofs to all the World, you would be pleased to accept this History which I present your Lordships, with as a Testimony of my Profound Respects, and as an engagement to be all the days of my Life, with as much Zeal, Submission, and Sincerity as the Heart of Man is capable to express,  
Noble and Puissant Lords, Your Noble Puissance's Most humble, most Obedient and most faithful Servant, B. M. A. D. April 10. 1693.   

THE General Preface.  
IF History be Properly consecrated to preserve to Posterity the remembrance of things the most remarkable that fall out in the World, it cannot be denied, but that the deplorable end of the liberty which the Reformed enjoyed so long a time in France, is one of the most memorable Accidents that merits to be taken in hand for the information of succeeding Ages. There is not any thing in that Revolution, which does not deserve particular Reflections. Upon whatever circumstance of that Horrid Desolation a man fixes his mind, he shall find enough to exercise his Wit, either in wondering at the Malice and Wickedness of those that were the Authors of it, or in admiring at the Patience, and perhaps in taxing the Pusillanimity and want of Courage of those that were enveloped in it. That a Clergy composed in truth of great Personages, but of persons more intoxicated with the Grandeur and Maxims of the World, then sensible of the true Maxims of Religion, or capable indeed of understanding 'em, should make it so entirely their business to Extirpate poor People that were no longer in a condition to dispute their Possessions and Privileges with 'em, and who had no further occasion of difference with 'em, than what concerned the Right of Believing and Preaching, in certain places, what seemed to them to be most agreeable to the Truth. This is enough to astonish those who understand, that Men must have some specious pretence at least to excuse their proceedings to Extremities of Injustice, and Cruelty. That a King, who might have passed for one of the most Potent of those that ever wore the same Crown before him, and might have been the most Glorious of all his Predecessors, had he given his Subjects as much reason to admire his Equity, and the Fidelity of his word, as he had given Strangers an occasion to dread his Prosperity, and his Conquests should so far extend his complacency to a Confessor, and two or three other ecclesiastics, as without any apparent cause to revoke one of the most solemn Edicts, and most worthy to have been inviolably observed, had it been for nothing else but only in respect to the Author: That this same Prince should deal more Rigorously than he would have done with Rebels, with an Innocent, Peaceable and well-affected People, far from Plotting and Sedition; who for above these five and fifty Years have ne●re been known to have appeared in Arms, but for the Service of the State: And who when they had taken Arms in a Conjuncture of high importance, performed Achievements as much to the advantage of the Grandchild of Henry the Great, as their Ancestors had done near a hundred years before, to support the Rights of that same Prince, of Happy and Triumphant memory. These are things, I say, would hardly be believed, had we not before our Eyes a thousand Testimonies that convince us of it. That a Counsel so profoundly and refin'dly Politic, and which to all the Erterprises it undertakes confers an Air of Grandeur, which may seem to exceed the bounds of human Condition, nevertheless should carry on this particular design after a manner so little proportionable to the ordinary Maxims it professed, that for the Oppression of People, not in a capacity to defend themselves, it should not spare to make use of Acts of Violence and Injustice, of Litigions and Impertinent wrangling, the most mean and most malicious imaginable, so as to forget some certain forms of Decency and Decorum, which are never to be neglected in things that are acted under the King's Name, is thatwhich Posterity would never be convinced of, were it not confirmed to future Ages, by Authentic Proofs. That a People also, who were able to raise a hundred thousand Men, able to bear Arms; who in many places surpassed the Catholics in Number, Wealth and Reputation; who were in no want of stout experienced Officers, full of zeal for their Religion, who often met with favourable opportunities for the resettlement of their Affairs: That such a People, I say, for thirty Years together should undergo Oppression so unjust, a hundred times more difficult to be endured by men of Courage, than the worst of injuries: That they should suffer themselves to be exposed on all hands; to be reduced to such cruel Extremities, by a thousand shameful Artifices, so as to behold nothing but Snares and Precipices on every side; to be so cowed as not only not to dare to make the least Complaint, and show the least Resentment of their Sufferings, but also not to dare believe what they felt; that they should labour under a Persecution for a long series of Years, spun out by the Malice of their Enemies; as if it were not so much the purpose of their Oppressors to extirpate, as to weary 'em out, and put 'em besides all their Patience: That in the midst of these Calamities and Afflictions, these People thus overwhelmed, should sit still with such a Conscientious and precise Submissiion, without seeking any other Consolation then that of Sighs and Tears, without opposing the Designs of their Oppressors any otherwise then by repeated Petitions, by humble, respectful, moving Remonstrances, enough to have mollified the hearts of all that had any remainders of humanity left; that they should literally practise the Christian Precept of praying for their Persecutors; that they should all along continue to the end in doing them Service, that erected before their eyes the preparations for their ruin; That they should make it a point of Duty to be faithful to those that always broke their words with them; This is that which Ages to come will very hardly be persuaded to believe. Neither do I know whether the Testimony of History will be sufficient to convince a Reader, never so little difficult of belief, of the Truth of an Event attended with so many extraordinary Circumstances.  
Now in regard there are some things very false which often cover themselves with such appearance of Truth, that the most Prudent and Circumspect may be deceived; so there are some Truths, that have something rare and unheard of that makes 'em taken for Improbabilities. And this, in my opinion, may be rightly applied to the Persecution which I have undertaken to give the Public an account of. And it may well fall out one day that some doubt may be made of the most signal Actions that refer to this History; since they who have been Eye-witnesses of them, they who have experimentally felt 'em to their sorrow, have much ado to believe 'em; and cannot comprehend that the fruit of a long fidelity, of several important services, of an Innocency beyond all reproach, of a tried Submission, and chiefly of an invincible Patience, should be forced by necessity to renounce the sweets and conveniencies of a delightful Country: to abandon their temporal Estates and Advantages; to lose the more precious and natural part of Liberty, which is that of serving God according to the Rule which we are persuaded he has set down himself. And lastly, to seek for that, under another Dominion, and in a Foreign Air, which is denied 'em by the Commands of their natural Prince, and by those with whom they had breathed the same Air from their Birth. It happens sometimes that men may take a plausible pretence for the commiting so many Cruelties, from the Politic Factions and Erterprises of them against whom they are exercised: and in regard the service of God has often served for a Cloak to the Ambitious, to cover the Design of their Quarrelsome Claims, 'tis no wonder that sometimes they make use of the same pretence against those whose Religion they seek to destroy, though in reality they had no Intent to disturb the public Peace. But there was nothing of this that could give the least Colour for the last Oppression of the Reformed. They had neither Protector nor Arms, nor Cities, neither were they in Confederacy; and the fear of giving an opportunity to those who had sought so long after one to persecute 'em, obliged 'em to carry themselves with the most exact Obedience imaginable. The Faith of the King's Promises, and the good will of their Sovereign had been so long preached up among 'em as a better security for them then all the strong Holds in the Kingdom, that they avoided, to the utmost of their power, all occasions of rendering themselves unworthy of his Favours. They were deprived of the means to signalise themselves in public Employments, because they had by degrees excluded 'em from almost all Offices of State: but in all Employments from which they could not debar 'em, in the Exchequer Employments, where their Exactness and their Fidelity maintained them a long while; in Employments of Trade, the greatest part of which their Understanding and Reputation had drawn into their own hands, in warlike Employments, to which they ran as often as the King's service called 'em: In a word, in all things else wherein they were permitted to distinguish themselves, there was not any of the French Nation that showed more Zeal than they for the glory of their Prince, or who have more honoured their Country by their noble Actions. I could here set down a very considerable Catalogue of those who since the taking of Rochel, as well by their merits as their services have removed all the obstacles which their Religion lay●d in their way to Preferment, and attained to the highest Employments both Civil and Military. 'Tis known that the most noble Achievements of Turenne, and which were of greatest advantage to the Crown, preceded the change of his Religion. But I cannot forbear saying this farther, that at the very same time that the Act of Nantes was revoked, the two greatest Captains in the Service were Both of the Reformed Religion. Marshal Schomberg has spread the Reputation of his Master's Arms as far as well it could fly; and after the death of Turenne, France thought herself happy in such a person as he, to support the King's Honour, after it had received so great a loss. The deceased Prince of Conde, who was one that well could judge of a Soldier's Capacity, made no scruple to compare 'em both together, and to discover in M. Schomberg, something I know not what more sprightly, quick and ready, when he was to resolve upon an unexpected Accident. The Marquis of Quesne, who commanded the French Fleet, had no body after the death of Admiral Ruyter that would dispute with him for priority in that Profession. So that Merit has raised two of the Reformed, notwithstanding the malice born to their Religion, to the Highest Dignities in the Military Art, as well by Sea as Land.  
What likelihood was there that at a time when so many noble Actions spoke in favour of the Reformed, they should not only endeavour, but accomplish their ruin? That they should take a time to destroy 'em, when they could neither accuse 'em of Rebellion, nor look upon 'em as useless to the Kingdom? Certainly no man would have imagined a hundred years ago, that France would have exposed herself in our Time, by such a piece of Injustice as this, to the reproach of all Europe. At least people would suppose there might be some private reason to treat with so much inhumanity a number of poor Christians, who by their quiet dispositions, not to speak of their Services, seemed to merit quite the contrary. 'Tis not easily to be suspected that one man should exercise the fury of his hatred against another, without having at least some specious pretence for it. How then is it possible to believe, that in France men should be transported to the extremities of rigour against a Million of innocent Persons, for no other reason, but merely out of an ill grounded hatred? Nevertheless this is all that can be said of the motives of the last Persecution. Not only hatred, but hatred without a cause, without pretence, without excuse, inflamed against a People without defence, who sought to vanquish the aversion of their Enemies, by their Patience, and by their Services. Doubtless therefore it is but justice truly and faithfully to inform Posterity, that they be enabled to give a right Judgement, upon an Event so little known; and do the same Justice to the Authors of these Cruelties, as we now do to those who have given us a Model of what was formerly committed in the first Ages of Christianity, as also under the Bloody Reign of Charles IX.  
But besides the general Reason of preserving the remembrance of this Persecution, there are two others which deserve to be considered. The one is, because that they who advised it have endeavoured to anticipate Posterity upon this Subject, by divers Artifices. I know not how many Writers hired on purpose to disguise Affairs, and to deprive Truth of her natural Weight and Matter, have filled all Europe with their Pamphlets fitted out to make the World believe that they who suffered all the effects of Violence and Injustice, should be one day looked upon as Criminals, to whom there was a great deal of Mercy shown. On the one side they set 'em out in most black and dreadful Colours. They aggravate with an envenomed Eloquence what ever can be laid hold on for a pretence to accuse 'em; and finding nothing in their Actions that may serve as a foundation to their Invectives, they search for reasons in their Thoughts, in their Desires, in their Inclinations, which they describe after a very detestable manner. They attribute to 'em a troublesome, turbulent, unquiet spirit, Commonwealth-Maxims, an aversion to Monarchy; a Heresy incompatible to the repose of Kingdoms, and which infuses an ambitions, daring Genius, always in Action, if it be not suppressed by a greater Force. But certainly this accusation has been loudly contradicted by the long Peace wherein the Reformed have lived. And it would be a difficult thing for these Calumniators to tell us, what became of this Seditious spirit for five and fifty years together; how it came to lose the opportunity of a Minority, and a Civil War, without laying hold of the advantages of so convenient a season; how it happened not to burst forth in a doleful Oppression of thirty years together. There seems to be a great deal of rashness in an accusation of such Importance, when there are no proofs of matter of Fact to make it out; and that it is only supported by the Impudence of the Authors of it. But this will not put a stop to those Writers, who are sufficiently paid for venting their Impostures, and can easily qualify the Affront of a Lie publicly given 'em, with the hopes of finding Credulous Readers, who without putting themselves to the trouble of examining matters, will pin their Belief upon the slieves of such extravagant Authors. On the other side they extenuate the occasions of complaint, which have been given to the Reformed for so many years together. They talk of nothing but the soft and charitable means that have been used to reclaim 'em from their Errors; of their Paternal cares, and Spiritual Exhortations. There is not the least Pamphlet that peeps abroad, wherein the Author is not very double diligent to slip in a word, and tell us, how there could be nothing more Charitable or more Evangelic, than the Expedients made use of for the Conversion of Heretics. This Falsehood is become one essential part of their Epistles Dedicatory. It would look as if something were wanting, if they did not crowd in by head and shoulders some Elegy or other of that new sort of Tenderness and good Will, which never make themselves known but by Condemnations, Imprisonments, Confiscations, Banishments, the Galleys, Gibbets, the Wheel, and such like merciful Acts of Clemency and Mildness. But in regard they dare not promise to themselves that all men will take these extraordinary Violences for marks of Charity, they have bethought themselves of another course to satisfy those nice and difficult People, who call Cruelty Cruelty, and Injustice Injustice. There are some Writers who have the knack of it, to deny matters of Fact, that are known all over Europe, and to cry 'em down for Imposture, though they that carried upon their Bodies the marks of their sufferings, made loud complaints in foreign Countries. Those People have the Confidence to give the lie to the Eyes and Testimonies of all those that have seen and felt what has past. As if there were not only a Million of People who are living proofs of it, but an infinite number of public Acts which all confirm what has fallen out. Lastly, that they may not omit any thing that lies in their power to disguise the Truth of things, there are some Authors who have endeavoured to make it out, that all those Acts of Injustice, Violence and Fraud, which have been committed against the Reformed, were the effects of an exemplary Justice. If they have taken from 'em their public Places of Exercise, 'twas done, say they, because those places were usurped: if they have tormented 'em with a thousand vexatious Ordinances, 'twas only, say they, to retrench 'em of those privileges which they took, notwithstanding there was nothing in those Edicts which authorised their enjoyment of 'em. If they did inhumanely delude 'em by confirmations of the Edict and Promises to observe it, which they violated in the most Essential Concessions, 'twas, say they, by interpretations of the true Sense, which had been misunderstood. If they tortured 'em, by a thousand personal Processes and Suits, by quartering of Soldiers upon 'em with Licence to live at Rack and Manger; by divers Outrages and Punishments; 'twas, say they, because they had deserved it, by doing those things that were forbid 'em by the last Declarations. In short, Declarations were expressly given out, to make those things Criminal, which were either most Innocent or most Indispensable, to the end they might be always secure of a Pretence to abuse and evil-intreat 'em, because of their having done something which they could not avoid the doing, or which in Conscience they were obliged to do so for their own safety and the welfare of their Families. Thus it was that they were condemned to the Galleys, when they sought to depart the Kingdom, or to send away their Wives and Children into Places of more security; that they ruin'd 'em by their Garrisons, dragged 'em from Dungeons to Dungeons, and sent 'em to the newfound World because they refused to go to Mass. They were forbid the one, the other they were commanded. All the mischief therefore which they suffered for having disobeyed, was no more, say they, but a just punishment of their disobedience. As if it had been a real Crime to abstain from things unjustly forbidden; or not to do those things that were unjustly commanded. All these Artifices, and others of the same nature, may so alter the outward Face of things, that it would be impossible that ever Posterity should be rightly informed, if men did not take the pains to represent 'em in their natural Condition, and with their legitimate Circumstances.  
The second Reason for writing the History of these Transactions, is, because we do not meet with any thing, since the death of Henry the Great, which gives us an exact account of the Affairs of Religion, in reference to the Churches of France. Before that time we find Memoirs sufficient, Writings in abundance, wherein Affairs of that Nature are laid down. And in regard the Catholics have composed great Volumes to throw the blame of all upon the Reformed: They on the other side have not sat mute, nor have they failed to make good defences for themselves. There have been passionate Writers of both Parties, who have discoursed the general Affairs with heat and Violence, and who have run themselves too far into complaints and Invectives. But there have been others more moderate, who have treated of the same things, with extraordinary Modesty and impartial Equity. The Precedent James Augustus Thuanus, and the Historian Mezeray, are of the number of those who have handled this Subject with most mildness and reservedness. And though by the Style of their Writing they may well be discerned to be Catholics, and prejudiced in favour of their Religion; yet there is a certain splendour of Truth that shines forth, and which gives satisfaction to an impartial Reader. A man may easily, in reading these Historians, disentangle that which is infused by zeal for Religion, from that which is the pure and naked Truth. And the matter of Fact being genuinely recited, the Writer's judgement does no way deprive the Reader of his liberty to be of a contrary opinion. But since the death of that Prince we meet no longer with any faithful Historiographers. Several Catholics have written that which passed under the Reign of Lewis XIII. But they have interlarded their Writings with so much Violence and Fury, that there is no perusing them with Patience. They who desire to make trial of this, need no more than only to cast their Eyes upon the History of the Rebellion, or upon that which was compiled by the unfaithful Du Pleix. They also who have not suffered themselves to be transported to the same excesses which those Authors of Lower Rank have been guilty of, nevertheless have not observed sufficient measures to procure 'em the name of just and Equitable; as having stuffed their Writings with so many venomous Expressions, so many malignant Reflections, so many Testimonials of their Passion and Hatred, that that same perpetual Character of Bitterness and Parliality renders 'em suspected in what ever they say, and is the reason that we dare not believe 'em when they speak Truth. Nor have the Reformed been so careful to oppose better Histories of their Affairs to these injurious Relations: So that they seem by their silence to have authorised the Invectives of their Oppressors, as if they had nothing solid to return 'em ●n answer. ' jis true, that there have been some persons, who either by the Command or Approbation of National Synods, have attempted to Collect the Me●oirs of such important events in reference to Religion. But the one have written with more zeal than knowledge; others have been constrained to aband on the Enterprise, because the Times would not permit 'em●● deliver their Sentiments with freedom. The Designs that were laid before the beginning of the Civil Wars under Lewis XIII. could no longer be put in execution with security, after the prosperous success of that Prince had brought down the strength and con●age of the Reformed. 'Twas then a Crime of State ● say, that the Court had broken their word. To excuse the Actions of those who had taken up Arms, or set forth the Justice of the Complaints upon so ma●● Breaches of the Edict, which the Court would never make good, was enough to expose a Man to all the Punishments of the most infamous Rebels. After that the King began to be troublesome to the Ministers, upon pretence that they had committed or spoken something prejudicial to his service; and the least words that they could lay hold of to mi construction, drew upon 'em Prohibitions not to meet at Synods; Commands to stay till new Orders in certain places that were assigned 'em for Prisons; Injunctions not to act in their Functions within the Kingdom; Menaces of more severe usage if occasion offered: there was no body that dared take upon him to inform the Public of these Truths, so ill received by those who thought themselves offended by so doing, and so fatal to those that had the boldness to utter 'em. 'Tis no time for a Man to make his Apology, when he is reduced for his own preservation to submit in all things, and to take it as a favour at his Enemy's hands for granting life to the Innocent, upon condition they will confess themselves guilty. However, such was the Condition of the Reformed, after they were once deprived of all their Places of Security. Disarmed, Disunited, Vanquished, that they were constrained to talk of their own Conduct as the Victors discoursed; to condemn, with them, whatever was past, as if they never had had any just cause of Fear, or any good reasons for them Complaints. And to thank 'em as for a most endearing favour, that after they had taken from their Churches all Support and Maintenance, they did not altogether quite exterminate their persons. 'Tis not therefore to be thought a wonder, that at a time when it was so dangerous to speak Truth, and so necessary to keep silence, there should be no History of the Reformed written, which would have certainly cost the Author inevitable ruin. But in regard that many times Truth grows less odious the older it is, Time affords us more security to tell it, and gives us liberty to rescue it from that darkness where the Terror of Punishment had obliged us to conceal it.  
These several Considerations have made me for a long time wish, that some person capable of so great a undertaking, would give himself the Trouble to compile so necessary a History, and to oppose against the Invectives with which the Conduct of the Reformed have been blacknd for seventy Years together, either a genuine and sincere Recital of what has befallen 'em, or an Apology for their Actions, which have given the greatest advantages to their Detractors. I never questioned but that it was greatly to their disadvantage to suffer those to talk alone upon this Subject, whose interest it was to delude the World; and that, one day, the Reformed persecuted with so much violence, Injustice, Breach of Faith, would be exposed to the sinister Judgements of Posterity, if succeeding Ages were not rightly otherwise informed of the miseries they have suffered, than by the Relations of their Adversaries. Posterity then would meet with nothing but outrageous Panegyrics, Hyperbolical Eulogies, and Studid Comparisons, exalting this continued inveteracy, and this insulting Oppression above the Noblest Actions of the Greatest Heroe's; and well might our Offspring be excused for not discerning through these disguises the Innocence of the Unfortunate, of which no Body had been so careful as to preserve good Testimonials. 'Tis true, the Registers of the Council, of the Parliaments, of all the jurisdictions both Sovereign and Inferior are full of Acts, the very reading of which alone might serve to prove the Innocence of those against whom they were issued forth; and that the greatest part of 'em were published with so little precaution, that they are rather Demonstrations of their Accusers breach of word, and the ignominious compliance of the Judges, than any proofs of the Crime imputed to the Parties accused. But in the first place, 'tis impossible, considering the present posture of Affairs, that any one should undertake to make a Collection of those Acts, the very search after which would render the person suspected: and 'tis yet more unlikely that there will be any body, a hundred years hence, that will think himself so deeply obliged in justification of the Innocent, as to take upon him an inquisition which can never prove successful without a great deal of Care, Time, Labour and Expense. Moreover, all the World is well acquainted with the Policy of the Roman Church. She knows how to suppress what ever may redound to her prejudice. There are now an infinite number of Acts not to be found in the Registers, which being useful to her at the time when they were made, she was afterwards ashamed to have seen. By this means she has concealed the source of a great many of her Usurpations. She has reduced those that fain would dive into the Original of that Corruption, which she has introduced into all the parts of Religion, to a necessi y of rummaging all the Libraries of Europe, in search of some Monument that might discover the occasions and progress of her Erterprises. And she has had such good luck in several matters of great importance, that she has rendered many Certainties almost doubtful and problematical, though she could not succeed so far, as altogether to deprive 'em of the Character of Probability and Likelihood: which in things that cause the Persons to blush, who are upbraided to have committed 'em, makes us lawfully suspect that they suppressed the most convincing Proofs. And thus perhaps it was, that she gave her Writers the privilege to call in question the famous History of that Woman, who, as they say, sat in St. Peter's Chair at Rome for several years under the name of John VIII. I should have a greater esteem for some Historical Observations that seem to destroy what is averred concerning this matter, but that I know that Prudence in suppressing the Monuments of shameful Acts, and puzzling the circumstances of odious deeds, either by falsifying the Date, or the alteration of some decisive, word, is no new sort of Prudence. But when I add to this consideration so many proofs more than probable, which serve as a foundation to this History, I must acknowledge myself almost convinced of the truth of it. In things of this nature the just suspicion which men have of the bad Credit of the accused, when they have already been frequently convinced of having abolished such Monuments by which the truth of things was preserved, is doubtless an imperfect proof against 'em. But when the matter of Fact is farther suported by a multitude of pressing instances and strong presumptions, it cannot be denied but that imperfect proof may become equivalent to a good Demonstration.  
But not to engage myself in an unprofitable digression, I shall only add, That the Author who wrote the History of the Reformation of England had more than once sufficient experience of the great care which the Catholics took to deface the memory of things, which they were unwilling Posterity should know, that the public Registers of his Country which ought to have been inviolable, were not looked upon to be so sacred by those who met with any Acts which were not to their advantage. I conclude from all this, that perhaps a hundred year hence the Jesuits will have taken the same precautions to abolish the memory of those Acts of injustice, which they have either committed or advised, and that they will leave nothing in the public Registers to give us any knowledge of what passed in our days, in France, as to matters of Religion. So that I cannot but think it necessary to prevent the Effect of their Artifices, and to publish, at least by way of Apology, certain proofs of the Innocence of the Reformed, and the violated Faith of their Adversaries; to the end Posterity may be able to give a more equitable judgement of the matter of Fact that is not be denied by either side, upon the Invectives of the Accusers and the Defences of the Parties accused. I had some reason to hope, some years since, that I should see my desires accomplished, when I understood that a person whose name is famous all over Europe, and whose Writings have enforced his very Adversaries to admire his piercing Wit, his Exactness, his Sincerity and Solidity, was about to have undertaken this great Work. But having changed his mind for some reasons, I have been constrained to supply his place, and to expose myself to ill success, in an enterprise so much above my ability, since it would have been so proper for so great a Person. I shall not go about to anticipate the minds of men in my favour, by humble excuses for my rashness; nor to incline 'em to pardon the faults I may commit in a Work so laborious as this, by confessing before hand, that I am not infallible, and by declaring that I submit myself to their Censure, provided they will be just in pronouncing it. I well know what has formerly been said, and what may now be retorted upon those, who strive this way to inveigle the Reader into a good Opinion of their Works. 'Tis better to abstain from committing Faults, where it is in our Power, than to beg pardon, on purpose to render 'em more tolerable. I night have let writing alone, because I was not constrained to it: and if I were afraid of not pleasing all the World in a Work of this Importance, 'twas long of myself that I displeased anybody, who might have avoided the occasion of committing faults, which no body perhaps will have the goodness to pardon; which I might have easily done by sitting still and not writing at all. But I must confess that the fear of seeing the design, of so necessary a History quite given over, prevailed with me above all these considerations which might have diverted me from it: and that I thought it more profitable for the Public, to oblige the World with such a Work as I was able to produce upon this Subject; than to leave men ill informed of so woeful a Revolution as has befallen the Affairs of the Reformed. And that which has the more confirmed me in this resolution, is this, that other persons having laboured upon the same Subject a little before I applied myself to it, I found in their writings a great deal of Apology, but little History, though I observed solidity sufficient.  
Now this is that which appears to me in writing what has passed both for and against the Reformed to be principally indispensable; to give a just extent to the matters of Fact which concern 'em; to the end, that considering them on every side with all their circumstances about 'em, it may be the more easy to judge, whether they be the Marks of a Factious, Licentious and turbulent Spirit, as their Adversaries give out, or the effects of a necessary prudence, and a lawful precaution, as the Reformed pretend. When ●● read a History in Abridgement, the matters of Fact being too naked and too bare, afford not scope enough to the Reader's judgement: So that before he can give his Opinion upon what the Historian has related to him, he frequently desires to know the circumstances which the Author's brevity has concealed from him. As for example. Look into the Writings of Maimbourg, Soulier, la Croix; or any such like Authors, who have only taken their Pens in their Hands to render the Reformed odious: and if any one finds there in abstract, that the Reformed having persevered about eight or nine Years in the pursuit of certain Petitions, which King Lewis did not think fit to grant 'em, the Prince being importuned by their solicitations, took Arms to reduce 'em to his Will: took from 'em their places of Hostage; broke their Union; despoiled 'em of several of their Privileges: ●ere is most certainly real matter of Fact; but the brevity of the Relation does not satisfy the Reader. Therefore that he may judge knowingly of the matter, ●is necessary that he should be informed of the nature ●● the things demanded by the Reformed, and the rea●ns why they were demanded with so much perseverance: it behoved him to know what were the grounds ●● the Court's refusals, and what was the occasion of ●●eir taking Arms, to stop the course of those demands which were made 'em with so much importunity. Without this, 'tis impossible to know whether the ●ars of the Reformed were just or no; whether their complaints were lawful; whether the Courts refusals proceeded from ill will, or from the injustice of the Requests; nor is it possible otherwise to judge whether the Reformed were duly punished as Rebels, or oppressed, as unfortunate innocent persons, by the War which the Court declared against 'em. Therefore the matter of Fact is to be unfolded and laid open before the Reader's Eyes. It must be made clear to him, why the Reformed complained: how they came to be under new fears and apprehensions every day. Why the Court accused 'em of Disaffection, and sought all manner of ways to surprise and destroy 'em. Thus the Reader having understood the state of the Question, is at liberty to judge whether the fears of the Reformed were Vain, and whether the Court had reason to overwhelm 'em as they did. If he be not equitable in his sentence, that's no fault of the Historian, because he has given the Reader light sufficient to judge with knowledge.  
Now in regard that this Reflection may be applied to all matters of Fact that concern Religion, I thought it not enough to publish a History in Epitome of the misfortunes of the Reformed Churches in France; but that they ought to be set down at large, that by going back to the Original of the whole matter, and setting forth the Progress and Series of what has befallen 'em good or ill, not only the variety would render the reading of Work the more delightful, but that the display of the most important circumstances would make it likewise more profitable; and would serve for the more solid foundation of an Apology, for those forlorn and disconsolate Flocks at this day scattered over the Face of Europe. To this purpose I proposed to myself to do that which I saw no body else preparing to undertake: and to the end I might give an occasion of judging more sound whether the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which we have seen in our days, were an Act of Justice and Sincerity, I have endeavoured faithfully to set down whatever I could learn concerning the manner how it was pursued, obtained, published, put in execution, or violated, while there was yet some respect and reverence showed to the name and Author of it. To this purpose I have under taken to write the History of whatever past in France upon the account of Religion, from Luther to the Time that this Edict was set forth; to the end it might the better be known what right the Reformed had to demand it; what reasons obliged 'em to be satisfied with it; why there happened so many Contests about some Articles which it contained; why the King had so much trouble to grant it; why the Clergy were so unwilling to consent to it, and the Parliaments showed so much reluctancy to verify it. To this purpose it is requisite that we should show what figure the Reformed made in the Kingdom: what Ties and Obligations there were between Them, and the King, when ●e came to the Crown; who were their Friends or their Enemies; and what were the reasons either of their hopes or fears. 'Twas my opinion that in order to this design it would be sufficient to set down in few words the most remarkable and most unquestionable Events, from the Reformation till the death of Henry III. as being enough to give at least an Idea, and a Taste of the general Affairs of that time. On the other side, I judged it meet to be more profuse and copions in relating the Transactions which belong to the Reign of Hen. IU. as having so strict a Connexion with the Affairs of the Edict; which unless they be more distinctly known, it would be a difficult thing to judge how justly, and how prudently it was resolved upon, and how necessary to be granted.  
This design which has caused me to undertake a History of above fourscore and fifteen years, not to speak of the Compendium, which comprehends above seventy more, has rendered my trouble so much the greater, and gave me an occasion to fear my inability to attempt so great a Work. I do not presume to boast the extent of an extraordinary Wit; and I am clearly convinced, that neither Force nor delicacy of stile are fallen to my lot. My vanity perhaps may flatter me to be worthy of being numbered among the middling sort: and if there be any who believe it does not become me to soar so high, I am willing to descend a degree lower. Moreover, I have spent the greatest part of my life in such kind of studies as no way cultivated my Genius for the writing of History. And my assiduity in another sort of employment would not permit me the leisure to think upon other things. The Persecutions of the Church for so many years, have all along overwhelmed me in tedious, frequent and irksome distractions, which have engaged me to cares far different from those that are proper for a person who designs to be a Historian. So that it was impossible on my Part, that I should come furnished to the Work which I have undertaken, either with the gifts of a surpassing natural inclination, or the sagacity of a cultivated Wit, with so much care as necessity required. For 'twas impossible for me to acquire the knowledge of several Professions, of which it is requisite to understand the most common Terms, to speak after a manner proper to please and inform, when occasion presents itself. Consequently it was impossible for me to avoid falling into many errors, which perhaps more equitable Readers will pass over; but Critics, who are always the greater number, will never pardon. This may raise against me all those that think themselves more dextrous and witty than others, not so much perhaps because they are able to do better, but because that having studied nothing more in Books, than the defects of other Men, they believe themselves to have acquired the Art to commend, and the Privilege to censure 'em. 'Tis the custom of these people to fasten upon what is least essential in Books, and to make a great noise of the faults which they find there, to the end that they whose considerations never pierce to the bottom of things, may judge from thence, that the whole Work is of no value. The Jesuit Palavicini, by this Artifice has found no less than three hundred and sixty faults, by tale, in the History of the Council of Trent, written by P. Paolo Sarpio. But to fill up the number, he was forced to make use of all the springs and little engines of fallacy and litigious Cavils; to make an ill marked Date pass for a Capital Crime, one Number mistaken for another, Six for Five, Twenty for Twenty one, and such like trivial Slips; but more especially, to tax for contradictory, matters of Fact which altogether may be true, and agree well enough one with another. Who would not think that a Book, where no less than 360 faults are found, and Arithmetically numbered out, should be looked upon as an ill Book? Nevertheless make an abatement from this number of the mere Trifles, which change not at all the nature of the matters of Fact, and the errors which appear not to be errors, only because the Censurer, who observes 'em, conceals the reasons that justify 'em, you shall see perhaps three fourth parts of the faults pretended, vanish of a sudden; and the fourth part that remains, will not be looked upon as well proved neither, till the Character of both Historians be compared together; till the reasons that support the Objections, the Motives that engage either the one or the other to deceive the World, and the purity of the Springs from whence the Proofs are drawn, for what they aver be rightly examined.  
But I never thought that the fear of these inconveniences ought to stop me. The cause of Truth and Innocency would be too much abandoned, if men should be afraid of defending it, for fear of drawing upon 'em the Censures of People that understand how to falsify backwards and forwards with an equal boldness. We must either renounce writing for the Public good, or harden ourselves against these inevitable Rencounters. Principally when it is a matter of History, and such a History which in favour of Oppressed Innocence, attacques the most formidable Puissances in the world, we must expect a Tempest of Injuries, Reproaches, Lies, and whatsoever else is proper to cry down the Book and Author of it, and render both obnoxious to the Indignation of the Vulgar. Now as I foresaw that this might befall me, it will never be a wonder to me if it happen. And I thought I could not better arm myself against these strokes of interested malice, than with Sincerity, Truth and Exactness; never minding the trouble which imposture and brangling might put me to. We never ought to write but for the sake of brave and generous Souls; and those of that Character never judge of things without profound consideration, gliding over faults that have nothing of Importance, or Essential. Now I hope they will never be able to surprise me in errors of the latter quality. I have endeavoured to s●un all manner of disguises; and perhaps I have spoken too plainly and openly of several things, which another would have enveloped in a prudent silence. But when it is Impossible to justify the Innocent but by revealing Truths, though somewhat nice and delicate, of necessity it behoves us to lay aside some certain respects, that cannot be observed without betraying the Cause which we desire to defend. This is the only excuse that I intent to make to those who perhaps will find that I speak of certain things with too much liberty. I thought it my duty so to do, to gain the reputation of greater credit, and more clearly and faithfully to inform the Readers of the sources of Events, and the grounds of my particular Reflections.  
The same sincerity which I profess in History, obliges me to acknowledge that there may be faults in this Work of mine, which may be found to be essential, and which perhaps I may be willing to grant for such, when they shall be really made out. But they will not be imputed to me for such by impartial Judges, when I shall make it out from whence they may proceed. 'Tis certain that I had not all the assistances which were requisite for an enterprise so great as that which I have undertaken. There are many things, without question, which have escaped me by that means, and which have enforced me upon several occasions to make recitals not so full, nor so dilated, or fortified with Circumstances, as I could have wished. The Reader might have justly expected that I should have given him clearer illustrations of certain matters, and that I should have prevented several questions that will remain for him to ask me, after due examination of the matter of Fact which I relate. But I could not do better: and in my opinion 'twas much more to the purpose to make but little stay upon some Subjects, than to supply the defect of Evidences and Memoirs with the boldness of my own conjectures. However I do not pretend thereby to lessen my obligations to those who have assisted me with several important Pieces, and who by their generous imparting to me their Books and Manuscripts, have furnished me with the principal materials of my Work. I must acknowledge there were several persons who sent me whatever they had proper to serve me, a hundred and two hundred Leagues from hence: And as I received great assistance from those remoter places, so have I had the help of many curious Persons in our Neighbourhood. Public and private Libraries, the Cabinets and Studies of the more exacter sort, where Fugitive Pieces secure themselves, and several other Springs and Sources of History were open to me. I should most gladly name the Persons that gave me aid, not only in regard it is but just they should share with me in the public acknowledgement, to whose instruction they have so liberally contributed; but also because they are the Guarantees of what I publish to the World, and for that the very names of some among 'em would suffice to demonstrate ●he verity of the Evidences, from whence I have drawn the materials of my Labour. But the greatest part having desired not to be named, because of their being related to several persons that are still subject to the general oppression, 'tis not in my power to afford 'em those Testimonies which I owe to their good will, nor to make that Advantage of their names, which I might have done, were I not obliged to a deference for their desires to remain unknown. I shall speak in another place of a Collection prepared by the deceased Mr. Tessereau, a person well known to all the World for being Laborious, Exact, Curious, and capable of Collecting whatever might serve to a great Work. Nor shall I dissemble the assistance which I had from the Memoirs which he left behind, though, at the time of his Death they were found to be in great Disorder.  
But notwithstanding all their aids, I failed in many others, from whence I might have had great light. When the Council of France began to search into the Rights of Exercise, 'twas their pleasure to oblige the Churches to produce the Original Evidences which they pretended to make use of. This was a thing in the main, of which there was no great necessity. But in regard that from that very time they began to take their measures, which way to deprive Posterity of the knowledge of their causeless Cavils, they were desirous to get into their hands all the Monuments that might preserve 'em to Posterity, and only to leave the Reformed such Writings, the authority of which they might the more plausibly contest, because they were not Originals. The Council detained the greatest part of those Writings, even after the Affairs were determined. There were very few Churches that could obtain restitution of 'em. They who had lost their Causes were told, that their papers could no longer signify any thing to 'em: and they who had been more favourably used, were paid off with some scurvy trick or other, on purpose to elude their importunities for the restitution of their produced Originals. Sometimes they were told, that the last Decree was worth all their Evidences, and so the other were absolutely of no use to 'em. Also of late years, they bethought themselves of constraining the Consistories to produce all their Papers, whether Originals or Copies: and the least piece concealed was a reason sufficient for the Banishment of the Ministers, and demolishing the Churches. So that there were very few Churches that durst adventure to put it to the hazard, but delivered all they had of Instruments and Evidences. The pretence for this vexation was, that they were resolved to discover whatever they had of Estates, after the Confiscation of which their Persecutors thirsted with so much Passion. But the main reason, though the most concealed, was their eager desire to deprive 'em of the means to preserve any Memoirs, by which Posterity might be truly informed of the injustice that was done 'em. However, to say Truth, notwithstanding all these precautions, there remained sufficient to form the Body of a History large enough: though it cannot be denied, but that many Churches were despoiled of the means to afford me those assistances which I might have expected from 'em, especially such where the common Evidences belonging to each Province were deposited. Moreover, it may well be imagined, that the Manuscripts in the King's Library, of that in the College of four Nations, and in some others both public and private, were never imparted to me: and that I could not find any body that would venture himself to make Extracts useful for my design. I might there have found all the Negotiations tending to the Edict, all the Instructions of the Commissioners, all the Intrigues of the Court at the time of the general Assemblies, the whole Project of the Wars, and Violences put in practice by the Council of Lewis XIII. for the ruin of the Reformed. There is no question but that I might have found in the multitude of those Volumes of Manuscripts, particular things which I could not have met with otherwhere, and to which I could never attain by my conjectures. But there are three Considerations to make us some amends for this defect. 1. I have collected as well as I could, out of such Memoirs as came to my hands, the substance of things which might have been found in those Manuscripts more at large and clearer to the understanding; and I have supplied from those printed Pieces, of which we met with a great number, the defect of the Manuscripts. 2. In regard those Libraries were easy of access to all that wrote against the Reformed, for example, Bernard, Maimbourg, Solier, la Croix, and other indefatigable Persecutors of the Churches of France, it may be said that whatever was to their disadvantage in those Manuscripts, was recited by their Enemies in their Works; and if they have not extracted much, 'tis a sign they met with but little to feed their Passion: so that no body loses but myself, for want of those Manuscripts, from which I might have had some light toward the justification of those whose defence I have undertaken. Now there is no great likelihood that they who applied themselves with so much fury and passion to destroy us, will impute it to me for a Crime, to have forgotten something that might have laid more open the Evidence of their Injustice and Cruelty. 3. If any one shall undertake to refute this work of mine, he must furnish himself out of those Manuscripts with Arms to fight me. Which if he do not do sincerely, his answer will put me to little trouble. But if he acquit himself like a person of Faith and Credit, he must produce entire the Foundations of his Reflections, and by consequence publish many secrets, which may perhaps prove confirmations of our own Collections.  
In the main, these Considerations ought to be as equally beneficial to me, in the cause which I defend, as proofs in the claims of particular persons, or strong presumptions of a Robbery, or House-firing, or of any other accident not to be remedied, whereby they demonstrate the loss of their Evidences that should have justified their claims, or the answers which they make to their Adversaries. I prove that the Evidences that might be required of me are detained, or taken away from me be a greater force; and which is of more weight, I demonstrate, that the Authors of that Violence or that Robbery, are the same persons that require me to produce the same proofs which they have forcibly rifled from me. That there is knavery in their exceptions against my proofs, because they have by force despoiled me of my Evidences which were my legal defence. That they had need of great and positive proofs to convince me, because their Prosecution is suspected to be fraudulent; and for that slight presumptions are not sufficient against me, because they have unjustly torn from me those monumental Deeds, from whence I could have drawn stronger proofs. But I am not altogether reduced to presumptions only: for that, maugre all the Artifices of a malignant Prudence, an infinite number of authentic Monuments of the miseries which the Reformed have suffered, have escaped the Gripes of Plunder and Destruction.  
After these reflections in general, it remains for me to give a particular account of the method which I have followed in compiling this History. And first of all it behoves me to answer those who may take it amiss that I adhere to a side, show too openly of what Religion I am, and declare myself concerned in the things which I recite. All people would have an Historian observe an exact neutrality; that he should never suffer his particular sentiments to be seen through; that he should not anticipate his Readers with his manner of writing▪ and that in stopping at a description altogether of bare matter of Fact and Circumstances, he should never incur the character either of Party, Advocate or Judge. However, I have dispensed with these severe Laws; I have argued the case; I have delivered my opinion; I have proved, I have refuted sometimes, as I thought, the Subject required. But I could bring several reasons to justify my conduct, were I not willing to be as short as is possible. The example of almost all those who have undertaken to write, is sufficient to make my Apology. We do not meet with any that have confined themselves within these narrow limits: and indeed it is a thing so impossible for a man to reduce himself to that strictness, that if they who prescribe these Laws to others, were to give an account of any Transaction themselves, they could never forbear violating the precepts of this painful exactness. I shall therefore only speak two things in my defence. The first is, that my Opinion and Ra●iocinations are to be considered as the Opinion and Reasonings of the persons in whose behalf 〈…〉 speak; either because they are the extracts of Discourses, and Speeches made in favour of 'em, or proceed from the same things, and for that they represent that the Reformed would have said for themselves, had they been judicially interrogated in Court. The ●●cond is, That there was a necessity for me to give ●…y History the character of a Defence, because I wrote it on purpose to serve for a Reply to the violent Declamations of those who have persecuted us. Therefore the mingling my Reflections sometimes with the Rehearsal of matter of Fact, was a thing not to be avoided, to the end I might the better prove the Fraud and Injustice of those whom I accuse, and more clearly make out the Innocency of those whom I justify. Nevertheless you may be assured, that upon several occasions where it seems to be myself that speaks, I have so narrowly watched my expressions, that there are few among the Reformed that will presume to disown what I say. In the main, this liberty of delivering a man's own opinion is not incompatible with impartiality in an Historian. All that sincerity exacts from him is, that he neither disguise nor dissemble things; and as to that, I have imposed such severe Laws upon myself as, I hope, will satisfy the most rigid Censurers. But in regard the Readers are no way bound to submit to the private Opinion of an Historian, which is rather as much subject to the Reader's judgement, as the recital itself of the matters of Fact; therefore they ought to think themselves rather obliged to the Historian for the trouble which he has taken to prepare the Process, upon which they are to give their Verdict, fit for Hearing, than to complain of his Anticipating their Judgements, by the liberty he has taken to declare his Sentiments. They find the matter ready to their hands, and without toiling themselves to reason upon the several matters, they have no more to do than to pronounce whether the Author had a true notion of the things, and hath reflected as one that rightly understood 'em.  
I have taken the liberty sometimes to alter the expressions of the Acts which I have cited. But no body ought to be troubled at that; in regard it is impossible to do otherwise, when there is a design to Abbreviate. Moreover, in regard I am forced to transmit several of these Acts to public view, People have the less reason to blame me for not reciting word for word in the Body of the Book, what I have placed ●ll along in the Order of the Proofs. Besides, that when there were any expressions in the Acts that were remarkable and important, I always exactly retained ●he Sense and Substance of the matter. This is sufficient to satisfy unbyass'd People. Words are not so much the business as Deeds; and the alteration of words is of little Importance, when the matters of Fact are represented with a faithful exactness.  
I have set down almost all the Edicts and Declarations under the Date of the Day wherein they passed ●he Seal, rather than of their verification in Parliament, though the said Acts begin to be in force, as Laws, from the day of their being registered. But I took that to be the better way, in regard the jurisdiction of France being divided under several Parliaments, it ●arely happens that the said Acts are registered in all places, or upon the same day. So that it would have occasioned a kind of intricacy, and would have rendered the matter dry and sapless, which of itself is not very opulent or pleasant, had I put so many different Dates to every Edict. I know very well, that usually they mind no more than the day of verification in the Parliament of Paris, as having some certain privilege which distinguishes it from others. But since an Edict which is therein registered has not the force of a Law in another Parliament, till the performance of the same Ceremony there, I thought it more to the purpose to keep to the Date of the Seal, which is fixed and common over all the Kingdom. Besides, that at this day it is a Maxim of the Council of France, that Edicts derive not the force of a Law from their being registered, but from the King's Pleasure only, and from the impression of the Seal; and that the Parliament has no other authority than to publish it, and to put it in execution. So that I had reason to prefer the Date from whence the Acts derive their force, before that which affords 'em nothing, and only serves to remove from among the People all excuses of ignorance.  
I also give this farther notice, in reference to the Dates, that if I have fallen under any mistake, 'tis not I that am to be blamed. I followed that which I met with in the printed Papers, which I made use of, and which being almost all of 'em set forth by the Catholics, have received from them all the alterations which are there to be found. Moreover if I commit any error in the number of the Articles, several of which I divide into pieces, there is nothing to be imputed to me. For that division is almost arbitrary: and sometimes you shall find it vary in different Editions of the same Edict and the same Decree, though they be all equally Authentic.  
You will find, that in some places I suppose that the Reader knows certain things, without the knowledge of which it would be very difficult to understand the matter of Fact of which I give an account. I know that this may well be looked upon as a fault: and I have found it bade myself, when the Historian neglected to explain somethings which he presumed I knew before, because they were known to him. But I must confess, I thought it impossible to avoid this fault; because that if a Historian were bound in favour of strangers to explain whatever may put them to a puzzle, for want of having an exact knowledge of Customs, of Families, of the situation of Places, and an hundred other particulars, my History would have been swallowed up in Episodes, ●r Digressions, with which I must have been constrained to load it. So that, whether I will or no, I am constrained to refer the Reader, who is desirous to know what I have not informed him, to such Authors ●ho have particularly treated upon that Subject.  
I do not believe they will be offended with me for ●ot enlarging upon Foreign Affairs, because they were ●ot proper to my Subject. Nevertheless, when I thought ● necessary, I observed their Connexion with those of ●e Reformed Churches. I have not tied myself to the relation of Sieges and Battles, when I speak of the Civil Wars, because other Historians have made long descriptions of those matters; besides that I should run astray too far from my principal aim which is only to relate after what manner the Edict was observed. I have also taken the liberty to scatter some Sentences in my relations; wherein I have done no more than according to the practice of all Historians. If they be done with judgement, the Reader will not be offended: if they be little to the purpose, he will not find 'em either so long or so frequent, as to chastise me too severely for 'em.  
It may be said perhaps that I tie myself too much to the Histories of the Great Lords, such as Martial de Bovillon, the Duke of Trimoville, the Constable de Lesdiguieres and several others. But one reflection shall serve for all, to show that I could not do otherwise. Those Lords were the occasion of almost all the Good, or Mischief that befell the Churches. They did 'em good, when they renounced their own interest to serve 'em; they did 'em mischief, when they engaged 'em in their own particular Affairs. So that you meet with 'em every where: nor can you speak of the Churches, without having an occasion to mention those Eminent Persons, who have either supported 'em with their Protection, or ruin'd 'em by their Quarrels and Contentions.  
There are some words which perplexed me not a little. Conversion, Heresy, Heretics, and the like, have quite another signification from the lips of a Reformed, from what they have in the mouth of a Catholic. But I must have had recourse to endless Circumlocutions, should I have been always studying to avoid the making use of those words in the same sense that the Catholics take 'em. I thought it sufficient to distinguish the places where the words carry a Catholic sense, by printing them in a different character from the Text: and there is no great likelihood that the Catholics will be offended at me for calling 'em Catholics quite through the whole Book. 'Tis a name they glory in; and there are Edicts in France which forbid the calling 'em otherwise. Nor did I think it proper to give 'em any other; because 'tis a long time since it has been made use of by way of Precedent, that it is no longer Synonymous with Orthodox; and for that in common speech it signifies those who acknowledge the Pope for Universal Head of the Church. 'Tis in that sense, that I give it 'em; and I had rather comply with 'em so far, then give 'em any other name, that would not be so pleasing to 'em. There is something more in that of Reformed, which I give to the Protestants of France. For a Reformed Officer, ● Reformed Captain, does not always signify, in the French Tongue, such as profess the Reformed Religion. But I could not meet with one more proper. ●●is a defect, which all the exactness of the Academy, or the good opinion the French have of their Language, could ever have avoided; that is to say, to have some words that proved to be equivocal: so that the Reader must gather the true meaning and sense of the word from the Subject in hand. I did not think such an inconvenience sufficient to hinder me from making use of a word, that saved me the labour of searching after Periphrases and Circumlocutions to express myself: and 'tis my opinion that when we write for the Public, we are not to mind the distaste of those that take a pet at such equivocals.  
I shall not here go about to make any Apology for my sentiments touching the Authority of Kings, and the Duty of Subjects. 'Tis true that the judgement which will be made of my Book, depends in some measure upon the truth of the Maxims which I sustain. But I should unprofitably extend this Preface, by the discussion of a Subject which is at this day become the Theme of all Conversations, and of several Books. There is nothing more A-la-mode than to handle this important Argument. And perhaps a fairer opportunity was never offered for people to believe this difficult question decided. All Europe has considered of it; and all Kingdoms having approved the Revolutions in Great Britain, have by consequence pronounce sentence in favour of the People against the Pretences of Sovereigns. Liberty has gained the point, and Arbitrary Power is generally condemned. The Rights of Subjects are cleared up, and the Usurpations of Puissances are disapproved. 'Tis not therefore necessary for me to engage in giving reasons for my sentiments; since all Europe has divulged 'em for me; besides that, I shall be obliged to speak more expressly upon this Subject in another place.  
There remain only Three Remarks for me to make, before I conclude this Preface. The first is, That some people may think I have done amiss, not to set down in the Margin the names of the Authors, and the place in their Works from whence I took my observations. It seems, this is come now to be thought as necessary in Histories, as in Polemic Writings. But I must confess, 'tis a custom which I did not think it my duty to submit to. In the first place, I have the example of all the Historians of any reputation on any side; chiefly those who having first of all applied themselves to this kind of writing, aught to be looked upon as Models and Precedents for others. Besides, that it seems as if this abuse were only introduced by the Captious, out of the Profundity of their refined Cavilling, who are secretly preparing a way ●o decry the most faithful Histories, under pretence of some Quotation found out as a handle for Censure to ●ay hold on. The Authors of the first magnitude were ●one of those that imposed this Law. But your Maimbourgs and Souliers; a sort of People; who, if they can but find an opportunity to trifle upon some Quotation, believe they have ruined at once all the Reputation of their Adversary. 'Twould be a very hard case, that a man who has spent several years in reading hunderds of printed Volumes, and thousands of Manuscripts, should see the fruits of all his labours blasted by the Cavils of some captious Monk, or some skue-dispositioned Wit, that should arraign him upon the Truth or Justice of a Marginal Quotation. It would be more to the purpose for those that desire to confute my Book, to take upon 'em the trouble of reading what I have read, that so after that, they may be able to judge, whether I have faithfully reported what I found in the Authors I consulted. Nevertheless, to let 'em see that I do not avoid a fair Challenge, but only Cavil and Impudence, I have in two things, followed the footsteps of the best Historians. First, I have given a Catalogue of the Books from whence borrowed the Materials for my Work: and in the next place, I have published the principal pieces which I made use of to take from thence the matters of Fact, of which I have given the relations. They are Printed at the end of every Part.  
The second Remark concerns the Language. You will not find in it perhaps that extraordinary delicacy, which now adays gives all the Life and Beauty to Books. There is a great deal wherein the Reader will find me nothing at all, were but the Lineaments of the Pen, and Features of the Draught only, taken away. For my part I confess, there will be many careless neglects found in the Style, many little Faults, of which Critics will make great Monsters. I freely give 'em leave; nor will it be any wonder to me at all. Perhaps I am not really persuaded that what they take for Beauties are really such. For it may as well be true that that same Purity of Language, so much celebrated, which is only learned in Ladies Chambers, and by conversation with persons, who, to make a right judgement of 'em, want nothing but good Sense and Understanding, does more injury, than it affords lustre and honour to the Language. It would be more Opulent and Masculine, if the rules and regulation of it were sought for in a better Fountain. However it were, I never laboured any farther than to make myself understood: nor did I ever take the pains to flourish my Style with certain allurements, which perhaps I might have ●ound out as well as another: So that where it is not worth my while, I never desire to pleasure those that ●…nsist upon Trifles, because they are not capable of any thing that is more elevated. Nevertheless, if they make ●udicious and impartial Remarks upon my Labours, whether they regard the matter, or whether they have ● relation to the Style and Manner, I promise 'em they ●…all find a Docility in me, which Authors are seldom ●…ilty of; and that if ever this History of mine be ●…ought worthy of a Second Edition, they shall see ●…at I have profited by their just Corrections.  
The third Remark concerns the manner after which I speak of the Clergy of France, and chiefly of the Jesuits. Some will imagine, that I have suffered myself to be somewhat too far transported by my Passion, when I have occasion to say any thing concerning 'em; and that out of the bitterness of my Animosity, there is a mis-becoming tartness and virulency in my Expressions. To which I answer, that they are deceived: for I had not spoken those harsh things of 'em, but out of a necessity of speaking Truth, which I impose upon myself. Besides, that the evil I have reported of 'em, amounts not to a hundredth part of the mischief they have done to all the World: and my opinion is, that the Jesuits would not have known themselves in this History, had I flattered 'em. They are so accustomed to see themselves painted out in black Colours, in all manner of Writings, that it would have been thought I had spoken of some other Order, had I given any other description of 'em. They also know so well themselves, that their Bloody and Perfidious Politics are the cause of all our misfortunes; and they pride themselves to that degree in not observing any measures of Faith or common Humanity with Heretics, any more than with all the rest of Manking, that it may be they will look upon all the Reproaches which I throw upon 'em as so many Eulogies, and behold all the Strokes and Dashes wherewith I blackened 'em as so many Rays of Glory which is due to 'em. In a word, after all the miseries which by their contrivances we have undergone, for so many years, 'tis a very small revenge, that aught to bedispleasing to no body, to call 'em by their right names; and only to revive those Reproaches against 'em, with which the most prudent Catholics have loaded their Society from the very Infancy of their Institution.   

THE PREFACE TO THE First Part.  
Although in the first Book, I only comprehend in short what was transacted in France in reference to Religion, from the beginning of Luther's Disputes, till the death of Hen. III. nevertheless that Part has so small a share in my Work, ●hat I may safely say, that it begins exactly from that Accident which brought Hen. the IV. to the Crown. So that my design takes in the Reign of three Kings. The first of which, whose Reign was the shortest, granted the Reformed an Edict and Securities; the Second took from 'em their security's; and the Third cancelled the Edict. Being therefore to give an Account of three such various Events, which enforces me to relate whatever happened most memorable under every Reign; ●y Subject therefore naturally dvides itself into three Parts. The first contains all that preceded the Edict of Nantes; or that since it was granted, regards the Execution of it during the Life of him that was the Author of it. The Second recites the means that were used, under the Name and Authority of Lewis the XIII. to wrest out of the Hands of the Reformed the Cities and Assemblies that were their Security; and from whence ensued the declination and ruin of their Affairs. The Third relates what passed under the Reign of that Prince who wears the Crown at present, till the Revocation of the Edict; to which I have added the Events of some ensuing Years, which are natural consequences of the former Transactions: as the flight of so many persecuted Families; their settling in foreign Countries, and several other things of the same nature.  
Now in regard our main business was to show that the Conduct and Behaviour of the Reformed has been always far different from the Portraiture which their Enemies made of it, I thought it requisite, in every part, but chiefly in the First and Second, where they appear with their Arms in their hands, to give an account of those things which afford the clearest light for the display of their Intentions; to the end it may be the better discerned, whether they were not reduced to make use of those extraordinary Remedies, by a necessity that admitted of no Dispensation. I shall discourse in another place of w●● they did after the death of Hen. IU. But I have here a design to speak one word of what was liable to be blamed in their Actions, during the Life of that Prince. Not that I intent to repeat what I have said, in their Justification quite through the whole Book, but only to observe in few words the principal Circumstances of Affairs, which you will find more amply laid down in the History itself.  
The Reformed then are to be considered in three conditions, under the Reign of this Prince. In the First, they had a King of their own Religion, but who finding it would cost him a world of trouble to surmount the opposition of the League, that under the pretence of Religion had armed the one half of the Kingdom against him, resolved to change his Opinion, so soon as he could do it with some appearance of Advantage. In the Second, they appeared in the Service of a Prince who after he had abandoned their Religion, seemed to have altered his affection for them too; and to mind nothing but his own Repose, without much troubling himself what became of his most faithful Subjects, who had done him such eminent Services. In the Third condition, you might see 'em living under the Authority and Protection of an Edict, which they obtained at length, after long solicitations; in the prosecution of which they had spent four years, and much longer time in the Execution of it.  
There could be nothing laid to their charge so long as they remained in their first condition, in regard they were fixed to the King's Service, and bore Arms in his Defence, as long as he had any Enemies either at Home or Abroad. If it be objected, that they did not serve him then with the same Zeal and Affection as they were wont to make appear; that their performances were not such as they used to be; that they let fall some Murmurs and Reproaches▪ I answer, that if they had carried it higher, it no way became the Catholics to find fault. You will perceive then by the History, that the Catholics were afraid of nothing so much as to see an end of the War, before they had constrained the King to change his Religion; that they also held Intelligence with the Leaguers, who might well be looked upon as Criminals, if the Reformed were Trespassers. Besides that the Reformed were obliged to stand upon their Guards as well against the Catholics of the Royal Army, as against the others; and that by Consequence it was not just that they should expose all their Forces to the discretion of those, who might have ruined 'em all in one Night, the more easily to have ingratiated themselves with the League, and have disposed of the Kingdom and the King's Person, as they had thought proper themselves. 'Twas Prudence to reserve one part of their Forces against a pinch, to the end the remainder might serve to revive and support their own and the Affairs of the Kingdom, if the other should happen to receive a foil. You shall find moreover, from his coming to the Crown, to his Conversion, that the King discovered to 'em every day more and more sufficient marks of his lukewarmness and indifference for them: That, consequently, they had reason to believe, that the more they enabled him not to want their Assistance, the more he would neglect their Establishment and Security. Whence it would follow, That if they made use of all their Forces, they should help to do their Enemies the Catholics business, and be not only ne'er the better, ●ut much the worse themselves. But in the mean ●●me, it will be found, that they acknowledged ●he King without condition; and that they did not make bargains with him, as the Catholics ●id to serve him. They would have put him doubtless to a strange plunge, had they been as nice ●nd as scrupulous as others were. This severity ●ould have been the Ruin both of Him and of all ●●e Officers of the Old Court, much more odious 〈◊〉 the League than the pretended Heretics; and ● there were among the other Royal Catholics ●●me persons of Honour, they must have had their ●are in the vexation. It was urged against the Reformed as an expression highly Criminal, that they had sometimes given it out, that they accepted of the Edict at a time, when they might if they pleased, have divided the Kingdom with the Catholics. I know not whether or no it be at if Crime to speak Truth; but I know very well, that the Reformed had been but closely united together by their own Interests, without meddling with those of the King or State; had they kept to themselves above three hundred strong Holds, and almost whole Provinces; had they expended the public Treasure upon their own Preservation; been sparing of their Veterane Soldiers and well disciplined Men, to have joined with that Party which had the upper hand of all the rest, they might have pretended perhaps to something more than the half of the Kingdom. Their separation from the rest of the Body would have infallibly been the utter dismembering of it: and if such a thing had happened, I know not how it can be denied, but that the best part would have fallen to their share. But their Generosity delivered the King and all his Servants out of this Perplexity. They sacrificed all their Policy and their Interests to their Duty They never harkened to the wholesome counsels of their just mistrusts: and though they were perspicacious enough to foresee the consequence of their good nature, they saw the Market concluded with others▪ without being concerned; one of the Articles of which was, to ravish from 'em the Person and Affections of the King. This unshaken carelessness of their own Interests fixed the tottering Crow● upon the King's Head: and this piece of service sufficiently deserved to have been never forgotten by them who long enjoyed the Benefit of it.  
In their second Estate, after the King had quitted their Religion, more especially after the Chiefs and Cities of the League had submitted to him, they appeared more fixed to his interests than they had been before; their Demands were higher, their Union more solid, their Designs better converted, their Assemblies more Numerous, and more ●ifly adhering to their Resolutions. But there ●ould be nothing more unjust than to charge it upon 'em as a Crime; and History shows such reasons for their conduct, that no unbyass'd persons ●n disapprove. They saw the King resigning his obsequiousness to the Pope, somewhat lower than became Humility; surrendering up his Heart and ●ind to the Catholics; and abandoning himself ● their Politics and their Counsels. He purchased ●e Heads of the League not only by good Governments, by large Pensions, by vast sums paid ●n in ready Money; but chiefly by concessions to ●●late the Edicts, under the protection of which the Reformed were in hopes to enjoy their ●ves, their Religion and their Estates. For four ● five years together a thousand acts of injustice, ●housand violences were committed in all the Pro●ces of the Kingdom, to the prejudice of the Re●rmed, as if the King's conversion had purchased the Catholics impunity for all attempts of Oppression and Wickedness. The King was so afraid of offending the Catholics, that to pleasure them, he held the Reformed in suspense for several years together, without granting them any thing more than general Promises, of which they saw the effects delayed from time to time, upon a thousand disobliging pretences: in a word, he would never listen to the Peace which he afforded 'em, such as it was, till all the Catholics were satisfied with it. So that he was much more careful to gratify those who had by so many efforts endeavoured to render his Throne inaccessible, then to protect those from Persecution, who had assisted him by so many services to ascend it. Besides that, the more his Affairs were assured by his reconciliation with the Leaguers, the more uneasy he became to the Reformed: and he was every day the mo●… sparing of his Favours towards 'em, by how much he saw himself in a condition not to need the●… assistance. Certainly that man must be no admir●… of Justice, who believes, that in such a posture o● the general Affairs it behoved the Reformed blindly to abandon themselves to the honesty of Catholics who hated 'em, and the sincerity of a Council that laughed at 'em: and who condemns 'em for 〈◊〉 king some precautions against that infidelity, 〈◊〉 which they had had such frequent and fatal experiences. Upon the whole, seeing that after 〈◊〉 many importunities and solicitations, they had obtained so little, 'tis easy to judge, that so much would never have been granted 'em, had they showed less Resolution and less Constancy.  
But in their third Estate, after they had obtained an Edict, and some Securities, one would think, that they should not have had any more excuses for the continuance of their importunities; that their eager desire to maintain themselves in Cities of safety, ●nd to augment the number of 'em; that the Petitions ●f their Politic Assemblies, and their general Synods; ●hat the renewing of their Union, and the Oath that ●asten'd it, and other such like Proceedings had had ●o longer any lawful pretence. The Edict verified ●n all the Parliaments of the Kingdom, was every where observed: the King most commonly explained the difficulties that arose upon the execution of it in favour of the Reformed; he cordially made use of 'em; and he was in Alliance with all ●he foreign Protestants. One would have thought after all this, that that same Spirit of Distrust, which they showed upon a thousand occasions, was ●o longer to be endured, and that it might have authorised the jealousies and suspicions of their turbulent and factious Humour. But History affords us matter of Reply to this same plausible Objection. There need no more than two considerations to show, that as these Mistrusts were not without a good foundation; so the precautions, which they advised, were far from being unlawful. The first of these Considerations is drawn from the present state of Affairs, the second from future Events.  
The present condition of the Reformed was not so calm or free from disturbance, but that every day presaged an approaching declination, with which the Constitution of Affairs threatened 'em, if they forbore to stand upon their Guard. The alterations made in several Articles of the Edict by the King himself, and by his single authority, only out of a Prospect to please the Clergy and Parliaments, were not so slight, whatever was said, but that they were no less sufficient demonstrations that the King, in other things so jealous of his word, had suffered the Catholics to have a powerful Ascendant over him. They who could persuade him to violate nine Articles of an Edict so long time under negotiation, and concluded with so much solemnity, might well one day oblige him to elude and frustrate all the rest of his Concessions. Besides, the excess of his Obsequiousness to the Pope; his Ambition to bear sway in the Conc'aves, and to procure himself Friends and Creatures in the Court of Rome; His Alliance with an Italian Princess, upon Conditions which the Pope had dictated; The art of terminating Controversies, and of a converter of others, in which he took a Pride; The Affront which he caused to be put upon du Plessis at Fontain Bleau, though he were one of his most ancient and faithful Servants; and several other things of the same Nature, were sufficient grounds of fear, that at length his Affection would be quite estranged from the Reformed; and that in some important Affair or other, he would not stick to make an entire Sacrifice of their Interests to the Catholic Religion. Which was the more probable, because he was accused of ●nconstancy in his Friendship; and because among ●ll his Heroic Qualities, he wanted that of being Grateful: and therefore, though the remembrance of the Services which the Reformed had done ●im, were not utterly extinguished, yet Time might bring it to pass. A Prince who had led a ●ife not very regular, or rather, to speak the real Truth, who had wallowed in excess of Debauchery, might well be sensible as he grew, in ●ears, of the Pains of another World. And when these Pains once terrify the Conscience, he would be willing to rescue himself from those terrors, at any price whatever. All Services ●nd Friendships are forgot, when the main concern is to make ensurances against eternal Death▪ ●nd when there needs but one Victim for a man 〈◊〉 deliver himself, he never minds the value of ●he Sacrifice. The recalling the Jesuits, wherein ●he King suffered himself to be led away by a sole ●ar of a Stab from their Hands, contrary to the ●esires of all good French men, and apparently against the interest of the Reformed, showed what a power fear had over him; and what he was ready to do, to preserve himself from being assassinated. But the Credit, into which that Pernicious Society wound themselves at Court, so soon as they had set their feet in it, the King's erroneous Complacency for Cotton the Jesuit, of whom he made choice for his Confessor; his toleration of the Frauds, Attempts and Treacheries of that Villain, who as if he had been assured of being secure from punishment, never gave himself the trouble to conceal 'em: His weakness in entrusting the Education of the Dauphin to his care; and which obliged him to bequeath his heart to that Society, for an● Ornament to the Church de la Fleche, still augmented more and more the mistrusts which the Reformed had of his totterring kindness. And indeed there were enough to oblige people whom so many experiments had rendered wise, and who had so often been chastised for their credulous simplicity, to provide well for their safety; to the end they might have wherewithal to defend themselves; should their Enemies once go about to renew their Acts of Violence and Injustice.  
But the foresight of Future Events, more especially required 'em to be watchful over their own Preservation. The King might die: there had been frequent Conspiracies against his Life; besides, that his Health was often attacked by dangerous symptoms. What though he might live out twenty or thirty Years longer, and that in his extreme old Age he might be vigorous enough to uphold his Edicts, this was no more than a lingering of twenty or thirty years, after which he was to pay the same Tribute to Nature with all the rest of mankind. But there appeared such preparations against that time, that people might be justly then afraid of strange Revolutions. The Jesuits would have ●ad time to make themselves Masters of Affairs. 〈…〉 King of their own breeding up, and Educated 〈…〉 a mortal hatred of the pretended Heretics, and 〈…〉 the most paltry practices of superstition, terrified the Reformed, as a Prince who would never think himself bound in Conscience to a faithful observation of the Edicts. An Italian Queen, by ●…clination a Spaniard, imbued with the Politics▪ of Rome, and fully persuaded that the Reformed ●ight shake the Fortune of her Children, by supporting against 'em the interests of another Prince, was a new reason for 'em to expect some unlucky Revolution. The Projectors of a double Alliance with the House of Austria, to say truth, little likened to by the King, but very agreeable to the Queen, supported by the Court of Rome, pushed forward by the Jesuits, by the Leaguers, and by the Spanish Pensioners, were other motives to make ●…m provide against future Events, and to be cautious to prevent surprises. The Dauphin being as yet in his Cradle, 'twas no wonder the King gave no ear to propositions to an Alliance so unseasonable▪ but he might change his mind, when his Son came to be of years ripe for Marriage. And in truth the King at his death, left a Court that thirsted after that Alliance between the two Crowns, which the Reformed could not choose but look upon as fatal to their Churches. Nor is it to be said, that these were vain fears; as the Event has too severely justified. The King's death, the Alliance with Spain, the profound engagement of Lewis XIII. in superstition, his natural hatredof the Reformed, his Obedience to the Councils of the Jesuits, whatever the Reformed had reason to be afraid of, all happened almost at the same time, and by degrees advanced the declination of that Party who had now lost their Protector.  
History affords us proof of all this; that all these Events of the Life of Hen. IU. and the whole Conjuncture of Affairs, threatened the Reformed with approaching▪ Desolation, if keeping to their Ancient Maxims, of believing all things, hoping all things, and never mistrusting the sincerity of other men, nor making use of any other Buckler but that of Simplicity, Generosity and Innocence; not thinking of the Future, but with an imprudent resignation, they provided not better for themselves than before the Massacres. I conclude from hence, that the fears of the Reformed being but too well grounded, it was a great piece of injustice to blame 'em for taking measures to secure themselves. And since that time has made it out, that they were not so provident as they should have been, that which may be hence asserted is, that they had prudence enough to foresee the Mischief, but that they had not the good Fortune to prevent it.  
As to what remains, I have this farther Advertisement to give the Reader, that it is impossible but that I must have made some mistakes in the Date of the Years, in the First Book of this Part. The custom of beginning the Year at Easter not being laid aside till under Charles IX. as I did not think myself bound to count the Years according to that custom, so neither did I shun it altogether. So that it may so fall out, that I have related under the Date of one Year, what according to the custom of time ought to have been put down under the Date of the Year preceding. If I did not take that care, my reason, is that in so short ●n Abstract as that of my First Book, the mistake of Date which refers to the beginning of the Year that which belongs to the end of another, can be of ●o great consequence. I should have been more exact, had I handled that part of the History more 〈…〉 large.  
The Epistle of the famous James Augustus de Thou to Hen. IU. which serves for a Preface to his History, having always been looked upon as a most accomplished Piece, and not only for one of the Four Writings of that nature which have most deserved the Approbation of the learned, but for an anthentick Monument of the Sentiments of all the most worthy Men of his Religion at that time, concerning Oppression and Persecution, there were many persons who believed, that Piece had some affinity with mine, and that I should oblige the Reader if I gave him a faithful Translation of it. I took it therefore for good Advice; and it is done as much word for word as could be without speaking Latin in English: or if any liberty be taken, to explain some things which the manner of expression or the length of Periods might a little encumber, it is not such as can any way render suspected the Fidelity of the Translator.   

To the Most Christian King OF France and Navarr HENRY IU.  
Done from Thuanus himself in Latin.  
SIR,  
WHEN first I applied my Thoughts to write the Story of these Times, altho' I were not ignorant at this Laborious Work of mine, whater it were, would be obnoxious to va●…us Censures, This however was my ●…fort, that I know myself spurred ●…ward, not by Ambition or vain Glory, ●…t by the Reward attending a good Con●…ence: And I was in hopes, that the ●…blic Animosities being allayed and ●…inguish'd by a long series of Time, the ●…ve of Truth would one day get the upper hand; more especially, You reigning King, who by the particular Favour of Heaven, having subdued the Monsters of Rebellion, and eradicated the Fuel of those Factions that have long laid us waste, became the Restorer of Peace to France; and with Peace have linked two Things together thought incompatible by others, Liberty and Sovereign Power. Add to this, that we first set our Hands to this Attempt, at a time, when we could not but bewail the Causes of the Civil War invelopped in the Private Affections and Desires of Ambitious Men, and all hopes of Peace excluded from Public Counsel and Advice; and for that reason, thought it so much the more lawful for us to speak freely, yet on this side Envy or detraction, naked Truth. But as this Work went forward, which being begun in the Camp, amidst the confused Noises of Trumpets and Sieges, grew up to Bulk in your Court, and now among the Hurry and Clamours of the Bar, and the delays of Travel, has reached your Reign, I perceived my Inclinations far different from what they were at the beginning. For than my Mind intent on the Variety and Importance of the Transactions to be related, and seeking Respite from the Public Calamities, was wholly taken up in Meditation and Writing. And this has brought a fear into my thoughts, that what I wrote, surrounded with the clattering of Arms, and which might then perhaps be acceptable, or at least not unworthy of Excuse, will now, that our Commotions are appeased, not only be less pleasing, but offensive to the morose and difficult Ears of some Persons: it being the general default of Human Kind, that men are more prone to do ill, than to hear of Evil Actions committed. But in regard it is a Law most exactly to be observed in History, for the Author not to presume to utter Falsehoods; yet on the other side, to be bold and daring in the delivery of Truth, I made it my business with all my might to dig for Truth, absconded often, sometimes more profoundly ingulph'd in the Animosities of contending Parties; and thus digged up, deliver it sincerely to Posterity: no less careful, left prevaricating in so just a Cause, through a preposterous Affectation of prudence I should injure the Felicity of Your Time, but seldom known, wherein every man is permitted to think what he pleases, and to speak what he thinks. For my own part, how far I am from Dissimulation, I hope is well known to those who are acquainted with my Person and my Manners. Nor have I lived so obscurely, that the most Partial can be ignorant of my candid and upright dealing in Public Actions. For after once Your Prowess and Your Clemency had reduced us to a peaceful Reconciliation, I so absolutely forgot all personal Injuries, if any had been offered, and so freely laid aside the least Resentment of 'em both privately and publicly, that I may justly assure myself, that no man will have occasion to reproach my defect of Equanimity and Moderation in what relates to the Remembrance of things past. I might call those to witness, whose names will frequently occur in these following Books; who when they have wanted my Assistance in any thing relating to that Employment by You entrusted to my management, have always found me ready to do 'em any kindness that might not brand me with Corruption. What therefore upright Judges ought to do, when they debate the Lives and Fortunes of Men, that did we also, when first we undertook this History: often interrogating our Conscience, whether it were touched with a smarter sense than usual, that might turn us aside from the fair Path which we proposed to follow. To that purpose have I softened, as much as in me lies, the Harshness of some Things by smoothness of Expression; I have every where suspended my judgement and avoided all Digressions: Lastly, I have observed a plain and naked manner of Writing, that by my Style I might show myself no less exempt from Disguise and Ostentation, than from the Partialities of Hatred and Favour. On the other side, I beg both of my own Countrymen and Foreigners, that shall peruse these Sheets, that they bring nothing of Prejudice along with 'em, nor pronounce sentence upon this Labour of Mine, till they have diligently read it over. I will not deny, but that it is a Task superior to my strength; and that the due performance if it requires many Accomplishments which in me are wanting. But the Public Good and my ardent Desire to serve my own Generation and succeeding Ages, prevailed with me beyond all other Considerations; and when I consulted the satisfaction of that passion, I rather chose to be accounted inconsiderate than ungrateful. Nor am I so anxious for what may be thought of my Sincerity, in reference to which I am not Conscious of any thing that can be laid to my charge; or of my Industry, in excusing the defects of which I despair not so much of your Clemency, or the Candour of the Reader, as I am afraid, lest what I make the Greatest part of my History, may be tedious and irksome to most People, who being out of Danger, as they believe, themselves, or are either not so just in censuring the Miseries, or else over-remiss and unconcerned for the Calamities of others. For to those other Mischiefs, with which this Age, in Hostility with Virtue, abounds, that fatal Discord has joined itself, occasioned by Religion, which, for almost this whole whole Century, has turmoiled the Christian world with continual Wars, and will continue still to vex, unless timely Remedies, and other than hitherto have been employed, be carefully applied by those whose chiefest Interest it is to manage that Affair. For we have learned by Experience, that Fire and Sword, that Exilement and Proscriptions have rather exasperated, than cured the Distemper deeply rooted in the Mind: and therefore not to be relieved or healed by Medicines that only work upon the Body, but by sound Doctrine, and sedulous Instruction, which being gently infused, persuades an easy passage to the Mind. All other things are subject to the Sanctions of the Civil Magistrate, and consequently the Sovereign Prince; Religion only admits not of Dominion, and never enters the Seat of human Judgement, but when rightly prepared by a well grounded Opinion of the Truth, assisted by the accession of Divine Grace. Torments prevail not to enforce it; they but confirm the Obstinate, rather than subdue, or persuade. What the Stoics have so haughtily boasted of their Wisdom, much more justly may we assert of Religion; that where People are deeply affected with it, Torments and Grief are little feared or valued, and all other Inconveniences whatever, are overwhelmed and vanquished by that same Fortitude, inspired by Zeal and Devotion. All the sufferings that Mankind is liable to undergo can never terrify 'em. All the Misfortunes and Calamities that are dreadful to Human Frailty, they never complain of Enduring. They know their strength, and whether falsely or truly, if once assured of Heavenly support, they believe themselves sufficiently able to bear the burden. Let the Executioner stand at their Elbow; let the Tormentor appear with his Irons and his kindled Fires, it will not shake their Perseverance: nor will they consider what they are to suffer, but what they are to do. The s●ource of their Felicity remains within 'em; and whatever happens from without is but a fly-blow, and only grazes the surface of the skin. If Epicurus, branded among other Philosophers for the impurity of his life, had such a high notion of a wise Man, that burning in Phalaris' Bull, he would cry out, 'Tis pleasant, and concerns not me at all; can we believe a character less signal due to their Courage, who a hundred years since contemned and slighted all manner of Torments, all the inventions of Cruelty for Religion's sake? O● that they would not be the same again, upon as terrible a Prosecution of the same inhumanities'? 'Tis worth the while to hear what one among the rest both said and did, when tied to the Stake on purpose to be burnt to death; how first he fell upon his knees and sung a Psalm, which the Flames and Smoke could hardly interrupt; and when the Executioner, to mitigate his terror, would have kindled the Fire behind his back, Come hither, said he, and kindle it before my Face: for had I feared a little scorching, I had never been brought to this Place, which it was in my power to have avoided. In vain therefore, men by Torments labour to suppress the Zeal of those that meditate innovations in Religion; which do but rather harden their minds to sufferings more painful, and more daring undertake. For when others have sprung up out of the Ashes of others, and that their number has increased, their Patience turns to Fury: no longer Suppliants, as before, they then begin to be importunate and trouble some Expostulators and Demanders; and they who fled from cruelties before, have of their own accords betaken themselves to Arms. This we have seen in France for forty years together, and little less in Germany. And things at length were brought to that extremity, that the growing Mischief could not be lopped off with the punishment of two or Three, which at first perhaps might be securely done. But when once it had o'er spread whole People, whole Nations, and consequently the greatest part of Europe, in vain the Civil Sword is then made use of; it requires the weapons of spiritual warfare to mow down the Harvest of Oppression. They ought to be instructed, and invited to friendly Colloquies and Conferences, where Equity and Moderation preside. This did St. Austin, writing to Proculianus, a Sectary of the Donatian stamp. He it was, who also interceded for 'em to Donatus, Proconsul of Africa, that they might not be put to death. Believing it became the professors of true Religion not to recede from their prepetual resolution of surmounting Evil by Acts of Lenity. And in another place, he writes to the Precedent Caecilianus, that the Aposteme of sacrilegious vanity was rather to be cured by impressions of Fear, than to be cut off by the Sword of Revengeful persecutions. Therefore in that splendid Epistle to Boniface, he adds, that in Causes of this nature, where by reason of the Fatal scissures of Dissension, not this or that single Person runs a hazard, but whole Communities of people lie liable to ruin, there ought to be a Relaxation of Severity; and that the greater evil were to be redressd by the more indulgent applications of Charity. Which Opinion so far prevailed in the Church, that the sentence was more than once transcribed into Gratian's Decree. St. Austin therefore, a Person both of a pious and meek spirit, thus delivers his Sentiments, that the Career of those Mischiefs was not to be stopped by rigour, by violence or domineering Authority; and more advantageous progresses would be made, rather by instructing than commanding; rather by admonition, than menaces; and that multitudes of sinners were after that manner gently to be dealt with, severity only to be inflicted upon the transgressions of a Few. Or if they who are superior in command are sometimes constrained to make use of threats, that they ought to be uttered with a real grief and sorrow for the miscarriage of the Offender; and that the Terror of Vengeance should ●e derived from Scripture; not to render their own authority formidable, but that it may appear to be the awful voice of God threatening his Judgements upon Transgressor's from their Lips; as he writes in his Epistle to Aurelius, the Bishop. And certainly, if we have a love for Truth, ●f necessity we must acknowledge, that ●● all the ancient Monuments of sacred Antiquity we find not any approved example extant of capital punishment inflicted upon Sectaries; and that the Primitive church had always in abomination the ef●sion of Blood. Or if such an accident ●…ll out at any time, the Bishops truly pi●…s, manifested still their detestation of the Fact. As appeared in Priscillian, who having spread the Poison of his pernicious Doctrine among the Churches of Gaul, but more especially in Aquitaine, together with his Followers, was in the year 383. put to Death at Treves, by Maximus, otherwise a good Prince, only that he had usurped the Empire from Gratian, whom he deprived of his Life at Lions. The St. Martin had obtained a promise from the Emperor, that nothing Bloody or Cruel should be acted against the Guilty; and had earnestly exhorted Itacius, and some other sticklers to desist from their accusations. For all the rest of the Bishops blamed the violence of their proceeding, as unjust and unbecoming Christians. And though Itacius, after the fact perfidiously committed, fearing the scandal of it would fall upon his Shoulders, had withdrawn himself; yet afterwards he was condemned by Theognistus. Nor was it without great reluctancy, and by constraint of pressing necessity, that St. Martin could be persuaded to hold Communion with the Italian Party. In like manner St. Ambrose, who was sent at the same time to Maximus by Valentinian, the Brother of Gratian who was put to Death, testifies in his relation, that when he was at Treves, he refrained the company of those Bishops that sided with Itacius, who demanded that they who deviated from the Faith might be punished with Death. Afterwards, when those hare-brained Prelates had prevailed with Maximus to send certain Tribunes into Spain with Plenipotentiary Power to inquire after Heretics, and being apprehended to punish 'em with loss of Life and Confiscation of Estates, the same St. Martin never left the Emperor, till he had obtained a revocation of that inhuman Decree. For it was the care of that pious Bishop to set free, not only the Christians, who were to be molested under that pretence, but even the Heretics themselves. Foreseeing in his mind, that that same Tempest, were it not diverted, would cause a great depopulation of the Faithful: there being then but little difference made between the sorts of Men, when only the Eye was judge of the distinction, and Heretics were marked out rather by the paleness of their Looks, or by their Habit, than by their Faith and Doctrine.  
However, after Priscillian was put to death, the Heresy propagated by himself, was so far from being ere adicated by the severity of his punishment, that it gathered strength and spread itself more and more; and his Followers who before had honoured him as a Holy Person, began to adore him as a Martyr, removed the bodies of those that suffered, into Spain, and solemnised their Obsequies with extraordinary Pomp. Nay, they carried on their Superstition to that degree, that it was accounted a most sacred Oath to swear by Priscillian: which occasioned so cruel and so long continued a Division between the Bishops of the Gallican Church, that fifteen years Bloody contention could hardly put an end to; while the people of God, and all good men were in the mean time exposed to Affront and Obloquy. Which words as often as I read in Sulpitius Severus, who wrote the History of that Age with equal Eloquence and Fidelity, I call to mind the years of my childhood, when at the beginning of the Commotions about Religion, men were marked out by the Eye for Slaughter; not upon any suspicion of their manners, or of the corruption of their past Lives; but only out of a particular malice to their looks, or the fashion of their Cl●athes; and what with their heats of Contention and Animosities, what with favours ill bestowed, the pusillanimous Fear, Inconstancy, Drowsiness, Sloth and Arrogancy of those that sat at the Helm of Affairs, the Kingdom was rend into Factions, and Religion itself push almost to the brink of the Precipice by the Troubles and Agitations of the State.  
After St. Marcin's time, more moderation was used in the Church toward those that deviated from the Faith; whom they only either Banished or Fined, but always spared their Lives. So that in the year 1060, when certain of the followers of Berengarius Archdeacon of Angiers went about sowing his Doctrine in the Territories of Liege, Juliers, and other parts of the Low Countries, Bruno, Archbishop of Treves, thought it sufficient to expel 'em out of his Diocese, never thirsting after their Blood.  
Nor were they, after this, more severely handled by the Church, till the time of the Vaudois; against whom when the most exquisite of Torments little prevailed, but that the mischief was rather exasperated by the remedy unseasonably applied, while their number increased, complete Armies were set on foot, and a War of no less bulk was decreed against 'em, than that which our Ancestors waged against the Saracens; the event of which was, that Murdered, Massacred, Chased from their habitations, Plundered of their Goods, and despoiled of their Estates and Signiories, their Persecutors gained a depopulated Country, but not a Convert that was thereby convinced of his error. Some there were who had defended themselves at first by force of Arms; who being vanquished by superior power, fled into Provence, and the Alps adjoining to the jurisdiction of France, where they met with a sort of skulking holes, wherein to shelter their Lives and Doctrine: others retired into Calabria, where for a long time they settled themselves, even till the Pontificate of Pius IU. Some wandered into Germany, and fixed their Habitations in Bohemia, Poland and Livonia; while another Remnant, turning Westward, sought for sanctuary in England. And from some one of that number 'tis thought that John Wickliff descended, who for a long time taught Theology at Oxford, where after various Contentions and hot Disputes about Religion, he died a natural Death, above 300 years ago. Natural indeed., and yet more fatal to him then his common mortality: for that several years after his decease, the Magistrate ordered him to be taken up again, arraigned him, and caused his Bones to be publicly burnt. After that time started up several other Sects that have continued till our Age, wherein after the severity of Torments in Vain experienced, the contest flamed out from private Disputes into open Wars, and Rebellions of numerous multitudes, both in Germany, England and France; uncertain whether ●o the greater detriment of the public tranquillity, or Religion itself: such a schism being formed and corroborated, ●nd too long neglected by those, in whose power it was, and whom it behoved to have applied proper Remedies in time.  
These Things, of so great consequence, I have not so largely insisted upon, with a design to revive that so often harrass'd Question, Whether Heretics ought to be punished with death; which neither my Time nor my Profession will admit of. My aim is only to show, that those Princes have acted most prudently and most conformably to the Institutions and Maxims of the Primitive Church, who have rather chosen to extinguish the conflagrations of War about Religion, with disadvantageous conditions of an amicable composure, then to continue the desolations of an obstinate contest, not to be determined but by the uncertain chance of absolute Conquest. This Ferdinand, a most prudent Prince foresaw; who having learned by experience, in the furious and dangerous Wars of Germany, under his Brother Charles the Fifth, the ill success of the Emperor's Arms against the Protestants, no sooner attained the Imperial Diadem himself, but he re-established the Peace of Religion by a solemn Decree, which he afterwards ratisied several times. And father observing, that greater progresses were made in matters of Religion by friendly Conferences, as he himself had experienced in the Diets held at Ratisbonne and Worms, he resolved a little before his death, and immediately after the breaking up of the Council of Trent, to follow the advice of his Son Maximilian, a Prince of great wisdom; and to satisfy the Protestants who were not at that Assembly, designed to have granted 'em another Conference: In order to which, the Emperor made choice of George Cas●ander, a person no less moderate than learned, in a friendly Conjunction with the Protestant Doctors, to examine the Articles of the Confession of Auspurgh, that were in Dispute. But the Crazy Constitution of that worthy man, and the soon ensuing Death both of the one and the other, e●●●'d Germany the Fruit of so Noble a Determination. After the Example of the Germans, the Nobility of Poland cook the same Course in their Republic.  
〈◊〉 Immanuel Philibert, Duke of 〈◊〉▪ after he was restored to the ancient Possession of his lost Territories, by virtue of the Pe●ce concluded with us, having rashly engaged himself, to his great Damage, in a War with the Vaudois of Piedmont, (whether it were to raise his Reputation in Italy, or to gratify others at the Expense of his own Jeopardy, it matters not) made amends for his mistake by a Timely Repentance; granting the free Exercise of their Religion to his, otherwise, Innocent People, and afterwards no less religiously observing the Articles which he had concluded with 'em.  
I now come to what concerns ourselves, and am going about to handle a sore, which I am very much afraid will draw no small inconvenience upon me, for only laying my Finger upon it. But since I have entered into the discourse, that I may dispatch in a word, I shall take the Liberty, allowed under your Reign, frankly and ingenuously to declare, That War is by no means a Lawful way to extirpate Heresy out of the Church. For the Protestants of this Kingdom, whose Number and Credit daily lessened in time of Peace, have always gathered strength in times of War and Division; and whether out of a preposterous Zeal, or through Ambition, and a Desire of Innovation, it has been the pernicious Error of our Statesmen to renew their Designs of extirpating the Protestants by Wars often inauspiciously begun, and as frequently unluckily composed▪ to the great hazard of our Religion. What need of Words? The thing itself speaks loud enough. For after various Troubles and Commotions, and during those, innumerable Cities, in every Corner of the Kingdom, wrested from the Public, no sooner was Peace restored by the Restitution of those Places in 1563. but 'twas a wonder to see what a sudden Serenity once more overspread the Nation. How joyful was that Four Years Interval to all Good Men! While our Religion sat safely protected, and most Excellent Laws, of which France will never have cause to repent, were made by a most upright Moderator of Justice and Equity. But then, the Fa●● of France again declining, we began 〈◊〉 grow weary of the Public Security established by those wholesome Constitutions, and spurning from us Peaceful Counsels, threw ourselves into a War, 〈◊〉 only Fatal to the whole Realm, but 〈◊〉 the Advisers of it also. They who were present at the Unfortunate Conference at Baionne, are sufficiently sensible what persons I mean. For from that 〈◊〉 forward, while we were still deluded and cajoled by foreign Fraud, all things we●● carried on by Artifice and Force of Arm● Than it was, that the Duke of Alva being sent with a Potent Army into Flanders, after Margaret of Parma, who had governed those Provinces with Extraordinary Moderation, had by tacit compulsion laid down the Regency; than it was that Alva mingled all things with Fire and Sword; erected Fortresses in every Corner, sapped the Public Liberty with unheard of Impositions for the support of the War, and breaking in upon their Immunities, reduced opulent Cities to meager Poverty, like strong Bodies emaciated by depriving 'em of Nourishment. But these harsh and unadvised Counsels, the fruits of Precipitation, were attended with the despair of the People, and lastly with Revolts. Which however for a time appeased, ended in this at length, that the larger and more abounding Part, and most commodious for Navigation, wherein the Wealth of those Provinces chiefly consists, being as it were mangled and dismembered from the rest of the Body, acknowledges now no Sovereign Authority, but that of the State's General, and wages auspicious War with all the Force of Spain. Which misfortune of the Spaniards, Francis Balduin, one of the most famous Lawyers of this Century, fearing long before, adviz'd the Peers of the Low Countries to petition Philip, that he would vouchsafe their former Liberty of Conscience to the Protestants every where turmoiled and harassed; and surcease the Rigour of Torments and In●isitions after suspected Persons. And 〈◊〉 this purpose he wrote a Treatise in French, whorein he proved by dint of ●●enuous Arguments, that the Affairs of Religion, disquieted and tormented by restless Controversies, would sooner be composed by Conferences, and an equilibrium observed among the Dissenters, than by violence and force of Arms. Wherein if they persevered, he foresaw that the strength of the Protestants, then but inconsiderable, and here and there dispersed, would be united by Factions; and that from verbal Contests they would betake themselves to Arms and Revolt. I have the more willingly recited this Prophecy of a Low Countryman, concerning the Low Countries, more especially to your Majesty, for that he, having at first embraced the Protestant Faith, yet afterwards upon diligent perusal of the Fathers, having altered his Opinion, nevertheless preserved the same Moderation of mind; so as not to be transported with an Implacable Hatred, as many are, against those whose Doctrine he had relinquished; but by a rare Example of Christian Charity, foreign to this Age, admonished by his own Error, to compassionate the failings of others, and to make it his whole Business▪ that what had been done amiss out of precipitancy, and desire of innovation, might be redressed by reviving the Practice of better Antiquity. With these sentiments and resolutions returning out of Germany into France, he found his Counsel no less prudent than pious, readily embraced by your most serene Father, in whose Court he held an honourable Employment; sometimes admitted into Council, and made choice of to take care of your Natural Brother's Education.  
Away then with those Ostentatious Vaunts, to the Dishonour of the gallic Name, so frequent in the mouths of many aspiring to a higher strain of Zeal than other Men, and boasting that they never subscribed to any Treatise of Peace with Heretics. Let 'em consider, what became at length of all their egregious Counsels, and lament at leisure the loss of so many Flourishing Provinces, and the Ru●●ous Dissipation of their own Estates consumed by Tumult and Sedition, o● sequestered by Conquest. How glad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be now to learn from our Example, what with so much Affectation they before detested! What would they 〈◊〉 to redeem the Loss of so many Years, which had they profitably employed against the Common Enemies of Christendom, they had expelled those Infidels long ere this out of Hungary, and both Maurita●ia's, to their Immortal Honour, and no less to the Advantages of Profit.  
But I am afraid, the same Imprudence which we blame in others, may be justly laid to our Charge, while either spurred on by our own precipitate Fury, or pushed forward by the Evil Counsels of those I have already mentioned, we have pampered the Occasions of most pernicious Disturbances; wherein we have seen our Cities sacked, our Churches levelled with the Earth, Churches which the Rage of former Commotions spared; whole Provinces laid waste; old Animosities, that Peace had lulled asleep, revived; Suspicions increased, and Arms laid down to be resumed with more Implacable Rancour. Yet after all these foul Enormities committed, at length a Peace was concluded, which the more precious it ought to have been, so much the sooner was it violated by an Act, scarce ever to be Expiated, unless Heaven, and that is all we dare to wish, would be pleased to bury it in Eternal Oblivion; I mean the Massacre perpetrated two Years after, wherein, Great Sir, Yourself, of old by Heaven designed to re-establish the Languishing Affairs of France, had like to have been enveloped.  
After we were got clear of this same Formidable Caphareus, we fell in among several other formidable Rocks, against which with equal Imprudence we Shipwrackt ourselves, Heaven's incensed Wrath not long procrastinating, but revenging the Impieties of France by the Death of a Generous Prince, misguided rather by the pernicious Counsels of others, then swayed by his own Inclinations. What did his Successors? Returning out of Poland, the Emperor Maximilian and the Republic of Venice, in whose Territories he rested by the way, besides their Magnificent Entertainments, gave him sincere and wholesome Counsel; which he contemning, at his entrance into the Kingdom, preferred a wicked War, which they dissuaded, and from which the suppliant Protestants implored him to desist, before a sued for Peace. But soon repenting, he changed his mind, and at the end of three Years made an Edict of Pacification, which he peculiarly called his own, and which was attended with a seven years profound Peace, unless it were for some slight Insurrections and Incursions of the Soldiers: otherwise, no Important Commotions on either side. Till certain Persons impatient of Ease, and not enduring that Peace had brought the Affairs of France to such a Condition, as not to land in need of their Assistance, kindled an unseasonable and mournful War, to which the King perniciously advised and by a fatal Mistak●● suffered himself to be drawn in: and though Yourself at first were the pretended Mark, against which those Arms were turned, yet all their Fury fell at length on his own Head. I tremble, when I call to mind that Execrable Parricide, no less to the eternal Infamy of the Gallic Name, then to the indelible Infamy of those that so inhumanly chuckled at it: which doubtless had involved the Kingdom, and together with the Kingdom, Religion itself 〈◊〉 ruin past recovery, had not You, Great Sir, reserved for these unhappy times by ●●e unlooked for Favour of the Almighty ●atching over our safety, like a well fixed Column, supported the tottering Commonwealth; and by Your Courage oped the Headlong Wheel of Public Ca●…mity ready to crush in pieces what ever ●…rowl'd over. Yet all this while have ●…stified by Your own Example, that all ●…ings else what ever are subject to Hu●…an Laws, but that Religion only, as have already said, is neither to be com●…ll'd or lorded over. For having been ●…strain'd from Your Infancy to struggle ●…th so many Adversities, in the midst Civil Wars; having been surrounded 〈◊〉 several Armies at the same time; ●…ter so many Battles won and lost (for was then equally mischievous to vanquish le vanquished) tho' you had all along fore, like a stout Soldier fight in his ●…nk, stood steadfast to your first Religion, to be shaken either with hopes or fears, length however at a time when you found that all things gave way to your Prowess, you surrendered of your own accord to the humble Prayers of Your Subjects, and in the full Career of Victory, suffering Yourself to be overcome, returned to the Religion of Your Ancestors. Yet after that, You still preserved the same sedateness of Temper and Moderation of mind, which you had always experienced so beneficial to yourself. For thus persuaded, you recalled the Edicts which had been published in despite of your Predecessors against the Protestants, and consequently against yourself. And after a Peace, to your loud Fame concluded not only with your Subjects, but with Foreigners, you by a Third confirmed two former Edicts in favour of the Protestants, whereby you restored 'em to their Houses, their Estates and their Honours; and dignified several with the highest Employments in the Kingdom. For it was your firm belief, that all Animosities assuaging by degrees, the Concord ratified by the Edicts, would be more readily observed among Dissenters in Opinions, and that Serenity and Tranquillity being restored to the Minds of Men, all Heats and Passions, like a scattered Storm, dispersed, People would be able with more sedateness to discern what in Religion was best to be made choice of, as most conformable to Antiquity. And indeed, this was the Course which those Holy Fathers always thought most proper to take with those, who either out of hatred, or swayed by Error, ran astray from the Rule and Communion of the Church: to the end they might make it appear, that they were rather led by Charity then any desire of violent Conquest. And upon these Considerations it was, that St. Augustin ever calls the Pelagians Brethren; and that Optatus of Milevum no less affably treats the Donatists. For this reason it was, that St. Cyprian, before them, was wont to say, that as it was his hearty wish, so it was always his advice and counsel to the Church, if possible, never to suffer any of the Brethren to perish; but to foster in her Bosom, like an Indulgent Mother, all without distinction, as one Body of People agreeing in their judgements. For indeed there are many among those that are separated from our Communion, who, that I may use St. Austin's words, would in order to their private Resolutions return, were once the Storms allayed. But seeing 'em continue, or else fearing lest they should grow more outrageous upon their reunion, they continue their Inclinations to advise and comfort the weak; still without separating from their particular Congregations, defending till death, and by their Testimony upholding that Faith which they know to be taught in the Catholic Church. Yet all this while they patiently suffer, for the sake of the Church's Peace, the Contumelies and Injuries offered on both sides, and by their Example teach us, with what sort of Zeal, Sincerity and Charity, God is to be served.  
Upon these Considerations, as well taught by my own Experience, as confirmed by Your Example, that 'tis my duty to consult the Peace of the Church, I have abstained from all bitterness of language: I mention the Protestants with honour; more especially those that excelled in Learning. Nor have I concealed the Vices of our own People; as being of the same Opinion with all virtuous Men, that they are infinitely deceived, who believe, in reference to the manifold Heresies which at this day torment the World, that there is a more Contagious Malignity in the evil Intentions and Artifices of their Teachers and Followers, than in our Vices and Impieties. And I am verily persuaded, to the best of my judgement, that the only way to provide against Both Mischiefs, as well the Deviations of the Dissenting Party, as our own Enormities, would be to remove from the Church and State all manner of Traffic and Brokage; That Virtue be rewarded; that Person● who excel in Piety, Doctrine, Learning, and Sobriety of Manners, such as have given proof of their Prudence and Moderation, should be advanced to the most sacred Functions: that no new Upstarts, persons of no value, but such as fear God and hate Covetousness, should be preferred to secubar Dignities, not for favour ●● by purchase, but only upon the recommendation of their Virtues. Otherwise, when good and Bad are admitted without distinction, 'tis evident that the Reign 〈…〉 Peace will be but of short continuance; and that those Cities of necessity must ●●rish, whose Rulers are not able to distinguish the Virtuous from the wicked; ●●● suffer, according to the Proverb, wh● the Bees should only enjoy, to be devour'● by Drones.  
There is nothing, Sir, more opposite ●● that Fidelity which in the first place ●● owe to God, and next to Yourself, an● the People subjected to your Empire, ●● that are entrusted with the Highest Employments and Preferments in the Kingdom, than the hope of filthy Gain. Were which if we commence our entrance into the Magistracy, 'tis to be feared that that will prove the Cynosure of all our Thoughts and Cogitations; and that at length, blinded with Avarice, and laying aside all care of Honesty and Justice, we shall falsify the Trust which God, Yourself, and your Subjects have confided in us. Avarice is a cruel, inhuman, and insa●iable Monster, that never cries, It is enough; and therefore not to be endured. Tho' the Golden Mountains of Persia, the Treasures of both Indies were added to the immense Heaps of France's Opulency, You ●ould not have wherewithal to satiate the ●reedy Maw of Covetousness. For Vices know ●o Bounds; their motion is restless; al●ays rolling headlong, and never cease ●ut with their own perdition. On the other ●●de, Virtue, according to the saying of simonides, resembling a Cube, steadfastly withstands all Shoggs of Fortune and Human Casualties; and subjecting itself 〈◊〉 Nature, that varies after several ways ●●e manifold Chances that befall the Life ●● Man, preserves the Mind and Conscience free and uncorrupted, contented ●ith itself; sufficient of herself for all ●●ings. Restore but to this same Virtue, ●hich thus forms the Minds of Men, her ●● Luster and Dignity, and you will ●●ve an overflowing Plenty liberally to ●●ward the Truly deserving, without ●rd'ning your Exchequer, or laying hea●● Impositions on your People.  
That the same Care may be taken in ●●e Church, if it be not directly under ●●r Majesty's Administration, certain●● it is a part of Royal Sedulity to be ur●t, to entreat, request, and interpose ●ur Authority with those on whom the Burden lies, that there be no neglect on their side. Assume to yourself this Glory, Sir, to which new Encomiums belong; and ponder this continually in Your Royal Thoughts, that this blessed Ease and Leisure, which we now enjoy, together with Yourself, can never otherwise be expected to be Diuturnal, than by strenuously employing this Interval of Peace, by the Almighty so favourably granted, to the Advancement of his Glory, and Composing the Divisions of Religion. 'Tis a Great Thing which I propose to Your Majesty; nor at this time, in the Opinion of many, who contented with their present condition, disrelish wholesome Counsels against future Inconveniencies, to be too hastily undertaken. But Great Rewards attend Great Erterprises; and a sublime and Towering Genius, the Gift of Heaven conferred upon Your Majesty, can never stoop to common Attempts. Certainly, after the suppressed llcentiousness of Riot and Rapine, and particular Families confined to moderate Expenses proportionable to their Incomes, in which respect France is more beholding to Your Majesty, than can be expressed, You can revolve in Your thoughts nothing more worthy the sublime Pinnacle and Station where you govern, than to compose and reduce into Order the Laws of God and man, all in confusion through the Civil Broils of so many Years. Whence You will doubtless reap this high Advantage, that the Wrath of God incensed against us being thereby atoned, and the Bishops and Magistrates strenuously labouring in the several duties of their Employments, Candour and Sincere Charity will prevail against Hypocrisy and Dissimulation; the Laws will combat Avarice and Luxury; which two contending Vices the depravity of the Age has intermixed: good Manners will be esteemed and improved; Modesty and Chastity, hitherto contemned and derided, will regain their Ancient Reputation; and lastly, that Virtue recovering her lost Honour, the Adoration, Luster and Authority of Money will abate.  
These are Your own Wishes, Mighty Sir. For I have often heard 'em from Your own Lips, when you have professed yourself ready to purchase so great a felicity to the Kingdom with the Mutilation of Your own Limbs. These are the wishes of all Your most faithful Subjects: and this is my sense of the Common-Weal. Wherein, if I have been somewhat too prolix; or if I have used too great a liberty of Speech, you will vouchsafe your pardon to an Innocent Person, bred up under that Liberty, the Restoration of which to our Country is a debt we owe to Your Majesty, and who had not otherwise presumed upon Your Royal Patience, but that he deemed himself obliged to fix something by way of Preface at the Portal of the Work; in some measure to restrain the Assassmations of Calumny, and heave off the Burden of Envy from his Shoulders.  
But when I thought that what I had hitherto said, either in excuse, or defence of my Labours, had been sufficient, my Friends admonish me, that there will be some who will object against me, that I might have spared such an exact Commemoration of particular things relating to our Liberties, Immunities, Laws and Franchises; affirming it no less to the disadvantage of Your own, and the Dignity of the Kingdom, then Injurious to Private Persons. To which, altho' there be abundant matter of Answer, yet should I enlarge myself too far: I am afraid, lest many should think I affected an Occasion to fight with Goblins; or if I should be altogether silent, lest Carping and Censure should lay hold of the Opportunity: I shall therefore, as to this matter, deliver myself with all possible succinctness.  
So seasoned by Tradition to me from my Father, a most worthy Person, as all men knew, to him from my Grandfather and Great Grandfather delivered; so prepared, and with such Inclinations I entered into the Administration of the Commonweal, that next to my Duty to God, there was nothing that I esteemed dearer to me, or more sacred, than that Love and Duty which I owed my Country; and that all my other private Affections, all other Considerations were to give way to that. For so I always most rigorously persuaded myself, that my Country, according to the Opinion of the Ancients, was a second Deity, and the Laws of my Country a sort of other Deities, which whosoever violated, under a sought for pretence of Piety, were liable to all the Penalties of Sacrilege and Parricide. These Franchises, these Laws, upon which this Kingdom being founded, had advanced itself to such an extended Grandeur of Dominion and Power, if there be any, and would to God there be not, who work under Ground to sap and ruin, when all their open Force proves vain, and ●●successful, may we ne'er be deemed worthy of the Gallic Name, who e'er we are that would be thought true Patriots, if we do not might and main oppose the Encroaching Mischief, more especially while You reign. For it is the voice of our Ancestors, men highly eminent for Religion, that this is that Celestial Pledge of public safety; This, that other Palladium of Franco-Gallia, which so long as we can keep, there is nothing to be suspected from Foreign Treachery: but being once lost, nothing can be secure from their Attaques. Wherefore, should it happen, through sloth or stupidity, that these Ancilia should ●e stolen from us, there is no question to ●e made, but the same Person that wickedly commits the Theft, like another U●ysses, Master of Pelasghian Fraud, ●ill certainly suborn another Sinon, to ●et admitted into France some other fatal Horse, crammed full of armed Enemies; ●d by that means depopulate the most nourishing part of Europe, with the same conflagration that laid Troy in Ashes. ●ut God avert it for the future: for ●hile you live and govern, and while ●eaven preserves the Dauphin safe, ●ere's no such dire Misfortune to be ●r'd.  
And here it might be justly expected, ●t we should tell the World how much 〈…〉 have deserved of the Republic; and ●t we should enlarge upon your Praises, whom we are beholding for our Lives, 〈…〉 the enjoyment of our Country and E●es. No more perhaps, than what they 〈…〉 with reason require from us, who ●sure the undertaking rather by the ●ousness of the subject, than the mean● of my capacity. But besides that I ●gn'd not any Panegyric here; 'tis ●n, You take more pleasure in the ●ledge of what you have done, then ●e loud Applauses of Haranguing E●nce.  
Your Majesty, sprung from the most noble and Ancient Family of all that ever Sceptres held, and deducing Your more certain Original from Male descent, by Birth a Pyrenaean, grew up, under the Education of Adversity, in the midst of War; by providence protected, your Infancy escaped the treacherous Ambuscado's of Your Adversaries. Your early Youth, and riper Manhood, ' both, became a Terror to your Enemies. At last in the most furious heat of Hurry and Confusion you were brought to the King, or sent for by him, from the farthest part of Aquitaine, to the end no other but the Lawful Heir might possess the vacant Throne; and vacant suddenly it was. Having obtained the Crown, you tempered Sovereign Authority with an Alloy of Clemency and Humility, choosing rather to win the alienated Affections of Your Subjects by acts of Favour and Kindness, then to ride 'em with the Curb of fear. And such was the Confidence that men, before your mortal Enemies, reposed in their now acknowledged Sovereign, that they thought themselves more safe in Your Mercy, then secure in the strength of their own Arms; and were not so sorry to see themselves vanquished, as they were glad that You were the Victor. Of Suppliants they became Friends and familiar Acquaintance: and the Delinquents were more deeply sensible of their past Offences, than you were apprehensive of their Injuries. Your readiness to pardon was such, that they repented they did not sooner acknowledge their Error. But what other way for them, who saw that the rapid course of Your Victories could not be stemmed by any Opposition, but of their own accords to submit to Your Majesty, whom nothing could withstand, and rather to trust the Clemency of the Victor, then to try the doubtful Chance of Batte? For your Prowess seemed to have restrained even Fate itself, in such a manner, as that it seemed to have fixed the events of War, and clipped the Wings of Victory, to prevent her flight from Side to Side. Not, but that to all this uncontrolled Prosperity, your Vigilance, your Indefatigable Industry, your patient enduring Heat and Cold, your neglect of other diet than the Place or Season afforded, your Diligence in the Trenches, your Military Labours day and night, your marching through tempestuous Showers and Storms of Hail and Snow, your short Reposes, Naps on Horseback, sometimes on the Ground, and other Personal Virtues mainly contributed and assisted. Thus by your own Example, the most alluring way of commanding Obedience, you still preserved that exactness of Discipline, which by others is hardly maintained, where want of Pay breeds mutiny and disorder. By this felicity You every where became so terrible to Your Enemies, that tho, for the most part superior in number, and all other supports of War, they thought it sufficient to defend themselves within the Walls of their fortified Towns and Cities; and looked upon their bare Defence as an Achievement no less Glorious, then for You to vanquish in the Field. So that 'tis no wonder, that after so many heinous offences against your Majesty committed, they should so greedily embrace an Opportunity of Reconciliation offered 'em by Heaven itself, out of a certain hope of sincere pardon, and no less afraid of Victory always abiding on Your side.  
But if it be so, that War has rendered You so formidable to your Enemies; the public Tranquillity shows you no less acceptable to those You have received into favour; while the encouraged Arts of Peace are every where rew●'d by Rewards and Immnnities. Witness the vast and lasting Piles in every Corner of the Kingdom reared within so short a space of Time; adorned with Statues of imcomparable workmanship, exquisite Pictures, and costly Tapestries, where the Figures seem to speal and move; eternal Monuments to Posterity of the Greatness of Your Soul, and Your desire of Peace. But above all things we return Your Majesty Thanks, for restoring the Muses to their Seats from whence they were expelled by the Barbar●y of the War, and for the reflouris●ing St●● of the Parisian Academy, under You Auspexes restored to former Reputation, by your Addition of a signal Embellishment▪ in calling thither Isaac Caesa●bon, ●● second Luminary of this Age, and entrusting him with the Custody of your 〈…〉 Royal Library. By all which Acts ●● Princely Munificence it may appear, ●●●● the uninterrupted course of so many L●rels was not so much Your Encouragement to more Ambitious undertake, a●● cultivate Peace among your Neighbours and to restore Tranquillity and Repose ● your Subjects tired and almost worn ● with the vexation and turmoil of ● preceding Wars.  
Continue and prosper then, Great S●● in your most generous purpose; and proceed to establish that Peace, which ●●● have procured your Kingdom and 〈…〉 Country at the Expense of so much ●● and Labour, by restoring the Authority of the Laws, as already you have been begun to do: and be assured, that the Mind, the Soul, the Counsel and Authority of a Commonweal reside altogether in the Laws; and that as a Body without a Soul, so neither can a City, without Laws, make use of ●er Organs, her Nerves, her Blood and Members. Consequently that the Magistrates and Judges are but the Ministers and Interpreters of the Law; and lastly that we are all the Servants of the Law, to the ●nd we may be truly Freemen, and enjoy ●he Blessing of our Liberty.  
In hopes of obtaining this Liberty under ●our Reign, and taking advantage of the ●●me recovered by Your Means, in the general Hurry and Confusion, and after ●ur Troubles were composed, I wrote the History of this Age, the first part of which ● now make public to the World, and de●icateit to Your most August Name, for many reasons of greatest Consequence, both ● reference to my own Person, and the thing itself. It would have argued me mangily ingrateful, not to acknowledge ●y Advancement, begun by your Predecessor of Blessed Memory, and by your Majesty still dignified with greater Advantages of higher Preferment. And because ●as continually attending both in the Camp 〈…〉 at the Court, Your Majesty entrusting me with several Commissions of Importance; by the management of which I attained to the Knowledge of many things ●●quisite to carry on the work which we had been in hand. This farther Advantage ●o I had from my familiar converse 〈…〉 several Illustrious Personages grown ● in the service of the Court, more di●ently to examine the Truth of many things ●at were published upon several occasions concerning our Affairs in various Anonymous Pamphlets. And thus I improved my knowledge, during my Attendance on your Majesty, in the midst of public Business, till the Duty of my Employment constrained me into this Workhouse of the Law. The honour of my being known to Your Majesty is of no fresh date: For it is now above twenty years ago, that I was sent with other Commissioners of Parliament by the deceased King, to attend Your Majesty in Aquitaine; at what time You were pleased to vouchsafe me particular Demonstrations of Your Particular Favour and Benevolence. And since that, I presumed to a peculiar Confidence, that the Fruits of my Wit, if it were possible for so barren a Plant to bear any, would not be unacceptable to Your Majesty. But there is yet another more important Reason why this Work should be devoted to Your Majesty; for that he who undertakes an Enterprise so full of Danger, must of necessity stand in need of powerful support against the Detractions of repining Calumny; nor could I desire a more piercing Judgement than Your Majesties, wherewith you govern your own Affairs, to examine the Truth of all those Great Transactions which I have transmitted to future Ages. For to Your Censure, as it behoves me, I dare be bold to stand; whether you command me to impart the rest, or stifle what I have already published; which indeed cannot be said so much to be made public, as to be laid at your Feet, a Specimen to be rejected or approved. What ever you ordain or command concerning it, shall be to me in place of a Celestial Oracle. Nor do I question, but whatsoever you allow will be unanimously suffered to pass currant over all the World. Or if there be any who are not pleased with your unerring Approbations, they must be such who having been advanced to high degree by the Freaks of Fortune, yet never doing any thing worthy to be remembered in story, think it an Injury to themselves, when there is a true account given of all men's Actions. But as I should wrong my Reputation by a compliance with their unjust desires, so neither will my Conscience permit me wickedly to bury in silence their Vices, generally in conjunction with the ruin of the State.  
I cannot make a better Conclusion of this Preface, then with my vows and wishes. Great God, the Author and Giver of all our Blessings, who with thy only Son, together with the Holy Ghost, art God in three Persons, yet one in Goodness, Wisdom, Mercy and Power, always one in all things; who waste before all things, and wilt be Eternally in all things; who by thy Prudence disposest and governest lawful Dominion, without which, nor any private Family, nor City, nor the whole Race of all Mankind, nor Nature itself, by thee created out of Nothing, can pretend to any thing of steadfast and durable; Thee, with the Prayers of the whole Kingdom I implore, and most humbly adjure, that what thou hast vouchsafed to France and consequently to all Christendom, thou wouldst be pleased to appropriate the same to us; and as an accumulation to thy Blessings to make 'em Diuturnal. In order to which, we put up to thy sacred Throne but this one Supplication more, which comprehends all the rest, that thou wouldst preserve the King and the Dauphin. For upon their safety, we must acknowledge that our Peace, our Concord, our Security, our Wealth and Welfare, and what ever else is desirable on Earth, depend. To which purpose direct his Counsels to rule with moderation that Empire which he has rescued from Destruction: while the Young Prince springs up, like an auspicious Tree that grows upon the Banks of some delightful River; to the end he may prove a Protecting Shade to our Child's Children, under the security of which to be at leisure to improve the more noble Arts of Peace, and promote both Learning and Piety. Grant that both may reign together over France, in that order which is most acceptable to all good men: that by their means, the pristin Sincerity and Religion, the Ancient Manners, the Institutions of our Ancestors, and the Laws of our Country may be restored to their Primitive lustre; that all new Monsters of Sects, new Fictions of Religions, and other Forgeries of Artifice and Ambition to inveigle and corrupt the weak▪ and inadvertent, may be utterly confounded; and that at length all Schism and Discord removed, Peace may be established in the House of God, quiet i● Consciences, and security in the Common-weal. Lastly we invoke and beseech thee, most Great and Merciful God, through the Grace of thy Holy Spirit, without which we neither are, nor can do any thing, that as well they who are now living, as Generations to come, when they shall read what I am now preparing to declare to all the World, may meet with nothing deviating from that Liberty, Truth & Fidelity which becomes a sincere Historian; and that my whole Work may be as free from the suspicion of Adulation and Envy, as it is from any Constraint or Necessity of being Partial.   

The Patent from the States of Holland and Westfriezland, for Printing this Work, is a follows, viz.  
THE States of Holland and Westfreizland Publish, that Adrian Benian Bookseller at Delft, having made known to us, that he has been at great charge and trouble in Printing a certain Book Entitled [Histoire de 1●▪ Edit de Nantes, contenant les choses les plus Remarquables qui se sont passees en France avant & apres ●a Publication a l' occasian de la diversite des Religions, etc.] in Quarto in four Parts, and fearing that some other Person in our Dominions to his great loss and damage might attempt to print the foresaid Book after Our foresaid Petitioners Copy, has applied himself to Us, in most humble manner, Praying that we would favour Our said Petitioner with a special Patent or Privilege, by which Our said Petitioner, his Heirs, Administrators, etc. may be favoured and allowed to Print the said Book for 15 Years next ensuing, and that they only may be allowed to Print Publish and Sell the said Book during the said time in Our Territories, in such manner and Languages as they shall think fit, forbidding any other to Print the said Book in any manner either in the whole or in part, or to Sell or Publish any of the said Books that may be brought into Our Country from other Parts.  
We therefore having considered the Case and Petition aforesaid, and being inclined to hearken to the said Petition, have of Our true Knowledge and by Our Sovereign Power and Authority, Consented and Agreed to and Empowered, and by these Presents do Consent and Agree to and Privilege the said Petitioner, his Heirs, Administrators, etc. only to Print the said Book for the term of 15 Years next ensuing, in Quarto in four Parts, within Our Dominions, and that he, etc. only may Print or cause to Print, Publish or Sell the said Book, in our Dominions, etc. Therefore we forbid all others to Print Publish or Sell the said Book in our Dominions during the said term, or to import or Publish or Sell the said Book, though, printed in any other Country, on pain of forfeiting all the said Books printed after the foresaid Copy or imported in from Foreign parts, and besides to pay a fine of 300 Guilders, one third part to be given to the Officer that prosecutes; one third to be paid to the Poor of the Town where the fault is committed, and the remaining third part to be paid to the foresaid Petitioner.  
But notwithstanding any thing contained in this Our Patent with which we have gratified Our Petitioner, Our intent is that it shall only defend him from such damage as may be done him by printing after his Copy, and no way authorize or avow, much less being Protected by us as aforesaid, give any reputation or credit, to the Contents of the Book, nor is the said Petitioner exempted from answering any thing that may be charged on him, if it contains any thing that is unlawful, and to that ●nd We expressly command that he shall place this our Patent in the fore part of the Book without any abbreviation or omissions: and he shall be obliged to bring one of the said Books well Bound and in good condition to the Library of our University of Leyden, and bring thence a sufficient testimonial thereof on pain of losing the Effect of these Presents. And to the end our Petitioner may enjoy this privilege, We Command all whom these Presents may concern, that they suffer the said Petitioner peaceably to enjoy the full benefit of these our Letters Patents.  
Given at the Hague under Our Great Seal hereunto annexed, the 23d. of Feb. 1693.   
The History of the Famous Edict of Nants, containing an Account of the most Remarkable Things that have happened since its Publication to the Edict of Revocation; as likewise of the principal Events that have followed since that New Edict, till this present Time.  

The First Book.  
A Summary of the Contents of the First Book.  
The Occasion, Design, and Platform of this Work. The Beginning of the Reformation, and its Causes. It's Entrance into France. How it was received at Meaux, and at Bearn. The Execution of John le Clerc, and Lewis Berquin. The State of Religion in Germany. The Schismin England. The Inclination of Francis the I. towards the Reformation, and how he was diverted from it by the Cardinal de Tournon. An Accommodation proposed. The Synods of Bourges, and of Paris. The Beginning of Calvin's Doctrine. The Year of the Placards, or Remonstrances. The Devotions and Executions ordered upon them. Edicts against the Lutherans. The Council of Trent, and its Translation. The Death of King Francis. Henry the Second persecutes the Protestants. The Edict of Chateau-Briant. The King protests against the Councils being transferred back again to Trent. The Duchess of Valentinois Cruel to the Protestants. The Great Credit and Influence of the Clergy. The Business of Merindol and Cabrieres. New Severities and Punishments that forward the progress of the Reformation. Protestant Churches form at Paris, and other places. The Spirit of Moderation prevails upon several Judges. An Assembly at Paris. The Character of Catharine de Medicis. Calumnies against the Protestants. The Psalms sung in public. The Original of the Factions. The Constancy of Andelot, and his Disgrace. The Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris suspected as to their Religion. The first Protestant National Synod in France. The Death of Henry the Second. The State of the Court. The Nature of the Intrigues then carrieh on there, with the Character of the Heads of them. How Religion came to be made use of in them. Courts of Justice Erected for the Burning of pretended Heretics, called, Burning Chambers. The ensnaring Superstitions used towards Images, to discover and entrap the Protestants. The Tragical Execution of Counsellor Du Bourg. The Apologetical Writings, published by the Protestants, which exasperated the Higher Powers. A Project against Arbitrary Power. The Enterprise of Amboise. The Cruelties of the Court. The Original of the Word Huguenot. An appearance of Moderation. The Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde. The Death of Francis the Second, falsely imputed to the Protestants. The General Estates assembled, who seem to favour them. The Rise of the Triumvirate. The Conference at Poissy. The settling of the Jesuits at Paris. The Fickleness and Inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and of the King of Navarr. A Sedition at Paris against the Protestants. The Massacre of Vaissy after the Edict published in January. The strength of the Protestants. The Admiral's short continuance in Favour. The first War against the Protestants begun by the Queen's Orders, but afterward disowned by her. The League between the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Guises, against the Protestants. The Cruelties of Monluc, and of Adrets, and of the Roman Catholics in general. The Massacre at Sens. Foreign Forces brought into France. The Battle of Dreux. The Siege of Orleans. The Death of the Duke of Guise, with which our Author charges the Admiral. Peace agreed upon. The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon, and what followed thereupon. Tithes secured to the Roman Clergy. The retaking of Haurede Grace from the English. Prosecutions against the Admiral. The End of the Council of Trent. A Revolution in Bearn. New causes of Jealousy given to the Protestants. The Voyage of the Court, and the Counsel of the Duke of Alva. The progress of the Reformed Churches, The Reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises. The Enterprise of Meaux, and its consequences. A Peace clapped up before Chartres, without any design to observe it. The 3d War. The Death of the Prince of Conde, and of Andelot. Battles lost. The Admiral restores the Party, and gives new life to them. A fraudulent peace. The incredible Artifices of the Court. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The Princes of the Blood obliged by force to change their Religion. The Inconstancy of Des Rosiers. The Sieges of Rochel and Sancerve. Factions in France. The Duke of Alencon Protector of the Protestants, and of those called the Politics. The Death of Charles the 9th. Henry the 3d returning from Poland, and succeeding him, continueth the War. The Retreat of the Princes. A peace broken as soon as made. The Edict of 1577. Synods. The Conferences of Nerca and de Fleix. The King eludes the Edict under pretence of observing it. Outrages committed by the Leaguers against the King, who is forced against his Will, to make War upon the Protestants. The Courage of the King of Navar. Lafoy Trimoville turns Protestant. The Battle of Courtras. The Defeat of the Reiters. The Death of the Prince of Conde. The Edict of Union. The Insolence of the Leaguers. The Estates held at Blois. The Death of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinal his Brother. The Duke of Mayenne escaping revives the Leaguers party. The extremity of the King's Affairs. He makes a Truce with the Protestants. The King's Affairs in a State of Recovery. He besieges Paris, and is stabbed by a Monk.  
THE Reformation, which changed the Face of Religion all over Europe, at the beginning of the last Age, met with great Oppositions wherever it was preached. For the Court of Rome used her utmost Endeavours to extinguish at its very Birth a Light that was likely to prove so fatal to her Grandeur, and set in motion all the Springs of her most Refined Politics, to maintain the Errors and Abuses from which she drew such vast gains, against those Enemies that so clearly revealed and laid open its ambitious Artifices. She raised against them all the different Bodies of her Clergy, whose miserable Ignorance and Corruption they so briskly attacked. She spared neither her Bulls nor anathemas, to render them odious to all the World. She armed against them all the Temporal Powers, where she had Credit enough to procure her Maxims to be embraced; and on the other side, the Princes of those Times, who had their secret aims for the advancing of their Authority, were glad of so fair an occasion to satisfy their Ambition, and greedily laid hold on't. For the aspiring passion after Arbitrary Power had so possessed the Heads of the Sovereigns then Reigning, that thinking their Power too much confined by some certain Relics of Liberty, which were by the Laws preserved to the people, they were ravished to meet so patly with a Religious Pretence to employ one part of their Subjects to ruin the other, as being very confident, that when the soundest and most understanding part of them should be once oppressed, they should easily master the rest. And the Court of Rome likewise in her turn, when she smelled out the Intentions of the Princes, was in no small fear of them, as well as of her pretended Heretic Enemies; and looking upon Absolute Power as a Jewel fit only to be reserved for the Triple Crown, she never sincerely assisted those whose power was in a State of giving her any Umbrage in that ticklish pretention. Yet for all these precautions the Emperor Charles the 5th upon this occasion, had very like to have reduced all Germany under his Yoke, but that after he had defeated the Protestants, an unexpected Revolution reduced into Smoke all the prosperities of his life; And his Son Philip the 2d was still more unfortunate, in that by his ill-managed attempts upon the Liberties of the 17 Provinces, he gave the first Motion to those mighty concussions that have since proved so ruinous to the Greatness of his House. But the Crown of France has succeeded better in those designs; for though in the contest it has been reduced more than once to the very brink of Ruin, yet Religion has been at last so useful an Expedient to its Monarches, to advance their power beyond all bounds, that they at this day acknowledge no other limits to it but their own lawless Wills. However, all the Oppositions form by divers Interests against the progress of the Reformation, were not able to hinder it from spreading every where in a very few years' time. It was too necessary and too just, not to find some hearts disposed to embrace it; and a multitude of good Souls had too long groaned under the intolerable Yoke of the Superstitions and Tyranny of Rome, not to receive with open arms those which preached with such forcible Evidence against her Corruptions, as well in points of Doctrine and Worship, as of Manners and Discipline. But yet it met not every where with the same contradictions, nor with the same easy successes. For there were some States where it was received almost without resistance, others where it found such Obstacles which it could never surmount, and others again where the Difficulties it met with could not be mastered but by an infinite number of Crosses and Pains. France was one of the places where the longest oppositions were raised against it, and it was firmly settled in many other parts of Europe, before it was known what would be its destiny in France; and if we except the 10 or 12 last years of Henry IU. it may truly be said, it never enjoyed any peace there, and that since its first dawning in that great Kingdom, till now it has always been persecuted. For if its Adversaries have seemed sometimes to give it any respite, and to renounce the further use of any violent means to oppress it, 'Twas only to gain opportunity to compass it by other more hidden, and consequently more dangerous and effectual practices. They have successively employed against it Capital punishments, Wars, fraudulent Treaties, Massacres, and all the Artifices of a profound and refined policy, and whenever they met with a Juncture of time they thought favourable to their design, they never were ashamed divers times to make use of the most odious and infamous methods of Shame Processes, Law quirks, and down right breach of Faith, to promote its Ruin. And even in our days they have pursued the Remainder of the Reformed, with penal Executions and Massacres, because they found them too weak and disunited to defend themselves. It is not to be imagined what has passed in that Kingdom upon this occasion, especially within these last 30 years. Certainly never did over powering Force, or wheedling Treachery, in any other Age or Place produce Effects either so infamous to their Authors, or so dismal and fatal to Millions of ignorant people who demanded nothing else but bare Liberty of Conscience, and who giving no occasion by their Conduct, either to be feared or hated, had reason to expect nothing less than to be treated with those unparallelled Cruelties and Injustices with which they have all along been so implacably pursued. 
The Creasion and Design and Platform of this Work.   
I have undertaken in this Work to inform Posterity of what has been done in France towards the bringing that design to its proposed end. But my project would be too much above my Power, if I should take upon me to give you the History of all that has happened in that Kingdom upon that account, from the first Preaching of the Reformation, to our days, such a work as that would be great enough to deserve to be parted among several persons. And therefore observing that the time relapsed since that new Light first begun to shine in the World, till our time may naturally be divided into 2 periods almost equal in duration, viz. The first, containing all the Occurrences of about 80 Years, till the Edict of Nants, when the Churches enjoyed a little Respite. And the other comprehending the Transactions which have past since that famous Edict to our days. I thought I might pass over the first period, without speaking much upon it, as well because the Histories of that Time are so full of events that relate to Religion, whose concerns were then so intermixed with those of the State, that it was impossible to separate them; as because the short Account I shall give of them, will be sufficient to inform the Reader of all he needs to know of the affairs of those times, to enable him to understand those which have followed since; but I shall make it my main business to unfold the Events of the second Period, because the affairs of Religion that belong to that space of time, are not so well known, and that we have as yet no faithful Collection of them in any History extant.  
The ground of my subject shall therefore be the Edict of Nants, all the consequences and dependencies of which, I here undertake to represent as exactly as I could draw them out of all the public and private Memoirs it was possible for me to get, having bound myself under the obligations of a very strict Resolution, not to write any thing for which I could not produce good Authority. But first, that they which are not better informed otherwise▪ may see at least in general what passed before that Edict, without some knowledge of which he cannot perfectly understand the justice and advantage of it; I will premise a summary account of what passed in France about Religion, till the Death of Henry III. And because Henry IU. who succeeded him, was the Author of the Edict which is the principal Subject of my Discourse, and which that Prince granted to his Protestant Subjects, as a Recompense of their faithful Services, I will begin to treat amply of those transactions that concern the Reformation, since the Crown was devolved upon that K. After which it will be much more easy to discern whether that Edict was a Favour extorted, or a pure Effect of Gratitude and Justice; and whether the continual Contraventions of the Successors of that Great Monarch, in prejudice to that Work of his Wisdom, and the solemn Revocation that was made of it some few years ago, to the great astonishment of all Europe, be proper Motives to induce posterity to bless the Memory of their Authors.  
After Luther once began to preach against Popery in Germany, 
1517.  there past but a very little time before his Doctrine was communicated to France; and though the Faculties of Divinity, and particularly 
1520.  that of the Sorbon, as well as the rest, had condemned it, yet inspite of all they could do, it found Disciples every where which 
The beginning of the Reformation, its progress and its causes.  greedily received it. Learning, which the favour and encouragement of Francis I. had newly revived, had enlightened many persons, and made them ashamed of the great number of Errors which had been introduced and established in the times of Ignorance; and the Benevolence of that liberal Prince enticed into his Dominions all the choice men of Learning that were to be found in the rest of Europe, because the Pensions and Privileges he bestowed upon them sufficiently secured them both from contempt and misery; Among whom there were some that came from Germany, where 
1520.  they had taken some tincture of the Doctrine which was called New, either out of the Sermons and Books of Luther, or by reading 
It's entrance into France.  of the Scriptures, which were dispersed into the hands of all the World. They imparted the same light to others, many of which took a liking to those Opinions accounted New, because they were already disposed to it by the contempt they had justly conceived for their blind Conductors. For in earnest, the Ignorance of the ordinary▪ Pastors was so great, that many of them could only read, almost all of them led scandalous Lives, and their Corruption was so general, that those of them which had no other Vice but an insatiable Covetousness, and an unmeasurable Ambition, might be called virtuous men, in comparison of their other more profligate companions. Yet among the very Clergy themselves, they which had any relics left them of Modesty or Piety, were ashamed of the abuses which were laid to the Charge of the Roman Church; and though the greatest part of them were more inclined to keep their Vices and their Errors than to hazard by a Reformation, both their Greatness and Revenues, or to subject their Lives to the Rules of a stricter Morality, yet there were not wanting even some Bishops whose Eyes were stricken with this Light; Brissonnet, Bishop of Meaux, was one of that number; He got some tincture of the Reformation at Paris, at 
1523  some Conferences there held between 3 or 4 Learned Men, whom he heard with so much delight, that he carried them into his Diocese, and permitted them to spread their Opinions there. He further gave leave to his people to read the holy Scriptures, and made no 
How it came to be received at Meaux,  opposition to Conferences and Meetings, and sometimes he took the liberty himself to preach the same Doctrine which those private men taught; so that in little time there were at Meaux above 400 persons who had imbibed Luther's Opinions. But at last, the Reproaches of the other Bishops, the threats of being prosecuted for Heresy, and the fear of losing a Bishopric so commodious for them that love the Court for the Neighbourhood of Paris, prevailed over Brissonnet, and reduced him to the profession of his former Errors; after which, his Doctors finding no longer security in his Diocese, separated, and shifted every one for himself. Le Feure, who was one of them, found protection at the Court of Navarre, where he was well 
and in Bearn.  received by the Queen, who was Sister to Francis I. and as great a Favourer of Learned Men, as the King her Brother. Roussel, one of his Companions, after a Journey into Germany, came back to Bearn, where the same Princess gave him a like entertainment as to the former, and both of them together so strongly inspired her with their Opinions, that she retained them to her dying day, though for several years 'twas thought she had quitted them.  
These two men lost no time in those remote Provinces, and prepared the minds of the people there the more easily to embrace the Doctrine of Calvin, when it came to be preached there 10 or 12 
1523  years after. Their Retreat hindered not the Church which they had in some measure form at Meaux, from preserving itself, and increasing, which was the Reason that was the first place where the Courts of Justice began to take cognizance of those pretended Novelties. One John Clerk, who had an indifferent understanding in 
The Execution of John Clerk.  the Scriptures, the only book he had studied, served for a Guide to those converted people, who received corporal punishment for calling the Pope Antichrist, and after he had been banished from Meaux upon that account, was not long after burnt at Mets, because his Zeal had transported him so far as to break an Image. Six years after, Lewis Berquin was condemned at Paris, to the same punishment, 
and of Lewis Berquin.  for teaching the Doctrine of Luther. 
1529.   
The progress of the Reformation was more rapid in Germany, 
The state of the Protestant Religion in Germany.  where it was embraced by several Princes and States, who in the year 1530, presented their Confession of Faith to the Emperor, and within a little while found themselves strong enough to League together at Smalcalde, against those which designed to oppress them. 
1528.  
The Schism of England.  The Schism made in England by Henry VIII. was only a step which opened the way to a greater Work carried on in the following Reigns. But yet that Prince, who had done Luther the Honour to write against him, and was answered by that Dr. in somewhat too harsh and insolent a strain, would never suffer the Opinions of his Adversary to take root in his Kingdom, though at the same time he would fain have persuaded Francis I. to have broken with Rome, as himself had done. The K. of France would by no means hearken to him, and answered him with this Compliment, That he was his Friend as far as the Altar, but there he must leave him. But he continued not always so obstinate, for he was almost persuaded once 
The Inclination of Francis I. t● the Reformation.  time to yield to the earnest solicitations of the Q. of Navarre; for the had inspired him with some inclination for the Doctrine which she herself had embraced, and of which she also had communicated some tincture to the King her Husband, whom she carried privately with her to hear the Sermons of her Teachers. The Duchess of Estampes, who possessed the heart of Francis I. and may likewise be reasonably supposed to have abetted the same inclination in him, because she was instructed and principled in the Lutheran Opinions, openly favoured those that professed them, and, after the King's Death, lived a very retired life in all the exercises of the Protestant Religion, protecting all those that professed it, to the utmost of her power.  
This at least is certain that the King writ to Melanchton, the most 
1534.  renowned of Luther's Disciples, and esteemed the most moderate of 
1535.  them, inviting him to come into France, and assuring him he should take pleasure to hear him. But whilst Melanchton spun out the time in delays, the Cardinal of Tournon put by the design, and 
From which the Cardinal de Tournon diverts him.  wrought so absolute a change upon the King's Mind, who had let him gain a very strong Ascendant over him, that he would afterward listen neither to his Sister nor Mistress, nor be persuaded to show the least favour to those accused of Heresy. There is no doubt but the Cardinal had Orders from Rome, to that purpose. For the King had discovered his Mind to that Court himself, in the Instructions he gave to Cardinal du Bellai, whom he sent thither, in 
1535.  which he ordered him to give the Pope an account of the Letter he had written to Melanchton, and of that Dr's Answer, and most especially to move his Holiness to consent to a kind of Accommodation, which he had a design to negotiate in Germany, by an Embassy 
An accommodation proposed.  on purpose. The most important Article of that Accommodation was to be, That the Pope should be acknowledged to be Head of the Universal Church, and in other things the King would take from the Protestants as much as he could, and as far as he could: That is to say, He would consent to gratify the Protestants in many things that concerned Faith, Religion, Ceremonies, Institutions and Doctrine, at least till a Council should determine them, and it was already agreed what Concessions and abatements to make them; which consisted of 7 Articles, in which the Mass was to be reformed, without changing any thing in the Ceremonies of its celebration; viz. 1. That Mass should never be said without a public Communion. 2. That the Elevation should be retrenched. 3. And Adoration abolished. 4. That the Cup should be restored to the Laity. 5. That in it no Commemoration should be made either of male or female Saints. 6. That it should be celebrated only with ordinary fine Bread, which should be broken by the Priest, and distributed to the people. 7. And that Marriage should be allowed to Priests. The Mass so reformed was called by the Vulgar, The Mass with 7 points. But alas, an Accommodation of this Nature could not find acceptance at the Court of Rome, which was very sensible, that the Authority of the Holy See could never be sufficiently supported by the bare Title which was, given there to the Pope, and that to maintain it in so exorbitanta power as it had assumed, it had need of the united force of all those Errors, by which it first mounted to, and afterwards established itself in its present Greatness. And therefore that Court employed all their policy to divert the King from that dangerous project.  
The Cardinal of Tournon had already signalised his Zeal against 
1285.  the Reformation, in a Synod assembled at Bourges, of which he was 
The Synods at Bourges and Paris.  Archbishop, and had there condemned the Doctrine of Luther. The Cardinal du Prat did the same, about the same time, in a Synod of the Province of Sens, which he held at Paris, as fearing perhaps the Reformation might ruin the Concordat, which was his Work, and by which he had completed the Corruption of Ecclesiastical Discipline in France. But all this hindered not the Number of the Protestants from daily increasing, especially after Mr. John Calvin had begun 
1534.  to preach and write about Religion, who had several years before 
The beginning of Calvin's Doctrine.  already taken distaste at the Roman Doctrine, and already run great dangers upon that account at Paris, where he had some Disciples. He had likewise made himself known in Berri, whilst he was yet a Student in Law, in the University of Bourges, and a Lord of that Neighbourhood had permitted him to preach privately in his Parish. He had afterwards conferred about Religion at Nerac, with Roussel and Le Far, whom he found concurring almost in the same principles with himself. But he spread his Doctrine most effectually in Saintonge and Poitou, in the latter of which Provinces 'tis thought he gave the first Form of a Church to the Assemblies of those who had embraced his Opinions. When by persecution he was forced to leave the Kingdom, he made some stay at Basil, where he published his Institutions dedicated to Francis I. But that Prince being prejudiced against all Works of that Nature, would never read them. From thence Calvin passed into Italy, where he was well received by the Duchess of Ferrara, Daughter to Lewis XII. who testified a great affection to such as laboured to reform Abuses. At his return he was detained at Geneva, which had newly shaken off the yoke of its Bishop, where, after he had weathered some Oppositions and Encounters, he settled his Residence for the rest of his life. From thence he filled all Europe with his Writings, which were greedily read, both for their matter and eloquent stile.  
There was a seeming prospect then as if Francis I. who had so great an inclination to an Accommodation, would have connived at the progress of the Reformation in his Kingdom, especially because of the Confederacy he was engaged in with the Protestants of Germany, who were always either in War with, or apprehension of the Emperor. But it happened quite contrary to expectation; for the 
1534.  Placards, or Libels which were found fixed all about Paris, and 
The year of the Placards or Libels.  at the very Court itself, and which treated the mysteries of the Roman Religion in very injurious terms, and the Clergy in a very Satyrical manner, put the King into a great Rage. So that to expiate 
1535.  those pretended Blasphemies, at the Request of the Clergy, he 
Devotions accompanied with Executions. An Edict against the Lutherans.  made a solemn Procession, at which he assisted in Person with his Children, and all his Court, and ordered the Pomp to be concluded with the Execution of some of the poor supposed Criminals, who were burnt. He published a very severe Edict at the same time against the Lutherans, in which all that harboured, or concealed them were made liable to the same punishments with them, and the Informer against them encouraged with the reward of the 4th part of all their Confiscations. The Germans were offended at it, but some Lutherans of their Nation reporting at their return into their Country, that they had been very kindly used in France, took off the edge of their Resentments, and dissipated their fears. Nevertheless, the King, about 5 years after, by a new Edict, stirred up all persons 
1546.  of every Order and Degree, against the French Lutherans, and the Emperor making a new War upon them, the King afforded them but little aid, because the Cardinal of Tournon filled his Head with scruples concerning Alliances with Heretics; and he further gained so much power over that Prince, that he persuaded him to renew the punishment of Death against them all over France, that he might not appear less religious, and less an Enemy to those pretended Heresies than the Emperor, who had taken the way of Arms to destroy them.  
The Pope not being able to resist any longer the instances of 
The Council of Trent.  the Emperor, nor the desires of all Europe, after he had been long importuned to call a Council, and for a long time by divers Artifices 
1545.  eluded the Solicitations of the Princes, had at last resolved to fix it at Trent, and publish a Bull of Indiction for that effect in the year 1542. But yet it was not opened till 3 years after, by reason of new difficulties that arose every day. The K. being willing to contribute 
1544.  to the success of that assembly summoned to Melun several illustrious Drs. in order to confer there together, and prepare matters fit to be represented to the Council. But there were but few Prelates, one of which being the Bishop of Lavaur, appeared there as Ambassador, who signalised himself chiefly by the answer he made to a Partisan of the Court of Rome, who being minded to droll upon the Remonstrances of a French Dr. concerning the Abuses committed in the matter of Benefices, in allusion to the Latin word Gallus, that signifies both a Cock and a Frenchman, had said to one of his Companions, 'Tis but a Cock that crows. The Bishop keeping still to the same allusion, and applying it to the story of St. Peter, whose Successor the Pope pretends to be, answered him immediately, God grant 
1547.  that by the crowing of this Cock Peter may be stirred up to tears and 
The Council translated. The King's death.  repentance. Some time after, the translation of the Council to Bolonia, and the King's Death, changed the state of affairs, and made most of the Potentates take new Measures.  
But the Condition of the Protestants in France was never the 
1548.  
Hen. II. persecutes the Protestants.  better for that; The new K. Henry II. proving more rigorous to them than his Father, being pushed on to it by the D. of Aumale, who was afterward D. of Guise, and in favour of whom the Land of Aumale was erected into a Duchy and Peerage. He therefore in imitation of Francis. I. made such another like Procession at Paris, and terminated it as he did his, with a like Sacrifice of some poor Wretches who were condemned to the fire. And besides, though he was at first in very good intelligence with Paul III. so far as to declare himself for the translation of the Council, and to send his Ambassadors 
1549.  to Bolonia with good instructions, yet he soon fell out with Rome after the Exaltation of Julius III. which still redoubled but 
1551.  the more the persecution against the Protestants, and produced against them a very severe Edict at Chateau-Briant, by which it was forbidden so much as to solicit for those accused of Heresy. Since which time it has been remarked, that the same policy has been often followed in France, always to persecute the Protestants every time they had any difference with the Pope, and that they never 
The King protests against the Removal back of the Council to Trent.  were more cruelly handled than when there happened any Quarrels between the Courts of France and Rome. Those contestations were great at that time, and produced the Protestation which the King made afterward by the Abbot of Bello●ane, against the Council which the Pope had removed back to Trent.  
The Duchess of Valentinois the King's Mistress, exasperated 
The Duchess of Valentinois cruel ●● the Protestants.  him likewise against the Protestants, both out of spite to the Duchess of Estampes, whom she mortally hated, and out of interest, to gain by the Confiscations of the Goods and Estates of the Condemned, which she obtained for herself. But especially after the Edict of Chateau-Briant, she was accused of making advantage by the rigorous Prosecutions then carried on against the Protestants, and was thought even to have kept Emissaries on purpose to inform against those who were rich enough to tempt her covetous inclination. The Clergy on their side took pleasure in seeing so many innocent people Sacrificed to the flames for their interests, though on the other side, they had a great deal of Indulgence for themselves; and accordingly, to put the world out of all hope of the amendment of the Churchmen, they obtained from the King's Council, the 
The great Credit of the Clergy.  annulling of an Act of the Parliament of Tholouse, which tended to nothing else but the suppression of the looseness and debauchery of Priests. That Parliament was likewise lashed with bloody Satyrs, published by the Clergy on that occasion, and when one of the Members of that Court had written an Apology for that venerable Body, in which the Vices of the ecclesiastics were too openly reprehended, they yet had so much power as to cause it to be censured. However all this hindered not some seeming Justice to be done 
1550.  for the cruelties committed some years before by Oppeda the Executioner of an Act of the Parliament of Provence, against certain remains 
1545.  of the Vaudois inhabiting about Merindol and Cabrieres. 
The affairs of Merindol and Cabrieres.  That affair had been hushed up in silence during the Life of Francis I. because the Cardinal of Tournon, who then was very powerful at Court, was suspected to have been the Counsellor, or chief complice of that Barbarous Action; but after the Government was passed into other hands, that Cardinal was removed from the helm of Affairs, and the Constable who bore him no great good will, was suspected in his turn to have excited those that were left of those poor People, to demand Justice on purpose to bring the Cardinal into trouble by the success of their Complaints, There was much ado about fixing upon Judges fit for that business. The 
1550.  Great Council first took Cognisance of it, from thence it was called up before the King, and by him at last turned over to the Parliament of Paris, where it was pleaded for 50 Audiences together; but yet after all that great Bustle, it came to little effect, the principal Criminals escaping unpunished; and the King's Advocate in the Parliament of Provence, was the only man that lost his life for it; as for the Count de Grignan he was only frighted with the fear of losing his Estate, which was preserved to him by the favour of the Duke of Guise; and Oppeda himself was acquitted by producing his Orders, and by the Duke's interposition, who served him with all his credit; so that the Protestants obtained no other vengeance for his Cruelties, than the satisfaction of being informed, he Died afterwards a horrible Death; and of saying openly, That he suffered it by a just Judgement of God.  
Those Executions did not at all diminish the number of the Protestants, 
New Executions do but advance the progress of the Reformation.  the constancy of those who were burned serving to make more sensible impressions upon people's minds in their favour, than either their Books or Preaching; but the King however, was inexorable, and though the doleful spectacle of those he had caused to be burned, after the procession above mentioned, and their horrible cries in the torments of their sufferings, had so deeply struck his imagination, that the remembrance of them was a lasting Terour to him all his life after, yet did he not at all abate his severities; 
1553.  for they burned, after that, some persons come from Bearn into France, where they preached the Doctrine of their Country, among whom Lewis de Marsac was most taken notice of, for that having been a Soldier all his life, and being dispensed with from having a rope put about his neck at the stake like other sufferers, out of respect to that noble profession, he complained, that such a difference should be made between him and his Brethren, as if by retrenching any thing from the infamy of his Punishment, they had designed to lessen the glory of his Constancy.  
That year the use of the Gag was first practised, invented purposely to hinder the Protestants that were put to death from speaking to the People, or singing Psalms for their consolation, when they were led to Execution: And 'tis reported, that Aubespine, who was the inventor of it, was some years after struck with the lousy disease, which put him into so great a despair, that he would needs let himself starve to death; which furious resolution obliged those which were about him to open his jaws with a Gag, to make him take nourishment by force, so that he increased the number of those, that have been known to suffer those torments themselves, of which they were the first inventors. Amidst these Executions, the Churches took the firmer root; and there were already 
Churches firmed at Paris. and many other places.  some that were governed by a regular discipline, and settled Pastors. And at Paris itself, where the fires never went out▪ and under the King's Nose, there was one which had its peculiar Pastor. The several Jurisdictions of the Kingdom accused one another reciprocally 
155●.  upon this occasion, for not executing rigorously enough the Court-Orders; for which Reason the cognizance of Crimes of Heresy was sometimes committed to the Royal, and sometimes to the Ecclesiastical Judges, and sometimes parted between both those Tribunals; so that since the first introduction of that kind of Process, there had been published 5 or 6 Edicts about the competence of Judges, which revoked one another by turns. Nay, and in the following Reigns, there was nothing fully fixed as to that matter. That year the Cardinal of Lorraine, to please the Pope, deprived the Parliaments, in spite of their Remonstrances to the contrary, of the power of hearing Causes of Heresy, which was transferred to the Bishops, leaving to the Royal Judges nothing but the Executions of the Criminals. And indeed this proceeding of the Cardinal was very reasonable, if measured by the interest of the Clergy. For the Parliaments began to incline to a Temper of Moderation, and there were some Spirits among them that could not think those Rigours agreeable to Justice. Nay, there 
1556.  were some Judges at Bourdeaux that maintained, it was a thing unheard 
The Spirit of Moderation prevails over some Judges.  of, that ever so many cruelties were at any time before practised, as had been exercised within the last 40 years; and that it was against Equity, to condemn any man for simple Errors, before Endeavours had been used to instruct and reclaim the person accused: And that since the Council was still on foot, as being only suspended, which was finally to determine that affair.  
Their Decisions ought to be waited for, before they proceeded to condemn, to such extraordinary punishments, any persons beforehand accused upon such accounts. The party of those moderate men was so strong, that the Judges were equally divided. But the zeal of Religion carried it against the Order of Justice, and instead of following, according to rule, the favourablest side in criminal matters; when Opinions are equally divided about them, they turned over the Cause to the great Chamber, where the Order in case of division was over ruled, and the severest Opinions preferred before the most mild and equitable.  
The perplexity into which the Court was put, by the loss of the 
1557.  Battle at St. Quentin, gave the Protestants some hopes they should be 
A Protestant meeting at Paris.  allowed a little respite; and therefore they assembled with less caution than before, and among other meetings, they had one at Paris, in St. James' street, so numerous, that it being impossible to escape the eyes of the people who saw them come out of the House where they met. The Rabble fell upon them, which caused such an uproar, that the Officers of Justice were fain to come to appease it. In which scuffle some of the Metres defended themselves against the aggressours and got away, and others escaped by several means; but however, above 100 of them were seized, among which, were some Maids of Honour to the Q. And that Princess herself who was nothing less 
The Character of Queen Katherine de Medicis.  than what she had a mind to appear, and who desired to pass for a sober chaste Lady, was not unwilling to be suspected to incline to the Protestant opinions. The better sort of People had a high conceit of them, and thought them of unblameable Manners; but the Rabble were incensed against them by most horrible calumnies; for 
Calumnies against the Protestants.  sometimes it was reported they were Jews, and used to eat a Paschal Lamb at their Nightly Meetings; sometimes that they eat a Pig there instead of a Lamb, and sometimes, that they roasted Children there, and made great cheer at those monstrous entertainments, after which they put out the Candles, and coupled together with all manner of unlawful Embraces. Nay, and there were some so furiously Zealous against them, that they had the impudence to affirm they had participated at those infernal Devotions. Several of those thus taken were burnt, but the rest fortunately made use of all the shifts they could find out in Law, to delay their Sentence, during which time, the Germans and Swissers, of whom the K. at that time stood in great need, interceded for them, and those severities were by little and little moderated, for fear of offending such necessary Friends as they. The next Summer the people took a fancy to sing 
Singing of Psalms in public.  in the Clerk's Meadow, a place where all the Town used to divert themselves with walking, Marot's singing Psalms that were set to very fine Musical Tunes: which novelty at first was so pleasing, that the next day after, the K. and Q. of Navarre went thither, with an incredible multitude of People: but the Clergy were terribly alarmed at it, and endeavoured with all their power, to procure all such Assemblies to be suppressed; and their zeal in that was very singular, because they could not endure people should sing in the open Field what they had without control sung in their Houses several years together, and at the Court itself; during all which time, that singing was never thought any mark of Heresy. But ever since that Enterprise, to these last years, the singing of Psalms has always been insupportable to the Clergy; and though they never employed any serious efforts to hinder the singing of Profane and filthy Songs, which have been too rise at all times; yet on the contrary, they never pursued any thing with so much eagerness as their endeavours to deprive the Protestants of the Consolation of singing with freedom those holy Canticles.  
About that time first appeared in France that competition of those two Rival Parties, that afterwards had like to have ruined it, and 
The Original of the Factions.  which was, as 'twere the Fountainhead of all the other Factions. One of them was that of the Princes of Lorain, who took advantage by the defeat and taking of the Constable to augment their own greatness. The other was that of the Constable himself, and his Family, who possessed most of the great Employments. That Lord huddled up the Treaty of Cateau in Cambresis, out of eagerness, by a Peace, to procure his liberty and opportunity to return to the Court, to prevent the ruin of his house. But the Cardinal of Lorain made use of the same Treaty to find occasions to destroy him; for he had a secret Conference with Granvelle Cardinal, Bp. of Arras, who complained to him how highly persons tainted with Heresy, were favoured in the Court of France, and named in particular Andelot, Brother to the Admiral of Chatillon, and Nephew to the Constable; which was an Artifice to engage the Lorain Cardinal whose Genius Granvelle very well knew, in a Quarrel with the Family of those Lords, in assured expectation that by the mutual opposition of those two Parties, the Kingdom would be brought into great confusions which would be of considerable advantage to the House of Austria. The Cardinal being a vain and busy man, and who in his great designs had not always the prudence and constancy to carry them on, snapped presently at the Bait, thinking to find his account in the News he had heard, because he knew the suspicion of Heresy was enough to Exasperate Henry II. to ruin the greatest of his Favourites. And accordingly he accuses Andelot, upon which the K. immediately sending for him, and requiring to know the truth from his own Mouth, he answered in so resolute a manner, and 
1559.  declared his sense about the Mysteries of the Roman Church in such 
The courageous behaviour of Andelot.  vigorous terms, that the Historians of that time durst not repeat his Expressions. At which the K. fell into such a fit of fury, that he suffered his passion to transport him to commit very undecent Actions, for he would have Killed him, and in the attempt, wounded the 
And his disgrace.  Dauphin his Son who was near him. In fine, Andelot was sent to Prison, and deprived of all his places. But when the K's passion was over, the Constable, after some difficulty, found credit enough to procure his Restoration. And so the Cardinal's artifice had no other effect for that time, than to provoke against him the Resentment of those puissant Houses, and to inform the Protestants, That some of the most considerable Lords of the Kingdom were of their Opinion.  
This than hindered not the Reformation to continue its progress, 
1559.  for it was embraced by persons of all sorts of conditions. It gained a great number of Churchmen and Men of Learning, and was well relished by the most eminent Persons in the very Parliament of Paris; so that the severities there went on more heavily than ordinary, though 
The Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris suspected about their Religion.  the K. hotly pressed the Execution of his Edict of Chateau-Briant. Having then sent a new Order to the Parliament, commanding them exactly to observe it; Some Spies informed him, that notwithstanding that, their Votes tended still towards moderation; upon which, he goes suddenly thither, when he was least expected, and surprises them when their deliberations were already very far advanced, and after he had patiently heard them till they came to a conclusion, he ordered several of them to be seized. Du Bourg and Du Faur were taken in their Houses, and search was made after others which could not be found. The Prisoners were Tried by special Commissioners; but though they drove on the business with all the hast they could to satisfy the K's impatience, yet he had not the pleasure to see the end of it; for Death prevented him, and when he 
The Death of Henry the 2d.  thought of nothing but Joy and Divertisement, he was killed by Mongomery whom he would needs force to break a Lance with him. 
The first French Protestant National Synod.  A little before the renewing of those severities, the Deputies of the Churches already formed in the Provinces, held, in the Suburbs of St. german at Paris, their first National Synod, and drew up that confession of Faith, which they retain to this day, and the first articles of the Discipline which has since been observed in all the Churches of the Kingdom. That Synod lasted four days in the midst of the Fires and Gibbets, which were prepared in all quarters of the Town, and it was held with so exact a secrecy, that the Assembly was neither discovered nor disturbed.  
After the Death of Henry II. all things changed at Court, except 
Francis II. succeeds. The state of the Court. The Nature of the Intrigues and Characters of the chief persons.  Vices, which having taken root there during his Luxurious Reign, assumed still a greater Empire under those of his Children. The Interests there were very different, and the Intrigues much divided. The Q. Katherine being Ambitious, Voluptuous, Cruel, Vindicative, Perfidious, and of a humour to sacrifice every thing to her Passions, had a mind to retain the Authority in her own hands. The K. of Navarre was of an unequal Temper, wavering in his Religion, weak-spirited, timorous, devoted to his Pleasure, and easy to be governed by any that knew how to take him at their advantage, and bore a greater Figure than sway at Court. The Prince his Brother was Bold, Valiant, Active, firm in his Resolutions, and fixed in the Reformed Religion by motives mixed with Ambition and Conscience, but most extremely poor for a person of his high Quality. Mompensier and la Roche-sur yond had more zeal than knowledge in matters of Religion. The Guises were animated with a violent Ambition, and besides were all-powerful at Court, as well by the consideration of the great Merits of the Duke of that Name, and because they were Uncles of the young Queen, Wife to Francis II. who being a very beautiful Princess, was in power, by virtue of that charming Prerogative, to assume a great Empire over the K. who was of an easy disposition, and even confining upon down right simplicity. And besides, she was able the more powerfully to second her Uncle's Ambition, because she was a very apt Scholar in Politics, and knew to a hair, how to imitate all the Maxims of her mother in Law, as by the Sequel of her Life sufficiently appeared. The Constable was a little wedded to his Interest, but otherwise superstitious, and not very knowing in Religion. 
God assists the first Christian.  The Title of the first Christian Baron, and the Cry of War used by those of his House, founded upon the same Fable from which his Ancestors had drawn that Elegy, was to him a decisive argument in all controversies. The Coligni's were puissant, brave, and persons of Great Honour, and if their Uncle had not abandoned them, they might easily have made Head against the Lorain Princes. But he supposed to find his account better in joining with the Guises, as likewise did Mompensier and La Roche-sur yond, which obliged his Nephews to join with the Prince of Conde, whose Constancy and exact fidelity to his Word, gave them sufficient assurance he would never sacrifice them to his Fortune. All which Combinations were in their first Original nothing but pure Court-Intrigues, and Religion 
How Religion came to be concerued in those Intrigues.  was taken into them only by accident, the Guises making use of it as a pretence to clear the Court of all those that gave them any jealousy; and the others were obliged for their better defence against such powerful Enemies, to unite themselves in interest with those which were already united with them in Religion. Philip II. then K. of Spain, followed the Maxims of his great Grandfather Ferdinand, and like him, in all things he did, improved the pretence of Religion to the utmost advantage. He had signalised himself by the persecution of the Protestants in all his Dominions, to that degree of Rigour, that he spared not the Memory of his own Father; and therefore was far from neglecting so fair an occasion as the same pretence of Religion than gave him to divide France, by exciting one of these Parties to ruin the other. All this, joined to the extreme corruption of the Court, in which debauchery and impiety were made soon after, the most powerful Tools of Policy, were the Cause why the Condition of the Protestants was rendered not a whit better than before.  
There were erected in the Parliaments certain Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers, which burned a sufficient number of 
Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers, erected.  those who passed for Heretics, to deserve the Title given them. The Precedent de St. Andre signalised himself by his Cruelties, in the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris, being vigorously seconded by Le Moine, Inquisitor de Mouchi, so named from the Village where he was born, from whence likewise those that served him for Spies or Informers, to discover the Protestant meetings, took the Name of Mouchards, which has since remained to all those that have followed the same Employments. That bloody Hangman afterwards changed his Name, and assumed the barbarous appellation of Demochares, under which he is known in History. And those Spies, or some like them, who were almost all of them Apostates from the Reformation, were the men that published those Calumnies against the Protestants I have before recited. A little while after, the people, the better to discover those that were seasoned with Protestant principles being moved thereto, either by their own Superstition, or by the 
Abominable Superstitions towards Images.  Zealots, took a Freak to set up Images at the corners of streets, and to force all passers by to salute them, and they that refused it were accounted to have good luck, if they escaped only with a basting, because such a Refusal was reckoned a mark of Heresy. It's true indeed, many of those Objects of Superstition were taken from the people, but instead of being abolished, they were placed in the Churches; And since that, their Passion for Images has increased so prodigiously, that there is not a Town in which they have not erected new ones, and where the people are not used to paint them, to dress them up, to light Lamps and Wax Candles before them, to meet and kneel down before them in the middle of the streets at certain Hours, and sing Hymns and Litanies, all which Extravagancies are at this Day committed more than ever in the open view of those very same Guides that take Heaven and Earth to witness they pay no manner of homage to Images. In the mean while, the Trials went on against the Prisoners, most of which came off with a slight punishment. But Counsellor du Bourg, after he had shown some weakness, which he soon retracted, by the Exhortations of the Ministers, and others who writ to him, or visited him, was condemned to the flames, as if he had been a common person. They endeavoured to blacken him, by accusing him as a Complice in the assassination of the Precedent de St. Andre, who had been one of the Commissionated Judges appointed to try him. But that Accusation being sufficiently refuted by the known Probity of that Venerable Senator, fell of itself. That Precedent had acted in the whole Examination and Prosecution of that business, more like a passionate Adversary, than an equitable Judge, which Du Faur, one of the Prisoners, charged him with very courageously one day; which cruel man happening to be killed before the Trial of the Prisoners was over, one Mr. Stuart, a Scotch Gentleman, and who pretended some Relation to the Queen, but in complaisance to her Uncles, was disowned by her, was taken up upon suspicion for that murder; to which, to make weight, they added several other Accusations. But with all their Tricks, they could not convict him by any sufficient Proofs, nor extort any confession out of his Mouth, no not by the torments of the Wrack, which he suffered with such an unshaken constancy, that as they were unwilling to condemn him upon imperfect Evidence, so they durst not acquit him, because they feared him.  
Whilst the Protestants were thus outrageously handled, their severe usage exasperated them both to speak and write somewhat warmly in their own defence. But their Apologies had the ill luck to incense the higher Powers but so much the more against them because they maintained, That Women Foreigners ought to be excluded from the Government, and that the administration of it belonged to the General Estates of the Kingdom, and to the Princes of the Blood, during the minority of Kings, whom they would by no means acknowledge at age fit to govern at 14 years. And about 3 years after, they still brought upon themselves more mischief, by reading in a Synod a Writing drawn up by a certain Author, exhorting them to unite together against 
A project against Arbitrary Power.  despotic Power, Popery and Abuses in Law, which they called the three plagues of human Kind, from which they who live by the Corruption of Religion and Justice, failed not to give a malicious turn to the aversion they showed for Arbitrary Power, and to take advantage therefrom, to reproach and traduce them to this day, as Republicans, and sworn enemies to Monarchy; as if not to flatter Tyranny, 
1560.  were the same thing as to Rebel against a legal Government. The 
The enterprise of Amboise.  power of the Guises began to grow Insupportable, and there began likewise from that very time, to arise between them and the Royal House of Bourbon, a competition that soon after degenerated into a declared Enmity, so that from that time forward, those two Houses became Irreconcilable foes, which was the true occasion of the attempt of Amboise, though some will needs have it pass for a pure business of Religion. I shall leave that talk to others, to treat more amply of that subject, and to make use of the Testimony of those who assure us that Q Katherine had secretly solicited the Admiral to free her out of the hands of the Guises who had assumed all the Authority, and for my own part, shall only be content to assert, That Religion was concerned in it only by accident, by reason that those who were deprived of their part in the Government due to them by their high Birth, professed the Reformed Religion. Among near 1200 unhappy persons that were destroyed upon that occasion by divers sorts of Punishments, and most of which suffered all the severities of the Tortures; there were but two in all, whom they could force by Torments to say what they would have them; all the rest unanimously maintaining, that their design was only to seize the Lorrain-Princes, and divest them of an Authority, which they ought not to enjoy to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood. There is therefore as little reason to charge the Reformed Religion with the blame of that Enterprise, supposing that according to the Rules of Policy it deserved any, as to impute to the Roman Religion, the conspiracies of the Catholic Princes and Lords, against the Tyranny of the Marshal D'Ancre; or that of the D. of Orleans, against the excessive power of Cardinal Richelieu; or those of the Parliaments, and of the Prince of Conde, against the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu, who went on in the steps of his Predecessor, to oppress the public liberty: The heads and principal Members of those Conspiracies, being Catholics, as those concerned in the design of Amboise were Protestants. Since therefore the persons concerned in all those several Intrigues, were all engaged by the same motives, and the same prospects, they must either be equally imputed to the Religion of their Authors, and by consequence the Roman Religion must be judged so much the more Guilty in this matter, than the Protestant, as it has oftener stirred in those sorts of Commotions than the other; or else it must be confessed, that Religion had no share, but by accident, in those affairs, which were purely Politic of their own Nature, and that those Interests which set the Wheels of those attempts in motion, were indeed properly none of Hers. But the Cruelty of the Court, the principal heads of 
The Cruelty of the Court.  which diverted themselves with the horrible Spectacle of so many Executions, and seeing the blood run down in all the streets of Amboise, struck a horror in all moderate persons: And this first Essay which was followed by so many Massacres that stained the succeeding reign with so much Blood, touched the Chancellor Oliver so much to the Heart, that he Died with grief, and L'Hopital was put in his place, who in acknowledgement of that Favour, always adhered to the Q's interest as his own. That Princess seeing the Authority of the Guises increased by their Success in the Enterprise of Amboise, would not suffer the Protestants to be prosecuted to extremity, yet could not induce them by that to place any confidence in her, since for all that they examined in one of their Synods, a Memorial to be presented to the General Estates, in which several things were made use of not at all to her advantage. But however the Court kept fair for a while with the Prince of Conde, though they were well enough persuaded, he was privately the chief contriver of that Enterprise; and the D. of Guise, by a profound Dissimulation of his Thoughts, seemed to assent to his justification. 
The Original of the w●rd Huguenot.   
About the same time the name of Huguenot was introduced into the World, and because it has been ever since retained as the distinguishing name of a Party, I may very well without breaking off the thread of my History, say something of its Original, than which nothing perhaps is more unknown. For they themselves that saw this word first brought forth, yet give very different reports of its rise, and perhaps it may not without reason be concluded from thence, that it is one of those names the rabble invent they know not why, and that they retain in use without knowing how they came by it. Only every one endeavouring to explain the Original of the word, according to their own particular passion and Interest, have by false Etymologies produced by those causes, made us lose all traces of the true one. For some derive that word from John Hus, or from a certain Sacramentarian, named Hugues, who is feign'd to have lived in the time of Charles VI. which is grounded only upon an Analogy of Grammar, or upon some conformity between the Doctrine of the one with the other in some Articles. Some think it comes from the word Gnostick ill pronounced, which was applied to the Protestants, because they were charged with the like abominations those Heretics were accused of, which seems to be a mere conjecture, without any ground; as is likewise the Fancy of those that fetch it from a certain Speech made by some Germane Envoys, which begun with these words, Huc nos, and which were so ill pronounced, that they made our Courtiers laugh, which is indeed a story only fit to be laughed at. They who have observed, that in process of time the Protestants were offended at that Name, as an injurious Term, imagined it came from certain words in the Suissers Tongue, signifying seditious people, or that it was taken from a sort of small money, of less value than the Mailles, which because they were currant in the time of Hugh Capet, were called Huguenots, which Name was afterwards in contempt applied to the Protestants. But there are 3 Opinions, which as they are more common, so they 
1560.  are more probable than the rest. That which is most followed, is, That it is derived from a certain Spirit, or Robin Goodfellow, called at Tours, King Hugon, from which one of the Gates of the Town was by corruption named the Gate Fourgon, instead of the Porte Hugon, because that Spectre appeared sometimes in the Night, near that Gate, in the form of Fire. Now because the Protestants held their Meetings about that quarter, in the night time, by reason that the persecution was too hot to let them do it in the day time. Occasion was thence taken to call them Huguenots: To which they further add this story, That the first advice of that Conspiracy came from Tours, and that they which gave it made use of the term of Huguenot already known in their Town, and which has ever since remained in use. But there is one thing remarked by Historians, that gives us great reason to doubt of the solidity of this conjecture, which is, That according to them, that Enterprise was carried on so secretly, that the Guises received the first notice of it out of Foreign Countries, and that the first man who informed them of it in France, was one Des Avenelles, an Advocate of the Parliament of Paris, at whose House La Renaudie, a known Ringleader in that Conspiracy, was lodged, and to whom he was forced to reveal it, to obviate the suspicions the great concourse of people to his house had justly raised against him: So that it could not be from Tours that the Court received the first Information of that Mystery. The 2d Opinion is much more probable, which deduces that word from those words in the Swiss Language, Eid genossen, which signifies, Allies, and which were brought into France by the Ministers which come from that Country, as for a like reason they were called Fribours, in Poitou, whilst it was believed that the Canton of Fribourg corresponded with those of Geneva, in matters of Religion. Which Name became more common after the Enterprise of Amboise, because that was the first occasion in which the Protestants appeared united for their common Interest, and in which they most constantly observed the Faith they had mutually given to one another. And yet the 3d Opinion is no less probable than that, which pretends that Name to be derived from Hugh Capet, because the Protestants were headed by a Prince of that Royal House, and stiffly maintained their Interest against the Intrigues of Foreign Princes, who endeavoured to deprive it of the Government. 'Tis true, it is not very likely the Guises had as yet framed any designs upon the Crown; but there are several unquestionable Circumstances that give a great appearance of probability to this Opinion. The Guises were then become very newly allied to the Throne, by the marriage of their Niece to the K. and had any Children proceeded from it, they would have been much nearer a kin to them than the Bourbons, who 〈…〉 so Removes off; That is to say, at such a degree of distance, in which all Hereditary Right seems naturally to cease of itself. They had likewise at that time a great power at Court, close correspondence with Spain, a particular Enemy to the House of Bourbon, because of their mutual competition for the usurped Kingdom of Navarre, and had entertained a formal design entirely to usurp the administration of affairs from that Noble House. Besides, it appears by the Writings, and by the Acts of the Synods of the Protestants, that even in those early days they already asserted the Rights of the Bourbons, and endeavoured to maintain them in that Authority, against the encroaching attempts of all Foreiners, not excepting the Q. Mother herself: So that they were declared Partisans of the Capetians. As therefore from the Name of Pope, the Guises, and their Adherents, who made Religion a serviceable Tool for their Interests, were called Papists, and from the Name of Guise's were called Guisards, or Guisians, by the Protestants; It is probable, that from the Name of Hugues, i e. Hugh, the Rights of whose Family the Protestants so stiffly maintained, they were called Huguenots, which Name grew public at the time of the Enterprise of Amboise, because that was an eminent occasion in which the opposition of those 2 Factions first broke out, and put the world upon inventing Names to distinguish them. Which is the more confirmed, because in the Memorials of that time we find that the Protestants at first esteemed it an honourable Name, as thinking without doubt, it was in effect a Glorious Monument of their Loyalty, in defending the Interests of their lawful Princes against the attempts of Usurpers. But after the Memory of those Transactions was abolished by divers Edicts, and especially by the Extinction of the Guisian Faction, they had reason to complain they should still be called by that Name, because it renewed the Memory of those Troubles, and was given them by the people, who were ignorant of the Original word, as a Name of some party of Conspirators, on purpose to brand them with disgrace. But to return from this digression, and re-continue the Series of Events, I shall remark, That attempts were made about that time to establish the Inquisition in France, and that the Chancellor, who would fain have hindered that pernicious Institution, unwillingly consented, that Causes of Heresy should be once more turned over to the Bishops, of whom there were some not very ill-inclined to the Protestants: For Marillac, Archbishop of Vienna, and Monluc, Bp. of Valence, spoke favourably for them in an Assembly held at Fountain-Bleau, where the Admiral presented a Petition in the Name of the persecuted party, for whom he begged Liberty of Conscience. The Court seemed disposed to moderation, and accordingly talked of calling a 
A false appearance of Moderation.  National Council, prohibited all provocations on either side, and put a stop to any further Executions; so that during that shadow of peace the Protestants began to hold public Meetings in 
The P. of Conde imprisoned.  several Provinces. But yet when they least expected it, the P. of Conde was made Prisoner, his Enemies having gained time in that deceitful Calm with which they had purposely amused the World, to take the surer measures against him, and pretended a discovery of his being engaged in new designs; upon which he was prosecuted with such extraordinary diligence, that the Sentence of Condemnation was already signed by all his Judges, except only the Chancellor, who held off as long as he could; and he had certainly lost his Life, if the K's sudden death had not delivered him from that tragical end; which happened so patly for his advantage, that it gave occasion 
The sudden death of Francis II. falsely imputed to the Protestants.  to their Adversaries to impute it to the Protestants, to insinuate as if they had shortened that Prince's days by the hands of his Surgeon who was of their Religion. But sincere Historians have discharged them of that reproachful Calumny, by informing the World, That Francis II. had some natural Infirmities that brought on him that fate; that his Brain had no vent at all to purge itself by the ordinary Conduits made for that use, as in other men; that about a year before his Death there appeared upon his Face, some pimples that were taken for signs of some extraordinary Distemper, which 'tis reported, his Physicians went about to cure by a yet more extraordinary Remedy. From which it may easily be judged, how much his Blood was tainted, and how extreme full his Body was of corrupt humours.  
The Estates who were in great haste Assembled towards the end 
Charles IX succeeds. The Estates assembled, who seem to favour the Protestants.  of the year, gave the Protestants some hopes that the Q. Mother would be no longer so much against them; because the Chancellor her Creature was so bold there, as openly to censure all violent proceedings upon the account of Religion; the Guises were fallen from their former Credit, as not having the same Ascendant over Charles IX. who succeeded his Brother, as they had had over the deceased K. who had Married their Niece; the Admiral having been offensively treated in the Speech made by the Deputy of the Clergy at the opening of the Assembly, reparation was made him for the Indignity. The Prince of Conde was acquitted; and the Bishops of Seez and Valens having Preached at the Court something very like the Doctrine of those called Heretics, were by the Q. protected against the clamours of the Zealots; nay, she writ to the Pope himself in their favour, and seconded their demands for the Restitution of the Cup to the Laity, and for the celebration of Divine service in the vulgar Tongue; and granted them the first Edict for Poleration that ever was vouchsafed them: but she not being a Woman that could long forbear showing herself in her true Colours, she herself stirred up the Constable to Murmur at it; and the more effectually to hinder the Parliaments from obeying it, she slily ordered it to be directed contrary to custom, to the Presidial Courts, and accordingly the Parliaments failed not to complain of such an Irregularity, and to oppose it by contrary Decrees. And the Court fell again into the same irresolution they had often been in before, whom to declare the most competent Judges of Causes of Heresy, and by an Edict of the Month of July, divided a new that Jurisdiction between the Presidial and Bishop's Courts, authorising the one, to judge of the unlawfulness of Assemblies, and the other, of the Doctrine Preached in them, the Clergy having well Bribed them for that favour; for taking a hot Alarm at some proceedings of the Estates who were removed to Pontoise, that tended to favour the Protestants, they politicly ransomed themselves from that fear, by consenting to a subsidy of four tenths of six years. But the best thing done in the Edict of the Protestants was, That it moderated the punishment of Heresies, which before was Death, to Banishment only.  
In that year was the first rise of the Triumvirate, that is to say, 
The Rise of the Triumvirate.  of the threefold League between the D. of Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal de St. Andre; the last of which engaged in it to exempt himself from giving an account of immense sums of Money he had embezel'd And the Constable did the same, for fear of being obliged to pay back a sum of 100000 Crowns. And though Religion was one of the pretences of the Union, by which they did a World of Mischief to the Protestants, yet it was to those other sordid interests that 
The Conference at Polisy.  the Roman Religion was chiefly obliged to for its preservation. But there was nothing more remarkable in the whole course of that year than the Colloquy or Conference of Poissy, which held all Europe for some time in suspense. There never was any Assembly that ever made so much noise, nor yet any that produced so little effect, excepting only that they gave some Alarm to Rome. The beginnings of it were pompous and stately, for all the Court was present at it, as well as several Cardinals and Bishops; it began on both sides with very solid and grave Orations; but one word which Beza unluckily let fall in his Discourse, served for a pretence to the Cardinal de Tournon, and others of his party, to make a noise, and to dissuade the K. from continuing to honour those Disputes any longer with his Presence. And so that public Conference dwindled into private Disputations, and the Bps. either disdaining, or being 
1561.  afraid to confer with the Ministers, the whole business was committed only to some private Doctors, and at last the Conferences were quite broken off; after which, instances being made in vain to Renew them, The Protestant Deputies grew weary of being shamm'd off with so many delays, and went away when they found they were amused only with vain hopes. They spent some Months in reconciling the differences about some controverted Articles; but when the persons commissionated to treat of them, had agreed upon any point, it was always traversed by some zealous Drs. who made Oppositions and Protestations against such Accommodations; which particularly happened about the matter of Image-Worship. For the Dean of the College of Divinity hotly opposed what had been 
1562.  concluded concerning their use, and stiffly maintained, that they ought not to abateanace of what the Roman Church had once authorised, though owned to be introduced at first by evil custom. And so obstinately have the Clergy of our times adhered to that Maxim, that they never would consent to purchase the return of the Protestants to their Communion, with the price of any of the least Abuses tolerated by the Roman Church. And besides, from the very beginning of that Conference, there appeared a certain presage, That no good could be expected from it, since the Clergy at Poissy, about 11 days after the opening of their Assembly, which was the 4th of September, when the Parliament had referred to them the Jesuits Petition, for leave to settle in France, authorised them to fix in Paris, upon conditions 
The settling of the Jesuits at Paris.  which that Society never observed. And so that very Assembly from whom the World expected an equitable accommodation of differences in Religion, effectually served for nothing else but to establish in the Kingdom the most mortal enemies of all equity, and that have taken up ambition, perfidiousness and cruelty for the chief maxims of their Politics.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine had shown some little inclination to 
The inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorraine.  the Lutherans Opinion about the real presence, and had ordered a Formulary to be drawn up, that differed not from their principles. Now whether he was really of that Opinion, or only dissembled an inclination for it, out of some politic consideration, is not known. But certain it is, at least, that he, and the Duke his Brother, made use of that Artifice effectually to hinder the Duke of Wirtemberg, with whom they had an interview with Savern, from confederating with the P. of Conde,, who sought his Alliance. The K. of Navarre likewise, at the persuasion of the Tutor to his Natural Son, had testified the same inclination, but yet never stuck to any settled Opinion 
and of the K. of Navar.  in Religion, but continued wavering and doubtful in that 
1561.  matter to his dying day.  
There happened a great sedition that year at Paris, where the Protestants 
A sedition at Paris against the Protestants.  were met for their Religious Exercises. For the Catholics having a Church hard by their Meeting, were so malicious as to ring their Bells with more noise, and much longer than ordinary, purposely to disturb the Minister, and his Auditors, by their jangling; upon which the Protestants sending 2 men unarmed, civilly to entreat them to leave off that troublesome ringing, The Catholics were pleased to knock one of the messengers on the head, but the other got away. Upon that, the people easily took fire on both sides, and fell so fiercely together by the ears, that the City Guards, which were then employed to prevent such Accidents, were not able to suppress them. The Protestants overpowered their Adversaries in this Scuffle, and the doors of the Church were broken open, the Images battered to pieces, some Catholics killed, and some Priests put in prison. But the Protestants were made to pay dearly for that advantage; for the Parliament condemned them for it, and ●●●●ed up 2 or 3 of them, and imprisoned their very Witnesses 〈◊〉 p●●ting in their favour. Which Example has been followed 〈◊〉 ●…nd the unhappy party always judged in the●…●…been treated with the most●…●…am●… casion of the Massacre at Vassi, which the Domestic Servants of the D. of Guise committed in their Mrs. presence, killing about 60 persons, 
The Massacre at Vassi, after the Edict of January.  and wounding above 200. For though The Q. promised them Justice for it, yet the K. of Navarre, whom the Triumvirs had wrought over to their Interests, received Beza but very ill, when he came to complain of it to him; and the Duke of Guise, and Marshal de St. Andre baffled all their Prosecutions for the punishment of the Criminals, and the whole blame of the Massacre was at last thrown upon the pretended impatient humour of the Protestants. And yet that action was a thing of no slight consequence, because besides the cruelty of the Fact, it was a Breach of the Edict of January, which was the first that granted a free exercise of the Reformed Religion in public, and was drawn up with the approbation of an Assembly of the Notables, or select Council of Nobility, but notverified 
Chief Nobility.  without great opposition, especially at Paris, where after several reiterated commands, it was at last Registered with this provisional clause; That it was done in consideration of the present conjuncture of Affairs, without approving the new Religion, and to remain in force no longer than the K. should order otherwise. That Edict was an effect of the extraordinary favour the Admiral was then in with the Q. who highly caressed him, which gave so much jealousy to the Triumvirs, that they retired from Court. But that great Lord suffering his eyes to be dazzled, by the Artifices of the 
The strength of the Protestants. The French term for Protestant Meeting places. The short favour of the Admiral with the Queen.  Queen, discovered to her a little too much the strength of his Party by demanding of her the liberty of building Temples or Churches for 2150 Protestant Congregations. For the Q. thereupon demanded to see a particular account of the number of each Congregation, which he refusing, as being sensible he had already been too open-hearted with her. Ever after that she was shy of the Admiral, as being unwilling to depend on him.  
But the Triumvirs were not long absent from the Court, but returning and restoring to the Parisians, who where passionately affected to them, their Arms again, they reduced the Q. into such 
The first war undertaken by the Queen's Orders.  danger of losing her Authority, that she was forced to have recourse to the Prince of Conde to deliver her out of their hands, authorising him by pressing Letters, wherein she recommended to him the K. the Kingdom and herself, and complains, That the Guises kept her in Captivity, requiring him to take up Arms, under the specious pretence of delivering the King and Queen. But that 
and afterwards disowned.  Princess afterwards falling into the power of the Confederates, and being constrained to disown the Commission she had given the Prince to take Arms, he sent her Original Letters to those Germane Princes to whom he had a mind to justify his Conduct, which she took for so heinous an Affront, that she would never pardon it to him However, to hinder the people from joining with the Prince, another Edict was published in the King's Name, to confirm the Edict of January, which granted an Indemnity for all that was past, and permission for the free public Exercise of the Reformed Religion every where, but in the City and Suburbs of Paris. But the Prince baffled that Stratagem, by publishing the Copy of a Treaty of Confederacy 
The Triple League between the Pope, the K. of Spain, and the Guises, against the Protestants.  concluded between the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Guises, against the Protestants, which he had newly intercepted. Not but that on that, and all other like occasions, there was always a considerable number of Protestants that suffered themselves to be deceived by those Illusory Edicts; Nay, and that there always was some of them that have been wheedled in to bear Arms too against their Brethren, for the Court-Interest. But yet still the Division was not so great as very much to weaken the Prince's Party; who, sometime after the Queen had disowned them, having called a Council of Conscience of sixty Ministers, to consult whether it were lawful after that, to continue the War; they came to this Resolution, That since those Arms were at first taken up by Order of that Princess, whilst free, against the Enemies of the King, and the State, and the Violators of Edicts, they were lawfully taken up, and ought not to be laid down (by any Counter-Order proceeding from her) whilst under the force of hers, and their common Enemies.  
This War was very cruel in many places, because there were some 
The Cruelties of Monlac, and Des Adrets, and of the Catholics in general.  Commanders on each side, that prosecuted it without any Mercy. For Des Adrets, on the Protestant side, was noted for his Cruelties, and Monluc, on the other, would spare no body; Nay, and Mompensier too, signalised himself not a little by his Inhumanities'. However, this difference there was between the Cruelties of the Two Parties, That those of the Catholics were a continuation of what they had exercised for near 40 years past, by so many Butcherly Executions; and those of the Protestants were but actions of men made desperate by so long and barbarous a persecution. Which, by the way, deserves to be remarked against the Roman Catholic Historians, who always excuse, as much as they can, the Excesses of their own people, though never so villainous, but represent the Violences of the Prince's Forces much horrider than they were. And indeed the Protestants found no mercy at all; No Faith of Treaties was ever kept with them, and not being content to destroy them by Fights and Massacres, The Catholics wherever they had power, further employed against them he forms of Justice. But nothing more furiously incensed the People against them, than their breaking of Images, and burning of Relics in several places. That likewise occasioned many bloody Edicts against them; and the Parliaments would needs stretch the severity of those Acts of the Council yet to a higher pitch, by their Decrees, especially those of Paris, Rouen, Dijon and Tholouse. And though the Catholic Armies were guilty of as many outrages as the others, yet the Protestants bore the blame of all, and were charged with the Sacrileges even of their Enemies.  
A new Massacre of the Protestants which happened at Sens, by the Cardinal 
The Massacre at Sens.  of Lorrain's fault, who was Archbishop of that Town, broke off the Negotiations for a Peace, and the War was continued a fresh both by Arms and Writings. In which the Catholics were the first that 
Foreigners called into France.  had recourse to Foreign Aid, and the Protestants imitated them, by procuring assistance from Queen Elizabeth of England who seized of Haure de Grace for her security. But before her Forces could join the Prince's Army, a Battle was fought near Dreux, the success of which 
The battle of Dreux.  on both sides was so equal, that the Duke of Guise was the only gainer by it. The King of Navarre died some time before of a wound he received at the Siege of Rouen, the Marshal de St. Andre was Killed, and the Constable taken in this Battle, so that the Duke had now neither superior nor competitour at Court. The Prince of Conde was likewise taken Prisoner, but that hindered not his party from standing upon such high conditions, that no Peace could be agreed upon. The Duke afterwards laying Siege to Orleans, was there 
1563.  Assassinated by one Poltrot, which miserable wretch being taken, Accused 
The Siege of Orleans. The Murder of the Duke of Guise, charged upon the Admiral by the Wretch that did it.  the Admiral and Beza, and several others as his Instigatours to that enterprise, and though he often varied in his answers upon Examinations, yet he accused the Admiral with a little more constancy than the rest. However he was willingly credited in that point; and the young Duke of Guise continuing, ever from that time, a resentment against that Lord, as guilty of the Charge, revenged himself nine years after, upon several thousands of Innocents', whose blood he mingled with the Admirals, to expiate the death of his Father.  
The Tragical Death of that great Man, dampt the vain thoughts of the Cardinal of Lorraine then at Trent, whither the Council had been removed the third time by a Bull of Pius IU. where the French Ambassadors had waited a good while for the coming of the Bishops of their Nation; but the Cardinal came thither at last, attended with some Prelates, with a full Resolution to insist upon thirty four Articles of Reformation which seemed to be much desired by the Queen, and especially the Restitution of the Cup, and the Marriage of Priests The same accident likewise put the Court upon other Measures, and disposed matters to a 
A Peace concluded.  Peace; for which an Edict was agreed upon at Amboise. The Prince took advice only of the Nobility of his Party who were weary of the War, and would not hearken to the Counsel of threescore and ten Ministers, who would have persuaded him to abate nothing of the Edict of January. The Admiral was not at all content with this proceeding. But however he was forced to seem to approve of what he could not hinder; and to accept an Edict much less favourable than the former, and where the Distinction of Rights of Exercise by virtue of Fiefs, Possession and Bailywicks, was introduced.  
The Peace was followed by an Event at which the Court of Rome was highly offended. The Cardinal of Chatillon Bishop of Beauvais, which is one of the most ancient Peerages of the Kingdom, turning to the Religion of the Admiral his Brother, quitted both the Name and Habit of his Ecclesiastical Dignity, and retained only that of Count of Beauvais. The Pope thereupon cited him, and deprived him of his Cardinals 
1564.  Hat. But that Lord, to show how little he valued the Papal Censure 
The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon, and its consequences.  immediately took up again his Cardinal's Habit, and wore it at all Ceremonies at which he was present, and even at the Registering of the King's Declaration upon the Subject of his Majority; nay and to carry his contempt further he Married a Lady, and wore his Cardinal's Habit on his Wedding day. The same year the Cardinal of Lorraine called a Synod at Rheims, where the Cardinal of Chatillon appeared not, though he were Suffragan of Rheims, as Bishop of Beauvais. They who were present at it, were content only to agree upon a resolution to give notice to the King, that that Prelate was Excommunicated at Rome for a Heretic. But that was put off till 1569. when the Parliament Declared him a Rebel, and deprived him of all his Dignities, turning him over to the Judgement of his Superior as to what concerned the 
* i e. Heresy.  Common Crime▪ But they durst not at first explain what they meant by the term Superior, for fear of offending the Pope; but in another Decree, they plainly owned, that by Superior, they meant his Metropolitan, the Archbishop of Rheims with the Bishops his Suffragans, conformably to the Liberties of the Gallican Church. And in fine, when this Cardinal's Widow moved after the passing of that Edict, to have her Marriage confirmed, she could not obtain it, as I shall show more fully in time and place. The pretence urged against her, was, That there appeared no Evidence neither by writing nor witnesses, to prove it an Authentic Marriage, and not Clandestine. It's true indeed it was then 40 years since it was done, and there remained but one man alive that could witness it; but yet that hindered it not from being very true, that the Marriage was celebrated by the consent, and in the presence of the Cardinal's Brothers, and with all the Solemnity that the Simplicity of the 
1568.  Reformation, and the circumstances of that juncture of time could permit.  
That Cardinal passed in the time of the following Wars, into 
1571.  England, to demand assistance from Queen Elisabeth, but as he was about to return into France, he was basely poisoned by one of his own domestic Servants. 
1563.   
The Chancellor took his opportunity after the Edict of Peace, to 
Tithes confirmed to the Roman Clergy.  publish another commanding all the King's Subjects to pay Tithes as before, to the Churchmen: And it was not doubted, but that Edict was the preservation of the Roman Church, because had the Protestants been suffered to escape free from paying those deuce, all that had any Goods or Estates liable to pay Tithes, would have wheeled about to their Party, out of greediness to augment their Revenues at one jerko a full tenth part. Yet for all that, it appears by the repeated complaints of the Clergy in all their Assemblies, that they had much ado to enjoy the benefit of that Edict. And 'tis only since the Edict of Nants, that they have been established in the full possession of those deuce. And then indeed that question was contradictorily decided to the advantage of the Churchmen, and the recompense granted to the Protestants to indemnify them for what they paid in Tyths, took from them all colour of renewing any more pretences on that Subject; for till then, the Clergy had not been able to keep possession of those Rights, because the Protestants paid them nothing in places where they were strong enough to avoid it; and the Catholics in many places, and especially the Gentry paid them but ' en what they li●ted. But that Edict fortifying them with a new Title, they recovered by little and little the full enjoyment of all their Rights, and under pretence of explaining, or confirming them against the pretensions 
A Tholouse 6. & 8. March 1640. the●3 ●3. Feb. 1658. The re-taking of Haure de Grace.  of the Protestants, they often procured orders, which they made use of to the Disadvantage of the Catholics themselves; So that they that for time out of mind had been obliged only to pay certain fixed Tithes, were then forced to pay Tyths of the Artichokes, Melons, Pumpions, nay, and of their Marjoram, and in a word, of all the Herbs of their Gardens. And for the obtaining those Orders, the Clergy was not ashamed to vacate the old customs that were confirmed by an interrupted possession of 2 or 300 years. After the Peace, both Parties contended which should be most active in re-taking Haure de Grace from the English, who had a mind to keep it; and the Protestants seemed to espouse the cause with more heat than the others, the better to wipe off the reproach cast upon them, of having given new footing in the Kingdom, to a Foreign People that had been so long its mortal Enemies. At his return from that Expedition, the King was declared Major at Rouen, and put forth a new Edict to confirm that of Amboise, which was again renewed towards the end of the year by another which explained some dubious Articles of it. But when the King was returned to Paris, the Admiral was impeached for the Murder of the Duke of Guise; the affairs was very difficult to decide at that Juncture of time, because of the equal Balance that seemed to be between the power of the Accusers, and that of the Accused, and therefore after several insignificant proceedings, it was cunningly put off for three years.  
The same year likewise there began to appear, at Tholouse and 
The end of the Council of Trent.  elsewhere, some seeds of a League against the Protestants, and the famous Council of Trent was at last terminated, which having been long desired, as the only salve for the Divisions of Europe, was for sometime 
1563.  as 'twere the Shuttlecock of the Policy of Princes, and the Terror of the Court of Rome, which was afraid, that in such a ticklish time in which she was so much cried down, a Council would in spite of her attempt a Reformation of her intolerable Errors and Abuses. But yet at last that Court found its account well enough here, and that Council degenerated into a manifest Cabal, confirmed all Abuses to the advantage of the Roman See, exalted her above Princes, and made the yoke of the Roman Church more heavy than ever upon men's Consciences.  
The next year, the Spaniards did what they could to re-kindle a 
1564.  new War; but the time was not yet seasonable to hearken to them. In expectation therefore of a better occasion, they conspired with the Catholics of Bearn to seize the Queen of Navarre and her Children, and to deliver them to the Inquisition for Heretics, which if effected, would have given a fair occasion to Philp I●. to make himself Master of the rest of their Dominions, which had escaped from the Ambition of his Great Grandfather. The Conspiracy was discovered, but yet Queen Katherine had particular reasons worthy of herself, not to order 
1568.  the person to be taken up, that was the chief Intriguer in it. Four years after, the Queen of Navarre, who was forced to provide for 
A Revolution in Bearn.  her own and her children's safety, by flying to Rochel, from the fury of the same Revolted Subjects, sent from thence Montgomery to chastise 
1569.  them, after which she Banished quite out of her Country all exercise of the Roman Religion, under the pretence of which, such a horrid Treatment was designed her; And that was done by the consent of the States, without which nothing can be legally done in that Principality. So that the Catholics lost all their Privileges there, by a just punishment for their furious Attempt▪ in going about to deliver their Lawful Sovereign Princess into the Power of a Foreign Jurisdiction, and the Reformation was by this means received there by the concurrence of that double Authority in which the Legislative Power of that Country Resides. We shall see afterwards what respect was had to those considerations, under the Grandchild of that Princess.  
But in France the Protestants were not long at quiet, without new occasions 
1565.  to be jealous of the Court; for they were ill treated almost 
New occasions of jealousy given the Protestants.  every where, and saw their Tranquillity openly conspired against; And the Pope, the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy loudly demanded by their Ambassadors, that the Edict might be Revoked, and the Decrees of the late Council Published, to which the King's answer was in such general and ambiguous Terms, that the Protestants could not but be alarmed at it. And besides the Pulpits every where resounded with nothing but the praises of the King of Spain, whom they extolled to the Skies, as the great Extirpater of Heretics; and a Deputy of Burgundy in an Oration to the King, passionately pressed him ●o suffer but one Religion in his Kingdom. Many Violences and Massacres were committed in divers places without any punishment inflicted on the Authors. The concessions of the Edict were invalidated by distorted Interpretations, which were renewed again in our Time. The Ministers were forced to reside in the places where their Temples, or Meeting places were; and they were permitted to teach no Schools. The exercise of the Protestant Religion was suspended in all places whither the Court happened to pass. The Privileges of the Protestant Lords were clipped, and none suffered to come to the Religious Exercises in their Houses, but such as were their own Subjects or Vassals. All Synodical Assemblies were forbidden. No Money was suffered to be Levied for the Maintenance of their Ministers. The Marriages of such who had been Priests, Monks, or Nuns, were disannulled. The Fortifications raised by the Protestants in the Time of the War, were demolished, and yet strong Citadels built to awe those Towns that favoured them. In a word, nothing was omitted to induce them to believe, that the Peace was granted them with no other design, but to disarm and disunite them, and especially, to break the neck of those Alliances they had with Foreign Protestants All these violations of the Peace, obliged the Prince of Conde to present a Memorial of Complaints to the King; wherein, among other things, he reckons up no less than 130 murders committed since the Peace, for which he could obtain no Justice. But yet all the Satisfaction he got from his Majesty, was only a general Answer, and civil words.  
It's true, the K. made a Progress all over his Kingdom, with all his Court; 
The voyage of the Court, and advice given them by the Duke of Alva.  but the Protestants were never the better for it; and than it was the Court had an Interview with the D. of Alva at Bayonne, where they learned of him, that fatal and bloody Apothegm which they afterwards so well improved in practice, viz. That the Head of one Salmon is better than those of 50000 Frogs. The Prince then but a child, and much caressed at that time by Q. Katherine, being present at the Conference where this advice was given, though he was but young, yet well apprehended its consequence, 
The progress of the Protestant Churches.  and learned thereby to keep himself upon his guard, against that Princess, after he had lost her favour. Whilst those Intrigues were carrying on, as there was yet no open War, The Protestants were busy in confirming their Churches by convenient Regulations, and held some 
1565.  Synods; by the acts of which, it appears, that the custom of Annexes, or Pluralities, was already received among them, because they had more Churches than Ministers; though in our time, their Adversaries have been pleased to cavil with them upon that account, as if the serving of several Churches by the same Minister, had been a novelty among them. The Catholics on their side, fortified themselves by Leagues, and some private ones were concluded in several places, and Monlu● proposed to the K. to make one too with his Catholic Lords. At the same time the Admiral was attacked by dangerous Calumnies; and a wicked Villain that had attempted to Murder him, thinking thereby to escape Punishment, accused him of endeavouring to persuade him to Kill the Q. But the time being not yet seasonable to accept such black Impostures for good Evidence, that Traitor was convinced of Forgery, and broken upon the Wheel.  
But because the Court had a mind to trick the Protestants, they pretended to 
1566.  ●…oncile that Lord with the House of Guise. And accordingly the accomodati●… 
The reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises.  was made with all the cautions usually observed in a sincere Treaty. But the ●…ng D. was not at the conclusion of it, as designing, by his absence, to reserve ●…imself a Right to violate at pleasure, the promises advanced by his Family. ●…t for all that, a thousand wrongs were continually done every where to the ●…restants; for in places where they were weakest, they were openly oppressed and ●…ir complaints derided; but where they were strong enough to make them●…es be feared, the K's name and authority was made use of to stop their mouths 〈…〉 make them tamely suffer all the evils their enemies had a mind to inflict ●…n them. And besides all this, the March of the D. of Alva's Army, which he ●…s leading towards the Netherlands, where people's Spirits were in a shrewd ●…ment, still more Alarmed the Protestants, and made them apprehensive, lest ●…er a colour of some other design, the Court should make use of him to de●…y them. All these considerations induced the Prince of Conde once more to ●…e up arms, who attempted to self, and carry away the Court then at Monce●… in which he narrowly missed succeeding, and would certainly have effected ●…ad he not been timely hindered by the diligence of the Constable: However 〈…〉 boldness of the attempt made such an Impression upon the K's Spirit, that he 
The attempt at Monceaux, and its consequences.  ●…ld never pardon it to the Prince. The most remarkable event in that War was ●…death of the Constable who was killed at the attack of Paris▪ by the Forces of the ●…ce of Conde, who with a handful of Men, in the View of a Turkish Envoy, who ●…eld the fight from the Walls, resisted the whole effort of the Royal Army, though ●…t by all the people of that great City. The War from thence spread itself 
1568.  〈…〉 the Provinces, whether both parties once more called in Foreigners to their as●…ce. 
A peace made before Chartres, without any intention to keepit.  At last a Peace was clapped up, whilst Chartres was besieged, by which the E●… of January was restored to the Protestants without restriction, more out of de●… to make them send back their Foreign Aids, than to restore Tranquillity to 〈…〉 State. The most part of the Protestants were against this peace, because they ●…tly enough judged, it was granted them only for a decoy. And the Prince him●… wa● much afraid of it too, and therefore made no haste to perform the Ar●… of the Treaty that related to his own concerns; and, to say the truth, the Ca●…icks gave him but too much occasion of jealousy: For there was much a●…o get the Edict verified by the Parliaments, and that of Tholouse refused it till 〈…〉 4 Reiterated commands; and before that too, had the insolence to put Rapine to ●…h, that was come thither from the Prince, to press its Registering But the Court●…t ●…t not there▪ For they sent into the Provinces a form of an Oath, in which under ●…ence of Allegiance the Protestants were to swear never to take Arms mor●▪ and ●…onfess themselves worthy of the most rigorous punishments, if there should ●…pen any disturbance through their fault in the places where they lived. That is, they ●…e them thereby responsible for all accidents, though it were to their own wrong, 〈…〉 they had learned by experience, that the blame was always laid upon them, right or ●…g. In ● months' time more than 2000 of them were Massacred in several places, 〈…〉 nothing was to be seen every where but Injustices to destroy them, or artifices ●…ide them. That was the drift of an Edict, in which the K. pretended to take 〈…〉 his Protection all Protestants that should live peaceably at home; but that trick had ●…ct, because it was too soon discovered. Then came out another Edict, which 〈…〉 the liberty to exercise any other Religion but the Catholic, which was soon followed by another, commanding the Protestants to quit all offices; and the Order 〈◊〉 Registering it in the Parliament of Paris, added this clause, That all who succeeded 〈◊〉 any Offices for the future should be obliged to swear, to live and die in the Roman Re●●●●●on. The Protestants likewise intercepted some Letters written by the Court, to 〈◊〉 Magistrates in the Provinces forbidding them to observe the Edict of Peace. Th●●● are others extant from the Q. of Navarre to the Cardinal of Bourbon, where 〈◊〉 reminds him of a thing at which he was so terribly alarmed, that he could 〈◊〉 sleep for one whole night, which was, that during Q Katherine's last sickness, 〈…〉 sign was laid to act over again in France the Sicilian Vesper. This ●right of the Cardinal, as may be a hint by the way, was a sufficient proof their malice aim●● as much at the House of Bourbon, as the Reformed Religion. They attempted l●●● wise to surprise the Prince of Conde at his house at Noyers, and that so sub●●●● that he had hardly a minute's notice to make his escape. But nothing more cle●●ly betrayed the Courts intentions, than the Bull of Alienation of some Ecclesiast Revenues granted towards the support of a War against the Heretics, and which ●●ing dated some days before the Protestants took Arms, was an evident proof, that 〈◊〉 Court that had solicited it was the first that designed a Rupture. However 〈◊〉 Chancellor suffered it not to be made use of, for fear the Protestants should 〈◊〉 prove it to their advantage▪ and they were fain to procure another three 〈◊〉 after, that granted the K. the same Alienation, under the notion of a Recom●●●●● of his Revoking the Edicts of Toleration. Yet for all that, the Chancellor was ●●●t graced, either because he was against the War, or was suspected to favour the Protestant's for the sake of his Wife, his Daughter, and his Son in Law, who were 〈◊〉 
The third War.  their Religion. Thus the Protestants were forced to a third War, in which 〈◊〉 suffered great losses. For Andelot Brother to the Admiral, and one of their 〈◊〉 
1569.  commanders died of sickness; and but a little before that the Prince of Conde was 〈◊〉 
The death of Andelot and of the Prince of Conde.  at Bassac near Jarnac, by a treachery without example, committed in all app●●●ance by the Court and Orders to the D. of Anjou; since that Assassinate was 〈◊〉 under his Nose by the Capt. of his Guards, himself showing no dislike 〈…〉 exploit. This was the first noble head sacrificed to the D. of Alva's Counsels. 〈…〉 same year the Protestants also lost the Battle of Moncontour, so that after so 〈◊〉 
Battles lost  misfortunes, the Court seemed to have a prospect of having a cheaper barg●●● 〈◊〉 the rest. For indeed, the Admiral himself, though never so great as in Adversity, 〈…〉 then so stupefied with so many cross blows, that he was some time before 〈…〉 could recover himself. But however, when they saw him take fresh Courage 〈…〉 that after he had Marched almost round the Kingdom, through so many 〈…〉 
The Admiral re-establishes the party.  Troops and Towns, he was still in a condition with his Army, as much tired 〈…〉 was, and unprovided of all necessities to oppose the Royal Army sent against 〈…〉 they quitted all thoughts of destroying him by open force, and resolved to dispatch 〈…〉 
1570.  by some master stroke of Treachery; and accordingly struck up with him a 〈…〉 
A fraudulent Peace.  Peace, by which they granted him so many things so much beyond his ●● that it was easy to see they had a mind to trick him. That was the first 〈…〉 which there were mentioned any cautionary Towns. But then 4 such were gi●●● to the Protestants for 4 years and they rested content with that security, though 〈…〉 had been so often deceived by the Court-Oaths, because they thought that 〈…〉 might be sufficient to execute the Edict, and to accustom the French to 〈…〉 Peace together, for all their difference in Religion. All the great persons in 〈…〉 Kingdom Swore to this Peace, and the Spanish Ambassador seemed to be highly 〈…〉 contented at it.  
But the better to surprise the Protestants, they prevented their desires in many things. For they consulted about the War in Flanders, which the Admiral was very zealous for; they made applications to Queen Elizabeth, and the Germane Princes, whose Ambassadors, 
Incredible Artifices of the Court.  and Exhortations to observe the Peace, they received very well. They Negotiated a Marriage between Henry Prince of Navarre, and Margaret the King's Sister, as if they designed to stifle 
1571.  all suspicions by so strict an Alliance. And in particular they caressed the Admiral so highly, that the Old Gentleman, as wise as he was, let himself be so ensnared by them, that he made the places of Security to be yielded back before the two years were expired, and answered them who gave him private advice of the Court-designs, that he had rather be drawn about the Streets through the dirt, than to begin a New War.  
During this Calm, the Protestants held two National Synods, at both which Beza assisted, and at the first, which was held at Rochel, were present the Queen of Navarre, the Princes and the Admiral. And the Queen was pleased to take the Advice of the Synod for regulating the Religion of her Domestics, The Complaints of that Assembly were favourably heard at the Court▪ who checked a Sedition that had been raised at Rouen, and promised Redress against another that had been stirred up at Orange, and suffered 1200 Families of the County of Avignon that had been persecuted there for Religion, to take Refuge in Dauphiny▪ and in fine, omitted nothing that might convince the World, they were heartily weary of the War.  
But not withstanding this fair Outside, they neglected not to take measures at a distance for what they afterwards put in Execution. And 'tis said, They deliberated first about it at Blois, in the very same Chamber where the Duke of Guise was killed 16 or 17 years after, and that that Prince presided in that Assembly; That a year after the Proposition was renewed at St. Cloud, in the same Chamber where Henry III was assassinated in the year 1589. and that this Prince, who was then but Duke of Anjou presided in this Second Assembly. King Charles, who kept the Secret with 
1572.  a profound Dissimulation, during all these long Intrigues, did not forbear to say enough to the Legate, who complained of the Favours which were heaped upon the Protestants, to make him understand derstand that the Resolutions were already form at the Court, of those things which afterwards happened. The only difficulty was to agree about the Pretences and Means to put them in Execution. But at last they concluded upon one of the most detestable, which was executed upon the 24th of August. The Queen of Navarre was poisoned before, as was supposed by the Queen's means, who was very much suspected for the business of Poisoning. The Admiral was wounded by Maurevel, who was charged to kill him, and they took this way as most proper to push the Reform on to Sedition, which would give a specious pretence for their Massacre, or make them fall out with the Guises, and so give the King opportunity to ruin either the one or the other of them; But 
The Massacre of St. Bartholomew.  their patience was the cause of their being massacred without any pretence, in the most cruel manner in the world. I shall not give a particular account of this Horrible Action, since all honest Historians have declared and detested it. I shall add only, that they are accused for having forced the King to ruin them, to prevent a Conspiracy against his own Person; so that after he had treacherously spilt their blood, he would blacken their memory. You must not be astonished, if there be found some to apologise for this cowardly Cruelty, since there was found those who were capable of committing it. Peter Carpentier, a Lawyer, a Protestant Refugee at Geneva, sold his Pen to his Brethren's Murderers, and being made known to Bellieure, whom the King had sent into Switzerland to justify this Action, he received money from him, and permission to return into France, and promises of great Recompense for declaiming against the memory of the dead. This he doth by a bloody Letter, which was printed again not long ago, to justify the Cruelties of the last persecution, as if the shameful perfidiousness of a Rogue of the last Age, would serve for an Apology for the Injustice of this. As for the Guises, because they were not willing to bear the Reproach of this base treachery; they constrained the King to take it upon himself, and saved some of the Reformed from the hands of the Massacrers, to keep themselves from the blame of so black an Infidelity. 
●.   
The King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde run a great risque 
The Princes change their Religion by force.  of losing their lives. The Prince was more difficult to be wrought on, but in the end, both of them gave way to the violence. They took occasion for an honest pretence of des Rosiers, who having been found in some Criminal Matters, had redeemed his Life at the 
The Inconstancy of des Rosiers.  expense of his Conscience. The Reasons which had made him change, had the same effect upon the Princes, because they were in the same fear as he. Monsieur had drawn him out of trouble by his Credit, and having secured him to his Interest by this benefit, was willing to make use of him to bring back his Daughter, and the Duke of Bovillon, his Son in Law, to the Roman Religion. He already procured a Conference at Paris 6 or 7 years before, between the Drs. of both Parties, for the same end, but it had then no effect, for the Princess persevered in her former Opinions. The Duke believed the Example and Reasons of des Rosiers would have the same force to convert Heretics at Sedan, as they had had at Paris. And therefore sent Maldonat the Jesuit thither, with this revolted Minister, but the Jesuit obtained nothing, and durst not let des Rosiers come to Sedan, because he did not believe him as yet to be a firm Catholic. The Conference which he had with the Ministers did not shake this Princess in the least, and though he published a Relation of this Journey, where he speaks very advantageously of himself, and makes the Ministers to argue like Children, yet he brought back from thence no other fruit but the loss of his des Rosiers, who having followed him to Metz, fled himself 3 weeks after into Germany, where he made an acknowledgement of his Faults.  
But in France it was found more difficult to destroy the reformed 
Siege of Rochel and Sancerre.  party than was imagined; For after so much blood spilt they stood yet upon their feet. In a little time the War was kindled every where. The Duke of Anjou lost his Time and Reputation before Rochel. Sancerre could not be forced to surrender itself by the most cruel Famine that ever was recorded. So that they thought themselves very fortunate in making peace, and to find pretence for it in the Intercession of the Polanders, who were come to offer the Crown of Poland to the Duke of Anjou. The Edict granted the Exercise of Religion but to 3 Cities, and revoked almost all the foregoing Concessions.  
France was then divided into 3 Factions, and in the Duke of 
Factions in France.  Anjou's Army alone, there was 4; 1. that of the zealous Catholics, which was the ruling party; 2. that of the New Catholics, discontented and suspicious; 3. that of the Politics, sprung out of the foregoing War, and without taking part in Religion, form one in the State, under pretence of opposing either the Enterprises of the Court, or the ambition of strangers; and 4. that of the persevering reform Religion, which they suffered in the Army, the better to deceive the rest, and to make them believe that they would not exterminate them. They had already published an Edict to give this assurance to all that stayed peaceably in their houses, and to persuade them, that the suspicious Conduct of the Admiral was the only cause of their misfortune. But the Massacres either done, or commanded on the same day in the most considerable Cities of the Kingdom, made it known to all them that had not lost their senses, how false and ridiculous a pretence this was. The Princes and young Lords of those several Parties had like to have raised New Troubles during the siege of Rochel. But La Nove, whose wisdom they had a great deference for, hindered the Effects of their headstrong resolutions.  
But a little while after the Duke of Alenzon renewed those Intrigues 
1574.  to get the same Authority in Affairs which his Brother had 
The Duke of Alenzon Protector of the Reformed, and the Politicians.  before he was King of Poland; and the Reformed and the Politicians acknowledged him for their Protector. But before he could escape from the Court, his Plots were discovered. This cost him his Liberty, as well as the King of Navarre, and many others, and the Lives of some. But all this did not hinder the War from breaking out again in many Provinces, and the Protestants lost Montgomery, whose Head the Queen cut off, against the promise which Matignon made him of his life, when he rendered himself his prisoner. The Prince of Conde saved himself in a disguise in Germany, and made a public acknowledgement at Strasburg, that he had been at Mass. A little after the Death of Charles IX. the King of Poland was called 
The death of the King.  back into France, and in expectation of his return, the Queen made herself be declared Regent, and suspended the War with the Protestants by a Truce of 2 months, by which she gave them leisure to make an Assembly at Millau, where they chose the Prince of Conde for their Chief; but this also served their Enemies to recruit their Army, and make their advantages. The New King Henry III. received 
Henry III. at his return continueth the War.  good advice at Vienna, Venice and Turin, where he was exhorted to give peace to his people, but the Queen-Mother, and her Favourites quickly effaced all the impressions of those good Counsels.  
The Council was divided into 2 Factions, one followed the Maxims of the Chancellor of the Hospital, and were for peace; the other followed those of Morvillier Bishop of Orleans, who was Keeper of the Seals some time; and these were for destroying the Protestants at any rate soever. This last party was animated by the particular hatred of the Queen-Mother against the reformed, by the ambition of the Guises, and by the Intrigues of Spain, who had a great influence in the Council. Morvillier added the Charm of some Bigotry which he had in his Head, and which was enough to dazzle the ignorant people. The Protestants provoked the Cabal yet more by 
1575.  a Memorial which they presented, in which they demanded satisfaction in 92 Articles, which touched the disorders of the Court too much to the quick to be heard favourably there; and they principally insisted on the calling the General Estates to remedy the miseries of the Kingdom.  
In the mean time the Princes were set at liberty by the King, when the Queen-Mother presented them to him at his arrival in France, though there wanted not some to watch them so narrowly, 
The Prince's Retreat.  that they were little better than Prisoners. But at last the Duke of Alenzon retired from Court, and a little while after the King of Navarre did the same. It is observed of this latter, that passing by Alenzon, he there went to the preaching. The Psalm which the Minister sung before the Sermon, was the 21st, which begins with these words, Seigneur leRoy s'ejouira D'avoir eu deliurancee, par ta grande puissance. etc. The King shall joy in thy strength, O Lord! and in thy Salvation how greatly shall he rejoice, v. 1. He enquired if this was sung because of him; and when he understood that it was according to the Order that the Psalms were sung for that day, he took it for a good presage of Success in his Enterprises. Howsoever, it was a good while before he fixed entirely to the reformed Religion. His Life at that time had more of the Libertine in it than of Devotion; But the year after, his Servants, who saw that this indifference in Religion did not accommodate his Affairs, obliged him publicly at Rochel to repair the fault which he had been forced to at Paris, by the terror of death.  
These Conjunctures extorted from the Court a Truce of six months, and in the end a Peace which they needed, to break the Union of the Confederates, and to separate the Duke of Alenzon from their party.  
They granted an Edict to the Protestants, such an one as they 
1576.  were used to make, when they were not willing to keep it; this is that which introduced the name of the Religion pretendedly Reformed. They gave them 8 places of Security, and at the same time concluded upon their ruin with the Legate, and with Don John of Austria; and in the very same year it was openly talked that the Edict should be revoked, and that they had granted it only by force. They put it under Consultation whether Faith should be kept with Heretics, and it was publicly Preached that according to the Council of Constance, they were not obliged to it. After this then the Peace was broken, and the Estates General, which the Protestants 
Peace as soon broke as made.  had demanded with so much earnestness concluded to destroy them, and to oblige Henry III. to make himself chief of the League, because he was afraid that some other should.  
This League so famous was formed of the Union of many particular 
The League.  Leagues, all which had Religion for their pretence, but the principal end of this general League was to set the Duke of Guise upon the Throne, and that the King could not doubt of. There was a Writing which a certain Advocate of Paris brought from Rome, which contained the Reasons and Methods for Deposing the Descendants of Hugh Capet, and restoring the Crown to the Posterity of Charlemain, which fell into the hands of the Protestants, who Published it. Vi●onne Ambassador in Spain, sent another Copy of the same Writing, and revealed the whole Mystery of the League. The King, being of a timorous and unsettled temper, followed the advice of Morvillier, who was as timorous as himself, and believed he should more easily destroy this Cabal, by making himself the Head of it, than by Methods more firm and agreeable to his Dignity. He passed further, and declared, That as he had promised by Oath 
The King's Oath.  at his Coronation upon the most holy Sacrament of the Altar, to suffer no Religion in his Estates but the Catholic, he warned his Subjects not to believe any thing he should either say or do to the contrary, and that if he was reduced to make peace, he would not keep it, but till such time as he could get an occasion to break it. But all these Protestations hindered not, but in a little time after, he made a Peace with the King of Navar. Mompensier who went to see that Prince 
Who notwithstanding makes peace.  to sound his intentions, advising him thereto at his return, and the third Estate likewise helped the King out of his perplexity, declaring that they were of advice to bring back the strayed sheep to the Roman Church by all convenient methods, but that they had not counselled the War. The Honourable manner with which the King of Navarre received the Deputies and the Letters of the Estates, facilitated the Treaty. He answered in Writing, That he was ready to quit his Religion, if by any better instructions they could show that his own was not good. This clause was taken as an ill augury by the Ministers of his Court, who therefore razed it out, but he interlined it again with his own hand. The Prince of Conde showed a greater Spirit, for he would neither acknowledge the Estates, nor receive their Letters, nor give them an Answer.  
Thus Peace was made and confirmed by an Edict given at Poitiers, 
Edict of 1577.  which they themselves, who excused it with the Pope, acknowledged to be less favourable than any that had been granted to them before. But the Bigots were angry at it nevertheless, because of the Article which declares the Protestants capable of Offices and Honours. In short, it struck at the Designs of the Guises, and it was easy to extend it to the Princes, That their Religion ought not to render them incapable of the Crown, since it did not render other Protestants incapable of Employs suitable to their Birth. This Calm gave opportunity to Hold some Synods. That of St. Foy, held a little after the 
Synods.  Edict of Poitiers, was remarkable, for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde, and the Consistory of Rochel, which had suspended him from the holy Supper, because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company, upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea, during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict, for the laying down of Arms. It was found, that the Judgement of the Consistory was too rash, and that the Prince, on the other side, had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory, and Deputies were named to reconcile them. This Peace, as to other things, did not cease all Jealousies. And therefore to take away all pretences for them, there 
1579. Conference of Nerac and Fleix.  was a Conference held at Nerac, where the Protestants had some new favours granted them, and some new places of security. The King of Navarre was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants; and all Churches, which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or reestablished, were rated to it, and accordingly every one paid his part, and took an Acquittance. And this was pretended some few years ago to prove, that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants, nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature.  
The young Gent. of the K. of Navar's Court began a 6th War, which was called the War of the Amorous, because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies. The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it. So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished ●●s course was stopped by the Conference of Fleix; after this 5 years passed in peace, such as it was; the Edicts were observed in some places, in others not regarded. The King was he that kept them least of all; for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own 
1580▪ The King eludes the Peace, and ●et makes a show of keeping it.  accord. And when any of them asked any from him, he had always some pretence ready to refuse the ●●▪ nay, he took them from those that possessed them already, and stirred them up Troubles and Lawsuits, and always caused them to come by the worst, to oblige them to lay them down, reserving expressly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes, to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Heretics. He would not receive into his Household any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion, and his Courtiers knowing his mind, took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals; that their Religion was the cause. In one word, the King kept his promise to the Estates, and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Ar●s in 5 years▪ causing more Revolts among them, than have been seen to happen in 30 years' War and Massacres. Nay, you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embraced with great affection, yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholic Communion, because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer; and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholics for fear of losing their Offices: but for the discharge of their Consciences, brought up their Children in the Reformed Religion, because they believed it to be the safer way to salvation  
During this false peace, all Europe was engaged in great conspiracies against them whom they believed to be the Chief● or Favourites of the Protestants. The Duke of Alenzon, who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou, and the Prince of Orange, fell in them. They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions, but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom. In the mean time, the security into which the King fell, made the 
Outrages done to the King by the League.  Leaguers take Courage, Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons, They entertained the Catholics with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen, if a Reformed King should mount the Throne, and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England. At last, the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince, and drove him to incredible Extremities. He was forced to undergo the Violences of the Duke, who had begun the War against him, under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholic Prince. He durst not murmur, though they disputed the right of Succession during his Life, nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question; nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him. Villeroi, who was one of his Secretaries of State, was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise, and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him, obliged him to a distance from the Court, and showed him always after that great marks of his displeasure. From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises.  
The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's 
Is forced to a War with the Reformed.  mind, who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition: Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy, under this pretence; which they paid but grudgingly, as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies. They protested they had never counselled the War, though it was notoriously known they had endeavoured with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts. The K▪ of Navarre made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject, by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates, and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council; He wrote to others of the Nobles, and the 3d Estate, where he makes great complaints, That they forced the King to make War against him: But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus, by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Heretics, relapsed, Favourers of Heretics, excommunicated▪ deprived of all their Lordships, and incapable to succeed to any Principality, and particularly to the Crown of France, did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions, and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself. He appealed by his Remonstrance, to the Peers of France in Temporals, and in Spirituals to the next Council, to which he cited the Pope, declaring him Antichrist, if he refused to appear.  
In the Height of the War, Claudius Trimoville the Son of a most 
La Trimoville becomes reform.  zealous Leaguer, embraced the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde, and took his Sister Charlotte Katherine in Marriage. This Alliance extremely fortified the Reformed Party in Poictou, because that House is there very powerful. The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde, towards the end of the year, allayed not their Spirits, and the next year France saw herself overrun with Strangers, which both Parties had called in 
1587. The Battle of Coutras.  for Succours. The K. of Navarre gained the Battle of Coutras against the King's Army, which the Duke of Joyeuse commanded. But on the other side, the Duke of Guise defeated the Reiters at Aunea●, 
Defeats of the Reiters.  insomuch that the Protestants had little fruit of their Victory, and little service from their Allies. The P of Conde died some months 
1588. Thedeath of P. of Conde.  after at St. John de Angeli, being poisoned by some of his own Family; and his own Wife being accused for the fact, The Judges of the place condemned her. But the birth of a Son that she brought forth in September following, the great Revolutions which happened a little after, and the Authority of some great Persons to whom this Princess was nearly related, stopped their proceedings.  
During these sad Times many Edicts were set out against the Protestants, but the most bloody was that which was called the Edict 
Edict of Union.  of Union. The King put out this last for fear the Leaguers should procure the King of Spain's Fleet, which was Equipped against England, to descend upon the Coasts of France; yet after this, they ceased not to do him a thousand indignities. So that at last he was constrained to leave Paris, to give place to the D. of 
The boldness of the Leaguers.  Guise, and to ridicule him, they followed him to Chartres, whither he was retired, by a comical Procession of Penitents, which went to demand pardon for the Parisians, who had the impudence to advance their Barricadoes as far as the very Gates of the Lovure. He was forced, in some sense, to receive Law from the Duke as the stronger, to assemble the Estates, subscribe the Edict of Union, and take 
The Estates at Blois.  an Oath not to lay down his Arms till he had destroyed the Heretics. However, he had resolution enough not to sign the Act by which they would have declared the K. of Navarre unworthy of the Crown. He then saw clearly into the pretences of the D. of Guise, who did not intend, it seems, to wait for the King's Death to possess the Throne; for his Party spoke of nothing less than putting him into a Cloister, and adding a Monk's Crown to that of France 
Death of the D. of Guise, and the Curdinal, his brother.  and Poland, which he had already worn. He could find no better way therefore to parry off this blow, than by the death of the D. of Guise, and the Cardinal, his brother. It is observable, that they were brought into the snare, in the same manner the Admiral was, under the Name of the public Faith, under the appearance of Reconciliation, and by a general Compliance with all their demands.  
But the King could not rid himself of the Duke of Mayenne, 
The Duke of Mayenne being escaped, relieves the Leaguers party.  who was then about Lions, and who quickly formed a great Body, with which he thought to overwhelm him. In the mean time, to make it known, that it was not in favour of the Protestants, that he had killed their Enemies, he swore a new to the Edict of Union, and without doubt did it with a true Hatred to them, because, though he afterwards was forced by despair to throw himself into their arms, he deferred for 15 days the publication of a Truce he had made with 'em; being ready to break it, and make War upon 'em without mercy, could he have succeeded in an accommodation with which he was flattered, between him and the Duke of Mayenne. But the Duke had clear other thoughts, being in a condition 
Extremity of the King's affairs.  to revenge with a high hand the death of his brethren. The King saw himself forsaken of his best Cities, and was reduced to that point, that he knew not which of 'em would open their gate to him. He preferred Tours before all the rest, not because he was more assured of the Inhabitants, but because his Presence was there necessary to prevent a Commotion just ready to break forth to his prejudice. The Pope excommunicated the K. for the murder of the Cardinal; they refused to pray for him in all the Cities of the League; at Tholouse they committed terrible insolences, even so far as to hang up his Image upon a Gallows, and to massacre those that durst take his part. Paris offered to make the D. of Mayenne King. The Sorbon declared the French were discharged from their Oath of Fidelity; and almost all the Clergy took part with the Leaguers, whether it were in conformity to the Example of the Pope, or because they were otherwise dissatisfied with the Government, the King drawing great Sums of money from them, which the ecclesiastics never paid with a good will; besides, he had sharply taxed the Vices of that powerful body, in an Answer to a harangue of their Deputies, which the Clergy could not suffer neither, without great impatience. Nor were the Nobles more affectionate to him; the D. of Guise had gained one part by his Merit and Liberality; the other were obliged to the League by Religion, and they that were not leavened with this Lump, durst not declare for the King, because they believed his affairs desperate. He had few Men, and less Money, and he did not know whether he was sure of those that were about his Person.  
Well then, when he had no help left, when he had nothing to hope from the Catholics, there remaining so few of them who adhered to his Interests, the Protestants alone, whom he had hated with so much passion, persecuted by so many Wars, by Massacres, by fraudulent Treaties, and whose ruin he had but lately sworn, were the only people that inclined to his Succour. He had made no Peace 
The King makes a Truce with the Reformed. His affairs grow better.  with them, but only single Truces, for the security of which he had given Saumur to the King of Navarre, because he had not Credit enough to deliver him Ponts de Cé. By this Truce the third part of the Realm, where the Protestants were at least strong enough not to fear the League, returned to the King's Party. Thus it was the succour of the Protestants that saved this Prince at Tours, where the D. of Mayenne thought to have surprised him, and which brought him considerable success at Senlis, and elsewhere. But the most important of all was the return of one part of his Nobility, who came over to him so soon as they saw that this Truce did advantageously relieve his affairs. So that in a little time he became formidable to his Enemies, and marched towards Paris with 
He lays siege ●● Paris.  an Army of above 38000 men, to chastise the Inhabitants for their madness. That Noble Army was for the most part Protestant. There were the Veterane Victorious Troops of the K. of Navarre, 10000 Swisses, which Sancy had levied in the reformed Cantons. Some thousands of Reiters, and a Reinforcement of English, which the King had received from Queen Elizabeth. Without which, the remainder would never have been able to have withstood the Leaguers. But the Chieftains of that unfortunate Party not being able to make Head against the King's Forces, thought it was high time to make sure of their game, by causing that poor Prince to be assassinated 
Is assassined by a Monk.  at St. Clou, by James Clement a Jacobite Monk, who by that execrable blow, delivered the Leaguers from that Horrible Tempest which was pouring down upon them.  
The End of the First Book.   

The History of the Edict of Nants. The Second Book.  
The Summary of the Second Book.  
The change of Affairs. What the Protestants had hoped for from the deceased King. The trouble of the new King. The Intrigues of the Army and the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Princes of the Blood. Of the Officers of the deceased King, and of both the Catholic and Reformed Nobility, and their suspicions about the King's Religion. The hopes of the Ministers. The King's wavering, and his resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholics. The Reformed flatter themselves about the King's Instruction. Divers affections of the Catholic Lords. The dissipation of the Army. The Fight at Arques. The effects of the King's Promises in divers Provinces. What the Protestants understood by a Protector. The reciprocal Protection between the King of Navarre and the Reformed. Jealousies, and the foundations of them. The King is angry at the Proposition of taking another Protector, and the Reformed find it unjust and unseasonable. A Letter from the Kings own hand upon this Subject. The Forces of the King, and of the League. Divisions between the one and the other Party. The Dispositions of the Catholics and the Reformed in regard to the Peace of Religion. Writings upon the taking Arms for Religion. The Battle of Yury. The Siege of Paris. The project of Peace for the Protestants. The equity of their Demands, and the Passion of the Catholics. The project is approved, and afterwards rejected. Remonstrances upon this Subject, and their effect. The Bull of Gregory XIV. The Edict of Mants. Quarrels about the Verification of it, of which the Reformed complain. The third party and their Designs. The propositions of the Clergy that followed the King. Foreign Army. Viscount Turenne Marrys the Heiress of Sedan, and is made Marshal of France. The Pragmatic eluded by the Clergy. The Arts of the Catholics to gain the King. Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy without Fruit. Divers aims in promoting the King's Instruction. The Protestants continue excluded from Employments. Rigours about their Burials. The continuation of the Artifices to work upon the King's Conscience. Politic Interests which tended to the same end. The mutual Policy of the Catholics and Protestants. The King's Dissimulation. Preparatives to his change. The vain Ceremony of his Instruction. The King's pretended Conversion. A Formulary which the King refuseth. A Trick to content the Pope.  
THis unexpected Murder brought a great change upon affairs, 
Change of Affairs.  and was the beginning of a long Series of troubles. No body had time since the truce to take measures either for his security, or advancement: The Protestants thought they had lost more than others. They did not doubt but the last service they had done the deceased King, had touched his heart, and that he had laid aside those miserable prejudices, which caused him to have so great an aversion for 'em. He had 
What the Reformed hoped from the dead K.  promised to change the Truce into a sound Peace, so that they imagined they might hope from him the re-establishment of his Edict of 1577. and the revocation of all those that had been extorted from him by the Leaguers. They had the same reason to believe, that, that Prince being sensible of the services which he had received from the K. of Navarre, would by little and little plain his way to the Crown. But there must be time for that, and chiefly to subdue the Leaguers, without the destruction of whom, neither Religion nor the State could be assured of any firm repose. But the Death of Henry III. happened in a time when there was nothing ripe; and where the succession is contested, it is impossible but the State must fall into great confusions.  
It is true the King when he died gave great marks of tenderness 
The trouble of the New King.  for the King of Navarre, whom he acknowledged for his lawful Heir, and recommended him to the Lords, and to the Officers of his Court and Army. But for all this the new King met with a world of difficulties as soon as ever his Predecessor expired. The Interests were so various between the Heads of the League and the Lords, that it seemed to be impossible to reconcile 'em. Every one was willing to take the adutange of this conjuncture, and to raise his own Fortunes by the public misery. They put themselves then upon Negotiating, and upon making Parties and Cabals, without regarding the body of the dead King, and much less to revenge him, which ought not to have been long deferred, if their only design had been to find an opportunity. There was scarce one Catholic that declared himself 
The Intrigues of the Army.  for Hen. IU. without making his Market. The Marshal Byron who had a great deal of credit in the Army, was so vain as to demand the Sovereignty of the County of Perigord, and the King who was willing to buy this Lord at any price whatsoever, consented to dismember one of the Provinces of the Realm, notwithstanding the danger of the consequence: but as good luck would have it, because every body could not promise themselves as much, there were men of Honour who lost those ambitious thoughts; but the Marshal took so great an Authority over the Troops, and in the Council, that in a little time he made himself very uneasy to his Master.  
The Princes of the blood gave more trouble than help to the K. 
And of the Court.  The old Cardinal of Bourbon was his Rival, and the Leaguers acknowledged him for K. under the name of Charles X. This old man who had neither force of Mind, nor vigour of Body sufficient to bear the weight of a Crown, took pleasure in the name of 
The Characters and Interests of the Prince; of the blood.  K and might have made some bustle perhaps, had he not been in a place where he was not much to be feared. The Cardinal of Vendome, who took upon him the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon after the Death of this old man, was unquiet and Ambitious, and became the Idol of a third party, which he form in a little time after. The Count of Soissons his Brother could not agree with Henry IU. and could more easily raise new stirs than concur to the good of the State. The Prince of Conti was deaf and heavy by reason of a natural Indisposition. Mompensier was the richest, and fully determined to acknowledge Henry IU. but he held off upon his Religion, and was for absolutely having him to be a Catholic. The Officers of the old Court stayed with the K. more by 
The Officers of the la●●▪ King.  reason of their Interest than Inclination. They could hope for no favour from the League, because they had been either Counsellors, Executors, or partakers of those resolutions which carried Henry III. against the principal heads of that Faction. And on the other hand were not without great perplexity, when they thought on the ill Offices they had done the new K. while he was but K▪ of Navar. Nor were they less afraid of the Protestants, to whom they had occasioned a great many sufferings in the preceding reign, lest they might now take an occasion to revenge themselves. For these reasons they thought themselves upon the Point of losing both their Offices and their Credit, to which it appeared as if the Protestants would quickly succeed, since by this Change the K. would avenge them of their ancient Enemies, whom he could not assure himself of, and recompense his ancient Servants, whose fidelity 
The Catholic Nobleses.  was known. The Catholic Nobleses prepossessed with the zeal of Religion, made it appear clearly enough that they inclined towards the League, and that a Protestant K. would not be agreeable to them. They consulted whether they should acknowledge him for K. or no, and after divers deliberations, they did not resolve upon it, but upon very hard conditions. The D. of Longueville was ordered to tell him, That the quality of Thrice-Christian being Essential to a K. of France, they prayed him to receive the Crown upon that condition, that is to say, upon condition to make himself a Catholic, according to the Opinion of the Romish Church that believes there is no true Christianity out of her Communion. The Duke at first accepted the charge of making this Declaration to the K. but all of a sudden changed his mind when he was upon the point to execute it. The Marquis D'O, who had managed the Finances of the Treasury under the last K. refused the Commission of carrying this Message. He was the only Man in the World that knew least of Religion, being drowned in Luxury and debauchery, a great blasphemer, bold even to Insolence, and an implacable enemy of the Protestants, whom he Persecuted even to Death, thwarting upon all occasions the King's designs, when he was willing to do any thing in order to their repose.  
The K. saw no body but them in all the Army that did not raise him 
The Reformed.  some trouble, and that did not form a Party to draw from him some advantageous Capitulation. But they acknowledged him without any conditions and served him as long as he had need of them. I know that, to lessen the Glory of their Obedience, and the usefulness of their Services, it is objected, that they had no other thoughts but of getting a King of their own Religion, and that it was for this Interest that they hazarded all things. But supposing this to be their Imagination, however this advantage cannot be taken from them, that their interest and the Kings was so mingled, that what they did to establish their Religion, served at the same time to assure the Crown to him: in which they were extremely different from the Catholics, who separated the interest of their Religion from that of the K. and appeared almost all ready to leave him alone to his Affairs, 〈◊〉, if their Religion did not find an advantage in their Obedience. Time quickly showed that the K's. change, who forsook the Protestant Religion, did not abate their zeal, and that they did not fail to serve him, when he had bereaved them of all hopes of seeing a Protestant Prince come to the Crown. The Catholic Historians themselves confess, That from the beginning there was great jealousy about his steadfastness. In short, the Death 
And their suspicions about the King's Religion.  of Henry III happening too soon, they easily foresaw that the State would fall into great disorders, and that the new K. might easily quit their Religion, when he should need only that step to rid himself of so many Encumbrances. The Offer which he always made, in a manner Offensive to the Ministers and Zealous persons, of receiving better instruction when ever he could be convinced his Religion was not good, gave reason enough for their Jealousy. Those who had been brought up with him in his youth knew very well that Patience was none of his Favourite Virtues, and that he was not of proof against long enterprises, and by consequence would be quickly weary of the difficulties of Conquering so many places as held out for the League, and that if he could shorten them by changing his Religion, that would be no balk in his way. 'Tis true indeed that he had some appearances of Piety, which might give a good opinion of his Constancy; he knew many passages of the Psalms, and other Books of Scripture, which he would apply very well, chiefly when he would comfort himself after any cross chance, or recur to God Almighty in the uncertainties of future events; and he behaved himself very well in his ordinary Devotions, in his Prayers before a Fight, or in his Thanksgivings after a Victory. But there is nothing which a Man treats in so contradictory a manner as Religion; for he makes it the greatest of his Interests, and yet sacrifices it to the least Affairs: it is the most invincible of his opinions; and at the same time he playeth with it as the most variable of his Thoughts. No Passion is Mistress of his Heart with greater violence, and yet nevertheless, nothing that he more easily puts in competition here; nothing that he maketh a greater show of on some occasions, and nothing with which he troubleth himself less on others. There was then a great deal of reason to be jealous of the King's Constancy, when his mind upon this Subject was like another man's, and their Suspicions of him increased, as soon as they saw him King by the Death of Henry III. and were changed almost into certainty after some steps that he made to gain the confidence of the Catholics.  
But these Jealousies which were but too well verified by the Consequence of Affairs, did not oblige the Protestants to take Security of him, nor make him buy their services by advantageous conditions. It happened, as it is said, that some Ministers in their 
The hopes of the Ministers.  Entertainments and Sermons Predicted the ruin of Antichrist, in terms a little too harsh, and promised their Party a speedy triumph over the Church; a hope upon which men often frame very agreeable illusions, because every one makes an Application of the promises upon which he believes them founded, to the age he lives in. Some Historians have alleged these over bold Discourses, for an excuse of the irresolution of the Catholics. But there was more particular Interest in the matter, than true Zeal for the good of Religion, as appears by the Articles which they obliged the K▪ to promise before they would acknowledge him He deliberated a great while with his ancient 
The uncertainty of the King.  Friends, to know what to determine; during which the Catholics laboured to take their precautions. But after a long wavering the resolution he took was not absolutely to refuse changing his Religion, but only in the present conjuncture▪ come what would; that is to say, he would have Religion for an up-stroak and see in the mean time what he could do by his prudence, and by the fidelity of his servants. At last they present Conditions to him, upon which the Catholics of the Army would acknowledge him. The first, That he should cause himself to be instructed in six Months. as much as to say, according to the stile of the Roman Church, that he should make himself a Catholic in that time. Thoseare 2 things which they neither distinguish in Speech nor Practice; to be instructed according to them▪ being to promise to relish their Doctrine, and to engage to make Profession of it. Whereas reason requires that Instruction should be only an Essay, after which one should have entire Liberty, to advance no further towards the Roman Religion, if after such Instruction the Conscience be not fully satisfied. The second condition was, That the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be suspended during that time. The third, That the King should grant no Office to any Protestant for those 6 Months; this the Catholics desired, to secure those that were in possession of them, from being turned out. The last was, That they should have permission to send to the Pope, to give him an account of their Reasons for submitting to the King's obedience.  
Although it was very hard for the K. to buy a Crown so dear that was legally ●aln to him▪ yet he consented to all but the 2d. Article. And 
His resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholics.  in effect, besides the shame of depriving himself of the exercise of his Religion, it would have been a piece of injustice, to take away from his Subjects the privilege they enjoyed before his coming to the Crown; and 'twas to be feared he would find them resolute and strong enough to maintain them, in spite of all Prohibitions. The Catholics did not take well this denial, but however to induce them to approve it, he promised to re-establish the Catholic Religion in those places where the exercise of it was not before free. The Article which concerned the K's Instruction was not much contested by the Protestants themselves, of whom he took Counsel; and himself assures in a Letter which he wrote upon this Subject, that the principal of those that were his followers did not disapprove his proceedings. The Reason of it was because the Protestants were persuaded, that if they proceeded to this instruction, in a method agreeable 
The Protestants flatter themselves about the King's Instruction.  to his Dignity, and the importance of the thing, they should ●ather gain than lose by it. For they thought of nothing for that effect but General or National Councils, or at least eminent Assemblies of the most ecclesiastics, Reformations of Abuses, sincere and serious conferences, and they hoped to make the Truth of their Doctrine shine forth there so clearly, that instead of losing the King they should gain many Lords, who hated not their Religion, but only out of ignorance of its Principles. Du Plessis Mornay was pre-possessed possessed with this Hope, as well as others, and it was for this Reason that two years after he agreed so easily with Villeroy upon this Article.  
The Catholics would have had a Declaration signed by the 
The various affections of the Catholic Lords.  King for the assurance of the things which he had granted them, and notwithstanding all the Complaisance he had for them, they were not entirely contented. Some signed the Accord with regret▪ and others refused to sign it. Vitri carried the matter further, and threw himself into the League. The Duke of Nevers stood in a kind of Neutrality, under pretence, That his Conscience would not let him join himself to the Enemies of the State, such as he esteemed the Leaguers, nor serve the King, because he was not a Catholic. He persisted in those Sentiments a long time, and it was nothing but the King's Victories which determined him to his service. In the Provinces, the Governors of Places who held for the King, did in a manner the same thing. Some were brought, others promising to obey, declared without ceremony, That they should do it with regret whilst the King continued an Heretic. But nothing did him so much mischief as the Retreat of the Duke of Espernon, who quitted the Army without discovering what Party he would take, nor the true reason of his Conduct. He would fain have the World believe he did it out of a pure Motive of Zeal for Religion, but 'twas suspected he had other considerations besides, etc. He feared perhaps, that he was not in security at the New Court, which did not love him, because he abused the Favour which he had under the late King, or whether he could not resolve to submit to the mean figure in which he must have lived had he stayed, since there arose already some contests about his Rank: either perhaps he had no inclination for the New King, nor confidence in his Friendship, or whether in retiring to his Government he thought himself strong enough to Cantonnize that part, and there expect what would befall the Realm; and in case of dismembering it, he would keep what he had. Yet however in a little time after his Retreat, he promised the K. to serve him in those Provinces where he governed. But his Example proved of considerable consequence, because the Lords and Captains retired likewise, and the Troops disbanded themselves, and the fine Army, which would easily have brought 
The dispersion of the Army.  Paris, and the League to reasonable terms, dispersed in a few days. Some even of the Protestants with drew themselves, and because their enemies made it a great Crime afterwards, it is necessary to observe, that the Dissipation began first by the Catholics, and for a few others quitting it, that Retreat ought not to be imputed to the whole Party. It is certain, that the K's true Servants were as useful to him in the Provinces as in the presence of his person. In effect, there were many Cities which wavered at the News of Hen. III. his Death; and the Resolution taken at Paris not to receive an Heretic King upon the Throne of St. Lewis, appeared so pleasing to the Catholics, that it drew a great number into the League, and 'twas thought it would bring over many Cities which held out for the King. And therefore the Protestants had need of some part of their Forces to bridle those that had a mind to stir, and to keep their own places from being surprised, in whose preservation the King had as much Interest as themselves. So that they were obliged to disperse part of their Troops into divers places, to keep as much of the Country as they could in obedience. From whence it follows, that if we judge equitably we must not make the Protestants guilty of a Crime where they can excuse themselves, either by the Necessity of the Time, or by the Example of the Catholic Nobles, or because, if they did go off from the King's Army, it was but to serve him elsewhere.  
In the mean time the dissipation of the King's Army made the League take Courage, and they had fresh Springs for succour; and the King, who was in no estate to enterprise any thing, being retired towards deep, to receive the Forces which he expected from England: the D. of Mayenne pursued him, and reduced him to so great an extremity, that he was upon the point of passing the Sea, as despairing of his affairs. But the Mareshal Byron hindered him from leaving his Party▪ and the success of the Fight at Arques, joined to 
The fight of Arques.  the arrival of the English, having made the Leaguers retire, the King put his affairs into a good posture, and gained several advantages. During the time that this passed, the promise which he had made to the Catholics of his party, being sent into the Provinces, gave great Alarms to the Protestants. These words were read with suspicion, which had slipped into the Copies, The late King, whom God absolve: and as they knew these were taken from the ordinary Language of the Roman Church, when it speaks of dead persons, they feared they were let fall from the K. as an effect of a Resolution already taken to embrace the Doctrine of that Church, or at least as a mark of little zeal and affection to the Protestant Religion. This was chiefly noised about in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge, where the discontents began soon. They assembled together in order to a conference at St. John d'Angeli, where under pretence, 'twas uncertain whether the K. would persevere in his Religion, they proposed to choose a new Protector. It seemed but a Series of certain Intrigues which had caused the trouble in the last assembly at Rochel, where some unquiet Spirits complaining of the Authority which the K. of Navarre took in affairs, would have taken away the power which the Protection gave him, or limited it by rigorous conditions, because 
Effects of the King's promise● in some Provinces.  they did not intend to choose a Master in taking a Protector. For this reason, perhaps, they would have chose rather to give this Quality to a man whom they had a mind to honour, than to a Prince, who seeing no body but the King above him, would think all other Qualities inferior to his Dignity. Since the Death of Henry III. they had more reason than ever to renew the same Reflections, because the K. of Navarre having succeeded him, he was thenceforward too great not to adjudge the Quality of Protector, as derogating from that of a K The Reason why they moved in that business, at the conference, was, because they talked of suppressing the Chambers of Justice, to please the Parliaments; which the K. while he was only K. of Navarre, had established in divers places, composed of Protestant Officers, before whom the Protestants brought all their Affairs; and that they had settled Royal Judges in divers places, which deprived the Protestant Officers of their ordinary subsistence. That they had restored the Mass in divers places against the express Terms of the Truce, under the pretence of executing it, and that their Protector had done nothing for them since his coming to the Crown. That when the Truce was now ready to expire, they saw nothing which tended to the peace which the late King had promised. They complained also, That their Ministers, with whose maintenance the King had charged his Finances, were worse paid under the New Reign than they had been under the Old. Du Plessis in Negotiating the Truce, made this a Capital Article, and carried it, after some Contradictions. The Order which was observed for the Execution of this Treaty, was, That there were sent to the Secretary of State of each Division, Rolls which certified the Names and Number of their Pastors, which Du Plessis was to sign. And upon these Rolls so attested, Ordonnances were delivered to the Exchequer, out of which it was paid to the Neighbouring Receivers of the places of their Residence. Henry IV. was willing to have continued this Order for the Provinces where the Protestants were strong, and this lasted till he changed his Religion after which he never settled it, notwithstanding the promise, he had made. Moreover during the first troubles of the new Government, this order was ill observed insomuch that the persons interessed were not able to support themselves; and their condition was more uncertain under a King of their own Religion, than they had ever been under any that was their Enemy. This made them fear the event, both for themselves and the common cause, which the King seemed to defend with no great heat, and therefore they thought they must rely upon a Protector, who might apply himself to their Affairs with less indifference.  
But before we go any further we must explain what the Protestants 
What the Keformed understood by Protector.  meant by a Protector, for fear it should be imagined that it was a Project of Rebellion which was form by them, under the pretence of this Election. The Protestants then having been constrained, after the cruelties and wrongs of more than 30 years, to unite themselves together for their common Defence, they put themselves at first under the protection of the Prince of Conde. who had the same Interest with them, and to whom the Guises owed as little good Will, as to the Protestant Religion. The natural design of this Protection, was to procure security and repose to the people who had embraced the Reformation, to carry to the King the complaints and requests of the persecuted party, by an authorised Intercessor; to repress, by the respect of their Protector, the enterprises of the Cabals of Zealots, or the Intrigues which the Ambitious might form for the ruin of the Protestants, to have a Trustee and Guardian of the Faith of Treaties and Edicts, which might be obtained for Liberty of Conscience; so that this Protection gave to the person to whom it was given, nothing but the care of obtaining tolerable conditions for the Protestants, and to procure them to be observ●d when obtained by his Solicitations and his Credit; and by consequence, he could never give any jealousy to any Princes but such as had no design to keep their Faith, since to render the Protector of no use, there was no more to do but to permit the People to live quietly in peace of Conscience; the Protection doth then fall of itself, when there is no infractions to redress, nor any Injustice●o ●o fear: Since all the proceedings of the Protector aimed at nothing else but to obtain and procure from the King a solid Peace and Tranquillity unto a considerable part of his Subjects, whom the other Disaffected Party designed to oppress. The Royal Authority was always respected, and indeed under that Protection. Since if any thing was restrained or limited by this Protection, it was not the Royal Authority which the Protestants desired rather to increase than diminish: but the Inhuman Zeal of the Catholics, which after all the Protestant Blood they had spilt by infinite number of Torments, talked of nothing but the utter destruction and extermination of the rest. And if that form a party in the Realm, Equity and humanity will blame them less for it, that had but that one way left them to defend themselves, than those that by a thousand Violences, Wrongs and Frauds, forced them to have recourse to that Remedy. It is true, this Protection has sometimes produced War, but it was by accident, because the infidelity of the Court, the ambitious cruelty of the Guises, the violations of Treatys, and Edicts, constrained the Protestants, with whom no measures were observed, to defend themselves by Arm● against such unjust and odious ways of oppression.  
Furthermore the Protestants had had no Protectors, but what 
Protection reciprocal between the K. of Navir and the Reform,  were Princes of the Blood; nay, and their Protectors have not been always Protestant's neither, for the Duke of Alenzon, who had that Quality, never renounced the Roman Religion. Henry IU. while he was yet King of Navarre, was Protector in his turn, and one might well say, that between him and the Protestants, the Protection was in a sort reciprocal, and if he served them for a good General, others also furnished him with strong Holds, and brave Troops. He then had done them the good Offices of a Protector for many years, managed Wars, obtained Edicts, and Treaties, pursued the reparation of the injustices that were every where done to the Protestants; for which Reasons they often used to tell him since his coming to the Crown, that he knew their necessities better than any body, for that he had often presented their Papers, and their Requests, and pursued the reparation of the infractions and Violences of which they had reason to complain; But when he was mounted on the Throne, the complaisances he immediately showed for the Catholics, and the little care he seemed to take for the Security of the Protestants, inclined some of them to believe that his Protection was ended, and that since he could be no longer the Solicitor of their Affairs, it was needful to look out another, who might do that office to him on their behalf. They began to foresee he would by little and little alienate 
The Protestants jealousies, and their grounds.  himself from their Religion, and justly feared at the same time, that if the Catholics could once influence him to change, they would inspire him with the spirit of persecution, which is essential to the Romish Church, and prevail with him to strike up a Peace to their cost, with the Pope and the Leaguers; and that insensibly from a protecting Prince, they would make him become their capital Enemy and destroyer.  
And the Conduct of the Catholic Royalists still more confirmed those Jealousies; For at the very time they were daily receiving signal services from the Protestants, and but 6 or 7 months after they had rescued them from the revengeful power of the Leaguers; by receiving into their Arms the late Henry III. and his Court, when oppressed by the Forces of that prevailing party; The Catholics had the confidence to demand of Henry IU. the Interdiction of the Protestant Religion, the exclusion of Protestants from all Offices, and in some sort the exclusion of the K. himself from the Crown, unless he embraced the Romish Religion within 6 months. Nay, 'twas not without some visible reluctance, they suffered the Protestants to have access to the King's person, they wrongfully engrossed all business from them into their own hands, so that they could not enjoy their former freedom and privacy of converse with him. And in all sorts of Affairs whatsoever, there appeared manifest proofs of the Catholick's ●ll will towards them. For they endeavoured to ruin the Garrisons of the Protestant Towns by cutting short their pay, and putting them to more trouble than 'twas worth to get the rest. They could not endure any business should succeed well that was managed by Protestants; and therefore when Du Plessis being employed to treat with Chavigny, to get out of his hands the old Cardinal of Bourbon, whom they had a mind to have under a better guard, had promised him certain sums of money, for which he himself stood security, and had besides made other advances out of his own purse, for the better effecting that important business, they paid him both of them in bad Assignments. This made the Protestants think they had reason to fear ●ll things from such people that showed so much ingratitude to their deliverers in the midst, as 'twere, of the action itself, and whilst their deliverance was yet fresh. What then might not they do one day, when they should once have made themselves as much Masters of the K's Conscience, as they were already of his person? It was impossible but such considerations must needs give a seasonable alarm to a distressed people, that after above 50 years' sufferings under their cruelty and perfidiousness, could not be ignorant, that the Roman Church changes neither her Humours nor her Maxims; and that by consequence, her hard headed Zealots would always be prosecuting their ruin by the same pious measures.  
But on the other side, the K. would not suffer the Quality of Protector 
The King offended at the proposition of taking another Protector.  to be given to another, as not thinking it extinguished by his accession to the Crown, but rather confounded in him with the quality of K. who ought to be the natural Protector of all his Subjects. For he well foresaw (that once admitted) that if the Protestants obtained any tolerable conditions, 'twould not be to him they would owe the obligation, since they would be granted them by the credit, and at the solicitation of another. And indeed, '●is the nature of men in the matter of favours done by a Prince to his Subjects, to attribute less to the goodwill of the Prince that grants them; than to the Authority of the Mediator that obtains them, and to have more respect, as we may say, to the channels by which they are derived to them, than to the Fountainhead from whence they spring. And therefore the K. was not willing another should together with the quality of Protector, rob him of the Love and Confidence of his Subjects, or to seem to grant at the solicitation of another, what he kne● to be justly due to the Protestants, either by a natural right, or as a recompense for their faithful services. Nay, and the wisest heads among 
And the Wiser Protestant's find ●t both unjust and unseasonable.  the Protestants were likewise of opinion, That proposition was made without reason, and at a very improper time. Because the choosing of a Protector, would necessitate the K. to engage the further in the interests of the Catholics, when he should see himself suspected by his 
1589.  ancient servants, of whom by consequence, he would have good reason to be reciprocally Jealous. Besides, the injuries they complained of seemed to them not so great, but that they well deserved to be excused by the necessity of the time, and of which they might not very well hope for a speedy redress whenever his Majesty pleased. It was likewise suspected, that proposition was suggested by the Artifice of the Catholics, who had represented objects much bigger than the life, purposely to create jealousies between the K. and the Protestants, and to divide them, that so they might the more assuredly possess the K. alone, and without any rivals; and influence him upon the first fair opportunity, to destroy the Protestants.  
That project therefore was backed but by few Persons, and was 
A Letter written by the King's own hand, upon that Subject.  not very hard to break, especially upon the sight of a Letter written by the K's own hand, to Du Plessis, as well to give the more force to the thing itself, as because a Catholic Secretary of State was not so fit to K's sense upon that subject, as a Protestant. He there complained of the proposition made at the Conference, which I have already mentioned, and of the motives upon which it was grounded; and accused some malcontents, whom he would not seem to know, of endeavouring to advance their own private interest under that pretence; he reminded them of some sly practices at the last Assembly at Rochel, which had been, as 'twere, the seeds of this new attempt. He likewise recited at large, what had passed between him and the Officers of the Old Court, in order to remove the scruples of Religion, that hindered them from declaring for his service, in which he protested he had done nothing, of which the principal Protestants that were present, as Chartillon, la Nove. Beauvais, la Nocle, Guitri, etc. had not been both Witnesses and Counsellors: He assured them, that he had with his own hand, blotted out of the Original of the Act, he had signed to the Catholics, the words, whom God Absolves, which were inserted again into the Copies, either by the Zeal of the Copiers, or of the Printer. He attributed the complaints of the Protestants to the suggestions of some Mutineers, and complained likewise on his side, that they who boasted so much, that had exposed their lives, their labours, and their whole fortunes for him, were now the very men that endeavoured to divest him of that quality they themselves had conferred upon him. After which he madegreat protestations of his constancy in the Reformed Religion, excusing what he had done, that might give them any suspicion to the contrary, by the Broils that happened upon his accession to the Crown; which he confessed, [had obliged him to do many things to gain upon the Spirits of the Catholics, who were jealous of him, as being persuaded he wheedled with them only at present, till being settled in the Throne, he might afterwards at pleasure destroy their Religion. He further remarked, that he had the Swissers to retain, who had engaged themselves only to the deceased K. that he had the People's affections to gain, which had been debauched from their Loyalty by their preachers, and that he was most of all perplexed to find out expedients to keep the Nobility and Gentry from Deserting him who inclined to the Leaguers. He likewise modestly complained, that he had been deserted by some of the Protestants. He excused all things that gave them any jealousy by the necessity he lay under in that difficult juncture. He gave them an account of his constant attendance on the exercise of his Religion, which he had ordered to be continued in his Army with that diligence, that his Chaplain D'Amours had sometimes preached seventimes a week at D●ep. And lastly, He complained a little roughly of those who by their unconsiderate Impatience, went about to rob him of his Protestant Subjects, who ought to be his by a double acquisition, whom he tendered with a paternal Love, and whose preservation could not possibly be so dear to any other person as to himself.  
That Letter so tempered with complaints, excuses▪ protestations, and expressions of a tender affection, much helped the wiser sort to repress the Impetuosity of the rest; and the Protestants became thereby so case-hardened to endure the tedious delays of the Court, that 7 or 8 long years of excuses and demurs could not afterward tyre their patience. The rest of the years passed in this perplexity between hopes and fears: But however, before we meddle with the events of another, it will be necessary to represent in a few words, the state of the two parties that thus rend the Kingdom. The Leaguers were extremely 
The state of the Forces ●●th of the Leaguers, and of the King's party.  strong, as having on their side the greatest Cities, and all the Parliaments, except that of Rennes, which remained under the K's obedience, and that of Bourdeaux, which Mabignon made a shift to keep in a kind of Neutrality, the better to preserve there his own Authority, and which he brought not fully over to the service of Henry IV. till a year after, nor then neither, without some cost to the Protestants, by the suppression of the Court of Justice they had within the limits of that Parliaments Jurisdiction, in which it made a great breach. Besides those, the whole Ecclesiastical Order was still of the Leaguers party, which was further supported by the Authority of the Pope, the whole Force of Spain, and of all the Catholic Powers, except that of Venice, which was the first that acknowledged the K's Title; and the great D▪ of Tuscany, who was so well inclined, as to offer him Money upon condition to procure his Niece to be Married to some Prince of the Blood, and effectually obtained more that he demanded, since the K. was pleased to Marry her himself. The K's party was composed of the major part of the Nobility and Gentry, of almost all the Lords of the old Court, and of all the Protestants, who were ready to hazard their All for his service; it was likewise considerably Fortified by the Alliance with England, and other foreign Protestants, which Du Plessis, who studied all means imaginable to fix him fast to the Protestant Religion, had proposed to him, and prevailed with him to solicit, in spite of the opposition of the Catholics, who feared it might divert him from that Instruction he had promised to receive.  
But tho' the League was very powerful in Respect of the parties 
The divisions reigning in each party.  that composed it, yet it was otherwise weakened by the Division that Reigned among its Chiestains, who had every one their particular aims and Interests. Neither was the King's party without the same Defect: For the Catholics and Protestants could not agree, the former not being able to master the prejudicated conceit they had of their own Religion, which cannot brook the toleration of any other, and the latter still Retaining strong Jealousies of the Catholic sincerity, as being by so long and cruel Experiences convinced, they were but too well grounded. The one had for the protestants hatred which nothing could appease, and the other a patience so much spent, that it was ready each moment to turn into Desperate sury. There were among the Catholic Royalists very few, or perhaps none at all that were Reasonable enough to suffer the protestants to live in any equality with the others, as Children of the same family, and as having the same Right as others, to the Liberties and privileges of their common Country; no, They studied nothing else but how to put them by all offices, and posts of public business, for fear if they were once received into such places their Religion would make such a considerable progress, that the Catholics would by little and little be debarred of all employments. The protestants likewise on their side, had the same thoughts, and hoped, that if things were once settled upon an equal foot between the two Religions, in respect of the established privileges and tranquillity of a Civil life, they should so●n see their party strengthened by a numerous accession of Catholics whose conversion was obstructed only by this consideration that the condition of the protestants was yet uncertain, and that it would not quit their cost to embrace their Religion.  
There were some then among the Catholics, who for all their high 
The 〈…〉 ●n● a●sp●s●●●o●s of the Catholic Royalists ●● a Peace in Religion.  pretences to Equity and Moderation, would have thought they had done a wonderful favour to the protestants, in exempting them only from Capital punishment and suffering them to live privately among them after their own way, without indulging them any public exercise of their Religion, or admitting them to any share in honourable or gainful offices: Some others again more superstitious, or more hotly prejudiced, would willingly have sacrificed them to the League, had there wanted nothing but that advance, to have broken it, and were afraid of nothing more than of Granting them any favour. And Montholon himself, who was called the Aristides of his time, and to whom Henry the 14th had Given the seals, yet was so far from a Reasonable temper in matter of Religion, that he fairly returned them again to the new King, for fear he should be obliged to seal any thing under that Reign, in favour of the Protestants. By which example, we may Judge how strongly besotted those devout men were with their mistaken Zeal. But there were another sort, who tho' they harboured no better intentions towards the Protestants than the others, yet were willing to comply a little with the exigences of the times, that they might thereby gain advantage to make use of the same artifices that Henry the 3d had before practised for 5 years together; and with this design, they Readily inclined to grant the Protestants peace, the better to disarm them, to make them effeminate, and to seduce and divide them, and were against proceeding to the extremity of war, or to any violences, by which the Romish Religion was more likely to lose than get; But yet they would have had a peace of so little advantage to the Protestants, that there was small appearance they would be contented with such low proffers, or be persuaded to place any security in them. The Catholics of this last party made the gaining of time, and putting off, as long as possible, the peace so much desired by the Protestants, to be the main spring and moving principle of their whole design, Because they saw that in the present Juncture, it was impossible to grant them any but what must needs be too advantageous to them. And there were three things they desired first to obtain, viz. First, the Reduction of the King to the Romish Religion, Secondly a peace with the Leaguers, and Thirdly a firm Alliance with Spain; for than they thought their Credit would be strong enough to oblige the King to close with their advices, and that, all the force of the Kingdom being by that means united, the fear of being totally oppressed would force the Protestants to be content with such an Edict as they should please to give them. This party was the strongest in the Council, where it began to insinuate itself, even in the last Reign, and all the wearisome delays used to spin out that business for 8 or 9 years together, proceeded from that politic principle. Thence came all those Reasons of state with which the protestants were amused every time they importuned the King to do any thing for them, viz. The fear of hardening the Leaguers in their obstinacy, of offending the Pope, and of Scandalising the people, with which specious pretences they likewise amused the King himself.  
From thence came that Maxim which passed almost for a Law at Court, viz. That no Edict ought to be Granted in favour of the Protestants, till all the Catholics were first Reduced and satisfied by Treaties; It being but Reasonable, said they, the Children of the Church should be fully provided for, before the least favour were done for those which were Excommunicated, and declared Heretics by the same Church. Lastly from thence proceeded all those Cavils which were started to elude all their demands, and to defraud them of the benefit of those Favourable Declarations, which the fear of making them Desperate, obliged the Court sometimes to grant them.  
From thence also partly proceeded the infidelity of several Catholic Royalists that thwarted, as much as they could, the course of his Majesty's prosperities, and made him lose the fruit of his most advantageous succesles; for they were afraid, If the Leaguers were once subdued, or a peace made with their chief Leaders, before the King were turned Catholic, there would be no way left after that, to oblige him to change his Religion; and therefore they made it their whole business, to drill on the war, till they had brought the King to Mass. And letters were several times intercepted, especially during the siege of Rouen and the negotiation of Duplessis with Villeroy, that unfolded that whole mystery, and sufficiently evidenced, that some of the greatest Lords of the King's party. writ to the principal of the Leaguers to advise them not to make a peace, for fear they should thereby lose the opportunity of obliging the King to Quit the Reformed Religion. These artifices were not without some mixture of private Interest. For there were several Catholics, who tho' they warmly pressed the King's conversion, yet in their hearts desired it not, because they looked upon it as a thing that would hasten a peace, after which they should be discarded, as of no further use, and therefore would not have been sorry if the K. had made a little more resistance against the importunities of those that pressed him to change, so that both Religion and the State served those Zealous Catholics but as Play-tools to manage the game of their own private fortunes with the better Advantage.  
Neither was the Protestants party without its faults: Some of 
The disposition of the Protestants in regard to same matter  them dissuaded the K. from changing, because they heartily loved their Religion, and these urged him with motives of Conscience, remonstrating to him, how exceedingly he was obliged to God's goodness for so many signal favours, and so many glorious Victories; And what a fearful vengeance he must expect would attend him, if he should Quit his Service under pretence of facilitating a peace, to which it would be much more honourable for him to force his enemies; And they which acted by this principle, were considerable in number, and as constant to the service of the King, as to the interest of their Churches; But they were not the most pleasing Courtiers and accordingly had but small share in the gifts and Recompenses of the Court, as appeared sufficiently by the little that was done for Duplessis, De La Nove, and some others. Lesdiguieres and Roni were none of the number of those Zealous opposers, and we shall have occasion else where to speak of the Character of their piety; Roni especially, was not at all nice upon the matter of Religion, and tho' he at first started some difficulties against the King's change, yet he afterwards showed more compliance with it than any man. For He thought, whilst the war continued, his fortune would be Retarded, and that he should have more to do after the peace, at what price soever the King obtained it. There were some others again, that Doubted not that the King's change of Religion, would make them be looked upon afterwards as the heads of their party, and that by consequence, they should meet with more Honour from the Protestants, and more Respect at Court, than before. But however all of them agreed at least in this one thing, In that they did no violence as did the Catholics to their Prince's inclinations, nor imposed any laws or conditions upon him, to put any force upon his thoughts. So that even after his Change the most Zealous among them, never passed the bounds of a whispering murmur, and upbraided him with nothing so much, as that in an action of such mighty Importance, he had not observed the measures becoming his Dignity. They forbore not after that, to serve and follow him without any condition, and the most part of them at their own expenses, without any supply or Recompense from him. Upon due consideration of which, he confesses himself by public Acts, and the Catholic Historians publish from his words, That the Protestants had done him most signal services. And 'tis probable they would have yet made greater efforts for him, could he have forborn giving them just grounds of Jealousy. But at least they were so moderate as to make no separate Parties, nor to thwart his Prosperities by any underhand practices with his Enemies, nor to offer to obstruct the conclusion of a Peace, for fear their Religion should be oppressed by it. That is in general, as much as is necessary to be known of the disposition which both the Spirits of Affairs of those times were in for the better understanding of the causes of the following events.  
About the beginning of this Reign, several writings appeared 
Writings about the point of taking up of Arms. for Religion 1589.  upon the Subject of the times. But the most remarkable were those that maintained the Arms of the Leaguers to be lawful, because taken up against a Prince, who making profession of a different persuasion, could not be acknowledged without endangering the Catholic Religion. So that according to them, Religion was a sufficient cause to authorize subjects to take up arms against their Sovereigns. Whereas the Low-country Writers maintained the down right contrary, against those Provinces that had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the K. of Spain; nay, and in France itself when the Protestants finding themselves driven to the utmost limits of Passive Obedience, by the cruel and perfidious treatment of the Catholics, took up Arms to defend themselves: the same Adversaries published other writings that moved upon quite contrary Principles, and proved that even Religion itself could not authorize subjects to take up arms against their Prince; but that they were always indispensably bound to obey him, though he were a Heretic. Thus the Roman Church makes Laws for others, and exceptions only for herself; and her Divinity and her Faith change according to her necessities, and the alteration of her Interests altars likewise to her advantage the rules even of Conscience itself.  
In the mean while the Sorbon let fly against the K. and condemned 
1590.  as Heretical, all propositions that could be made in his favour; nay, and so far did their zeal out-shoot itself, that they decided, he ought not to be obeyed, no, not though he should come to obtain absolution from his Heresy, which proved a blow of mischievous consequence, because of the great reputation of that renowned Faculty, and made the K. afraid of giving any pretence to the Catholics of his Party, and that were not over strongly devoted to his service, to do worse. About that time he won the famous Battle of Yury, against the D. of Mayenne, upon which occasion it may be Remarked 
The battle of Yuri.  as a thing that shows the state of the Protestants at that time in the Kingdom, that Du Plessis marching with all diligence to join the Army, to which he arrived but just the evening before the Battle, passed through Chataudun, where he ordered a Protestant Sermon to be preached. At which liberty of his, the Magistrate being offended, Du Plessis was fain to appease him with a kind of excuse, and to pretend, that it being one of the conditions of the Truce, that the Reformed Religion might be freely exercised in the K's Army, he had a right to exert that privilege, as commanding a part of it, and being upon his March to join its main Body; and besides, that the Army of a K. of France was always construed to extend 30 Leagues round his Camp. And yet the K. himself had not so perfect a liberty in his own Army, but that he was sometimes under a constraint in the exercise of his Religion, for fear of offending the Catholics. For though he had made D' Amours his Protestant Chaplain, to Pray after the Protestant way, at the head of 
1590.  his Squadron, before he gave Battle; yet after the Victory, he durst not give public thanks for it in the field of Battle, as he had done at Courtras, but was said to defer it till he came to Roni, where he lay the night after the Fight, and then it was done only in his Privy Chamber, and in the presence but of a few People.  
It was thought that Victory must needs have been a fatal blow to the Leaguers; but the Marshal of Byron, and the Marquis of O. who had those Aims, which I have Remarked, made the K. lose the fruit of it, by hindering him from following the advice of De la Nove, who advised him to march directly to Paris, of which it was very probable he would make himself master, if he would immediately March, and present himself at their Gates before the Leaguers were recovered out of their present amazement. Afterwards, they would fain have Prosecuted that Advice, and vain endeavours were used to get possession of that Town, when 'twas too late, and the Citizens had taken new courage, so that a resolution was taken to reduce it by a Siege. But before that undertaking, 
The Siege of Paris.  the Protestants laboured hard with the K. to obtain some favour of him, for their better security; but the Catholics still diverted him from it, by their ordinary objections drawn from the consideration of the present State of Affairs, and of the Leaguers, and advised him to put off that Debate till Paris were reduced, because by the taking of that, the whole force of the League would in all likelihood be crushed. And accordingly the K. made use of that pretence to put off a Negotiation of that ticklish nature, which he found so full of thorns and perplexing difficulties. Upon which occasion, 'tis said, that Du Plessis, who could see no solidity in the Reasons alleged for that delay, answered the K. who would needs maintain them to be good, that since his Majesty was pleased to Postpone God after Paris, he was afraid God would not give him Paris at all. And indeed, after he had lost a great deal of time before that great City, and slipped many occasions of gaining it, he was forced to raise the Siege, and give ground a little before the Leaguers, whose throats till then he had in a manner under his foot.  
After Paris was relieved, and the D. of Parma retired, the proposal for satisfying the Protestants, was again taken into Deliberation; and the K. moving towards Normandy, ordered a project of a Declaration to be drawn up for the procuring of Peace among his Subjects, notwithstanding the difference of Religion. 
A new project of peace for the Protestants.  In which, Du Plessis who framed it, laid open at large the K's Intentions in order to the reuniting of all his subjects into one fold, if 'twere possible, by the means of a General, or at least a National Council, or if neither of them could be had, of a considerable Assembly of Select Church men, such as should be judged the fittest to conduct to a happy issue, so holy an enterprise; and in the mean time while such a reunion should be endeavouring, the Catholic Religion was every where restored, with an entire liberty to use the public service practised by that Church, whereas nothing at all was done for the Protestants but what was before granted them by the Truce, except only that all those Edicts were recalled, which had been extorted to their prejudice, by the Leaguers. And that one would think was very little for those people who were of the K's Religion, and who had so usefully and faithfully served him from his Infancy. And indeed, after so long patience, and after they had run through many dangers, and toilsome labours, to obtain nothing else of a K. that had been a long time their Protector, but what they had already obtained from another that had been a great while their Persecutor, was even to get just nothing at all. But the Catholics took the alarm as soon as ever any proposal was offered, to grant any new favour to the Protestants, and were much more disposed to make retrenchments from, than additions to the Edicts of Toleration, and all they could hope to obtain from the equity of the most moderate of them was that the Terms of the precedent Edicts, should be strictly observed, without extending or diminishing any of their Concessions. So that the Protestants were fain to be content with what they could obtain, and all the pretences they could make to any new favours in recompense for their long services, were sacrificed to the K's Interests who could not do any thing for them without imbroiling himself with the Catholics; and therefore they reduced all their demands to these three heads, viz. A security for 
The reasonableness of their demands.  their lives and consciences. 2. A liberty for the public exercise of their Religion. And 3. An equal share in the Distribution of places and employments. By the consideration of which, it's easy to judge, which were the most equitable, the Catholics, or the Protestants. The Catholics would have both the K. and the Protestants at their Discretion, and thought these latter obliged to serve him without any recompense, nay, and without any security too; but 
And the passion of the Catholics  yet had the face to demand a recompense for themselves, before any service done, and would be assured of the K's Conscience, before they would give him any assurance of their Allegiance. Whereas the Protestants on the contrary, demanded only such tolerable conditions as were fit to be granted to honest men, and good French men; and to be treated like other Members of the State, of which they were a considerable part.  
It was then enough to satisfy them, to restore them the Edict of Toleration granted in 1577, with the Explications of it contained in the Treaties of Nerac and Fleix; and to revoke the Edicts 
1590.  put out against them only in compliance with the furious humours of the Leaguers: So that the Edict that Du Plessis had drawn up, would certainly have contented them, though no other security were given them for the performance of it, but the K's protection, who was himself their security. But whilst those matters were in debate, This new suit of theirs was traversed by those whose old custom it was to thwart the good Dispositions of those that were inclined to let the Protestants live in quiet. Byron was one of those, and one of the most fiery of them too: He would needs have but one Religion suffered in the Kingdom, and yet what is most remarkably extravagant in one of that hot headed temper, is, that he himself lived peaceably with his Lady, who was a Protestant, and had permitted her for some time to bring up his Son in her Religion; which made Du Plessis take occasion one day to tell him, he wondered why he could not as well find means to make two Religions agree together in one Kingdom, as he had found the secret to make them agree together in one Bed. This Remark is proof enough, that passion and prejudice had a much greater share in the opposition made against the Protestants, than either good Reason, or true Zeal.  
However, the project of the Declaration after it had been 
The project is at first approved.  examined at Pont St. Pierre, in full Council, was found so reasonable, that it was resolved it should be published; and the K. ordered the Chancellor and Duke Plessis whom he had made Counsellor of State since the Battle of Yuri, to go to Tours, to get it approved by the Parliament and part of the Council that resided there, of which the Cardinal of Vendome was Precedent; but the Catholics baffled that attempt too, as 
And afterward rejected.  soon as the two Commissioners were gone, and procured the Chancellor to be recalled. Their true reason was because they concluded, that if the Protestants were once confirmed by an Edict, and cured of all the jealousies they had of the King, it would be a great obstacle to that Prince's return to the Roman Church, because than they would stickle the more vigorously to keep him in theirs; and besides, would thereby get such footing in all posts of business, under the favour of a K. of their own Religion, that they would soon overtop the Catholics in power; but however their pretence was as it used to be, viz. For fear of alienating the Affections of the People, and authorising the Jealousies of the Leaguers. ●u Plessis made vigorous Remonstrances to the K. concerning the 
Remonstrances about it.  Equity of that Declaration; telling him freely in writing, that 'twas 〈◊〉 shame for him to let the Edicts of the Leaguers remain so long in force, those Edicts that had been extorted by unjust Violences, that had 
1590.  thrown the State into confusion, and caused the Death of Henry III. which had declared Henry IV. uncapable of the Crown, because of his Religion and in some sort degraded the Princes of the Blood; that the Reinforcement of the Edict of Toleration, granted in 1577 was in full ●nse of Law, included in the Revocation of those others; that it was ●lemnly granted with the consent of the Princes of the Blood, and of ●e most zealous Catholics; that it had brought Peace to France, and ●ntented the King's Subjects; that it had maintained the Catholic Religion in its honour and dignity, and yet at the same time provided for ●e necessities of the other; that in a word, it had past as a thing finally determined, and which was no more to be debated; that by the 〈◊〉- establishment of the Roman Religion in the places where it was not 〈◊〉 the time of the Truce, its public exercise was restored in more than 〈◊〉 Towns where it was not before, so that the Catholics reaped more ●esent benefit from that Edict than the Protestants; he further pressed t●… to stand to it by a motive of gratitude for the many mer●es ●…d received of God; and to remove the difficulties the Ad●…es made him afraid he should meet with in the execution of ●…an Edict, he represented to him; that he had already surmount 〈◊〉 greater than those, to ascend the Throne; and that it was a much greater leap from the fundamental Law of the Kingdom to the Throne, than from the Truce to the Edict of 1577. And because the Protestants were told in answer to their Complaints, That they must have patience, and that they should be treated with at the same time when the Leaguers were; he remonstrated by way of reply, That the Protestants had already exercised that patience above 50 long years; that it was not at all for the K's service, to let them suffer any longer in things of that nature; and that though they were willing to suffer, it was not his duty to let them, because Religion is like a fire that goes out, if it be not nourished and fomented; that it was the K's part rather to rekindle and stir up in his Subjects that warmth of Affection they were obliged to have for Religion, than to suffer them to fall into any coldness or indifference in matters of Piety; that it was not just to treat the Protestants as the Leaguers, since their Causes were very unequal, the Leaguers having always made War against the K. and the Protestants always for him; That to deliver them from the oppression of Conscience they laboured under, they wanted nothing but a due regulation between them and the Catholics, without being put off to expect the Issue of a tedious Negotiation of uncertain Peace; that there were some things that would admit no delay, such as are the Baptising of Children, Marriage and Burials which occasioned every day new Scandals, Lawsuits, and Inhumanities' for want of a regulated Liberty to celebrate them; that Warants were daily given out, to take up such as were found together, praying to God for the prosperity of the K. or singing a Psalm in their shops, or selling a Bible or New Testament in French, which proceedings were grounded upon the last Edicts; that they who prayed for the K. modestly in their Chambers, and they which preached seditiously against his person and his actions in their Pulpits, were treated both alike; that such Grievances as those required speedy Remedies; that it was a point of prudence, to prevent the demands of a People pressed with necessity, because it was not good to give them occasion to learn how to complain, and yet less policy to reduce them to seek a remedy, because in seeking one, though from the K. himself, there was danger that in the Assemblies held for drawing up their Remonstrances, there might arise Cabals, and that several other changes of ill consequence might daily happen; That a Foreign Protestant Army being expected in France, there were several inconveniences to be feared, if they should come before the Protestants were satisfied, because 'twas not to be doubted, but their chief Commanders would importune the K. to do something for them, which would be secretly to upbraid him, as a Prince that needed to be solicited in behalf of his own Subjects, which would be but little for his honour, and would make him lose all the credit and thanks of his Favour; and that the Catholics would not fail to take occasion from thence, to pretend those favours were extorted by a Foreign Force, and upon that ground to demand one day their Revocation.  
These vigorous and pertinent Remonstrances, were not altogether 
1591.  unserviceable, because Gregory XIV. who held at that time the See of 
The effect of these Remonstrances. Gregory the 14th's Bull.  Rome; and abetted with all his Power the Spanish Faction, unseasonably let fly a Bull of Excommunication against the K. and all his Adherents, and sent it into France by his Nuntio Landriano; which so extraordinarily nettled the K's party that was mostly composed of French that had never failed to oppose the Insolent attempts of the Court of Rome, that the Parliament, part of which resided at Tours, and the other at Chalons, answered it with most terrible Decrees, and gave out an Order to seize the Nuntios Person, and to have the Bull burnt by the common Hangman, and prohibited all Correspondence with Rome. But the small Party of the Romish Clergy that followed the K. were not so fierce, and when the K. assembled them at Nantes, and afterwards transferred them to Chartres, they observed more measures with the Pope, than the Parliament had done. 'Tis true, they declared the Bull abusive, because the 
1591.  Clergy of the K's Party was therein Excommunicated as well as the rest of his Adherents, but yet were so far from consenting to have no more Correspondence with Rome; that this despicable little Body resolved to send Deputies to the Pope, and asked the Kings leave so to do: And yet the whole Clergy that followed the K's. Party were able to furnish to this Assembly, but 2 Cardinals, 7 Archbishops and Bishops, and a very inconsiderable number of Church men of the second Order. It may be judged by that, of how little strength so small a number could be, in comparison of the rest of the Clergy, which was able to furnish at that time 120 Prelates of the first rank. And yet alas, this feeble Assembly would needs espouse a separate Opinion, and thwart by that singularity, the Intentions of the Parliament that vigorously maintained the Interests of the Crown. The Protestants were likewise alarmed at this Bull, and sided with the Parliament, whose vigour was always pleasing to them, when they employed their Authority to assert the Honour and Prerogatives of their K. And accordingly they took this occasion to labour for their own safety, and to press the K. to secure them in the quiet enjoyment of their Lives and Consciences. Neither did the K. on his part forget himself in this rencontre; for he called an Assembly at Nantes of all the Lords of his Privy Council, and of his whole party; and in order to give satisfaction at the same time to all the World, he put out there two Declarations; the one renewed that published about two years before, wherein he protested, he desired nothing more than to be better instructed, and was ready to submit to the Decisions of a General Council, or at least, of such an Assembly of Church men as might be able to terminate the depending Controversies; and in the mean while promised to alter nothing in the State of the Catholic Religion; and he gave them soon after very convincing proofs of the sincerity of his Intentions in that 〈◊〉, by granting the Town of Chartres upon its surrender to him after a long Siege, the power to suppress the exercise of the Reformed Religion both in that City, and within the whole extent of its Jurisdiction. In which he stretched his complaisance for the Catholics to as sign a pit●h as it would bear; since to pleasure them, he was content 〈◊〉 exclude the exercise of his own Religion, out of the precincts of a conquered p●ace.  
The other Declaration was in favour of the Protestants, to whom it 
●●● Edict of Nantes.  granted the Revocation of the Edicts that were contrary to that of 1577, which was thereby restored to its full force and vigour, by way of Provision, till the Differences in Religion should be agreed by the consent of all the Orders of the Kingdom, when they should be reduced to the King's obedience.  
It was thought an Edict so very reasonable as that could not but pass 
1591.  without contradiction, since it made no new concessions to the Protestants, restored to the Catholics the exercise of their Religion in a good number of places, out of which it had been banished during the last War; that it was in effect, nothing but an Interim, or Temporary Provision, in expectation of a Definitive Peace; and since, lastly, it reserved to the Leaguers, a power to make new demands in behalf of their Religion, the whole matter not being to be concluded without their consent when they should be reduced. Yet the Cardinal of Vendome, who had taken the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon, could not forbear making some feeble opposition against it in full Council. But after he had shown his malicious intentions, to that degree, as to make an offer to go out of the Council, rather than consent to an Edict of that Nature, he was glad for all his huffing, to sit down again tamely at a small disdainful nod the K. made to him. But the Parliaments were more surly and difficult to be won; for those of Reunes and Bourdeaux absolutely 
Cavils raised about its Verification.  rejected the Edict, and though that of Tours accepted it, yet it was with a Modification by which Protestants were excluded from all public Offices and Employments, and out of all Assemblies of States in most part of the Kingdom. The pretence abused by some to that purpose, was taken from a Clause in the Edict of Nantes, which ordered, That the last Edicts of Pacification should be restored and observed as they were in the life time of the late K. now they knew well enough, that Hen. III. never gave any places to Protestants, and that he found out tricks to exclude them in spite of the Article in his Edict that declared them capable to hold them; and therefore by virtue of those words, which were either unwarily used, or foisted, by the Artifice of the Catholics, into the Edict of Nantes, they would still have them remain Excluded from all Employments, because they had been so treated by the deceased K. and they thought it favour enough to let them enjoy Offices in Rochel, and some other places where the artifices of Hen. III could never prevail to exclude them. And the Cardinal of Bourbon maintained that Banter, and openly declared, that the Protestants did but deceive themselves, in pretending to be admitted to Offices: and they were fain to spend many years in patience, and continual solicitations, before they could surmount that obstacle, though there was nothing more unjust than that pretence. For Hen. III. had violated his own Law, in excluding them by divers Tricks from those Employments to which they were rightfully admittable, according to the express terms of his own Edict, so that they could not take any advantage against them, from the deceitful conduct of that P. without wranglings not very suitable to Royal Majesty, to the prejudice of the Public Faith.  
The Reformed made no great complaints of the Edict, tho' the provisional Clause, which differed the Decision of their Affairs till after the Reduction of those of the League, aught to have seemed intolerable unto them, because it did leave them in an uncertain condition, which could alter as Time and Interests should serve. But they could not endure to be deprived of the Benefit of their Birthrights 
* Whereof the Reformed complain. , or the Rewards of their desert, upon the sole consideration of their Religion: whether because this Injustice bespattered their Religion and their Persons, or because it did treat them as the Canon Law orders Heretics to be, who are by this Law excluded from Dignities and Charges: whence it followed very evidently, that they were put into the number of such as the same Canons give over to the secular Judge, and whom the Catholic Kings oblige themselves to destroy by their Coronation-Oath. They further considered as a particular reason of maintaining themselves in the right of partaking public Employs; that the King had suppressed the Courts of St. John d' Angeli, of Bergerac, and of Montauban, wherein Justice had been rendered till towards the end of the foregoing Year, by Judges of their own Religion; for which they pretended that the King ought to give them some Recompense; and for which they only desired to be admitted to the same Employments; that they being of the Companies of Judicature, might have some of their own Religion to take care to see Justice done to their Brethren. Therefore they made heavy complaints of the wrangling that I have just now specified, and omitted not to set forth, that the Injustice done them reflected on the King himself; since those could not be deprived of Employments for the sake of Religion that followed the same Doctrine with him, without silently declaring him uncapable of the Crown. But they did not require the King to give an express Declaration for the solving of this Equivocation, for fear the scrupulous Catholics should look upon it as a new Grace, and should take occasion to grumble at it. They only insisted that the King should verbally express his Intentions to the heads of the Sovereign Courts, but so as to cause them to be executed. The King to satisfy them, sent Commissioners for the executing of his Edict, in the Parliaments that acknowledged his Authority: but this remedy was not sufficient to hinder new occasions of Complaints to be given everywhere.  
Meanwhile the Clergy being assembled at Chartres, to the small number that I have mentioned, were drawing up Articles which lay open their unfaithful and ambitious Mind. As the ecclesiastics have always been for making the Preservation and Safety of the Kings to depend on themselves, this small Assembly undertook to take from the Parliaments, the right of watching over it: and in this design required that they should be prohibited taking any Cognizance of what should pass betwixt the King and the Pope. They presented to the King some other Articles, upon all which Du Plessis sent a vigorous Memoir to the Parliament of Tours, which that Senate approved; and it was upon these grounds, that he advised the King by delays to frustrate the Pretensions of the Clergy. Besides the honour of the Parliament that was concerned to maintain its Possession, to preserve the authority and Dignity of the Kings against the Bulls of Rome; there was moreover a reason of Interest that obliged it to withstand the demands of the Bishops. There had been since the death of the Cardinal of Bourbon, seen to grow a new Cabal amongst the Royal Catholics, which was termed the Third Party. The pretence of those 
The 3d. party and its designs.  that form it was to put the Catholic Religion in safety, whose ruin they thought could not be hindered, if Henry IV. came to reign peaceably without changing his Religion. This Prince was growing suspected to them, because he seemed to them too long to put off the Instruction that he had promised them; and that they feared, by reason of the Prosperity of his Affairs, that he would soon be in a condition to make his own Religion to reign, in spite of the Rebels. The new Cardinal of Bourbon's Tutor, and David du Perrón, who had been of the Reformed Religion, and who was, even as they say, a Minister's Son, were the Authors of this Faction; and they pretended to make it a way to the advancement of their Master, who was the Idol of that Party. They casted for a Foundation, that it was necessary to have a King who had always been a Catholic, and that consequently would not be suspected: but that he must be taken out of the Royal Family, that the fundamental Law of the Crown might not be violated: So that they could cast their Eyes on none else but the Cardinal of 
1521.  Bourbon. This Party grew easily, because two sorts of Catholics joined in it; to wit, those that mistrusted Henry IU. and who above all things were for the safety of their Religion: and those, who, tho' they would not leave him, yet were willing to make him afraid of losing his Adherents, if he did not speedily embrace the Catholic Religion. Villeroy and Janin, who gave him both advice and the example of it, tho' they both were deeply for the interests of the League, joined, or at least made a show of joining to this Cabal, to weaken the King by dividing his Party, or for to force him to change his Religion, through the fear of seeing himself abandoned, for another. This Faction became so potent, as that mention of it was made to the Pope, they desiring to have his Authority for a Prop: So that the King was wonderfully troubled at it, and held him for a long time in grievous Alarms. Therefore the most passionate Historians, and who seem to have writ for no other end, but for to persuade that the Catholics had reason on their side in every thing, have not dared to justify this Conspiracy; and do confess that the Royal Catholics designed to put the Royalty at a Compromize. Du Perron, the most ambitious and unfaithful Man of his time, revealed unto the King the secrecy of that Party, altho' he had been the Promoter of it himself: and 'twas by that means he gained that Prince's Confidence, whose Favour some years after made him a Cardinal.  
The Assembly of Chartres did favour this Cabal, and it was resolved there to present the King with a Petition in their Names, to exhort him to become a Catholic with all speed, because otherwise several who had been faithful to him as the Lawful Heir, would take other Measures, and should be forced to abandon him. This Petition was Printed at Angiers without the Printer's name; ●ut not presented. Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Bourbon made, or according to others, caused to be made to the King a Speech in the same sense, and with the same threatenings. It was ●ndeavoured, for the authorising this Party, to establish under the ●ame of Chamber, a kind of Parliament at Moulins or at Clermont: ●nd it was so public, that they sought to compose it of such as were affected to that Cabal, and that it was called publicly the third Parties Chamber. The Parliament sitting at Tours was very much concerned at the erecting this Chamber because it could not 
1591.  be done without dismembering from that Court, the Countries that should be made to hold of this new Jurisdiction. But as it was profitable for the third Party to ruin the Parliament, whose constancy, when the rights of the Crown and Succession were to be treated of, concurred not with these new Pretensions; those that entered into this Faction, and the Clergy as well as the rest, did favour the settling of this Chamber, that they might have at their devotion a Sovereign Court of Justice. Therefore the Parliament and the Reformed, to whom the Creation of this Chamber gave an umbrage for different reasons, mutually opposed the Erterprises of the Clergy. It was only the business of Employments that the Parliament and the Clergy did agree in. The Clergy complained that there were twenty six Heretics in the Parliament of Tours; and the Parliament stuck fast to the excluding the Reformed from lesser Offices. Wherein they all manifested their aversion for Protestants, and the same repugnancy to their being in profitable or honourable Employments. The King being urged by the Cardinal de Bourbon, on behalf of the Assembly of Chartres, to give him an answer to three Articles, followed the advice of his Parliament, and got clear of this Instance by general Answers. The first of these Articles was concerning his coming over to the 
Propositions of the Clergy, that f●l●●●ed the King.  Romish Church. He defended himself from it by the ordinary Protestation of being ready to receive Instruction, and to procure the end of the differences that divided the Church; adding that he found it less honourable to turn into it alone, than to bring back the rest with him; and excusing himself for not being able to hearken to the Instruction which he had promised, by reason of his Military Distractions, during which the Voice of the Canons of the Church was stifled by the Noise of the Canons of the Arsenal. The second was touching the Peace, which the Clergy desired might be concluded, by his Intermission. Upon which the King was content in general to testify that he desired a Peace The third was for obtaining permission to send to the Pope, as the Assembly of Chartres had resolved, directly against an Act of Parliament of Tours, which prohibited all communication with the Court of Rome. The King answered it was a matter of State complained of by the deceased Pope, and the Pope regent declared That he thought it contrary to his Reputation to court him, whilst he did what he could against him, excused himself upon the Parliaments being of a contrary Advice, which he had consulted about it, and upon that he desired the Affair should be debated in a full and solemn Company: Mean while he sent the Bishops into their Dioceses. The Clergy passionately desired to send to Rome, to engage the King by that means into a Negotiation with the Pope, the Success of which would oblige him to change his Religion, or else would deprive him of the Service of the Catholics, if he refused to turn. They would also have him sometimes for the same reason to write himself to the Pope, for to tie the Party the more strictly. The Reformed opposed both, because they dispaired of their own Safety, if the King should engage in any Commerce with Rome. Their Reasons for to hinder him were drawn from Considerations of State, and from the King's Reputation, which would be in hazard thereby, whatever Success it should meet with; because that in that Juncture of Affairs he could make no Offers to the Pope, but what would be a prejudice to his Dignity. So that for that time they had the Advantage over the Passion of the Catholics.  
This was the year that the Viscount of Turene, being supported 
A Foreign Army.  by the Recommendations of the Queen of England, raised for the King a gallant Army with the Protestant Princes of Germany, with whom, from that time forward his Merit got him such Ties as he kept all his Life-time. This Service, added to so many others 
Viscount of Turene marries the Heiress of Sedan.  that he had rendered the King a long time, was the Cause that he was picked out to be the Man, to espouse the Heiress of Sedan, whom it was of the King's Interest to marry to a Man of Trust, by reason of the important Places she held: And it was by this Marriage, that this Principality entered into the House of the Tower of Auvergne, in as much as the Princess, who died without Issue a little while after, left it by her last Will to her Husband. The King for to bind more and more to his Service this Lord, made him a Marshal of France, tho' the Catholics were mad to see a Reformed 
And is made Marshal of France.  raised to so high a Dignity. This new Grandeur augmented much the Credit he had already amongst Protestants, and which sometimes had appeared so great, as to give some Jealousy to his Master. But this Army set the Catholics very much upon thinking, they fearing lest the King with these new Forces 
1591.  should easily conquer his Enemies, and afterwards forget the Promise of getting himself instructed. They therefore did their utmost to hinder its entering into France, or to disperse it after it should enter there: So as that they used all their Endeavours to divert the Fund which was kept for the payment of these Troops. But du Plessis, who was the Master of this Fund, because it proceeded from the Alienation of the Dominion of Navarre, managed the business so well, that he kept the best part on't, notwithstanding the hard and severe Letters the King sent him upon that Subject. There was that same year a kind of a Pragmatic drawn by form of an Interim, for the distributing and administering Benefices. The Reformed were satisfied with it, as with a Preparative for a general Reformation: The Parliaments upheld it, as profitable for the good of the State: The Archbishop of Bourges did accept it, because he hoped to be made a Patriarch: And if all the Clergy had been ruled by this new Discipline, they had easily induced the Pope, who thereby would see that he could be dispensed with, to make the King the Offers which they would fain oblige the King to make him. But the Clergy chose rather not to serve the King, than to disoblige the Pope; and never would consent not to depend upon Rome.  
The following Year passed, as the former, in Military Expeditions, 
1592.  and in Negotiations that availed nothing, if we except the Reformed, who always lost somewhat thereby, through the Instances of the Catholics for what they called the King's Conversion. 
The Catholics Artifices to gain the King.  For that they spared neither Cabals nor Artifices: They attributed all the ill Successes to his Religion, whereof for the most part they were themselves the Cause, because they were not willing to see things ended, before the King had accomplished the Catholics Desires. They evermore represented unto him, that his Religion alone was the Pretence of the League, and the third Party's Obstinacy: Tho' in truth, it had been better for the Ringleaders of the League to treat with Henry IU. a Huguenot, than when a Catholic, for to have better Conditions from him. It appeared even in time that it was not his Religion that held them, seeing after that Pretence was removed by his turning, they grew more difficult than ever, and held out the War for Four years longer. The Queen of England had unthinkingly said, and to some Catholics too, That the King had not done well to give the Edict of Nantes in favour of the Reformed, and that that was out of season. This Princess' Intention was not to blame the King for doing something for those ancient Servants of his; but because she did not doubt of the King's Constancy in matter of Religion, she thought he could take a more convenient time for to content them, than that wherein his Favours to them were neither sufficient for to reward them, nor pleasing to the Catholics, who mortally hated them. But the Queen's Words were wrested, as if they had intimated that she did not stick at Religion, and that she blamed the King for preferring it to Policy: Whence it was concluded, that tho' the King should change his Religion, he would not be a whit the less in her Favour. This Craft was dangerous, because it took from the King one of his chiefest Reasons to persevere in his Religion, next to those of his Conscience, to wit, the fear of offending Foreign Protestants, whose Succours were so necessary for him. He feared likewise the alienating the Hearts of his Reformed Subjects, who with the rest of the same Religion, made at least the two Thirds of his Army. But for to cure him of his Fears, they did represent what the Character of the Reformed was; Men easily satisfied, provided they had Liberty of Conscience given them; and such as never had blotted the Names of Kings out of their Prayers, at the very time that they were persecuted by them. D'. O. made the best he could of these only Considerations, and made use of them from the very first Speech that he made to the King, after the Death of King Henry III.  
But that which most annoyed the Reformed, was a joint Discourse between du Plessis and Villeroy, which indeed ended without 
Fruitless Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy.  concluding any thing, by reason of the Insolent Propositions of the Heads of the League; yet notwithstanding it prepared things for the changing the King's Religion, which happened the following year. The Heads of the League, whereof Janin was the Interpreter, did not intend, said he, to be treated after the Huguenot fashion, nor to accept of an Edict of Abolition and Amnesty, in that all Edicts of that nature do presuppose Crimes; whereas they intended to presuppose as a Foundation to their Treaties, that their Arms were just. They scorned an Edict as from a King to his Subjects, but a Treaty by which they would acknowledge him but upon certain Conditions; they presupposing they had no reason to acknowledge him during the old Cardinal of Bourbon's Life, or all the time that he was not a Catholic. Du Plessis was far from harkening unto any such Conditions, and pretended before all other things, that the King's Authority and Dignity should be acknowledged and presupposed. Therefore the Negotiation could not take effect in his Hands: notwithstanding it went on very far towards the King's Instruction, which the Leaguers resolved to be sure of before mention was made of any thing else. The two Negotiators easily agreed upon a Conference between the Doctors of both Religions, tho' each of them upon this Subject had particular Prospects. Therefore all the difficulty betwixt them consisted in the manner of the thing. Villeroy would have the King to be instructed, 
Their different prospects upon the King's instruction.  with a Promise of making himself a Catholic: For he took the Words, to get himself instructed, in the sense that the Romish Church has always given them; to wit, for an irrevocable Engagement to enter into their Communion, after a Conference in show, which in his Language is called Instruction. Du Plessis on the contrary, would have them to be satisfied, that the King should testify a desire to embrace the Romish Religion, if he could do it without wronging his Conscience. They agreed at last on an expedient, which was, that the King should get himself instructed at a limited time, with a Desire and Intention to be joined to the Romish Church, provided a Method for his instructing was foundout that should answer his Dignity, and be able to satisfy his Conscience.  
Du Plessis thought that this Instruction might turn to the advantage of the Reformed Religion, in observing two things. The first was to hold a serious Conference, where the controverted points should be throughly discussed, and wherein he made no doubt but the Ministers and the Truth would carry a complete Victory. His design was to assemble the most learned Protestants at Saumur, there to study the controverted Matters; and to give to each a part a question to be examined with all possible care to discover the beginning, the progress, the changes of every particular thing; and with the Historical understanding of these Matters, desired each one to seek such for Arguments in Law, as were proper for the explanation of the Turth The King himself seemed to approve of this expedient; and commanded him to prepare that Conference: to which he invited du Jon, a famous Divine at Newstadt, and afterwards at Leyden. But the Catholics would admit of a Formal Conference only: and by little and little, brought the King over to their Opinion. The second thing that du Plessis had an eye upon, was, that before the stated time of the Conference should fall out, the Catholics should have assurances given them of having nothing innovated in Matters of Religion, there would then be two things to be regulated; the one in supposing the King's Conversion happened; the other in expecting till it came to pass; and he hoped that on the latter point such advantages should be granted to the Catholic Religion, for its Honour and Safety, that after this the Catholics would give over the Conversion itself: Whence it would follow, that the King being less urged to change his Religion, could continue in the Reformed. In effect he had easily remained in it, ●f it had not hindered him to reign in Peace: But he loved Rest ●nd Pleasure, from which he met in the War and the confusion of his Affairs with too tedious Interruptions; and the unseasonable seeking whereof made him sometimes lose favourable occasions of carrying great advantages over his Enemy.  
The Negotiation therefore went on so fast, that Villeroy beginning to abate of the high Pretensions of the League, it seemed that Peace would be concluded: and that the King having heard the Report of du Plessis, Revol and he were charged to draw up ●n Edict conformable to the Articles agreed upon in the Conference. But this Secret was smelled out, it not being known well ●y whom the matter was revealed; the Reformed imputing it to the subtlety of Villeroy and the Leaguers, who had feigned to harken to the Treaty, but for to draw more Succours and better ●onditions from the Spaniards; and Villeroy on the other hand ●●cusing du Plessis of Perfidiousness. The Royal Catholics took ●●re to encourage the Leaguers to stand more steadfast to the Religion, foreseeing well that it was intended by the Peace to free the ●ing from the necessity of changing, which could never be imposed upon him, but by the Tediousness of the War, and the Fears of ill Successes. Moreover they imagined they could never have sufficient Securities given them, if they consented that a Reformed King should be established on the Throne; seeing he would leave the Crown to an Heir of the same Religion. Chiefly in the manner that the Succession than stood, they saw nothing that could ease them of their Scruples. The Prince of Conde, who was the next Heir to Henry IV. was then at St John de Angeli, in the Hands of the Reformed, and under the Tutor of his Uncle Trimoville, a Lord, whose Zeal and Valour caused already Jealousies at Court, and acquired him the Confidence of those of his Religion. There was a likelihood that this Prince, after such an Education, should tread in the Footsteps of his Father and Grandfather; and that so the Catholic Religion being no more the ruling one, it should fall of itself. Besides the Catholics finding out, that they themselves did not design to grant any Favours to the Reformed, but because they could do no otherwise under a King that was their Favourer; but that they would cause them, if it were possible, one day to be recalled, when they should have a King more depending on their Counsels; they feared the same thing should happen, if the King did not change Religion, to the Securities that necessity should give the Roman Religion. The Catholics nevertheless obtained in these Conferences the freeing the King of the fear of offending the Reformed, by taking the Measures for his Instruction; forasmuch as he of all the Reformed, who was the least suspected in matter of Religion, was very willing of this Instruction to make an Article of a Treaty of Peace. The Hope of the approaching Fall of Popery dazzled this Sage Politician as well as others; and he did reckon a little too fast, as did most of the Ministers, upon the assured Victories of Truth, so soon as it would be brought to light by serious Disputes.  
At the same time the Catholics showed their Aversion for the 
●….  Reformed in what they possibly could. Nothing could overcome the Obstinacy of the Parliaments, always bend to exclude the Reformed from the Charges, how great soever the cause was to fear, that the Indignity of that Denial, after so many Services should bring them to a Resentment thereof. The Leagued Catholics were more tractable in that than those that followed the King. They consented that the Reformed should continue as the Edict of 1577. and the Conferences of Nerac and of Fleix had prescribed them; and to take away all Disputes with them concerning the number of Places that they could fill up, they were ready to grant, that the quarter part should be held by them. Du Plessis was even in hopes to make them agree to a third part. He chose rather to regulate the number of Places, than to leave it indifferent and arbitrary, fearing lest the King, who had an extraordinary Complacency for Catholics, being obliged to nothing, should do nothing for the Reformed; whereas the number of Places that should be given them being fixed upon, he would in some wise be necessitated to put into places as many as were contained in that number. He saw that else they should have but a little share in them; that all the Governments were given unto Catholics, to the prejudice of the Reformed that deserved them: That Roni himself, a Favourite of the Kings, found always his Pretensions crossed, when he asked for any thing. It was therefore necessary that a Regulation should be made, which by necessity should give Employments to the Reformed, seeing Catholics could not suffer that they should obtain them by their Deserts. It is true, that the Court of Aids made an Act, by which the Reformed were admitted to the Offices of their Jurisdiction; but neither the Parliament nor the Chamber of Accounts could be wrought upon to do the like.  
The Patience of the Reformed was tried in other things, and particularly a thousand Indignities were offered upon the occasion 
Rigours on their Burying.  of their Sepulture. The Inhumanity of Catholics on this Subject, during the Siege of Rouen, surpasses almost all Belief. There were Persons of Note amongst the Reformed that died in that Siege. Piles amongst others, one of the valianrest of the Army was slain there; but it could not be obtained of the Catholics, that his Body should be buried in any place of their Churchyards. It happened besides that many Reformed having been slain in the great Sally that the Marquis of Villars made on the 25th of February, whilst the King was observing the Duke of Parma, they were buried pellmell with the Catholics that perished on the same occasion; but the Catholics finding it out, were so cruel as to dig them out of their Graves, and to leave their Bodies to the mercy of Wolves and Ravens that commonly follow Armies.  
On the other hand, the King was eagerly sued to hearken to 
1593. Continuation of the artifices to shake the King's Conscience.  his Instruction; and no Artifice was omitted which Converters make use of on such occasions. At one time the Abuses of the Romish Church were extenuated, which they represented to be too slight for to be the cause of a lawful Scruple. At another time they granted him that they ought to be corrected; and he was made to hope that they should be looked to, when he became a Catholic. He was sometimes desired only as a shadow of a Conversion towards the satisfying the People, and was permitted the Liberty of his Opinions on divers things, provided the People could see him at Mass. It was offered him, that a Veil should be drawn betwixt him and the Ceremonies, that he might be the less scrupulous to be present at it. The Commodity that his Change would give him of humbling the Pope was magnified, and of lessening his Authority, by putting an end to the Schism 
Political Interests that tended to the same end.  by a National Synod, when the whole Clergy would be brought under Obedience. Mention was made of a Patriarch that should be established, for to render the Churches of France Independent on that of Rome: An Allusion which at all times has dazzled the Protestants, the simplest of which think, that for to make Truth triumph, there only needs a Rupture with the Roman See. But nothing made a more dangerous Impression on his Mind, than the Artifice that was used, for to persuade him, that the Controversies which make the difference of both Religions were of small consequence. Roni was one of those that inclined him most to this indifferency, and would even tell him now and then, that a Catholicity would be to his Advantage; and that it would be the most efficacious means to quell all Conspiracies. He would reduce the whole Religion for him to the Symbol of the Apostles, to the Ten Commandments, to the Love of God and our Neighbour, to the Confidence in the Merit of Jesus Christ; and that being supposed, all the differences of Religion seemed to him of small consequence. In a word, he so disposed his mind, as that the Romish Religion appeared to him as useful for Salvation as the Reformed, by not being possessed with the Abuses which corrupt the Worship and Maxims thereof. Moreover they omitted not to gain some Ministers, whose Ambition or Interest rendered them tractable. Sometimes they were made to confess in the King's Presence, that one could be saved in the Roman Communion. Sometimes they were made to dispute, as by Rencounter with du Perron, to whom they would yield ill-disputed Victories. And that what they should say might appear the less interessed, or of greater weight, they were not obliged to change their Religion; their Prevarication being esteemed more beneficial than a public Profession of the Roman Doctrine. By these Artifices it was that the King was supplied with the Argument, whereof Converters have since made great use; That the Reformed granted that one may be saved in the Catholic Religion; and the Catholics on the contrary maintaining, That there is no Salvation in the Reformed Religion, Prudence would have us stick to the surest, and to take to that Communion wherein the two contesting Parties grant Salvation to be possible. These Ministers had been prepared of a long time, whereof Morlas, Rotan, de Serres, de Vaux, were the most noted; and the latter of whom being troubled at his own Remorses, revealed, they say, the whole Mystery. Cayer was also of those that were to act this Comedy; but some Books not very modest that he wrote, and amongst others, a Treatise for the reconciling of Religions, having rendered him suspected, he was deposed in a Synod; and for a Revenge he turned Catholic. Roni for to make his Opinions take, said, he had for Authors de la Roche, Chandieu, d' Esperien, de Vaux, de Gardesi, and de Nord, very famous Ministers, yet whereof the greatest part had quite different Thoughts.  
Du Perron, whom Roni had got to be named▪ Bishop of Eureux, and whose Eloquence in Conversation dragged along the minds, dazzled the King by the vehemency and rapidity of his discourse▪ but his reasons of Divinity did not persuade him so much, as the motives taken from Time and Political Prudence. These reasons had a great empire over the mind of a Prince, that was weary of the toilsome trade he had followed near twenty years, and who saw that his labours were not as yet like to come to an end. The Misery of the People that could hold out no longer, was represented in order to move his Compassion. By setting forth the heads of the Protestants as restless and ambitious, and he was made to fear them. He had cause to complain of several Catholics, that treated him after an insolent manner, of whom he desired to be in a condition of making fair riddance. Conspiracies were carried on against his Person, that caused him to fear; nay he complained to du Plessis, that the Catholics of his Party had plotted with the Duke of Mayenne to se●ze on him at Nantes. He was under apprehensions, lest the States of the League then assembled at Paris, should choose the Cardinal of Bourbon, and that the Spaniards should uphold him. Most of the Courtiers were weary of this laborious Life, where there was nothing but pains to be taken, and as little to be gained. The fair Gabrielle d' Estree, the King's Mistress, shared in these Intrigues. She hated not the Reformed, whom she judged to be faithful and honest Men; and even had many of them in her Service. But the Protestant Lords had no great compliance for her; and they never would have favoured her ambitious Designs. On the contrary, she was put in hopes that if the King changed Religion, she should have more reason to pretend to Marry him, because he could get the Pope to make void his Marriage with Margaret of Valois, and be at liberty to contract another; whereas the Reformed Religion debarred him from such easy means of making that rupture: And to assure the Crown to the Children that should come of this new Marriage, she therefore added her reasons to those of the rest, and the King who appeared more than half resolved upon this unworthy Marriage, suffered himself thus to be overcome, partly by the Prevarications of his Confidents and Ministers, partly by the advices of Policy, and partly by the Illusions of Love.  
Nevertheless, he dared not as yet to declare his Intention, whether he was ashamed of this timorous Conduct, or that he feared that the Reformed, whereof some spoke of cantoning themselves, and of abandoning the King if the King forsook them, should strike some desperate Blow. This was not the language of all those that professed the Reformed Religion, the greatest part of whom, and even some of the most authorized, preached Patience and Loyalty to the rest. It appeared in process of time▪ that those who were of this Sentiment were the strongest, seeing that after the Kings turning, there was none that form a Party against him; and that all of them remained four years more not only in Obedience, but in his Service; there were therefore but a few men that used these Menaces. They did not do it so much 
Mutual Policy of the Catholics and the Reformed.  through a formal Inclination of cantoning themselves, but through a knack of Policy, for to oppose a kind of a Counterpoise to the threatenings of the Catholics, and thus to put in some measure the King's Mind in an equal Balance. The Catholics often renewed to the King their Threats of quitting him for another, if he did not change his Religion. It was therefore requisite that the Reformed should do the like, fearing lest that the King having nothing to fear but on one side, and finding on the other compliance and gentleness, should with more ease suffer himself to be conquered by the threatening Party. The Mind is governed as the Body, and when either the one or the other sinks under an effort that makes it lean on one side, there must strength be put on the other for to raise it up, and to restore it to its natural Situation. So that for to put a stop to the King, who was dragged on the Catholics side, through the fear of being abandoned by them, it was necessary to oppose him with the like fear from the Reformed, if he quitted their Religion; but there was a vast difference betwixt the conduct of the one and the other. The Catholics threatenings were followed with sad Effects; Intelligences with the Leaguers, Cabals amongst themselves, and voluntary Obstacles to the King's Prosperity. There was also the third Party, whose Head was known, and whom most of the Catholics threatened to acknowledge for their Sovereign. But the Threats of the Reformed consisted only in bare words, dictated rather by Prudence, than through an Intention of doing ill, and which hindered them not from remaining Loyal.  
Yet the King concealed his Thoughts from them upon that matter 
The King ●….  with a deep dissimulation, tho' his designs was so well known to the Catholics, that the very Spaniards mistrusted it; therefore they insinuated to him, that they would treat with him without touching his Religion: This they did for to benefit themselves with the Leaguers by the King's steadfastness, if he suffered himself to be dazzled with this deceiving Proposition. But in order to dissipate the Suspicions of the Reformed, the King already resolved to quit their Religion, testified that he was desirous to provide for their Safety. Therefore he came to Tours as they desired him, for to cause the Restrictions to be taken off, wherewith the Edict of Nantes had been Registered: He went through Saumur in his way thither, and the Ministers having the honour to salute him, upon his departure he assured them, that he would die in the Reformed Religion; and declared unto them, that if they heard that he was fallen into some Debauch, they might believe it, because he had many such like Frailties: but that if the noise should spread that he was to forsake his Religion, they should give no credit thereunto. But when he arrived at Tours, there fell out things that made it visible he had other Intentions. He dared not to keep his Bed of Justice, as 'twas thought he would, because the procuring an advantage to the Reformed being in agitation, he might have given cause to the Catholics to murmur, for as much as at his first sitting in the Parliament, he should have constrained that Senate to receive into the Charges those that were called Heretics. He for that reason Assembled only the Heads, to whom he declared his will, and ordered them to consult thereupon: But this weak means advanced not Affairs; and the result of this debate made it evident, that the King had promised to turn Catholic. He made a show of being irritated at the Parliaments resistance, and spoke very angry terms to the Attorney General: But it was all the satisfaction the Reformed had. The Restrictions remained as they were; and it appeared that the King had engaged to do nothing for them, before he had embraced the Roman Religion.  
It seemed, that if the Catholics had consented to what the King demanded, they would have drawn him out of a great perplexity; and would have put him in a way of quitting the Reformed Religion with more decency, because he should have prevented their Complaints, by making their condition sure. But the Catholics passion was so great, that they did consider nothing; and that they would have perhaps desired no better, than to drive the Reformed to some Mutiny, for to agree with the League at their cost, and upon condition of turning against them their united Forces. But the Reformed lost not patience for all these Injustices. The King was forced to take other measures 
Preparations for his change.  for to induce them to see his change by fair means, and without making a stir. In order whereunto they made use of the Pretence of Conferences. Ten or twelve Conferences had been already 
Preparations for his Charge.  held with the Leaguers, without doing any good: a new one was renewed amongst the Royal Catholics and them; and that they might not be thwarted by du Plessis, they agreed for a Preliminary, that no Heritick should be admitted thereto. The pretence of it was to concur with the States of Paris to put a Catholic King on the Throne; and to reunite the Suffrages in the Person of Henry IV. in case of his Conversion. Therefore from the very opening of the Conference he published a Declaration, that he had prepared, for to assure the Catholics of his desire to receive Instruction. At the same time the Reformed of the Court were solicited not to hinder the King's Conversion: and the Duke of Boüillon was chiefly entreated, because his opposition would give the greatest difficulty: De Thou wrote to him upon ●his Subject, to persuade him that it would be advantageous for he Reform to have a Catholic King, of whose good Intentions they might have full assurances. The Duke was deeply obliged to the King, and his Mouth was stopped with such a heap of promises, that it would have been very difficult for him not to ●ave been overcome: The King himself promised by a Writing that was signed by the Princes, and the chief Lords of the Council, that the profession which he was about to make of the Romish Religion, would cause no change in the Edicts which the Reformed had obtained, and that no resolution would be taken in the Conference to their Prejudice.  
In the mean time, for to baffle the Reformed of the Provinces, 
●….  another sort of Conference was proposed, under pretence of instructing the King: but as his change was resolved upon, that se●●ous and grave Conference so much spoken of was no more to be expected: It was only a Conference in show; to which the King invited those that he pleased by express Letters, assigning their Convention at Nantes, on the 20th, of July. 'Tis true, Plessis●●tered ●●tered the Superscription of the Letters; and that instead of sen●ing them to some private Persons as the King had ordered; he ●●tained of him that they should be sent to the Churches, that ●●ey might appoint fit persons for that matter. No outward ●●ction of the King could as yet discover his design of changing: and he continued in his Court the Exercises of the Reformed Religion as he had accustomed: Nay he desired that all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom should betake themselves to Fasting and Praying, for to implore of God a happy Issue of this pretended Conference, as if he had been still dubious which Party to cleave to. But at last the Masque was taken off, and it was evident that the whole Instruction would be reduced to the hearing of the Bishops, without admitting any Ministers in order to answer them. The Clergy had desired that the business might thus go on, because they never set Victory at a compromize; and that they were not so sure of the King's Conversion, as that an orderly Dispute, where these Pastors should be admitted, might not make him have quite contrary Thoughts. Notwithstanding the King thought to make use of his Compliance to the Clergy, for to persuade the Reformed that he yielded but to Necessity; that he abjured his Religion but in Words; that he would hear but Catholics, because that he being forced to turn, it was more to the advantage of the Reformed that he should do it without hearing them, than otherwise; that they might have it to say, they were not vanquished; whereas if the King should turn after a Dispute of both Parties, this Change of his had been a real Triumph for the Catholics. But the Mystery was revealed by a Letter from the Chancellor to the Bishop of Chartres, which was seen by the Reformed, wherein he advertised that Prelate, That he might come with a full assurance, without troubling himself with Divinity. Hereby it was seen, that a set Conference was not agreeing to the Bishop's palate, and they chose rather to overcome without fight.  
But tho' this kind of Instruction seemed very strange to the Reformed, and that they judged it a very singular thing▪ that the King should be as 'twere the Judge of so great a Cause, after having only heard one of the Parties: They notwithstanding thought they should not omit to send their Deputies to Nantes, either to obtain by their Presence something in favour of their Religion, or to take from the Bishops the Pretence of Boasting▪ that the Ministers had shunned the Conference. Time has declared how necessary this Precaution was, seeing that not only in our days, but almost at that same time, and in the Presence of those who knew how things had been carried on, they published that the Ministers had fled before them, and had not the Courage to come to the Dispute. It is true, that the Ministers of the Court entered not into Conference: But that we may not repeat over, that the King's Instruction was agreed upon to be without them, I shall at least say, that none should admire, That either those who were gained to favour the King's Design had feigned to give way, or that the rest seeing the Snares that were laid for them, and knowing the King's secret Intentions, had required that all the Deputies of the Churches might be expected, before the broaching of a business of so great consequence. However they took another Precaution more formal against the vain Reproach of the Prelates; and they engaged by a Public and Authentic Writing, to maintain in the Presence of what Persons soever in a set Conference, the Doctrine that the King had learned in the Reformed Religion. It was du Plessis' desire, that the Ambassadors of the Protestant Princes, and some learned Ministers should be at Nantes, that the Presence of these Ministers might delay, if it were possible, the King's Change; or at least, that it might more forcibly oblige him to give the Reformed tolerable Conditions. But the precipitation of the Clergy gave not time for all these Measures. They waited neither the coming of the Deputies of the Churches, nor of the Strangers: And after an Instruction of half a day, where only such 
The King's Conversion.  were present as were not willing to hinder it, the King appeared to be satisfied with the Roman Doctrine, and the very next day abjured at St. Denis the Reformed Religion. It's true, he never would promise to ruin the Heretics of his Kingdom, which the Clergy would have him Swear to. Whether he acted thus only through a sincere Affection for the Peace of his Subjects, or that it was a premeditated Denial, to take away the Fears his Change might give the Reformed. Neither would he by any 
A Formular that the King refuses.  means sign a Formular, which had been prepared for him; by which he was to Swear, one after another, to all the Articles of the Romish Faith; and in like manner to abjure all the pretended Heresies of the Reformed. They were forced to draw up one on purpose, where Roni intervened, and where without an express Profession or Abjuration of any Article, he in sum submitted himself to the whole Doctrine of the Catholics. But as there was a necessity of satisfying the Pope, the first Formular was sent him in the King's Name, which was counterfeited by Lomenie Secretary of State, who had used to Sign for him, and who imitated his Writing pretty well. The King agreed to this Writing, which could neither set his Conscience at rest, nor please the Court of Rome, where the Craft could not be long kept hidden, nor make the Reformed believe that he kept their Religion in his Heart, tho' he had these different Prospects in this Artifice.  
The End of the Second Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes▪ BOOK III.  
The CONTENTS of the Third Book.  
Mistrusts produced by this Change. Boldness of the Leaguers. Renewing of the Vnion-Oath. Conspiracy of Barriere. Pretence of the Rebels, that the King's Conversion is not sincere: That he must have the Pope's Blessing. Deputies from the Reformed on their March. The King's Precautions against their Reproaches. A Letter upon the King's Change▪ The Insults of the Catholics. Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him, and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction. Project of an Edict. A Precaution against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation. The Reform not very well contented with the Project, neither accept nor refuse it. Assemblies permitted. Union renewed with the King's Approbation. Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers. A Design of a Reunion. The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome. The Fears that the King's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Reformed. A Truce prejudicial to the King. The Reducing Meaux and other Towns. Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed. The Coronation Oath. The power of the Jesuits. Injustices done to the Reformed. The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed. A Synod at Montaubon; Order Prayers for the King's Prosperity, and for his returning to his Religion: Disclaims the Province of the Isle of France in several points. Assembly at St. Foy. Propositions and Regulations for the General Council; and for those of the Provinces. Secret Articles. Sedition of the Croquans. Deputies amused at Court. Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur. Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope. The King wounded by Chatel. Jesuits banished. Pyramid. Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed. The Courts Thoughts upon the Union of the Reformed. The King's Thoughts upon this Subject. Causes for which it is resolved to declare the Reformed capable of Employs. The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands. Methods for to succeed in it. The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado. The Attorney General's ill-grounded Wrangling, and the reason of new Mistrusts. Assembly at Saumur; at first displeases the King, who at at last authorises it: Reasons for the permitting it. Necessity of importuning the King. The Assembly demands a new Edict, and Securities. The King's desired Absolution: His Reasons for yielding the first. Commissaries chosen for to treat about it▪ Duke Perron and d' Ossat. The Pope's high Pretensions. Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary. Testimony rendered to the present and past Services of the Reformed. Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing itself. Articles of Penitence: Complaints of the Reformed: The Excuses of the Attorneys. Punishment of two Protestants at Rome. Secret Articles believed to be promised to the Pope.  
THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Countenance 
1593. Mistrusts proceeded from this change.  of Affairs. The Reformed Religion, which the Death of Henry III had put upon the Throne, was on a sudden removed far from it; and the Heads of that Party began to fear, That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion, he should by little and little be disposed to destroy them. Which was so much the more probable, that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change, he was likewise to consider them as Men, who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair, and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence. Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies; and perhaps according to the natural Inclination of Man, who never fails to hate those of whom ●e no more deserves to be beloved, to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them. Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendered them too good Services, ●nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injured, as a perpetual upbraiding, of whom they think to rid themselves by destroying these troublesome Accusers: And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage, seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience, by continually upbraiding him with their Services, their Misery and his Change. They saw moreover, that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot, which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made, ●ut at their Cost. La Varenne, a Man of Fortune, who notwithstanding had a share in the King's Confidence, because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks, took a Journey into Spain, ●nder certain Pretences, but in effect to propose a Peace, and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta; for to see that Princess in the King's Name; for to bring him her Picture, and to promise to send a Lord of Note, if the King of Spain would harken to it. It is not known whether the King's Intention ●as really so, or if he endeavoured by the Overture of that Proposition to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League. But ●is Voyage alarmed the Protestants both at home and abroad; ●o ' England and the United Provinces had been included in the project of this Peace, because they feared lest at one time or another their Ruin to be the fruit of that Alliance. But in France●●e ●●e Reform changed not their Conduct. They were content to ●●rug their Shoulders through Astonishment, to exhale their Grief ● bitter Complaints, and to expect the Issue of their Deputation, whose Members were on their way to wait on the King, who had given them fine Promises for their Comfort.  
As to the Catholics, those that followed the King's Party lost the Pretence of their Broils, when they could no more reproach him with his Religion. But his Affairs with the Leaguers fared in nothing the better for it. From the very beginning of the Conference that was again taken up with them; they pretended to treat not as Subjects, but as Equals; and even as Superiors, that 
Boldness of the Leaguers.  gave Laws unto the rest. They would not treat with the King, but with the Catholics that were of his side: They disputed with them whatever can be disputed amongst those that are equal; Precedency, the Wind, the Fire, and the Right Hand; and would have the Houses to be drawn by Lot; and after all, they made still such Demands, as were impossible to be granted. Amongst other Propositions, they made that of granting to the Reformed an Edict of Toleration for a time. Thus they were forced to part, without coming to any Conclusion; the King refusing to consent to such hard Conditions, and not very suitable to the Condition of his Affairs; and the Catholics themselves that were of his Party being ashamed to desire it of him. Some days after the King's Abjuration, the League renewed the 
A renewing of the Oath of Union.  Union-Oath, to rouse the Spirits of those that this Action had shaken. A Copy of this new Oath, which the Cardinal of Plaisance had Signed, and which he was sending to Rome, fell into the King's Hands, who clearly saw that his Change had not freed him of his Troubles. Even Villeroy and Janin, who had most assured him that his Religion alone kept these Catholics from rendering him Obedience, temporised as well as the rest. The reason of this was, that every one was resolved to sell his Reduction; and that private Interest was more valued than that of Religion, which they had given out to be their sole one. There were but very few Examples of an uninterested yielding; few Towns o● Governors surrendered without bargaining; all the rest got themselves to be bought at the dearest rate they could. Therefore whilst the Reformed bewailed the change of their King, and groaned under the Oppression of their Enemies, the Catholics sold him his own Goods, and obtained from him great Sums or great Places, as a Price at which they set their Obedience: And whilst his ancient and most faithful Servants enjoyed neither their Consciences nor their Lives in Safety, the Rebels, who had so often conspired against his Service, received all the Favours and Rewards. Notwithstanding all this, about a Month after he had embraced the Romish Religion, a Plot against his Life was discovered. Peter Barriere, a Disciple to the Jesuits, had undertaken to 
Barriere's Conspiracy.  kill him. He was apprehended and punished as his Crime deserved. The Pretence of these new Difficulties was, that his Conversion 
The Rebel's Pretence.  was not sincere, and that before he could be acknowledged a true Catholic, he must be reconciled to the Pope, and receive his Benediction.  
Mean while the Deputies from the Churches were on their 
The Deputies of the Reformed on their march.  way to Nantes. The King was not willing to see them, because ●e expected nothing but Reproaches from them. And Q. Elizabeth upbraided him more bitterly than he expected. They of Geneva wrote to him after the same manner; and he questioned not ●ut his own Subjects would talk to him in the same Language. Therefore he took all Precautions possible to secure himself 
The King's Precautions against their reproaches.  against the free and bold Discourses that he expected from them. Whereupon he commanded du Plessis to let him know what the ●eformed did say of his Change, as if he had a mind to accustom himself to such Remonstrances. This du Plessis did in a pretty ●●ng Letter; but yet more sharp and smart, wherein heplainly set ●●rth their Thoughts upon all the Circumstances of this Affair. ●e told the King, that the Reformed had hopes that he would have ●●ken care for them, without putting them to Trouble about it; ●●t that instead of giving them an assured Settlement, he had not ●● much as taken the Rope from their Necks, seeing the Edicts of ●e League were still in force in several Parliaments: That notwithstanding the Reformed did not desire, as the League, that the ●aw of the Realm should be altered for their Profit, or that of a ●●reign Prince; nor as the Royal Catholics, that the King according to their Pleasure should change his Religion; and much ●●s, that the Kingdom should be torn into pieces, to satisfy a ●all number of Men: That they desired Peace only for their consciences, and the Security of their Lives, every one according this Quality and Birth; which is a common Right, and not a ●●●vate Privilege, they being resolved to obey their Prince without excepting against his Religion; That they complained that their Petitions, granted by so many Edicts of his Predecessors, and maintained by himself, could not be harkened to under his Reign; which had they not expected, and had it not been for the Affection they bore him, they might justly and profitably have used the Methods they had been forced to make use of under the former Reigns: That after a long Patience, they saw him quit his Religion, without providing for them in any manner whatever: That the Vulgar thence concluded, that whether he had turned of his own free accord, or through necessity, there was no good to be expected from him any more: That the wiser sort were in hopes he would never have forgot the Favours God had showered down upon him, nor the Services of the Reformed; but that they feared at the same time, that he having forgot them in the midst of his Prosperities, and not having set them at liberty, when so many Victories gave him Authority to do it, would for the future want resolution to do them good; and that those who had been able to shake his Conscience▪ would likewise force him to make an ill use of his Power. To which they added the Examples of the past, and the present Discourses of several Catholics: That they doubted of his Constancy of protecting them, having seen what he had done; more especially finding that there was a greater distance betwixt pure Religion and Idolatry, then betwixt Idolatry and Persecution; because a Man must meet with Difficulty to pass from Good to Evil, But ●● grow worse and worse is so easy, that it is scarce perceptible. ●● Plessis moreover observed, that the King had been imposed upo● their Insinuations to bring him to Mass; which having fully discovered, he told him, that it was evident the Catholics intended to carry him on further; that he would be obliged to send ●● Rome, where no Absolution would be obtained without Penance that Popes had sometimes enjoined that of making War against the Infidels; that after the same manner the Consecrated Sword would soon be sent him, to fight against the Heretics, meaning the Reformed, the Loyalest of his Frenchmen and the sincerest Subjects; and that he should be brought thereto by little and little ●●der divers Pretences, to overcome his good Disposition. Then he showed the King the Progress of the Conference begun with the League, the Delays of those that had made him change, the ●● conveniencies of the Truce; the cause of fearing, that as he was thereby treated as Head of a Party, he might be obliged by the Peace to become the Captain General against the Huguenots; that the Peace without them could not be managed without Injustice, nor without giving them lawful Suspicions: Whereupon he represented what Extremities the Catholics were delivered from under Henry III. by the Reformed; and how the ●atter had reason to suspect, that if a Peace was concluded without them, all the Difficulties of it should be removed to make them smart; that the convocating the Deputies of the Churches was a Cheat, seeing that without waiting their coming they de●ated on their Condition, and that of their Posterity; and that ●hey made the King give such Promises, as one day would be used ●o make void all that he should grant them; that there were effects ●hat corroborated these Suspicions; that Protestant Sermons were ●●ready banished the Court and Armies; and consequently the Reform; seeing it was impossible for them to live at Court without serving God, or to expose themselves in the Army without ●…y hope of Comfort, and without assurance of Christian Burial; ●●at they were contriving to debar them from all places in the Exchequer, Courts of Justice, and City Magistracy, for which they had ●…ver yet been importunate with him; that it was not just they ●ould injure their Posterity to that degree, as to leave them in ●●e Kingdom to be ranked among Jews and Lepers, instead of ●hat was owing to their Services; that they could better endure to ●●e under the late King's Truce, that granted 'em the Exercise of ●●eir Religion at Court and in the Army, the Salary of their Mi●●sters out of the Exchequer, Places of Safety in every Bai●ick or Senescalship; and that besides had promised them a ●estitution of the Edicts before the year was ended. Finally 〈…〉 added by way of Advice, That these Considerations had wea●…d the Patience of the King's Servants, who knew not what answer to make; that now there was no time for Delays; that ●●●ir minds were tired, yet heaving and tossing, and upon seeking ●●emedy from Despair; that to take off their desire for a Pro●●tor, it was requisite the King should free them from that ne●●●sity, by being himself the Person, by preventing 'em, and ta●●●g 'em into his Care; that he knew what would benefit or annoy ●…; that he needed no more than only call to mind the Petitions that he had presented for them to his Predecessors; that they had lost nothing of their Justice; and that they ought to have gained somewhat by the Increase of his Authority, seeing it was in his power if he pleased, to be the Judge and Advocate, the Obtainer and Donor all at once.  
The Catholics seemed to fear, lest these different Motions 
Insults of the Catholics.  should not make an Impression deep enough on their Minds; therefore they exasperated them by insulting Language. Some of them called the Reformed Sots and Blockheads, that knew not how to take hold of the occasion, and had suffered the time to slip that was fit for their purpose. This sort of Drollery was so much the more nipping, because that when they pressed the King to think on them, it was cast in their Teeth, that they had mistaken the time; and were threatened, that one day they might very well lose what they should obtain this way. And they have ever since been thus dealt with. All the Methods they have taken or proposed for their Safety have been accounted punishable Rebellions; as also whatever they have done to keep their Enemies from destroying them: And when they suffered without muttering one Word, all the ways that have been undertaken to oppress them, they were styled Stupids' and Rustics, that knew not how to defend themselves.  
Du Plessis' Letter having prepared the King for such Discourses as the Deputies were like to assail him with, He desired again ●● see him at Chartres, to accustom himself to the Presence of the Reformed, as well as to their Remonstrances; persuading himself that if what he should say made any Impression on his Mind▪ ● would suffice to persuade the rest, who put an extraordinary Confidence in that Gentleman. He saw him therefore, and excused himself the best he could, striving to make him believe, that he Change was altogether feigned and forced, so far as to detest those that had done the like in imitation of him; and protesting that he had Sacrificed himself for his People, and chiefly to procure with more ease the Peace of the Churches, which he then called as he did a long time after, our Churches, as if he had still he● some Communion with them. These Reasons were the Satisfaction that he gave the Reformed of his Court, to whom he Change seemed inexcusable; and would tell them, even befo●● he had put it in execution, that he made himself an Anathema for his Brethren, whose rest he well saw could not otherwise be procured. Du Plessis seemed not to be satisfied with these Excuses, nor to build upon the hopes the King gave him of reforming Religion: but the assurance which he gave him that his affection for the Reformed was not altered, might be a greater satisfaction to him.  
In the mean time the Royal Catholics having made themselves Masters of the King by his change, were nothing the juster towards the Reformed; they omitted no occasion of rendering them suspected or odious, in which they spared not Calumny itself. It was for that purpose that a Rumour was spread amongst the People, that duPlessis had intended to murder all the Catholics of Saumur on the Eve of St. Bartholomew, to revenge the Reformed that had been served so twenty years before at Paris. He understood very well the malignity of this Artifice, which ten●ed to render all the Reformed suspected of a like design, in all ●he places where they were the strongest: because it was more ●han probable, that a Lord of that Wisdom and Authority would ●ot alone undertake the project of this Vengeance, which would ●e too small for to extend only on the Catholics of Saumur: Therefore he was willing to refute that Calumny in due Form. He complained to the Parliament of it; information was ●ade against the Authors of this Report, which was easily ●inc'd to be false: but the party impeached was not punished as Du Plessis' expected. On the other hand, the Catholics strove ●ith great vigour, to keep the Deputies of the Churches from ●●ming into the King's Presence: whether they feared that their 
Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing him.  ●●ght might shake him, he being as yet not well grounded; or ●at they strove to hinder the Favours he was prepared to grant ●●em, to make them forget his change. But the King being very ●ath to send back the Reformed Deputies without hearing them, the catholics endeavoured to keep him at least from seeing themall, and ●ould fain have admitted no more than six into his Presence: But Du Plessis got the King to resolve the contrary. However the Catholics without losing courage, endeavoured to weary the Deputies at ●antes, amusing the King near Fecamp, and other places of Normandy, ●● give them occasion to Believe that the King shunned 'em, and was not willing to come to the speech of 'em: and moreover they put him in some fear of the Pope, who would be offended if he gave so soon, and so publicly, any token of affection to the Reformed. But du Plessis still got the better of these Artifices; the King went to Nantes, saw all the Deputies, heard their Complaints and Reproaches, they wanting neither Strength nor Courage, made them fair Promises, heard Precedent Feydeau that spoke for them, received the Memorial of their Demands, charged the Chancellor to examine it, and made them hope he would give them satisfaction.  
The Catholics not being able to hinder him from seeing 
Project of an Edict.  them, endeavoured at least to hinder his satisfying them; and advised him to send them home with a promise to answer their Memorial in three Months. But the Marshal de Bovillon and du Plessis showed so many inconveniencies in that advice, the suspicions so lawful, that the Deputy's return would give the Churches, without carrying back any thing but words; so many sad Consequences of despair that such a conduct would cast the Reformed into, that the King took a contrary advice. And because they always alleged the Pope, who had not as yet approved the King's absolution, and how the Edict that would be given the Reformed would hinder his approving it; they replied, that there was no heed to be given to the Pope, when their affairs were in agitation, because they knew but too well that he would never be pleased that any thing should be done in their favour. But to testify that the King's Service was as dear to them before as after his change, and that they were not willing their Precipitation should bring him any prejudice, they did agree that the publishing of the Edict which would be granted them might be deferred, provided the Memorial was presently examined, and the Edict drawn up in order to its Publication at a less ticklish Juncture. They therefore obtained that seven Catholic Commissaries should be named that what they should conclude might be the more authorized: and in this very number were some of the most rigid, to ta●●● away all causes of murmuring if the business should be carried on without them. But these Commissaries knew not where to begin; whether their design was to frustrate the persuits of the Reformed, and to put them off to a time that the King's Conversion should not be a new thing; or that out of their zeal for Religion they were not willing to grant any thing to those that they held for Heretics. So that after several Conferences, wherein time was spent, the Marshal Duke de Bovillon, and du Plessis, were added to the Catholics, who soon agreed with them upon several Articles.  
The chief of them were, that the Edict of 1577 should be 
And to hinder him from satisfying them.  revived with the Interpretations given it in the Conference of Ne●ac and Fleix; that the Edicts extorted by the League to the prejudice of the former should be repealed: That by reason of the changes caused by the disturbances of the League, and the damages that the Reformed had suffered thereby, a new Regulation ●hould be made by way of amends for their Losses, conformably ●o which the Chancellor and Secretaries of State should govern themselves upon occasions, and give the necessary advices to the parliaments, in the Affairs that should be Transacted by them; That the Catholic Religion should be re-established in all places ●●at the War had banished its Exercise from, which should be per●rmed without Fraud, and without Prejudice to the Reformed: ●hat the Reformed should exercise theirs in the Cities under the ●ing's Obedience, Because the War hindered them from assembling ●ith safety in the Country; which however the King should or●●r according to the places: That when the King's Sister was at ●ourt, the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be in ●●r House; and in her absence, only in the Families of Lords, ●●ongst whom were reckoned, namely, the Duke de Bovillon, a Trimoville, Rohan, du Plessis, yet with that reservation, that 〈…〉 Psalms should be sung there: That it should also be in the Ar●y, whether the King was present or absent, in the Quarters the Captains of the Gendarms, and Camp-masters: That no Oath ●ade, or to be made, should be a prejudice to the Article ●reed to: That a Fund should be appointed for the Sa●y of their Pastors, according to the Rolls certified by the provinces, and that it should be charged upon the Provinces ●●der the name of Madam: That the Legacies and Gifts that ●●ght be bequeathed to the Churches and Poor should be valid, ●…d that the Reformed should be admitted to sue for the Payment ●●ereof after the ordinary ways: That the Children of the Reformed should be brought up in the Religion of their Parents, tho' the Fathers and Mothers of them should not order the same in their last Will. They added verbally to all these Articles that were written down, that the Reformed might build and rend Colleges for the instructing their Youth.  
The Reformed Commissaries got an Article to be inserted 
Precautions against the Oaths of the Order of the H. Ghost, and the Coronation.  against the Oaths, under pretence of which all the Promises that should be made might be evaded; because they knew very well that the King was to take the Oath of the Order of the Holy Ghost, and that at his Consecration he would be made to take another, whereby he should be obliged to extirpate the Heretics. In like manner they obtained, that the Fund appointed for the maintaining their Pastors should be charged upon the State, under the name of Madam, by reason the Catholics looked on it as a very grievous thing, that the States of a most Christian King should be charged with the Maintenance of Heretical Ministers. But when these Articles were communicated to the Deputies of the Churches, they were not satisfied with them for two principal Reasons. The first was, That there was no care taken, that Justice should be administered to them as well as to Catholics; whereas the Parliaments and other Judges did them great Injustices in Civil Matters, and great Cruelties in Criminal ones, as if the Protection of Laws and Common Right had not belonged to them. Add to this, That the reviving the Edict of 1577. which seemed to provide for that, did not free them from their fear 〈…〉 being deprived of its effect, by the same Frauds of which they had● Trial under the Reign of Henry III. The second was, that the Securities given them did not seem sufficient against the Animosities of the Catholics; os which they had a fresh example by the peevishness of the Commissaries that had treated with the Marshal de Bovillon and du Plessis. It had appeared by all their former Behaviour, but still more by their sharp and unjust Co●testations which they had upon each Article of the Memorial. So that the remembrance of past Cruelties and Treacheries, suffered not the Reformed to rely on the goodness of Enemies▪ whose hatred nothing could assuage. Therefore they represented to the King the insufficiency of the Articles, granted them: but all was in vain. The Council permitted not that any addition should be made to the things agreed on, and the King who had reason to manage the Catholics more then ever, durst not incense 'em by giving the Reformed too much Satisfaction. The Deputies of the Churches were therefore forced to retire, as if it were to give those that sent 'em an account of their Negotiation: and they carried 
The Reformed dissatisfied of the Project, neither accept nor refuse them. Assemblies permisted, Union renewed with the King '▪ approbation▪  into their Provinces the Articles granted, without either accepting or refusing 'em, as if they were to consider 'em more at large with their Brethren.  
'Tis true, the King gave them leave to call a Provincial Assemblies, there to make a Report of their Deputation; and to prepare them for a general Assembly, which they held at St. Foy the ensuing year. They also obtained leave to call a National Synod to regulate their Ecclesiastic affairs, which were in some confusion. But that which most favoured them was, that even before the King's face and with his Approbation, they renewed at Nantes the Union of the Churches, to live and to die in the maintenance and defence of their Confession of Faith, as they had already sworn at the Assemblies of Nimes, Millaud, Montauban, and Rochel. But these former Oaths had been made under the authority of a Protector of their own Religion: That of Nantes was the first they made with the consent of a King that had embraced a contrary Communion. Du Plessis put this Notion in their heads, and advised them to let the ●ing know it. They did so, and the King, whether in that he ●●llow'd his own Inclinations, which favoured 'em in the main, 〈…〉 that he judged it was not a time to disapprove it, not on●● permitted them to renew their Union, but exhorted 'em 〈…〉 it, as a thing necessary for their Preservation; and said nothing 〈…〉 them that might make 'em think he believed their Oath was prejudicial to his Service. For this clause was always inserted in the Acts 〈…〉 the Union, that it was made under the King's Obedience, and without quitting the fidelity that was due to him. It would have ●een difficult, I grant, but on t'other hand, it would not have ●●en just to oppose such an Union, seeing that in effect to hinder ●●ople from uniting themselves for their own safety, when they ●●ve formidable Enemies to deal with, would be a direct Dearation that they were resolved to destroy 'em; therefore this Union of the Churches which has made so great a noise, and which has served Lewis XIII. for a pretence to ruin the Reformed, was in its beginning equally innocent and necessary: Since natural right of self-preservation grounded the necessity of it, and for that the Approdation and Exhortation of the King who authorised 'em, was lawful and no way to be blamed.  
This hindered not, but that whilst the Deputies of the Reformed stayed at Nantes▪ great endeavours were used by the force of Intrigues 
Artifies to corrupt the Ministers.  to corrupt some of 'em, either to sow division amongst 'em, or to colour the King's Change by some new Prevarication of the Ministers. Matters had been prepared for it, by procuring the Deputation of some Provinces for such Persons as were judged most pliable to the Promises of the Court. Rotan a famous Minister was suspected to help on these Artifices, whether he was really charmed by the expectance of some Favours, or that he feigned as if he harkened to 'em that so he might be made a Deputy; because that Commission than was of no small consequence to honour those it was given to. A Conference was therefore begun, to which du Perron was admitted, as assured of Victory, by the Collusion of his Adversary. The dispute ran upon the sufficiency of Scripture, and upon the Interpretation of the 16 verse of the 3 Chapter of the 11 Epistle of Paul to Timothy. But Rotan not daring, either in Honour or Conscience, to be so base as he was reported to have promised, feigned himself sick, which freed him from that trouble. Beraud a Minister of Montauban took his place, but the Conference was soon at an end, when they saw that there was nothing to be expected from the fraud agreed upon with Rotan. The Clergy sound out the means to break it, without seeming to shun it; and the Ministers on their part offered to take it up when ever occasion should offer: But by reason these offers hindered not the Clergy to boast that they had made the Ministers give ground, Berand and Rotan got the National Synod held a● Montauban the following year, to approve what they had done a● the Conference. Beraud persuaded Rotan to lay all upon himself; and this approbation stifled men's suspicion, that the latter held any fraudulent Correspondence with the Adversaries: and to show that they did not stand in fear of the Bishops, the Synod named one and Twenty Persons of their Body, to whom they gave authority of chase Twelve of their own number to continue the Conference, whenever the Catholics would reassume it. Amongst these Electors were three Foreign Ministers; one from Geneva, one from England, and one from Holland.  
The departure of the Deputies put an end to these dangerous Intrigues; but the Reformed soon after were set upon by new Artifices: And secret Orders were sent into the Provinces, to hinder their Ministers from using in their Sermons too hard Expressions against the King's Change, and they were forbid to call it a Revolt. Thus whilst on the one hand the Suffrages of some Preachers of the League were bought off with ready Money, to engage 'em to speak advantageously of the King's Conversion in their Pulpits, the same means was mostly used to stop the Ministers Mouths, and to make 'em speak modestly concerning the same thing. Hereby it was expected that the Reformed People coming to hear this Action of their Prince spoken of with so much Moderation, might be the more easily inclined to imitate Him. Moreover there arose a World of Reconcilers of Religion, who 
A design of reuniting.  looking upon the Accommodations as very proper to flatter the King's Conscience, by these unworthy means aspired to Rewards ●nd Salaries. These Reconciliations wrought upon some Ministers; but that which was most surprising, was, that a whole Province was taken with these illusory Projects, and had the Boldness to charge their Deputies to carry a Proposal of the ●ame to the Synod of Montauban. These Artifices corrupted ma●y People, and occasioned much trouble to several wise and ●onest Men, that were for preserving the advantages of Religion and the Rights of Conscience, without disturbing the Peace of ●he Churches.  
On the other hand, the King's Negotiations with the Pope gave new Alarms to the Reformed, who feared lest they should pay ●he Expenses of the Reconciliation betwixt these two Potentates. The Duke of Nevers being sent to Rome, seemed fit for the speedy concluding of this business, because that as a zealous Catholic, ●nd originally an Italian, he would be acceptable to the Pope; ●nd as affectionate to the King, he would mind his Interest. In ●ffect he was very intent upon the matter, and plied the Pope in a ●ost submissive and earnest manner: But he got nothing by his Importunity. The Pope believed the League to be still strong enough to hold out a long time against the King's Power; and according to the Maxims of Rome, he continued inflexible, as long as he thought things could not be done without him. The Duke of Nevers has 
The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome.  thought fit in his Memoirs to make a particular Observation of the little knowledge that Court has of the Gospel; where nevertheless, the Name of Religion serves for a Cloak for all things. He relates, that as he was one day remonstrating to the Cardinal of Toledo, how just it was that the Pope should kindly accept the Offers of the King that courted him, seeing his Duty obliged him, like the good Shepherd that seeks for the strayed Sheep, to have courted himself that Prince, were he still strayed from his Flock; This Cardinal, one of the most learned and famous of the College, answered him, That it did not stand with the Dignity of Jesus Christ to run after the strayed. And continuing the same Discourse, he named the Apostle St. Andrew in a thing that the Evangelist St. John attributes to St. Philip; wherein the Duke, who knew more than he, made no Scruple to show him his Error.  
These Rigours of the Pope, and the bad Success of the Embassy of the Duke of Nevers, who was not a little grieved to see that they did but laugh at the Miseries of France in Rome, and in whose Presence this same Cardinal had presumed to say, smiling at the Description he made of 'em, That he did not know how to help 'em; All this, I say, made some of the Reformed take heart, in hopes to see a Schism that might happen to their Advantage. But those who understood better the Roman Policy judged otherwise, and believed, that all these Scruples were raised only for to enhance the price of the King's Reconciliation, and to draw more advantageous Conditions from him; amongst which they highly feared, least destroying the Heretics, as one of the chiefest, should be inserted. It is true, the King had charged the Duke of Nevers to let the Pope know, if he were capable of harkening to Reason, that considering the present posture of Affairs, he ought not be obliged either to destroy the Reformed, nor to promise the compassing of it one day, because they were strong enough to stand in their own Defence, and had well fortified Holds to retire to. In consideration of which he besought the Pope not to take it ill, that some other more moderate Course might be taken for the good of the Catholic Religion, without mentioning the Destruction of the Reformed. Pisani, who had made a Voyage to Italy before the Duke, had also been charged with the like Instructions. But the Reformed were not ignorant of the Artifices of the Court of Rome, that takes her Measures afar off to bring about her Designs, whereof she never loses sight. The Pope also explained himself clearly enough upon this Subject; and tho' he had resolved to give no positive Answer to the Duke of Nevers, when he asked him, what he would have the King do in order to obtain his Absolution; ●et told him, to be rid of his Importunities, that the King should do the contrary of all that he had done till that time. The Reformed understood well the meaning of those Words. They were not obscure to those that knew with what earnestness the Court of Rome had, and still did endeavour throughout all Europe, to destroy the Protestants: They saw well, that the Pope's meaning was, that the King who to that time had been the Protector of the Reformed, must for the future persecute and destroy 'em. They were moreover well informed, that divers Advices were 
The fears that the King and Pope's reconciliation gave the Reform▪  given the King to divert him from favouring them; and that it was evermore represented to him, that that was the only ●●ans to bring back all the Catholics into his Service, and bind ●he Pope to his Interests.  
Mean while the Truce which the King had made with the Heads of the League immediately after his Conversion, under pretence 
Truce to the King's prejudice.  ●f reuniting their Minds, and to wean them from the War, ended with the Year. It was at first made for Three Months, and ●●en was continued. The Reformed of the Council opposed it ●ith all their might, and endeavoured to make the King sensi●●e, that this Truce would prove the Ruin of his Affairs; because it would delay the good Intentions of those that were in●…inable to return to their Obedience, and give the Heads of the ●…eague time to re-encourage their Party that began to shake, and ●● Opportunity of treating more advantageously with the Spani●●ds. But this Advice was rejected by them who foresaw that ●…e design of a Peace would throw the Reformed into despair, who ●●und more safety for themselves in the Continuation of the War. Yet ●…me convinced the World that their Counsel was both wholesome and unbiased. The particular Heads of the League stuck close one to another whilst the Truce lasted, hoping that All together should obtain better Conditions then separate and divided; and the Heads made a bad use of it to draw more Succours from the Spaniards, who were desirous to continue the Troubles in the Kingdom. The King therefore published a Declaration, setting forth his Reasons for discontinuing a Truce so hurtful to his Interests. But the face of things changed as soon as ever the Truce was expired, and most of the Cities treated. Meaux was the first that submitted, following the Example 
Reduction of Meaux and other Towns.  of Vitri the Governor. She drew great advantages from her submitting, and the Edict that was given her served for a Model to the rest under the same Circumstances.  
All these Surrendring gave new Jealousies to the Reformed, 
Clauses in the Treaties that prejudice the Reformed.  against whose Liberties there were always some Clauses inserted in the Treaties of the Governors and Cities. The very Articles that were agreed upon at Nantes were almost all violated by these new Edicts; and the Reformed after all these Infringements, found themselves in as bad a posture as at the beginning. All the Towns did not show an equal Aversion for them; but they all agreed, that no other Religion than the Catholic should be exercised within their Walls Meaux was content to exclude out of her Cities and Suburbs the Exercise of the Reformed Religion. Others banished it their 
* The Circuit of a League from any Town, being within the Precinct or Jurisdiction of it.  Banlieve. Several reduced it to the Limits of the Edict of 1577. fearing least the Service of the Reformed should get 'em a more extended Liberty Several desired that the Exercise of the Reformed might be remous from the Jurisdiction of their Bailiwick. Some added pain of Death to those that should break the Conditions. Paris removed the Liberty desired by the Reformed Ten Leagues round. Villars banished it Rouen, and all the Towns and Places that he caused to submit to the King's Obedience; and added, That there should be neither Judge nor Officer that was not a Catholic employed therein, and did not live according to the Constitutions of the Romish Church. But to temperate this rigorous Clause, it was subjoined, that this should only last till the King had otherwise ordered it Poitieres, besides the removal of the Exercise of the Reformed from the Town and Suburbs, and from all the places that the Edict of 1577. did not permit, demanded that the Catholic Religion might be restored in divers places of Poitou. Again limited her Bonlieve to half a league round, where the Reformed Religion should not be exercised. Amiens prohibited it in the City and whole Bailywick, without having respect to the Edict of 1577. Beauvois obtained that it should be no nearer than three Leagues about, nor in any places of the Bailywick, but where it had been in the late King's time. S. Malo treated after the same manner. The Towns and Lords that returned latest to their duty, followed the example of the rest, and got what they could from the King against the Reformed Religion.  
Some of the Edicts were published before the Reformed had form the Assembly they were permitted to hold at St. Foy; ●o that they had time to see what they were to expect from the Reconciliation of their old Enemies with the King, and to be confirmed in their fears of seeing the Kingdom pacified at their ●ost. They saw even some of those Cities, which having held ●or the King, revive their zeal after the example of the Towns of ●he League; and pretended that their fidelity should not deprive 'em ●f the Advantages granted to Rebels; whence they drew this consequence, that they ought not to be forced to suffer the exercise of the Reformed Religion, seeing such were freed from it as ●ad for a long time stood out against the King. But their alarms ●ill increased by the Ceremony of the King's Coronation, which ●as celebrated at Chartres, because Rheims was as yet in the ●ands of the League. The Clergy that never forgot their ●●terest in Ceremonies of this kind, which they have introduced ●●ther through Ambition then Necessity, inserted a Clause in the Oath that was then taken by the King, whereby he was bound 〈…〉 express words, to root out Heresy. He is made to swear, ●fter some other things that concern Justice and public Tranquity, I shall to the utmost of my power sincerely endeavour to drive ●●om my Jurisdiction and Lands of my Subjection all Heretics de●ar'd 
Oath of the Consecration.  by the Church▪ The Reformed knew well what share they had 〈…〉 this Article of the Oath, they to whom what Catholics call the Church, had so often declared their meaning; they against whom the ●opes had raised such cruel Persecutions; and they to whom the ●rench, and even those of the King's Party gave every day the odious name of Heretics. But part of the Suspicion which this Clause might give, was removed by granting the Reformed a Brief, wherein the King assured 'em that he did not mean Them in that Oath: And they had in foam measure provided a Remedy against this fear, by one of the Articles that were agreed on at Nantes.  
Another cause of jealousy was the Favour into which the Jesuits 
The Jesuits Answer.  had crept a little after the King had changed his Religion, and chiefly after the Reduction of Paris. The Cardinal de Bourbon had undertaken to establish 'em, in spite of the oppositions of the University. The Duke of Nevers upheld 'em with his whole Credit; and many Lords openly protected them. Part of the Parliament was for 'em; the King himself, who was brought to any thing in hopes to soften the Pope, favoured 'em. Their cause was pleaded pro and con; the Rights of the University were maintained with utmost vehemency. Arnauld their Advocate, enlarged much upon the Inclination, altogether Spanish, of that Society, whose Founder had made a vow of mortal hatred against France; and showed how formidable their power was. They had increased in fifty years to the number of ten Thousand men; they had already two Hundred twenty eight Houses; two Millions of Gold Revenue; great Lordships; Cardinals in their order: all which clearly showed that they owed this propagation to their unquiet, covetous, and ambitious Disposition. But it appeared at that very time that they had a great credit in France, seeing their Cause was pleaded privately to avoid Scandal. That is to say, these Refined Politicians by means of their Friends, prevented their being told their own in a public Audience: Whence the wise might perceive, that it was not safe to offend 'em. The Reformed beheld the Settlement of the Jesuits as an ill omen for them, because they were their sworn Enemies; born on purpose to oppose the Reformation; and the ordinary Instruments of all their Persecutions. Moreover the Society was altogether Spanishly affected; and consequently engaged to persecute the Reformed, whose ruin Spain sought with all the strength of her Policy. But this 
Injustices done to the Reformed.  terror did not go far; the matter was not decided; and e'er the year was ended, there fell out things that found the Jesuits other Intrigues to disentangle.  
The Reformed were still denied any places of trust; and there 
1594.  were Catholics so unjust upon that matter, that they chose rather to see the King lose a place, then to suffer a Reformed to have the Government of it. D' O. publicly said, that it were better Catelet, a Frontier place of Picardy, should be taken by the Spaniards, then that a Protestant should have the keeping of it, because it wou●d be easier to retake it from the King of Spain, then to drive a Reformed Captain out of it; But what made the Reformed more sensible of the injury of this denial was, that whilst they were deprived of lesser Offices, the chiefest places of the State were given to the Leaguers, that demanded them for returning to their Obedience: As if Rebellion had given more right to the highest Dignities, then long Service, and tried Loyalty to the lesser ones. Nay at Tours itself would they make Recorders and Notaries take an Oath, of living and dying in the Catholic Religion; which if it were not done, the place was declared vacant and free for the purchase of another. This so unequal a distribution of Recompenses mortally offended the Protestants, who not without a just Resentment, found that the Parliament made no Scruple to Register the Patents for Admiral or Marshal of France, granted to the Heads of the Rebels; yet would not admit an Usher or a Proctor of the Reformed Religion, without obliging him to swear that he would live a good Catholic. Nor was this all; the Governments and Places were taken from the Reformed, and at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies. Divers pretences were contrived, either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held, or to persuade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while. Valognes' in Normandy was taken from 'em, under a pretence that it signified nothing to keep it, because two or three useless Forts about it were razed. Mention was made of demolishing all the places that kept Poitiers blocked up, as soon as that great Town would be reduced. The Baron of Courtomer also was deprived of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place: and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given. The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasioned by such Acts of Injustice, paid the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man, at whose return, after a shameful wasting of his Wealth; his Father killed the fatted Calf, for Joy of his Repentance. 
1593.  But they answered, that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful, and to whom his Father said, Son, all that I have is thine. That if they were resolved to spend the revenue of the Family, in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him, it was but just at least to make him a sharer, to whom it was said, Son, thou hast always been with me: That certainly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrificed for the return of the other; nor to be despoiled of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampled under Foot the Authority of his Father.  
Besides these general affairs, there happened others particular in many places, which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate. The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order, commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses, Images, Banners, and Shrines, when they should meet 'em in the streets. This seemed to be of consequence, because it was done as 'twere in the very Presence of the King, who seemed to Authorise, seeing he did not hinder it. An order of the Judges of Lions drove from the City and its Jurisdiction, upon pain of Death, all those that should not profess the Catholic Religion. The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Punishment, the selling, reading, or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion. That of Bourdeaux had made an Act, that authorised the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed, which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Churchyards of the Catholics. The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the payment of Ministers, were of no effect. The Courts that were promised for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc, were not set up, though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse, against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury. At Orleans the Officers already received were deposed. The Parliament of Rouen caused the Proctors and Advocates to make a public Abjuration, before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar: And even at Tours, the Parliament before its return to Paris, had caused a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Abjuration, afore his Patents could be registered; which appeared so 
1594.  much the more strange, that Saumur was a Town of Safety.  
Among the Reformed Lords, there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party. Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine, where he was very powerful. His manners were irregular, and his Life not very edifying. He was covetous, ambitious and debauched; and he had joined himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession, rather because their Religion had been the raising of his Fortune, than out of any real Piety. There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daughter with la Trimoville, or the Marshal de Bovillon, which would have very much advanced the Affairs of the Reformed. But the Court prevented those Alliances; and a little after that, Lesdiguieres married her to Crequi, a zealous Catholic. Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion. He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side; so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances, and those but very superficial too. There were also Governors both of the Provinces, and of strong Towns, whose Character was much the same; who though in the main they were persuaded that their Religion was right, nevertheless were so strongly engaged with the Court, that 'twas not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren. But there were several others who laid things more to heart, and who used all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises, and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons, and the Exercise of their Religion. The Marshal de Bovillon was one of these, and in greatest Authority: A Person of great Merit and great Ambition. He had the Reputation of a good Headpiece in the Council, and of a great Captain in the Field, in Credit with Foreign Princes, and capable to be the Head of a Party. His Estate was considerable, and he had Places of Strength in his Hands. More especially Sedan, which, as he said, belonged to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife, who died but a little before without Children, and was a Place of great Consequence, as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom. La Trimoville was next to him: Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each other, but that they aimed both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance, in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice, to whom the United Provinces had granted part of that Power, which William his Father had exercised until his Death. La Trimoville was Young, Brave, Resolute, Daring, Courteous, Generous, Powerful in Poictou, and drew a great Train of Nobility after him. The Court accused him of being a Lover of Quarrels, and of being Headstrong. But others gave him a better Character; That he was one who would listen to Reason, understood it, and was capable of good Counsel; and looked upon him as a Person endued with great Qualities, happy natural Parts; and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect Hero. The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde, his Nephew, Presumptive Heir of the Crown, because the King had no Legitimate Issue, and was by no means to be reconciled to Queen Margaret de Valois his Wife, somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart, and made him looked upon with more Respect by the Reformed, who despaired not one day to see him their Master's Governor. But on the other side it rendered him suspected and odious to the Court, where his Genius was dreaded. Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli, where the Prince of Conde was brought up, were much disgusted; of which I shall tell the reason in another place. And his vivacious and courageous manner of supporting the Heretics afterwards, rendered him still more suspected. The King hated him, because he thought himself despised by him, tho' he had done him great Services: And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Air of a Threat, it was always taken in ill part, because they thought him capable of doing more than threaten.  
These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another, and laid before each other the King's Easiness, the Tricks and Artifices of Rome, the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers, who sufficiently showed by the Articles of their Treaties, their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion. There were also a great number of Lords, Governors of Places, Captains and Persons in Authority, who lay under the same Terrors; among whom there were some, who having seen the times wherein Massacre and Treachery were so rise, made no question but there was a design to destroy the Reformation, as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity. The Catholics did those who were thus Charactered the Honour to call 'em Brovillons, Troublesom, Restless Disturbers of the Public Peace. As if People, with whom they had so often broke their Words, were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienced, and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions. Du Plessis, who made a Conscience of Religion, was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it; and a great part of the Affairs, that tended that way, were managed by his Counsels. But in regard he was a Person of known Probity, the King still put a Confidence in him, and followed his Advice in many things, because his Enemies themselves acknowledged 'em to be both prudent and sincere, tho' they were often uttered with great Boldness and Liberty. He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies; who appeased those who were overhot and furious; who put a stop to those that ran too fast, and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches, yet never failed in his Obedience. There was no body that laboured so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience, during Negotiations for Four years together, at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials, through the Severity, Delays and Artifices of the Court, before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions.  
These various Inclinations appeared in all the National Assemblies, both Temporal and Ecclesiastical, which were held for naming of Deputies, and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy. There were some of those particular Assemblies, wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the Kingdom; or whether there should be a Form of Government erected, to stand upon their own Legs without Protection. But the whole was referred to the General Assembly to be there consulted. Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bovillon, who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector, or some other Prince of his House, and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom, setting aside the Princes of the Blood, whose Interests were such, that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by 'em. He was in hopes by this means, that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands; that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousy under a Superior, then if he enjoyed it in his own Name. But the Reformed, more especially they who were called Consistorials, were weary of Personal Protection; and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caused 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny.  
There could be no National Synods assembled since the Year 
Synod at Montauban.  1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban, a City far remote from the Court, and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause, made amends for that long Interval of lost Time, and handled Affairs of great Importance. The first of all their Cares was to order Public Prayers 
Orders and Prayers for the King's Prosperity.  for the King's Prosperity; to the end it might appear, that his changing his Religion had not disengaged 'em either from obeying or serving him. And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange, who refused to pray for the King, tho' he were a Catholic, and Crowned with the usual Ceremonies. This Diametrical Opposition of Duty in the one, and Contumaciousness in the other, plainly made it apparent, on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found. And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were, when they heard those, whose Religion the Prince had relinquished, pray to God, according to the usual Custom, for the Success of his Arms; while they whose Doctrine he had embraced, refused to name him in their Supplications to Heaven. But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Prosperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion, the same Assembly ordered that 
And to bring him back to the Reformed Religion.  Prayers should be said at the same time, that God would vouchsafe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted; that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God; and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person, to make him some Remonstrances.  
After this, the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs, 
Disowns the Province of the Island of France in several particulars.  the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France. The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province, and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em, the Reformed in those Quarters had been obliged to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importunately sued for. This Proceeding was disowned by the Synod, as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Nantes, where they had obtained a Promise of a new Regulation, which should enlarge that Edict; and the Society gave in charge, that their Complaints should be carried to the General Assembly at St. Foy, which was convened the Month following. The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict, were, because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds, that they could no longer be assured of having any Advantage by it; that something was ●…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League. That the Reformed, since that time, having performed many faithful and important Services, it was but just, that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Privileges, they should grant ●…em new ones in recompense for their loss of Blood, and Hardship undergone. That, in short, that Edict was granted at a time, when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood, who was their Guarantee for the Observation of it: ●ut now that Prince having quitted their Party, the face of Affairs was so changed. that they had no Assurance of Security in ●…n Edict, without Warranty; and therefore they wanted another ●uarant, or that their Lives and their Consciences might be provided for by some other way more solid.  
The same Province had also fallen into another Snare of the ●ourt. They had given 'em a taste of a Project of Accommodation with the Catholics, under pretence of uniting with 'em in defence of the Liberty of the Gallican Church, against the Enterprises of the Popes. These Deputies came to the Synod with ●…junctions to make the Proposal; and withal to add another for ●…e naming of competent Judges on both sides, to whom both party's should refer themselves for the Decision of Controversies. ●nd because the Court was afraid of these frequent Assemblies, ●…ey so ordered it, that the same Deputies desired that Synods might be but rarely held, and only upon important Occasions. The Mischief proceeded from hence, that they who carried the sway within that Province, were every day with the Courtiers, who lost no opportunity of laying before 'em the King's Power, who gathered strength every day more than other; and therefore if they were over nice to day, they might be forced to repent to morrow. They gave 'em farther to understand, that when the season ceased to favour 'em, it would be in vain for 'em to wish back those opportunities of securing themselves which they lost; and that in regard they were not so numerously strong in the Provinces about Paris, they would be the first oppressed, as being the most easily destroyed. The Promises and Favours, of which the Court were prodigal, to those that turned their weak side to the Enemy, afforded also more Strength and Weight to the same Illusions. But the Synod, which sat in a place of security, was not so weak as to relish those Proposals, which were therefore utterly rejected. Nevertheless, this was the Ground and Beginning of a strange variety of Opinions and Prospects, the effects of which have continued ever since. The Southern Provinces of the Kingdom, either as being the remotest from the Court, and consequently less dazzled with the marks of Grandeur; or else as being the strongest both for Number and Quality of the Reformed, or for the Number and Strength of the Places which they possessed, were generally inclined to more vigorous and resolute Opinions; whereas the Provinces adjoining to Paris have followed the Example of that Metropolis, whose Counsels have always recommended Submission and Patience. Posterity will judge better than we, whether the aptness of the one to learn were an effect of Prudence or Weakness; or whither the vigour of the other proceeded, as the Persecutors give out, from a Spirit of Rebellion, or a constancy no less laudable than just.  
In the mean time the Deputies of the Political Assembly met at St. Foy, to the number of thirty: nor had the Reformed taken out Letters of Permission for the forming of that Assembly. But the King who feared the Consequence, and was not willing to use 'em to so much liberty, which was prejudicial to his Authority, nor desirous to vex 'em by an unseasonable Severity, sent 'em a Brevet which authorised their meeting. Every one brought the Grievances of his Province, and Memoirs conformable to the Hopes or Fears that prevailed among 'em. There was one too among the rest, who proposed the settling a Pension upon one of the Secretaries of State, to make him their Friend at Court: As also to provide another Pension for the King's Mistress, who seemed to have some kind of Inclination and Kindness for the Reformed. To this he added, that 'twas requisite there should be a certain number of Deputies maintained at Paris, who might consult with the Ministers of the Place, and the Lords that were then at Court; and some Officers of the King's Household, if any business fell out that required a more than ordinary Consultation. That Expedient no way displeased the Catholics, because it would have broke the Union of the Reformed, and laid 'em at the Discretion of their Enemies, who would not have had above three or four Persons to manage, easily frightened or as easy to be corrupted by ordinary Artifices. Others brought ample Instructions, to take it into their Consideration, of what importance it was, not to lose the benefit of an Assembly, for which they had so happily obtained a full permission from the King. Long Discourses were made about what might create Distrusts for the future: and Opinions were added concerning what was proper to prevent evil Intentions. Upon occasion of which, they were earnestly advised to insist upon the security which they were to demand, for the performance of things that might be promised 'em.  
The Assembly took all these things into consideration, as far as it was thought needful for the disposing of the Minds of Men to take good Resolutions: but the principal Affair was to lay a solid Foundation of Union. 'Twas thought the King could no ●onger retain the Title of Protector of the Churches, since he had quitted their Religion, and that it was a perfect Contradiction to take upon him the Protection of the Reformed Religion, while he professed another, which obliged him in reason of Conscience to destroy what he pretended to defend. Neither would the Catholics endure that the King should think it an Honour to him to wear that Title, and would be scandalised that a Catholic King should take upon him to be the Protector of Heresy. It behoved 'em therefore to unite under other Auspexes: However they did not think it proper to commit themselves again to the Discretion of a new Protector, but rather chose to take such measures, that their Religion might stand supported by its own Weight, and upon its own Legs. They therefore created a 
Proposals and Regulations for the General Council.  General Council, which was to have all the Authority in the Affairs of Religion, and by their Order all the Provinces were to be governed. To this purpose there was a Regulation drawn up, comprehended in Eight and Twenty Articles, which Ordained how the Assemblies of this Council should be formed for the future. And this Platform was observed in all the Assemblies afterwards with little or no Alteration, only that the number of Provinces and Deputies was augmented. Under the Direction of this Council General it was, that the Affairs of the Reformed began to re-settle, and that it appeared to their Enemies, that it would be no easy thing to ruin 'em. Then 'twas that they began to use the Word We, whereas while they were under the Government of Protectors, the Common Cause was frequently the Pretence to shadow the Interests of the Head of the Party, whose Name alone, and Authority only appeared in all Treaties and Edicts. And it was by the Instances and Importunities of this Council that they obtained the Edict of Nantes: And in regard that after they had set up this new Order among themselves, they were forced to make use of all their Dexterity, Vigour and Patience, before they could procure any firm Peace to themselves; it may be rationally conjectured that they had never obtained it, had they taken any other Course. This Regulation reduced the Number of the Provinces to Ten, every one of which was to send a Deputy to the Assembly. It was decreed that there should be a Distinction of States among the Deputies, according to the Model of the State's General of the Kingdom; since they were desirous that the Deputies should be chosen, some out of the Body of the Nobility, some out of the Body of the Ministers, and some out of the Third Estate. But the Ministers were not allowed the same number as the other two Estates; whether it were for fear, that if they had as equal a Voice as the other two, they would get all the Power into their own Hands; or whether it were, that they thought that the Deputies from the Nobility, or from the Third Estate, being in a Capacity to be also Elders of some Church, tho' they were not Deputies under that Title, the Consistorials would be always strong enough in the Assemblies. So that in the number of chosen Deputies, there were to be Four Gentlemen, Four of the Third Estate, and but only Two Ministers. The Provinces were to send Persons of these distinct Qualities, every one according as they were in degree; and for the better regulating of what Estate the Deputy of every Province should be for the first Assembly that should be held, they had recourse to Lots. 'Twas also agreed that the Deputies should be changed every Year: So that every Six Months the Five Seniors quitted the Service, and gave way to Five others. It was likewise agreed, that Dukes, Lieutenant Generals, or other qualified Persons, should have Voices in the Assemblies, tho' they were no Deputies, provided they were such as might be confided in.  
By the same Regulation Provincial Councils were erected, composed 
Provincial Councils.  of Five or Seven Persons of the Three Estates, and of which one Minister at least was to be a Member, and one Governor of a Town in a Province. These Councils were to answer the General Assembly, and to have the same Authority in their several Jurisdictions, as the Council General had over the whole Kingdom; and particularly to collect, digest, communicate Opinions and Memoirs; maintain Concord among the Grand ones, and appease their Quarrels; make the Distributions of Money that was to be raised for the Common Cause; to have a watchful Eye upon the Garrisons, and to take care of the Fortifications and Stores of the Strong Towns: And there was also a Regulation of the Time that every Deputy was to continue in Service; of the manner of electing Precedents and Secretaries in all Assemblies General and Particular; and of the Signing of Acts and Dispatches. All the Deputies were obliged to take an Oath, and all the Reformed to have a venerable Respect for the Persons thus employed; and they resolved before the end of September, that there should be a Council of this Nature set up in every Province. Measures were also taken there for preserving the Places of Strength, whether the Court went about to take 'em away from the Reformed Governors, or whether the Governors happened to die when the Lord Lieutenant chanced to be a Catholic. It was ordered, that none should be received into those Towns but Soldiers, whose Religion was attested by sufficient Testimonies; and to provide for their Maintenance according to the Model of the last Settlement, in case that any thing were retrenched from the Strength of the Garrisons. Others advised the stopping of the Money called the Deniers du Tablier, and the Money arising from the Impositions and Tax for the Gensdarmes, to the value of the Sum sufficient for the payment of the Garrisons, if they could not be paid otherwise; and if there happened any Prosecutions upon these Proceedings, the Churches were to join together to save harmless those that should be put to Trouble upon that account. They likewise settled a Fund of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns for General Affairs, of which every Province to the South of the Loire was to pay Five Thousand, and the rest Two Thousand Five Hundred. This Sum was to be raised partly upon the Garrisons, detaining one of Fifteen Pays; partly upon the Benefices possessed by the Nobility, of the Revenues of which they were to take the Sixth or Seventh Penny; partly by voluntary Contributions, to which the Ministers were to exhort the richer sort. This Sum was different from those that were set aside for the payment of the Deputies that were to attend the Councils; and the way to raise those Sums was left to the particular Provinces. Some Regulations were made as to those that were willing to advance any Money, or to bestow any thing of Free Gift. The particular Councils were permitted to look after the laying out of that same Sum of Five and Forty Thousand Crowns, reserving to the Assembly General to take Cognizance of the Expense, and to dispose of the Interest as they should see most beneficial for the good of the Churches. There was also Order taken about the manner of communicating Intelligence, which was to be imparted to every particular Flock: Particular Councils were obliged to be assisting to each other for their mutual Defence; and they referred back to the first Assembly, which was ordered to sit at Saumur, certain Affairs which that at St. Foy had not determined; particularly concerning the Maintenance of Pastors, Scholars and Colleges.  
To these were added eight other Private Articles, the first of which imported the Administration of Justice; in order to which, they demanded Chambers half one, half t' other, Catholics and Reformed in all the Parliaments but that of Grenoble, where the Reformed, who did what they pleased under Les Diguieres, were well enough contented with their Condition. And if they could not obtain those Chambers, they took a Resolution to appeal from all Parliaments, Presidial Courts, and all other Royal Judges, in Affairs of which they have the Power to determine without Appeal. And that they would set forth the Causes of Appeal from all those Courts. The Second was, That they would apply themselves to the Mediation of the Queen of England and the States of the United Provinces, because they found the Affairs of the Churches in a deplorable Condition. The Third, That the Grandees should be written to, and exhorted to Piety and Union. The Fourth gave Liberty for that one time, to double the number of Deputies that every Province was to send to the next Assembly, by reason of the Importance of the Affairs which were there to be handled. The fifth ordered, That the Exercise of the Reformed Religion should be forborn in such places where it had been introduced by Surprise, provided it might be done without Tumult or Sedition, and that Mass should be re-established in such places where it had been used before the War: Which was done to bereave the Catholics of that Pretence which they took for not observing the Edicts, because the Reformed broke 'em themselves, in not permitting the Mass to be said in certain places of which they had made themselves the Masters. The sixth put off, till the return of the Deputies that were to be sent to Court, the positive Determination, whether they would admit the Catholics to Offices and Employments in the Cities kept by the Reformed. That is to say, they were willing that the Catholics should understand, that they should have the same as they brought, and that if they would not share Employments with the Reformed, they would exclude the Catholics in those places where they were superior in Strength. The Seventh disowned all that one Province might have done to the Prejudice, and without consulting the rest; which was done to prevent Proceedings like those in the Island of France, of which we have already spoken. The Eighth approved the Union of several Contiguous Provinces in one Provincial Council.  
While this Assembly was sitting. Perigord and some of the 
Sedition of the Croakers.  Neighbouring Provinces were overrun with certain Troops of those Seditious People, commonly called Croakers. Their pretence was to deliver the Country from the Exactions and Violence of the Court; tho' themselves committed the greatest Havoc and Spoil, and did the Peasants the most mischief. These Mutineers were above Forty Thousand Men in Arms, of which above a Third part were of the Reformed Religion. One of the Artifices therefore which they made use of to disperse this Multitude, was to infuse it into the Catholics, that they were not to join themselves with Heretics; more especially not to share with them the Honour of labouring the Reformation of the Kingdom. Which was the reason that the Catholics, upon a Signal given, withdrew, and retired apart by themselves; so that the Reformed found themselves of a sudden ready to be assailed by them that had been their Comrades but a little before. But in regard they were better Armed, and better Soldiers than the Catholics, it only put 'em into a little Fear. Now during the greatest Heat of these Commotions, the Reformed, who had a share in the Sedition, sent certain Deputies to St. Foy, to know whether they could be any ways serviceable to 'em at that same juncture of time. But the Assembly would not so much as listen to 'em; only they advised 'em underhand to make their Peace, and to get good Assurances from the Court never to be prosecuted for their Sedition.  
This Assembly having ordered that the next should be at Saumur, 
Deputies amused at Court.  where the Deputies were to meet the First of December, sent their Deputies to the Court, which was then at St. Germane, where they were amused by many Delays before any real Satisfaction was given 'em. The main thing which they insisted upon, was, the Verification of the Edict, as had been agreed upon at Nantes, and the new Regulation which had been promised 'em, to render their Condition a little better than it had been, under the Benefit of the Edicts. The King shows a great desire to content 'em, and every day renewed to 'em the Promise which he had made. Nevertheless nothing went forward; however to pay the Reformed with some Reason for the Delays which had almost quite tired 'em out of their Patience, the Obstructions of the Verification were all thrown upon the Tricks and Contrivances of the Factious. But notwithstanding this Excuse, the Reformed were exasperated, and were apt to believe that the principal occasion of the Delay proceeded from the Court. And this Suspicion was confirmed by the Offers that were made to the Duke of Mercoeur on the King's behalf, to treat with him in favour of the Catholic Religion for the Towns he held in Britain, and other places; all which tended to exclude, for the King's sake, the Exercise of the Reformed Religion out of a great part of Britain, and several places in the neighbouring Provinces. But 
Pretensions of the D. of Mercoeur.  the Duke, who thought himself strong enough to preserve Britain, insisted upon higher Demands; and he pretended that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was forbid in Normandy, in Maine, in Anjou, Touraine and Poitou, because there were some Castles in those Provinces that held out for him; but which in the main were rather Nests of Robbers then real Fortresses of War. The Reformed were therefore afraid, that whatever he demanded would be granted him; because they had seen by preceding Treaties that nothing was refused the Heads of the League, to the end they might reclaim 'em to Obedience.  
On the other side, the Decay of the League began to be perceived at Rome; and in regard the rigorous Demeanour of the Pope had somewhat shogged the King, and the Catholics of his Party, who had French Hearts; they began likewise in France to neglect the Affairs of Rome. They discoured afresh in France of drawing up a Pragmatic for the conferring of Benefices, and of creating a Patriarch, to preside over all the Clergy. These Discourses caused great Disturbances at Rome, and the King's Prosperity made the Pope believe, that that great Prince might one day make a shift without him. This was the reason that he began in 
Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope.  his turn, to make the first forward steps himself, and that he gave ground by degrees in the business of the Absolution. But he forbore not at first to make such strange Proposals, that mere Disdain refused to hearken to 'em. Those the Spaniards had suggested to him, to prevent his Reconciliation with the King; And the Pope, who was a great Politician, tho' he well knew they were such as would never be granted him, was nevertheless resolved to make 'em, that they might not presume to propose him Offers too far distant from his great Pretensions. But this very hotly alarmed the Reformed, who were afraid that these high Demands had no other than this only aim to obtain their Destruction of the King, and that all of a sudden the Pope would condescend to all the rest, provided they would but content him in that particular Point. For this reason they took all the Delays of the Parliaments for the Presages of their Ruin; because the Edicts not having the force of a Law in the Kingdom, till they are enregistered and qualified to the liking of the Sovereign Courts, all those that had been hitherto granted had proved useless for their Security; since the Parliaments had either absolutely rejected 'em, or verified 'em with odious Limitations. For which reason they looked upon themselves as living still under the benefit only of a simple Truce, liable to broken every day, whenever the King should have a desire to gratify the Court of Rome. The very Word Truce made 'em tremble; because Truces were never made between Fellow-Citizens and Friends, but between People that live in declared Hostility, of which a Truce does but suspend the Effects; whence it followed, that the Reformed were still looked upon as Enemies by the Catholics; far from being treated as Members of one and the same Kingdom, and Legitimate Children of the same Family.  
In this Conjuncture of Affairs the King was wounded in the 
1595.  Mouth by John Chastel, a Disciple of the Jesuits; and the Reformed had that slight Consolation in the midst of their Afflictions and Fears, to see that Society condemned to Banishment by the most August Senate of France. A Pyramid was also ordered to be set up in that part of the House where the Parricide was hatched; upon one of the Faces of which was engraved the Decree that banished the Jesuits out of the Kingdom, and contained the Reasons for inflicting that Punishment upon 'em. But the Parliaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux would not follow the Example of that of Paris; so that the Society kept their footing, till they were again restored, in the Provinces under their Jurisdiction. In the mean while this audacious Attempt made a great Noise at Rome, where d' Ossat highly aggravated the consequence of such an Enterprise, at a time when they were treating so seriously about a Reconciliation between the Pope and the King. But that which this Accident produced of most remarkable, was this, That it drew from the Lips of that Agent for France, altho' a zealous Catholic, and bred up in the Maxims of the Court of Rome, an Authentic Testimony, how highly the Reformed abominate all Crimes of this nature, and of the profound Respect which they bear to the Persons of their Sovereigns. This Prelate giving an account of the Fact to the Pope's Cardinal Nephew, and aggravating the Horror of it, contrived and encouraged by them that called themselves the Support of the Catholic Religion, told him in express Terms, That if ever any body had a 
Testimony which d' Ossat gave the Reformed.  seeming just occasion to make use of such Assassinates, the Heretics had most cause to purchase 'em, and set 'em at work against the King, who has quitted and abandoned 'em, and of whom they had reason to be afraid; nevertheless they never attempted any such thing, either against Him, nor any of the five Kings his Predecessors, whatever Slaughters and Massacres their Majesties had made of the Huguenots.  
This Misfortune did the Reform no unkindness; for it put the King in remembrance that he had never ran the like Risco while he was in their Hands. Whence it came to pass, that he sometimes declared to his Confidents, that as to what concerned the Safety of his Person, he had a far greater Assurance in them, then in the Catholics. On the other side, the Result of the Consultations of the Assembly at St. Foy, gave the Council no small occasion to make particular Reflections; who beheld with Astonishment that numerous Body, without a Chieftain, to reunite the various Members of it; to close and confederate together in their own Defence, and take such proper courses to become formidable to their Enemies. Therefore they would have had it looked upon as a formed Rebellion, and an insolent sort of proceeding, what was done by the Reformed at that time in order to 
Sentiments of the Court touching the Union of the Reformed.  their Preservation. They called the Union a Design to set up a State with separate Interests, and a distinct Government: And because this was spread abroad at that time by passionate and violent Persons, all the Historians that have since put Pen to Paper have not failed to exclaim against that way of proceeding, and to black'n it with furious Declamations; as if it were a Crime to be careful of Self-preservation, when People have Enemies to deal with void of Equity, Faith, Humanity, such as the Catholics had more than once appeared in reference to the Reformed. The King had no reason to be offended at these Precautions, since they were made use of neither against his Person, nor against his Authority; but against a sort of Zealots, who might abuse his Power to oppress the most faithful part of his Subjects; and against the Court of Rome, with whose cruel Intentions, and bloody Maxims all Europe was too well acquainted.  
Nevertheless the King forbore not to disturb these Assemblies, 
Sentiments of the King upon the Assemblies.  and to look upon 'em at least as du Plessis had sometimes represented 'em; that is to say, such as might degenerate, and give occasion to Factious Spirits to raise Commotions and Tumults not easily to be appeased. Which was the reason that sometimes he complained of their being convened, and sometimes he gave express Orders for their Dissolution. But then the King followed rather what his Councils pealed in his Ears, than his own Inclinations; for as soon as others laid before him how dangerous it was to reduce the Reformed to the Provocations of Despair, by depriving 'em the Comfort of those Assemblies, he revoked his former Orders by others, more expressly forbidding their being dissolved. In a word, it was more advantageous for the King to permit that Union of his Subjects, which obliged 'em to request his Leave for the time and place of their Assembling, then to reduce 'em to throw themselves under a Foreign Protection, by refusing 'em the means of securing both their Religion and, their Lives under the Good Will and Authority of their Lawful Prince. It was also better to see them united among themselves by that form of Correspondency, then under a Protector, whose Courage might be elevated by his Power, by Foreign Adherences and Domestic Discontents, and give him fair Opportunities and Advantages to enlarge his Reputation.  
But for the present 'twas thought, that the most assured means 
Causes why they would not declare the Reformed capable of Offices.  to disperse those Assemblies, or prevent the Mischief they might do, was to afford the Reformed some occasion of Content, to the end the first Assembly that was called together might have no more to do then to accept the King's Concessions, and to return him Thanks. For this Reason the Verification of the Edicts which had been formerly granted, was pressed for at a more than usual Rate, and the Confirmation of 'em by a new Edict, as had been agreed with their Deputies at Nantes. The greatest Difficulty consisted in their declaring the Reformed capable of all manner of Employments; and this was that which the zealous Catholics were extremely unwilling to do, who could not by any means brook the Violation of their Canons, by which the Heretics are excluded from all sorts of Offices and Preferments. This Difficulty could not be removed by Four Years Solicitations, nor by the express Orders of the King; nor by a new Delcaration given at St. Germane in November of the year preceding. The 
The Prince of Conde taken out of their hands  Council consented to it, as also to several other Provisional Regulations, because they were then bethinking themselves of getting the Prince of Conde out of the Hands of the Reformed, either because the King was desirous to have him bred up in the Catholic Religion, to prevent the Pretences of a Civil War, which might be taken one day from his being Educated in the Reformed; or because the Count of Soissons, a turbulent ambitious Prince, and who looked upon himself as Presumptive Heir to the Crown, by reason of his Nephew's Religion, and for other Reasons, was very uneasy to him; or else because he had a mind to lessen his Pretensions to the Crown, by opposing against him a Prince much nearer to the Crown then himself: Or lastly, Because he would deprive the Reformed of a Chieftain, who might one day head 'em, and demand new Favours in their behalf.  
The King told the Reformed, on purpose to make 'em willing 
Ways to bring it to pass.  to surrender the Prince up into his Hands, that his frequent Infirmities caused him to bethink himself of Death, and obliged him at the same time to desire that he might have his Heir always by him, to secure him the Succession, and put him in a condition to preserve themselves by ways more gentle than a War. But this Hook would not take with the Reformed, who thought it much more conducing to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom, that the King should dissolve his Marriage with Margaret de Valois, and bethink himself of another Wife, then to have a Prince near his Person, whose nearest Relations thought they had Reason sufficient to dispute with him their Right to the Crown. The King thus repulsed on this side, resolves to assail 'em on the other, and seeks to engage 'em to put the Prince into his Hands, by granting 'em Admission into Offices of Trust; an Honour which indeed would have been dear enough sold to 'em, since it must cost 'em a Prince who might be one day the Restorer and Pillar of their Hopes. And this Consideration was made use of to persuade the Parliament to the Verification of that Article; but this Reason presently wrought another Effect than was expected: For there were some zealous Catholics who found it so weighty, that they would have made it one of the Conditions of the Verification of the Edict, to the end the Reformed might not refuse to surrender the Prince, without the Forfeiture of all the Favours that had been granted 'em. And this seemed so much the more reasonable, because it was thought impossible that ever the Reformed would let go such a Pledge out of their Hands: And there were many Catholics that wished they would have obstinately refused it, that they might have had a specious Pretence to declare War against 'em. But the King had other Thoughts. He was not willing to destroy the Reformed, of whom he stood so much the more in need, that he might not be altogether at the mercy of the Catholics, who treated him a little too imperiously. Therefore he strove to get the Prince out of their Hands by gentle means, rather than by force of Arms, or by the Authority of a Public Law; knowing well, that they would have taken that Law for an Affront, because it would have made 'em looked upon as Persons suspected, such as were to be compelled to their Obedience.  
'Twas therefore put to the Question in Parliament, whether 
The Article about Offices passes with some trouble.  the Edict should be verified purely and simply, or no; and the thing was debated with great Heat; more particularly the 19th Article of the Edict of 1577. which declared the Reformed capable of Offices and Dignities, was the Subject of the Contest; nor did it pass without a vast deal of Trouble. Nevertheless there were several who argued for the Verification of this Article as the rest, without Restriction or Qualification. And they insisted very fervently upon the Services which the Reformed had done the King and the Realm; and they exclaimed against their Refusal to treat 'em according to their Merit as a high piece of Injustice and Ingratitude. They likewise maintained, That since they were equal to the Catholics in Affection and Fidelity, they should be dealt with alike in the destribution of Honours and Rewards. Others to these Reasons opposed the fear of injuring the King, being a new Convert, and still at variance with the Pope; and of hardening the rest of the League in their Rebellion, if such an important Favour were granted to the Reformed against the Provisions of the Canon-Law; and that so suddenly too, after the Return of the King to the Catholic Religion. But those oppositions signified little, in regard the pure and simple Verification was carried by the Plurality of Voices. Servin, one of the Advocate's General, strongly upheld this Opinion; and in regard he was an Enemy of the Jesuits, he was just enough to the Reformed. Seguier, his Associate, was of a quite contrary Judgement; but Guele the Proctor General bethought himself of a Cavil, which had like to have engaged all the Kingdom in new Combustions; for he put the Reformed in mind, that new Traps were laying to ensnare 
The Proctor-General's Cavil ill taken.  their Sincerity, under Pretence of unheard-of Affectation. He would not suffer the accustomed Terms to be inserted in the Decree of Enrolment; Herd, and this the Proctor-General requiring; tho' his Father, who had served in the Place before him, when the Edict of 1577. was enroled under Henry III. never made any such Scruple. Neither would he have had the Words put in, Consenting to this, as upon other occasions where the King's Council will not move; but only, Herd the Proctor-General, 'Twas a very fair Escape, that such an Innovation, put in practice 
'Cause of new Distrusts.  at a time when the King was full of Jealousies and Suspicions, had not produced pernicious Effects, and called to memory the unfortunate Cruelties and Treacheries of the past Reigns. Chiefly, when they reflected upon the manner of proceeding in the Verification of the Edicts that were granted the Leaguers, which was done without Prolongations or Delays, and the Edicts unanimously passed, and sent to be enroled pure and without any Alterations, 'twas impossible but that they must look upon as strange and uncouth, so much spinning out of time, so many Oppositions, so many Artifices which were made use of to elude the Edicts that were granted to the Reformed.  
The more moderate Catholics themselves blamed this unreasonable Severity: Whether it were, that the Example of the Parliament of Paris rendered all the other Parliaments difficult; some refusing to verify the Edict at all, others not without several vexatious Limitations; or whether it were, because the Reformed were just ready to hold an Assembly at Saumur, where it was to meet according to the Decree of that of St. Foy. No body questioned but that the Proctor-General's Behaviour would furnish that Assembly with occasion of loud Complaints; and perhaps put 'em upon taking such Courses, as would be a great Obstruction to Peace, so necessary for the Re-establishment of the Kingdom. This Assembly at Saumur had put the King to a great deal of Trouble, from the very moment he heard it first discoursed of And the only reason why the Verification of the Edict was so earnestly pressed for, was either to anticipate it, or that they might have a fair Pretence to hinder the sitting of it, or to dissolve it. It was to have met upon the first of December of the preceding year, but there was not a full appearance till about three Months after. There were some Provinces, the Deputies of which were stayed for a long time, either because they expected the effect of the King's Promises for the enrolment of the Edicts; or else, because the Intrigues of the Court had stopped 'em, either out of Fear, or delayed with Hopes. But at length they met at Saumur, where they stayed a long time without doing any thing, in regard the King refused to authorise their meeting. He also at the same time complained of it to du Plessis, as of an Enterprise that wounded his Authority, and showed that the Reformed were jealous of him. But du Plessis returned him such good Reasons, that he was satisfied, and gave leave to the Assembly by his Letters Patterns 
He at last permits it.  to sit.  
These Reasons amounted chiefly to no more than two. The first 
Reasons for his so doing▪  was, That in the midst of so many occasions of Fear and Distrust that were justly given the Reformed, the refusing 'em leave to be careful of their Security would reduce 'em to Despair; and that in such a posture of Discomposure, at what time the wisest Men never listen to Reason nor Duty, they might look out for Remedies more vexatious than that of Assemblies: For that the remembrance of what was passed would not suffer 'em to be satisfied with the present, and loudly alarmed 'em with Fears of the future. The other concerned the Interest of the King himself, to whom Du Plessis declared. That in regard he was upon a Reconciliation with the Pope, it became him to wish for Solicitations on the behalf of the Reformed, to the end he might have wherewithal to reply to the Pope, should he complain that too much was granted to those that were held for Heretics. The King's 
Necessity of importuning the King.  Answer would then be always ready, That he was in a manner forced by the Importunity of their Assemblies, and to prevent a greater Mischief. Whereas if he did any thing in their Favour, without being urged to it, he would have nothing to say should the Pope be offended. Du Plessis also made use of the same Reason to support the Reformed, who were either much disheartened, or quite wearied out of their Patience. He told 'em that the King, who in effect renewed his Promises every day, was very affectionately inclined towards 'em, but that his present Condition would not permit him to do 'em any kindness but what he was forced to, either in respect to the Pope, with whom he was about to be reconciled; or to the Remainders of the League, whom he was very unwilling to supply with new Pretences to murmur; or to the Catholics of his Party, for whom he could not choose but have a great Complacency: And thus he should have wherewithal to satisfy all Parties, if the Reformed by their repeated Importunities did but impose upon him a kind of Necessity to grant Them something too. These Reasons seemed to restore a calmer Temper to those whose Patience the Delays and unjust Proceedings of the Parliament had almost quite worn out; and to take in good part the insipid and cold Answers which many times the King gave their Deputies. They also revived the Courage of those that were dejected by tedious and troublesome Protractions and puttings off from time to time, believing they should obtain their Desires at length by Perseverance and Importunity.  
Now in regard these Reasons mollified the King, from whom the Catholics more than once enforced the Revocation of Orders which he had given against those Assemblies, 'tis easy to judge▪ that in a Word, he took delight to be importuned▪ and that he looked upon it as a useful expedient to procure him the Liberty to put his good Intentions in execution. In short, he always gave the Reformed good Words; and when their Deputies were with him in private, he gave 'em better: And there would have been no reason to complain of his Promises, had it not been that after he had so often repeated the same things, there was no Fruit of 'em afterward to be seen.  
The Assembly of Saumur then, began the 24th of February, and the Report made by the Deputies of St. Foy having given 'em an account of the ill Intentions of the principal Heads of the Council and Parliament, Resolutions were taken more solid and vigorous then could have been expected from People that seemed to be deprived of all Relief and Succour. They made new Proposals and new Demands. They would no longer stand to the old Edicts, which had been cancelled or evaded so many times; and which were publicly derided, by reason of the Cavils of the Proctor-General. They were no longer contented with demanding new Favours, by way of Compensation for the Retrenchments made in the Edict of 1577. to facilitate the reducing the Leaguers to Obedience. They could not brook, that the King should grant such ample Rewards to Rebels on purpose to reduce 'em to their Duty; and that Subjects always faithful, always devoted to his Person and his Fortune, should stand in need of covering with the Name of compensation, the just Recompenses which they might boldly challenge In a word, they began to alter the strain of their Language, and to desire a new Edict, more to the advantage and security of the Reformed, than the Edicts that were become contemptible by the allowed Licence to violate 'em. They alleged, that the King had promised another Edict to the Deputies that were at Nantes, and that it was a mere piece of Covin to desire after that, that they should content themselves with the Edict of 1577. which the King had fruitlessly confirmed by two others. Therefore they 
The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities.  demanded another Edict in recompense of so many Services, of so much Patience, and of so much Blood which they had spilt. They debated a long time among themselves what Articles to insist upon for the framing of the new Edict; and at length they agreed upon certain Demands, which may be reduced to Six or Seven Heads. 1. That a New Edict should be granted 'em without amusing 'em with Promises to restore another, which no way satisfied 'em. 2. That they should be allowed an entire and universal Liberty for the public Exercise of their Religion over all the Kingdom. 3. That Public Salaries should be secured to the Ministers, either by leaving 'em the Tenths which they refused any longer to pay the ecclesiastics; or by assigning 'em Funds, that should not be otherwise emyloyed; and they demanded the same thing for the Maintenance of Schools and Scholars. 4. That the Reformed should be secured the Possession of their Estates, as well those which they already enjoyed, as those which fell to 'em by Inheritance, Deed of Gift, Last Will and Testament, or by any other Lawful Right. 5. That an equal number of Reformed Judges to that of the Catholics should be admitted in all Jurisdictions. 5. That they should be admitted indifferently into all manner of Offices and Employments like the Catholics. 7. That for their Security, the Cities which they had in their Hands should be left in their Possession; and that the Garrisons should be paid ●ut of the King's Money.  
While they were preparing their Complaints, and drawing up their Papers to send to the King, the business of his Reconciliation with the Pope was eagerly pressed forward by the Court of Rome; ●nd the Pontiff grew impatient of the Delays which retarded the ●ending a Commissioner to treat with him about it. However, in ●ruth, as yet, the Pope did not seem to recede in the least from his first Pretensions; but it was easily perceived that he would make an Abatement in proper time, because he had vouchsas'd in ●●ving and general Terms, to promise whatever lay in his power, provided it were not contrary to the Interest and Honour of the ●oly See. The King on the other side kept himself to the same ●eneral Expressions, and would consent to nothing that misbecome himself, or the Dignity of the Crown. There were two sorts ● People in the Council, whose Opinion it was, That the Pope should ●e left alone to make the first steps himself; as being persuaded, that a little perseverance would reduce him to grant a bare ●●d simple Ratification of the Absolution, as the King received it ● St. Denis'. The one were the Reformed, who could not en●ure that the King's Honour should be prostituted to the Intrigues ● the Court of Rome. The other, were the Catholics not bigoted, who loved the King and the Kingdom, and who not questioning but the Pope's Aim was to make the King purchase his Favour by some ignominious Condescension, were desirous the King should avoid that Snare, by letting the Pope alone till he sought after him. But the high-flown Catholics carried it, because 
Absolution desired by the King.  the King was willing to rid himself of Trouble, and for that he thought his Repose depended upon his Reconciliation with the Pope. He was weary of the toilsome Life wherein he had spent his most youthful Years. He saw that the Succession would be 
His reasons for yielding first.  in a very uncertain Condition after his Death: He had a desire to dissolve his Marriage with Margaret of Valois, by whom he had no Children; and he thought to marry the Fair Gabriela d'Estrees, with whom he was enamoured even to Enchantment; either of which two things he thought it impossible to bring to pass without the Pope's Assistance: And he knew it to be the last excuse of the obstinate Leaguers, that he was not acknowledged by the Pope. The Duke of Mayenne had sworn never to pay him Allegiance till he was reconciled to his Holiness: He was in hopes that such a Reconciliation would secure his Life, put an end to the frequent Conspiracies against him, under Pretence that the Sincerity of his Conversion was dubious; would reduce the Monks to their Duty, several of which refused to name him in their Prayers: And lastly, he was desirous to be at leisure to settle the Peace of the Kingdom, in order to the execution of some great Designs which he had projected abroad.  
But tho' his own Will overruled him not to follow the wholesome Advice of the Reformed and the more politic sort of Catholics, yet at first they had the Credit to name one Man of the Council, and another of the Parliament, to be joined with one Ecclesiastic, to go to Rome and negotiate this Affair. This Deputation had been of great Importance for the Service of the King, and the Pope must have been contented with it, had they had Resolution enough in France to have stuck to this Advice. Never would any Person of Note, bred up in great Affairs, have consented to any thing beneath the Dignity of a King; and he had been well seconded by a Person chosen out of the Body of a Parliament, whose Maxims are always opposite to those of Rome, when the Honour of the Kingdom lies at stake. But the Pope knew well enough how to ward off this Blow; so that the whole 
Commissioners elected to treat, D'Ossat and Perron.  Commission was referred to two ecclesiastics. By which means the Pope at the bottom was Master of the whole Affair, in regard he was the Sovereign of both Commissioners that were to treat with him. One of the two the most notorious Knave of his time; and neither of 'em very likely to render themselves worthy of a Cardinal's Cap by an overzealous Fidelity to their Prince. Nevertheless D'Ossat, who was the honester of the two, seemed to be not a little vexed, that there was more granted to the Pope than he had advised; but du Perron his Associate, had the most Authority. He it was that brought the Instructions from France: For as for D'Ossat, he was only joined with him, as one that better understood the Slights and Politics of Rome, and might be a necessary Guide to the other in a Court to which he was a Stranger altogether. This was the King's Misfortune, that of those two Proctors that were to represent his Person in this Affair, he to whom the Secret was entrusted, and who was chief in Authority, was not the honestest Man. Nevertheless it was not du Perron who had all the Thanks and Reward of this Affair. D'Ossat behaved himself so prudently, that the Profit redounded to himself, and the Pope bestowed a Cardinal's Hat upon him some years after. 'Tis true, this Dignity seemed to have been conferred upon him upon the King's Recommendation. But the Pope had given the King formerly to understand, that he would bestow it freely and willingly upon D'Ossat, if it were but requested for him. However, 
High Pretensions of the Pope.  to get what he could from the King, the Pope at first made all the Demands which the Spaniards suggested to him; nevertheless well assured, that they would never be allowed him. In the first place therefore he would have had 'em to promise him, that all the Edicts which had been granted to the Reformed should be revoked; That they should be excluded from all Offices and Employments; That they should be all destroyed as soon as the Peace was concluded with the Leaguers and Spain; That the Catholics should not be constrained to observe the Edicts; That the Jesuits should ●e restored; That all the Estates which Queen Jane had taken from the ecclesiastics in Bearn should be restored to 'em again, with several other things, to which the King's Honour and Prudence would not permit him to oblige himself. Chiefly, they would have had him declared his Crown and Kingdom forfeited if ever He relapsed into Heresy. But the King made his Proctor's Instructions quite contrary to these Demands. He explained his meaning with a great deal of Elocution and Clearness, and gave 'em their Lesson very precisely and accurately. There was 
The Proctor's Instructions quite contrary.  expressly set down what the King would grant upon the Demands, which it was known the Pope would make; and it was directly enjoined, that they should not consent to any thing that might be injurious to the Royal Majesty, nor pass beyond the Limits which the King had set 'em. But that which was chiefly recommended to 'em, was, not to consent to any Rehabilitation, as if the King stood in need of obtaining the Pope's Consent to be a Lawful King, or capable of the Functions of Royalty: And the King prescribed 'em most exactly how far he gave 'em leave to exert their Complacency upon so nice and delicate a Subject. 'Twas his pleasure also that they should be very careful of his Honour and his Dignity; and that they should obstinately maintain the Validity of his Absolution which he had received in France. Moreover, there was one express Article in behalf of the Reformed, the Terms of which are so remarkable, that I cannot but incert the chiefest part of it in this place. After they had alleged the Reasons for advising the King to revive the Act of 1577. which was the meanest of those which had been granted the Reformed, and laid down the Mischiefs which the Revocation of it obtained by the League, had occasioned in the Kingdom; together with such as might happen, had they secured the Reformed from the Edicts of Proscription which the League had published against 'em, the Instruction adds, That they of the said Religion being very 
A Testimony given of the p●st and present Services of the Reformed.  numerous and potent in the Kingdom, as they are, greatly serve and strengthen his said Majesty to defend his Dominions against the Enemies of it, as formerly they have done; so that his said Majesty should be accused of Imprudence and Ingratitude, if after so many Services as they have done him, and which he may have need of fart●●● from 'em, he should fall pell mell upon 'em, and constrain 'em to take Arms against his Person, as they have always done against those who have gone about to force their Consciences. But his Majesty hopes ●● give a better account of 'em by his mildness, and the example of his Life, then by ways of Rigour.  
There is nothing more Authentic, nor more express then this Testimony given, upon an occasion so public and so important, of the past and present Services of the Reformed. If there be any Equity among Men, there needs no more to demonstrate, that the Liberty of their Conscience, and the Security of their Persons, their Estates and their Honour, besides that they are Dependencies upon Natural Right, which oblige the Prince to assure his Subjects those privileged Advantages, were granted 'em as the just Reward of their long and faithful Services. So that in depriving 'em in our days, both of the one and the other of these Immunities, their Enemies have not only violated the most lawful Duty of Sovereigns, who ought to look upon themselves as Conservators of the Liberty and Welfare of their Subjects; but they have blackened the Great Henry with the Reproach of Ingratitude, which he adjudged unworthy of himself; by depriving an Obedient and Peaceable Offspring of what had been so lawfully, yet dearly purchased for 'em, under the Reign of this Prince, by the Services of their Fathers.  
But whatever Caution was taken to preserve the King's Honour, 
Provocations of the Proctors in the terms and matter.  his Proctors forbore not to comply with whatever the Pope demanded; and their Excuse was, that they could not possibly do otherwise, and that they were fain to accept of some Conditions, to avoid others that would be more irksome. They would also needs persuade the King that they had done him great Service in this, that the Article of Rehabilitation had been chopped and changed with so much dexterity, that it might well be maintained, that there was not a Word said of it in the Bull of Absolution; nevertheless, if there were any Persons who thought it necessary, it might be affirmed on the other side, that there was enough to the purpose contained in it. So that all the Fidelity of these Proctors, in an Affair of so great Consequence, and where the main Concern in Agitation was the establishing the Dependence or Independance of the Crown, was reduced to unfold this weighty Question, by equivocal Terms, from whence equal advantage might be drawn, as well for the one as for the other. This was by no means well relished by the honest Frenchmen; but those Slaps with a Wand which they received upon their Shoulders in the King's Name, as his Proctors, in the Presence of the Cardinals, during the Ceremony of the Absolution, were far less approved. The Spaniards made it the Subject of their Sport and Merriment; the French Politicians murmured at it; the Reformed stormed at it; and threw it in the Catholics Dish, as a high Affront put upon Royal Majesty, that the first King in Christendom should be exposed to be swaddled upon the Shoulders of his Proctor. The Court also was ashamed of such a pitiful Condescension; and du Perron had much ado to ward off the bloody Reproaches that were cast upon him for this Prevarication, at his Return. But he had such a Wit, that he could do what he pleased with it; and he had such a graceful slight of expressing himself, such a knack of making Black White, and White Black, that no body had either the Will or the Confidence to contradict what he said. For which Reason it is reported, that the Pope was heard to say at Rome, that he besought of God never to infuse other then virtuous Thoughts into his Mind; for that if corrupt and vicious Meditations got footing there, he had a Wit was able to defend 'em. D'Ossat excused this Indignity, by saying that the Raps were so slight, that they would not have hurt a Fly. As if the Affront had consisted rather in the Violence of the Blow then the Ignominy of the Ceremony. Some Historians have deemed this Circumstance so very disgraceful, the they durst not recite it faithfully in their History; as if the Affront were the less real, when it is minced and neatly daubed over.  
These Proctors had consented to Sixteen Articles, which the 
Articles of Penitence.  Pope imposed upon the King by way of Penance: And there were some of these, in reference to which the King could have wished, they would have let him have done as Time should have given him an opportunity. But the Proctors had been as faithful in this, as in all the rest; for they suffered the Pope to impose upon the King a Necessity of Obedience after a very coercive manner. Such were the Third, Fourth, and Sixth Article, whereby he was enjoined to re-establish the Mass in Bearn, and to restore the Bishops in that Principality to be maintained at his own Charges, till they should be settled in their Estates; to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed within a year, that he might be bred up in the Catholic Religion; and to publish the Council of Trent, and cause it to be observed in every thing that might not disturb the Public Repose. The Tenth was couched in most Artificial Terms, and obliged the King in all things to give continual Marks of his Respect and Favour to the Catholics before all the rest of his Subjects, and to testify his eager desires to unite his whole Kingdom in one and the same Religion.  
The Reformed complained of these Articles which were granted 
Complaints of the Reformed, Excuses of the Proctors.  directly to their Prejudice: But the Proctors endeavoured to excuse one part, by saying, that certain Expressions were added in favour of the Edicts, and that they were forced to be contented, because it would have been impossible for 'em to have obtained clearer or more precise Expressions to explain their meaning. So that all the Security of the Protestants, in respect of these Articles, depended upon certain equivocal Words, the Explanation or Interpretation of which was reserved to those who had concluded the Treaty. Thus it was, that they gave an Account of that same Clause of the Sixth Article, touching the Publication of the Council, which had been ill received by the Reformed; because they could not look upon the Publication of a Council called on purpose to condemn 'em, otherwise then as a forerunner of their Ruin. The Proctors upon this alleged, that they could not explain that Article more at large: But that the Pope knew and very well understood, that the Clause, not to disturb the public Repose, was added in favour of the Edict of Bearn, and that he neither could nor would explain it better, for fear he should be thought to approve it. In like manner in reference to other Articles, that seemed to press the King too furiously to certain things more difficult in France then Rome imagined, they affirmed that the Pope had no design to force the King to Impossibilities, but that he would always be contented with what lay in his Power. Thus they obliged the King to whatever the Pope should please, and left it to the Pope's good Humour to excuse the King, tho' it were impossible for him to perform the Penances which he had enjoined him.  
In the mean time we may judge by the Cruelties that were committed at Rome upon those that were called Heretics, that they were not in the least become more equitable or more moderate toward any other People of the same Character. A Fleming was burnt alive in the Field of Flora; and an Englishman, who had thrown the Host to the Ground, and had used the Sacrament like an Idol, was punished at the same rate, after they had cut out his Tongue, and dismembered him of one of his hands. And for fear his Punishment should be too gentle, they singed him continually by the way with burning Torches, from the Prison of the Inquisition to the place of Execution. The Reformed might gather from thence what they were to expect, if the Sincerity of the Edicts that were granted 'em, depended upon the Inspirations that came from Rome. But they had other Reasons to be afraid of every thing. For they had Intelligence also from Rome, that there were other Secret Conditions upon which the King was absolved, which were spread about there; whether it were an Artifice of the Spaniards to sow new Seeds of Distrust in the Minds of the Reformed; or whether the Pope had demanded 'em, and that the Proctors had verbally promised certain things, which they thought not convenient to put down in Writing. 'Twas 
Secret Articles thought to be promised to the Pope.  reported at least, that the King was tied by those Conditions to exclude the Reformed from all Offices and Employments, whatever Promises he had made to admit 'em to Preferment, to marry the Princess his Sister to a Catholic Prince, and to make War upon the Heretics of his Kingdom till they were utterly extirpated. And the Marriage of the Princess with the Duke of Lorraine, which happened some years after, confirmed the Suspicions of all the rest; so much the rather, because she would have been courted by Princes of her own Religion, if the King would have listened to it. Certain it is, that the Reformed were convinced that these Articles were real; and that du Plessis also wrote to the King, that his manner of Proceeding was imputed to his Compliance with the Pope's Demands; and that it was believed, of all that was proposed against 'em, there was none but the Article that concerned their Destruction, that he ever refused to hearken to.  
The End of the Third Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. BOOK IU.  
The CONTENTS of the Fourth Book.  
The Massacre at Chataigneraye, excepted by Letters Patents out of the Acts that were to be comprehended in the Amnesties. Artifices to persuade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde. Interests of the Prince of Conti, and Count of Soissons. Duke de la Trimoville suspected by the King. The Princess' Process removed to the Parliament of Paris. whether Pisani carries her with the Prince her Son. Precautions taken for the Prince's Religion; ill observed. Justification of the Princess. Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King; paid with general Promises. War declared with Spain. League with the Queen of England, who would needs have one Article inserted in favour of the Reformed. Marshal de Bovillon opposes it. Discontents of the Reformed; the Effects. Whence the King's Coldness proceeded. Suggestions of the Catholics. The Pope's Address. Different Language from the King; his Desires. Reports of the Reformed being out of Favour; the Original of it. Assembly of the Clergy. Edict of Travercy. Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne. Revenge of Henry the Third's Murder neglected. State of the Kingdom and Project to dismember it. Assembly meets at Loudun, with leave. New Suspicions and new Complaints. Deputies sent to the Court. Resolution of the Assembly to defend themselves till a Conclusion; ill taken of the King, who order the Dissolution of it. Effect of this Rigour. Du Plessis' wise Expedient, succeeds in the Assembly; is approved by the King; who revokes the Order of Dissolution, and promises a Commissioner. Patïence of the Reformed; Continuation of their Instances. Legate in France, revives their Fears. Garrisons retrenched or ill paid. ●oni's Jealousies. Synod at Saumur. It's Resolutions. Their Letters to the King. Commissioners to the King. Complaints to the King. Constancy of the Assembly; which is translated to Vendosme. releaseth upon the Generality of Free Exercise. Obtains by way of Compensation the Second Place of Bailliage; and the right acquired by Possession of the Year 1596. The Edict of 1577. verified at Roven. The Reform not contented with it. The Pope complains, and D'Ossat appeases him. The Assembly discontented at the Return of the Commissioners; who write to the King the necessity of satisfying 'em. Reciprocal Suspicions and Distrusts. Divisions in the Assembly; which returns to Saumur. Surprise of Amiens; Confusion of Affairs. Proposals of War to the Assembly. Motives of the Bovillon and de la Trimoville. The King at a Nonplus. His various manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the Surprise, Answers of the Assembly; which 〈◊〉 translated to Chastelleraud; more numerous than before. Excuses for the Assemblies Constancy in requiring Securities. Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens. Various Advices. Reformed serve at the Siege. Actions of Bovillon and de la Trimoville Change of Commissioners. The Treaty continued. Relaxations in both sides. New Possession acquired in 1597. Principle Articles which the Count de Schomberg grants under the King's good pleasure. Debate whether they should be accepted with a Proviso, 〈◊〉 definitively. Cavils in Council about the Articles. Interruptions of the Treaty. Last Instructions. New Cavils, which the King puts a stop to by his Constancy. The Assembly implores the Intercession of the Queen of England and the United Provinces. New Delays, partly Malicious, partly Innocent.  
WHILE this Affair was under Negotiation at Rome, the Reformed in France, who performed their Exercises at Chastaigneraye, were massacred by the Soldiers of the Garrison of Rochefort, who boasted that they had the Duke of Mercoeur's Warrant for what they did. The Lady of the Place, who had already signalised herself by other Acts of Violence, observing that the Reformed, who assembled together from sundry places in the Neighbourhood, carried Arms about 'em for their own Defence, because the Garrisons of the League were always scouting abroad, forbid the Metres, under pretence that she might not forfeit her Garranty, to come armed upon her Ground; and seconded this Inhibition with so many Threats, that the poor People obeyed. And 
Massacre a● Chastaigneray.  in that condition it was that the Garrison of Rochefort surprised ●…em met together in the House of one Vaudorè a Reformed Gentleman. There were about two hundred massacred, without sparing either Sex or Age. An Infant also that was carried thither to be Christened was killed among the rest. Nor could the Innocency of another, who would have given Eight Sols for his Ransom, procure him the least Mercy. And the Reason alleged by these Hangmen to excuse their Fury, was, That the Duke of Mercoeur had forbid 'em to suffer any of the Huguenots to redeem themselves: And moreover they were sure, as they said, that the Duke in making their Peace would procure 'em a full Pardon for that horrid Impiety. The Lady of Chastaigneraye, who had contrived this bloody Execution with so much Artifice, made it ●…er Pastime, after the Fact was committed, to be inquisitive after the Number and Names of the murdered People, and to inform herself, whether such or such, against whom she had a more peculiar Antipathy, were comprehended in the Butchery. This piece of Barbarism put the Reformed into a Ferment equal to the Merit of the Fact. They called Assemblies to consider of it: They armed themselves for their Defence against the same Violences in the Neighbouring parts, or to make the like Returns; and some that were more chafed by their Excess of Cruelty, that talked of nothing else but of righting themselves upon the Catholics. They besought the King never to pardon the Authors 
Excepted by the Patents out of the Acts which should be comprised in the Amnesties.  of such a Massacre, but to bring 'em to Justice as Robbers unworthy to be looked upon as Soldiers. The King gave out Letters Patents, which declared that this same Act of Cruelty should be comprehended in the number of Military Violences, for which Treaties of Peace generally provided an Act of Oblivion: In pursuanee of which La Trimoville and du Plessis caused some of these Executioners that fell into their Hands, to be hanged up. But the Punishment of Five or Six Scoundrels, was not looked upon as a sufficient Reparation for the Massacre of so many innocent Persons. For which reason it was, that the Reformed complained above two years after, that Justice had never been done 'em for this, no more then for several other Outrages which had been every day committed to their vast Prejudice in sundry parts of the Kingdom.  
Moreover, while the Negotiation went forward at Rome, it was, 
Artifices to persuade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde.  that they set all their Springs and Engines at work to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed. The Verification of the Edict was not sufficient to persuade 'em to a surrender of his Person; because it had only served to give 'em new occasions of Complaint: Therefore it behoved 'em to set new Slights and Stratagems on foot; neither would the King stay to make it his business, till the Pope imposed a necessity upon him. One of their Artifices to sound their Intentions was, loudly to give out, that they well knew the Reformed would never deliver him up; and to support this studied Fear of theirs with all the Considerations that could hinder 'em: To which they added Reflections upon the Prejudice which would accrue, by their Refusal, to the King's Affairs: Nor did they forget to slip in dexterously by the way, that they should be forced at length to take him out of their hands by force. They gave 'em also clearly enough to understand, that they were not to expect either Peace or Security, while they continued obstinate in their Resolutions to be Masters of the Person of the young Prince: That their Refusal to deliver him up to the King would be taken for an apparent Rebellion; that they would be looked upon to have forfeited all the Favours that had been granted; and that there would be a fair Pretence found out to unite with those Foreign Powers against 'em, that so passionately thirsted after their Destruction. These Considerations wrought upon three sorts of People: The Timorous, who after Thirty Five Years Wars, which had cost the Reformed so much Hardship, Treasure and Blood, desired only to live in Repose, and became faint-hearted upon all appearances of a new War. The Courtiers, who never troubled their Heads much about the Time to come, provided they had the Liberty of their Consciences, and that their Religion were no Obstacle to their present Fortunes. And lastly, the Wiser sort, who thought there was a necessity of Peace, to settle and preserve 'em in their Stations; that there could be no end of a new War but with their Ru●ine; that it would be a Reproach to their Religion to re-kindle a War in the Kingdom, when it was in so fair a way to be extinguished; but that on the other side, 'twould be a great Honour to their Doctrine which the Catholics accused of infusing the Spirit of Faction and Disturbance into People, to contradict 'em in an Affair of such important Consequence.  
But there were other People to manage besides the Reform▪ if they intended to have good Success in their getting the Prince of Conde into their Hands. For the Death of the Prince his Father was accompanied with such Circumstances, which had filled the Minds of Credulous People full of Jealousies; and the Prosecution commenced against his Widow, suspected to have contributed to his Death, had persuaded many People, that she had strange Reasons which spurred her on to that Extremity. The 
Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons.  Prince of Conti, and the Count of Soissons were in the number of those that really thought, or would seem to believe, that there was something in the Birth of that young Prince which did not permit that he should remove 'em from the Crown. More especially the Count, of an ambitious and turbulent Spirit, and one that agreed but ill with the King, was most to be feared; and they might well think, that he would might and main obstruct what ever should be done to lift the Prince of Conde to the Throne in prejudice of his Claim. There was also another Reason, besides the general Interest of his Party, why the King suspected Trimoville. His Ambition, and his Courage, made him 
Trimoville suspected by the King.  fear, that the Duke would never consent to the Delivery of the Prince, under whose Name he might one day be Head of the Reformed, among whom he was in great Reputation. He had taken a Journey to St. John d' Angeli, where the Prince was bred up, which had made the Court very uneasy; believing he went to make sure of the Person of his Nephew, and to order it so, that they who had him in their Custody should never deliver him to the Catholics. But afterwards 'twas known by the Information of du Plessis, from whom the Reformed never concealed any thing, that his Journey was only to get the Suspension from the Communion taken off, which the Princess his Sister had been under ever since the Death of her Husband, with whom she was thought to have been an Accomplice. This perhaps might have been a Stop, in order to the going farther in time; but than it proved of no effect to prejudice the Designs of the Court. In the main, it would not have been an easy thing to support the Claims of that Prince, whose Mother was suspected even by the Reformed themselves of being guilty of a strange piece of ill Conduct, if the Catholics seeing him bred up in the Reformed Religion, should have once bethought themselves of fost'ring against him the same Suspicions, to exclude him from the Crown. So that a Headstrong Resolution to keep him in their Power would have signified nothing to any other purpose, then to have put the Reformed and his Uncle to a great deal of Trouble.  
'Twas thought they might provide against these Inconveniencies by the Care which was taken to justify the Princess of 〈◊〉. Trimoville was persuaded to come in himself, for the Honour of his Sister, as being in some measure branded by the Sentence which the Judges of St. John d' Angeli had given against her. Therefore 'twas so ordered while the King was in Burgundy, where Trimoville performed great Services both in his Person and by his Courage, that the Kindred should present a Petition to the King, wherein the Judges who had condemned her should be expe●'d as incompetent, and a Demand made, that the Information should be cancelled, and the whole business be referred to the Parliament of Paris, where it was proper for the Causes of the Princes of the Blood to be determined. The King received the Petition, and granted by his Letters Patents, that the Process should be sent back. This done, he sent the Marquis of Pisani to St. John d' Angeli to be near the Person of the Prince, and to find out a way to get him from thence together with his Mother, under the pretence of carrying him to the Court where he might be present, at the Prosecution of a Process, wherein he was so visibly concerned. But the Marquis met with many Difficulties. There were several who by no means relished the Reasons that were alleged, and thought it very imprudent to dispossess themselves of so assured a Pledge for the Observation of the Edicts. Rochel would not consent, but opposed it might and main; but the Intrigues surmounted all those Obstacles; and the greater number was overruled by the Considerations which I have set down; so that the 
Pisani carries her away with the Prince her Son.  Prince and his Mother were delivered up to the King's Disposal. One of the greatest Difficulties proceeded from the Consciences of zealous Persons, who foresaw that if once the Catholics got him into their Clutches, they would mould him in such a manner, as soon to make him forget the Religion of his Father and Grandfather. Therefore they were desirous to take some Cautions to secure him the Liberty of his Conscience: And the Court, who were unwilling to break 
Precautions taken for the Prince's Religion ill observed.  off the Negotiation by engaging in new Difficulties, promised to do whatever the Reformed desired. But they never remembered their Promises after they had once got the Prince into their power: For a while they suffered him to have his Reformed Domestic Servants about him; but they took 'em from him, notwithstanding his Cries and his Tears, when they perceived that he withdrew into private places along with 'em to be catechised, to sing Psalms, and say his usual Prayers. After which, they placed about him persons, who being of the same Religion which they were desirous to infuse into him, ●oon choked the Seeds of that Doctrine which he had learned among the Reformed. So that in the progress of his Life, after he had been a declared Persecutor, he became a great Casuist, and a Converter of others. In the mean time his Mother was fully justified; no body appeared against her; and though the Prince of Conti and the Count of Soissons were Summoned, as Persons interested in the Affair, they never made their Appearance; so that the Princess gained her Cause with little or no Trouble. 'Tis true, that many People were very lavish of their Tongues against her, and that the Reformed spared her no more than others. But after she had got the Day, the Princess embraced the Catholic Religion at what time the King lay at Roven, and renounced the Reformed Faith, while the Legate, who was arrived in France but a little before, held her by the hands. This same Change was deferred till then, that it might not be said she had purchased her Justification at the Expense of her Conscience; as might have been spread abroad, had she quitted her Religion, before she had been cleared by the Law. But in regard 'twas well known at what time that Reselution was taken, People stuck not to ask the Question, to what Interest a Princess, in whose behalf so many Reasons and Princes solicited, was obliged to Sacrifice her Religion, had she been innocent. I must confess that some part of this Relation belongs to the next Year; but I thought it more convenient to recite it entire in this place, then to break off and return to it again.  
In the mean time, the Assembly at Saumur having taken 
The Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King.  their last Resolutions, sent away to the King la Nove, and l● Primaudaye, who waited on him at Lion, and there presented to him their Petitions and their Papers, with new Proposals, which they were enjoined to make by way of Addition to their preceding Demands. They accompanied 'em with a short Remembrance of their Services, which was taken for a 
Paid with general Promises.  kind of Reproach. However the King received 'em with outward Civilities which concluded in nothing, and of which the Court is never niggardly. They only obtained general Promises from Him. He assured 'em he would never forget their Services; and that in a little time he would satisfy their Demands; but he declared he could not do it then, by reason of the great Affairs that lay upon his hands. In the mean time he earnestly exhorted 'em to continue their Services on Picardy side, where he had great reason to fear the Attempts of the Spaniards, against whom War had been declared but a little before with a great deal of Ceremony; because till then the Hostility between the two Nations had been but indirectly carried 
War declared against Spain.  on, by reason of the League, which they assisted with Men and Money. For the Council thought it a shame to brook any longer that oblique way of attacking France; and therefore that now the War was to be carried into the Enemy's Country, to hinder the Succours which they gave the French Rebels. The Duke of Bovillon was one of those that pressed this Resolution most home; and the United Provinces, who saw a certain Advantage for themselves in declaring a War, laboured it on their side, as well as Queen Elizabeth. 'Tis true, that Princess appeared not a little offended, that the King did so little for the Protestants of France; and she grew jealous of those Proceedings that renewed their Terrors and their Distrusts. She was afraid of being the Victim of a Peace with Spain, and of being abandoned by a Prince whom she had so generously succoured in Distress. But to re-establish a Confidence between the King and Her, Marshal de Bovillon was sent to negotiate with her a new League against the Spaniard. Nor was it a difficult thing to obtain it: But in regard the Queen 
League with the Queen of England, who would have an Article inserted in the Treaty in favour of the Reformed.  laid to Heart the Affairs of Religion, her Ministers proposed the obliging the King to grant a favourable Edict to the Protestants of his Kingdom. There was now a necessity to break off the Treaty, or consent to a Promise that would have been attended with dangerous Consequences, partly through the Disgust which the Pope would have taken at it; partly by reason of the great Obligation which a Foreign Power would have laid upon the King's Subjects by virtue of this Article; since they would have been more beholding to Foreign Favour for their Security then to their Prince. But the Duke of Bovillon would never suffer any such Article to be inserted in the Treaty, nor 
The Duke of Bovillon opposed it.  that any separate▪ Act should be drawn up, with which the English offered to be content, for fear it might be imputed to him that he had been employed upon their Importunities, and that he had abused his Credit and his Plenipotentiary Power, to make that Attempt upon Royal Authority for the benefit of Religion. However the Proposal made it evident, that the Reformed would find Protection abroad, if once they were in a condition to stand in need of it. In the mean time the Queen's good Intentions terminated in this, that she secretly solicited the King to grant all necessary Liberty and Security to the most faithful part of his Subjects; and the Reformed had often recourse to that same Intercession.  
But the Enterprise proved not so successful as it was just and necessary, and the King lost several considerable Places. And from thence it was he took an opportunity to exhort the Reformed to do him new Service, and jointly, with him, to turn their Arms against their Common Enemy. But the Coldness 
Discontents of the Reformed, and their effects  which the Deputies observed in the King's Answers, and the Inoongruity which they found between requiring from the Reformed new Services, and referring 'em till another time for the Reward of Services past, produced a very great alteration in their Minds. It seemed to them, that an Affair which regarded the Life and Conscience of so many Thousands of good Subjects, was as urgent as any other; and in regard they desired no more than only to be treated like true and faithful Frenchmen, they could not brook to be put off till another time for the Examination of their Demands. For their parts they looked upon it as a flat Refusal of the Security which they desired; or at least for a Declaration clear enough, that they required time to cavil upon an Affair of so great Importance to their Welfare. Therefore they thought it not to be endured, that they should be invited to shed the Remainder of their Blood against a Foreign Enemy, while they were refused Security against their Domestic Foes; and that they should be told abruptly, that the King was not at leisure to provide for the safety of them and their Families. The King also went about to persuade 'em, that the Breaches, made by the Treaties with the Leaguers, of the Edict in 1577. were not considerable, and that the great Benefit which accrued to the State by those Breaches was such, that the Reformed might well sit down by the Loss with Patience; as if it had been just, that they should purchase, at the expense of their Security, the King's Reconciliation with their most implacable Persecutors. For these Reasons it was that they proposed in the Assembly the having recourse to more effectual Remedies. They also discoursed, among other Expedients, of putting themselves into the same Condition they were in, before the Truce between the two Kings, and to regulate the Custody of their strong Holds, the Administration of the Finances, and the Method of Justice in the same Order as they were at that time. Such a Resolution was enough to make the Court and the Parliaments look about 'em, who each for their own particular Reasons were afraid of nothing so much, as to see the Reformed Cantoniz'd: And in regard the Springs of Fear and Interest more forcibly move the Minds of Men, than those of Gratitude and Equity, this irksome expedient appeared to be the best of all to bring the Catholics to a reasonable Composition.  
However this Coldness of the King proceeded not so much 
Whence the King's colaness proceeded.  from Nature as Infusion: And therefore he repented of this rigorous Usage, so soon as he saw the bad effects of it. But he was continually spurred forward to these affected Severities by the Solicitations of the Pope and the Catholics. The Pope would fain have persuaded him to destroy the Reformed Root and Branch▪ but the King would never hearken to that, and stood so positively to the Negative, when they made him the Proposal, that after that, there was no body at Court who durst propound it to him any more. But he listed more willingly to those, who to bring about their ends, fetched a larger Compass, 
Suggestions of the Catholics.  and who advised him to stay till he was rid of all his other Encumbrances, that he might be in a condition to have the Reformed under his Girdle, and to prescribe 'em Laws like a Sovereign, that acts according to his Will and Pleasure. This Council flattered the King, who in that was like all other Princes, who believe it more agreeable to their Supreme Authority, to give what they please, than what is demanded from 'em. But those Catholics, of which the greater part were Leaguers in their Hearts, or else prepossessed with that false Zeal which breathed nothing more into 'em, than the Ruin of those they call Heretics, had other Designs than to advance the King's Power. Their Aim was to hinder him from obliging himself by any Edict, before they had taken all their measures for the Destruction of the Reformed, for fear lest after that they might not be able to persuade him to violate the public Faith, of the Observance of which no Prince in the World was more jealous than himself. They laboured therefore with great Application to put off the Effects of his good Intentions, of which they were not ignorant, and they made use of all the Considerations to this purpose that might Incense the King, whose Courage active to excess, and vigorous, easily took Fire. They fought to incense him, by laying before him the Importunities of the Reformed, for recompense of their Services, as an injurious Reproach; as if they had failed in their respect to his Majesty, in upbraiding him with a Fidelity confirmed by long Experience. And Kings are apt to show their Weakness in that particular. They love to be served without Interest, and that after great Services done, they may be permitted to forgive 'em. The more they are pleased with the Affection of their Subjects, the more they dread the Reproach. They take it for an Affront, that a Subject who has done no more than his Duty, should think he has any way obliged 'em; and many times also when they acknowledge the Services of any one, they would have their Returns of Gratitude rather looked upon as Favours than Rewards. So that it was no difficult thing to persuade the King, that the Reformed were in the wrong to boast their Services as they did; and that the more deserved the Recompense was, the more injurious the Demand seemed to be. The Catholics were the first themselves that were provoked at these Reproaches of good Services, because they almost all knew, that it was against them that the Reformed had performed it; so that the one could not vaunt their Fidelity, but the other were put in remembrance of their having been either Enemies or Rebels. Moreover the Catholics represented the Reformed to the King as a kind of Cabal, that was formed against his Authority, under the Pretence of Religion, and who having Oaths of Union, Assemblies, Councils, Cheiftaines, Strong Holds, and Finances or Exchequers, were a kind of another State set up within his own, and which would prove a Source of Trouble and Confusion, a Sanctuary for Malcontents and Rebels, and a Party always engaged in Domestic Conspiracies and Foreign Correspondencies. The Pretence for these Accusations was, that among the vast number of stout and brave Persons of which the Party consisted, there were some that were turbulent and talked high, and some perhaps who had Interests of their own apart by themselves, under the Veil of the Common Cause. But it was a most malicious piece of Injustice to accuse of Faction so many Thousands of peaceable People, that desired no more than the Repose and Liberty of their Consciences. Nevertheless, because the King's Vivacity rendered him susceptible of sudden Impressions, from thence it came to pass, that he gave the Reformed either Cold or harsh Answers, while his Mind was prepossessed with a present prejudice against 'em; tho' in the main, he had always a Design to grant 'em part of their Demands.  
The Pope on the other side, well knew how to improve 
The Pope's Address.  his Advantages; and in regard he saw there were many things of Importance wherein the King stood in need of him, he granted him nothing for which he did not make him dearly pay. That Pontiff diligently heightened all the Suspicions that were infused into him, that the King's Conversion was not sincere; and all the Discourses upon which those Jealousies might be grounded. 'Twas easy to pick out several Pretences in the King's Conduct, which obliged him to speak and act quite contrary, according to the Character of those with whom he had to deal. To 〈…〉 the Catholics, it became him to show a great Disgust against the Religion of the Reformed. On the other side, to satisfy the Reformed, there was a necessity of telling 'em sometimes by way of secret Confidence, that he had always a kindness for their Religion. His principal Allies were Protestants, and it behoved him that his Ministers Resident among 'em should let 'em know as much, to refix that Assurance in their Minds, which his Reconciliation to the Roman Church and the Pope had almost quite eradicated. They were afraid that another Religion had caused him to espouse other Interests. Therefore he ordered his Agents to excuse, to his Confederates, his outward manner of Proceeding, and to assure 'em, that only the necessity of Affairs obliged him to dissemble; and that he had altered his Conduct, but not his Sentiments. The Pope, who was informed of every thing by his Spies, believed, or else seigned to believe that this was true. And therefore he extorted from the King many things under that Pretence, as Dimonstrations of a sincere Conversion: And fain he would have drawn him, by these studied Distrusts, into a League against the Protestants. But the King, who could not confide so well in any but the Protestants; refused to hearken to those Propositions: And when he called to his remembrace that he had been bred among 'em, and faithfully defended by the Protestants, or that he had been so well assisted and served both by Them and Foreigners in so many Dangers, he could not without Horror hearken to the Council that was given him, for their Extirpation. Of all the Ten Things which he had made the Objects of his Wishes in his Life-time, one of 
His wishes.  the most ardent was; That he might be in a Capacity to establish the Reformed Religion which he then professed. Therefore when he saw himself the Umpire of his Wi●e, the Success of which depended upon his Will, he could not resolve to destroy a Religion, the Advancement of which he had so much desired and favoured. However, there must be something done to pay the Pope. For which reason the King enhanced the value of the Changes which had happened at Court, as so many Effects of his Solicitations, his Acts of Kindnesses, or his Example. Sometimes he acted the Converter, and disputed against such as presented themselves before him, to the end he might boast at Rome the Benefit and Sincerity of his Cares for the reducing of all his Subjects to one and the same Religion. He assumed to himself also the Honour of the Decay and Ruin into which some Reformed Families fell, and of the Advancement of some Catholic Houses; as if it had fallen out through his preferring the one above the other; whenas, for the most part, neither the one nor the other proceeded from any other Cause then the Ingratitude and Capricio of the Court, among whom there is as little Justice in the Refusal, as in the Distribution of Favours. Certain it is however this way of proceeding drew upon him sometimes most cruel Reproaches; and if we may judge of his Inclinations by the Satyrs of the Time, no body will believe that Gratitude and Liberality were his overruling Virtues, in regard they always represent the most ancient and most faithful Servants of this Prince as buried in Oblivion and Miserable, while on the one side, the Ministers of his Pleasures, and on the other, his Enemies, and they who had the Courage to render themselves formidable, were loaded, and became wealthy with his Favours and Rewards.  
But the most effectual of all the ways he took to content the Pope, was the Harshmesses of his Answers to the Reformed, while his Mind was prepossessed with the Jealousies infused into it; and Rome never failed of having Advice of it, as of a Proof that the Reformed were no longer Sharers of his Good Will. In a Word, they had taught him from that time forward to make a Distinction▪ between the Religion and the Cabal; on purpose that they might accustom him to hear their Destruction discoursed of without Offence, since they only talked to him of ruining the Cabal that wounded his Authority, without meddling with Religion, in the Exercise of which he was resolved never to make use of Force.  
He looked upon the Dukes of Bovillon and de la Trimoville as the Heads of that Party: And he would sometimes say to his Confidents, that one of his Wishes was, That he might have 'em at his Mercy, to the end he might more generously pardon 'em. But lafoy Trimoville stood too well upon his Guard to expose himself; and de Bovillon would never trust to his Generosity, as it fell out in an Affair wherein he was engaged some few Years after. Neither did Rochel stand fair in the King's good Opinion; and it is reported that when he was at the Siege of la Fere, that when he beheld the Oyse overflowing the Streets of that City, he whispered one of those that stood next him in the Ear, That if he could bring as much to pass in Marseilles and Rochel, he should think himself absolute in his Kingdom. This Resentment against Rochel proceeded from an old Affront which he received there during his Protectorship, and which he always retained in his Memory.  
'Twas only to persuade Rome, that he had absolutely 
1695.  abandoned the Reformed, that toward the end of the next 
Reports of the Reformed being quite out of favour, and the Sources of it.  Year a Report was spread abroad, that he was highly incensed at a Petition which they had presented to him, wherein it was said, That the Catholics had only his Body, but that they possessed his Soul and his Affection; that he had returned 'em a threatening Answer, telling 'em that he would join with the King of Spain to their Destruction; and that if they did not keep themselves close to the Terms of his Edicts, they should not have 'em so cheap from Him as from his Predecessors. 'Tis said, that he received this Petition at la Fere, and returned 'em this harsh Answer.  
But if we may believe Monsieur D' Aubigney, he had too deep a 
1596.  sense of Religion to treat those severely who persuaded him to maintain it. This Historian tells us, that at that time the King was afflicted with a Distemper which he believed mortal, and that he then underwent great Conflicts of Mind, because he was afraid that his return to the Roman Church was the Sin against the Holy Ghost, which is never pardoned. The like Discourses also were spread by the Duke de Mercoeur, who had a design it should be thought that the Wars of Religion were about to revive in the Kingdom, and that he was in a condition to make his interest thereby as the last of all the Patronizers of the Catholic Religion.  
Yet, at the bottom, the King was not so displeased with the Reformed, but that he sometimes gave the Romish Clergy cause of complaint against him. It was then an authorised Custom to give Priories, Abbeys, and even Bishoprics, to the Laity, whereby they pleased themselves with the Name of an Ecclesiastic Confident; and the Reformed under this Reign shared the Benefits of this nature with the Roman Catholics. It happened every day that Affairs of this kind were promoted in all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom, where they were generally carried according to the Contracts of Confidence, until there was offered to the Privy-Council an Act which gave a Bishopric to a Woman in pursuance of some act passed with her Husband according to this confidenciary possession. This was an abuse that the ecclesiastics had a great deal of difficulty to reform.  
In the beginning of the Year their Deputies were permitted to 
The Assembly.  assemble together. And on their part there was an Harangue made to the King at Folembray: He that undertook it could not forbear speaking something of Religion, but he behaved himself very moderately on the Subject, and only proposed to advance the Catholic Religion by Doctrine and Example, whereas War or Punishments had been the only Expedient preached up formerly. He exhorted the King to issue out an Edict to invite his Subjects to return to the Catholic Religion, which, said he, would be to imitate Constantine, who invited the Subjects of his Empire to embrace the Christian Religion by his Example; and also of Recarede King of the Goths, who being converted from Arianism, obliged all his Subjects to turn with him. But, continued he, I desire not this Conversion to be procured either by Arms or Violence.  
He acknowledged likewise, that the King might not perhaps be so well assured of many Towns and Persons which were returned to his obedience, that therefore such Measures were requisite to be taken as might prevent any new Troubles arising in the Kingdom.  
In a second Harangue the Deputies of this Assembly pressed these Matters a little farther; and to take away all suspicion which any persons might have, that the Edict of Invitation tended to a renewing of the War, they declared that they had need of Peace themselves, and would only have this Edict to dispose the Reformed to receive their Instructions more easily. Nevertheless, they had made an Address, upon which they obtained an Edict at Travercy, that was very favourable to them. The Reformed, who suspected 
Edict of Travercy.  this Assembly of their Enemies, did all that in them lay to hinder any ill consequences, and the Clergy also complained, after they had consented to this Edict, that the King had not provided for the most important Articles of his Demands. There were nevertheless some in this Edict which had respect to Religion. The First ordained the re-establishment of the Mass throughout all the Kingdom, the Ninth forbade Burial in Churchyards and other Sacred Places to such who did not die Catholics, altho' they had the right of Patronage or any other title of pretence. The Tenth permitted the selling of Relics or Church Ornaments out of the hands of the trusties and other Detainers, and to inform against the Spoilers of Holy Places, at least upon a Civil Account, for the recovery of things that were taken. This Clause of Civil Account, had a reference to the reformed, who looked not upon the Catholic Relics or Ornaments of their Churches as holy things, and it would have made a great noise if they had been prosecuted as criminal for Pillages of this nature: whereas the Catholics very far from being treated civilly upon such accounts might in pursuance of the Canons be prosecuted as guilty of Sacrilege. The Thirteenth commanded the restitution of all Ecclesiastical Goods of what nature soever, and forbade the detaining of them, even under the pretence of Reparations, Amendments, or any thing of the like nature: and gave a Grant of Possession of the Livings belonging to the Bishops of Dags, Bayonne, Tarbes, and Aize, which had been seized of in Bearn. This Article might interest many of the Reformed, who were very probably entered upon the possession of these Goods on the credit of the Attachment. But this was the main Design of all the Attempts the Clergy had made. In their Harangues nothing was so much pressed as the restitution of their Livings: and Charity was not the Motive that induced them to desire Peace, but a Fear, that instead of regaining what they had already lost, they might yet lose more in a new War.  
These Intrigues of the Clergy continued near half a Year: 
An Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne.  but in the beginning of them the Traty with the Duke of Mayenne was concluded, which had been put off for so long a time; in which the Duke had proposed an Article of being exempted out of the Enquiry that might be made into the Murder of Henry the Third, whether it was, that he knew himself too nearly concerned in it, which made him willing to secure himself from the Prosecution of the Queen Dowager; or that he looked upon it as a reparation of the Death of his Brothers, whom the late King had caused to be slain at Blois, to leave those unpunished that had revenged him, even upon the Person of the King. The Parliament had much ado to pass this Article, and perhaps it was the only one amongst all that was agreed between the Leaguers upon which there was so great a contestation. They would have obliged the Duke to have cleared himself by an Oath, that he had no hand in the Parricide; or upon his refusal to have ratified the Article with this Modification, That it was agreed to because of the urgent necessity of Affairs. The Attorney-general, who had innocently introduced into Henry the Third's Chamber the Monk that assassinated him, thought himself obliged to bring the guilty to punishment, and formed great difficulties, which the zeal of the Parliament seconded very briskly. But in the end it was passed, and the Orders of the King were so strong, that they confirmed the Edict without restriction. The King was obliged by many Reasons to prosecute the Revenge of Henry the Third, besides the common interest of Kings, who ought to their utmost to preserve the glorious Privileges of their Persons; he owed this Revenge to his own Glory, to the end that he might not appear to have advanced himself at the expense of his Predecessor's life; and he had also engaged himself to do it by formal Promises to the Queen, and to the Officers of the former Court. But the present Affairs made him forget both his Duty and his Promises; and the Death of Henry the Third was not revenged. Upon which one thing may be observed worthy the Reader's attention: Henry the Fourth was also basely assassinated as his Predecessor had been; but there was so little care taken to revenge his death, that even those were punished that endeavoured to discover the Authors of it. And in these two cases only the Executors of both these Parricides were put to death; for they did not what they ought, or what they might have done, either to punish or to discover the accomplices. So that Henry the Fourth had the like respect showed him after his death, as he had showed to him that reigned before him. This Remark is in the History of the Reformed, for there was none in the Kingdom which complained louder than they did, that revenge was not taken on the Murderers of their preserver. But to return to the Duke of Mayenne, who only demanded the exclusion of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion for six Years in those Towns which he gave up to the King; and he was indeed after his reconciliation one of the most equitable of the Court, when it was in dispute whether such an Edict should be granted as might comprehend the Reformed.  
Nevertheless they saw nothing which cured their distrusts; not only the remembrance of what had passed gave them just fears of what was to come, as Impartial Historians acknowledge; but they gave them every day new occasions, which made a Secretary of State ingeniously confess to du Plessis, in a Letter which he wrote to him, that they continually gave them too much subject of complaint. But still Prudence would not let them push their Patience to the extremity, in a time wherein it might have been the cause of strange disorders. Throughout the Kingdom there was almost none less powerful than the King; the Governors 
The Estate of the Kingdom.  looked upon their Places and Provinces almost as a Possession that belonged to them by propriety; they were only made obedient by the power of Caresses and Benefits: So that the State seemed remiss in the same point it had formerly been when the House of Cartienna began to decay; upon which some unquiet and ambitious Spirits built a like Project to that which brought Hugo Capet to the Crown. This Prince bestowed part of his Kingdom upon those which had assisted him in the gaining it, and gave the Dukes and Earls a Propriety to such Countries as they were Governors of; keeping to himself, with that Country which belonged to him by Inheritance, only the Sovereignty and Homage of all these Lords, with the Condition of Reversion to the Crown in certain Cases. This same Method was proposed to the King, as a good Expedient to pacify the Kingdom. The 
The Project of dividing.  young Duke of Mompensier was engaged in this Project, and was to tell the King of it; but the King's Answer so cast down this young Prince, as made him sensible it was a slender experience had engaged him in this undertaking; but this did not put an end to the design, for it yet continued in the minds of several persons; and if the Reformed had but stirred then, many without doubt would have taken an advantage of the occasion. There were strange Intrigues carried on in France. The Duke of Mercoeur had already retired into Bretagny; and Du Plessis had stopped a Courier of the Arch Duke's, who was carrying Letters to this Prince, which discovered very strange things to them; the greatest part of the Catholic Lords were interested therein. Even Byron, who afterwards suffered himself quite to be corrupted, was engaged in this Conspiracy; and it was plain enough, that whatsoever fomented the Troubles at home proceeded from a strange inspiration. If the Authors of these Intrigues could but have forced the Reformed to some desperate Attempt, they would thereby have found a pretext of making War against them, which would have been a fine occasion for them to have taken better Measures to dismember the Kingdom than they had done by the League, the success of which made them observe the defects.  
But the Reformed only continued their Assemblies; and after 
The Assembly meet at Loudun, with permission.  the ill success of their former Deputation, they agreed to meet at Loudun, the First of April, to consult about the safety of the Churches. The King permitted them because he had considered the consequences of his cold Answers, and he was used upon all occasions to repair a harsh treatment by one more sweet and compliable. The Deputies at their arrival found new cause of 
New suspicions,  inquietude, in that it was not long before the Cardinal de Joyeuse was to return from Rome, whom they believed commissioned to make the first Overture of Peace between the Crowns under the pretence of uniting them to make War against the Turk. But the Reformed were not ignorant how the Court of Rome had abused these holy Leagues, and on how many occasions these Croisades against Infidels had been turned against the pretended Heretics, and therefore were apprehensive, that the Catholics, under this pretexes, intended to ruin them, and that in effect they would employ against them the Arms that in appearance were taken up against the Ottoman House. In this Assembly they were wearied with Uncertainties and Delays, and repulsed by the Rigour of the Parliaments, in many of which, as well as in the inferior Courts, they still executed the Edicts of the League, without considering the later Edicts which had revoked them. The King had promised the Deputies at Lions to send Commissioners unto the provinces, to cause those Declarations which he had made to be executed, and to re-establish the Edict of 1577, with all its Consequences. But this Promise had been so ill performed, that it was delayed, and so very little effect came from the Proceedings of the Court, and from some Commissioners, which were sent into some of the places, that the condition of the Reformed was no ways bettered; besides, that they could no longer be content with the re-establishment of this Edict, but demanded 
and subject of complaint.  a new one more ample and more favourable to them. The small advantage the Commissioners promised or sent to the Reformed soon appeared in the Parliaments, in which, during the same time, the Assembly offered up a Complaint of their Rigours; that of Bordeaux made an Act which extended to the ruin of a great number of their places of Exercise. It was enacted in favour of the Marquis of Trans, who had great Possessions, that they should not Preach within the limits of his Jurisdiction: so that, besides the places where this Act absolutely put an end to the Exercise of the Reformed Religion, it produced in them great Fears both of the Example and Consequence. The Catholic Lords, in whose Possessions they had preached until then, might probably in imitation of the Marquis, obtain Prohibitions for their continuing so to do: And as all Roman Catholics are very near equally prejudiced against all other Religions, so there was no room to doubt but they would signalise their Zeal by the like Prosecutions. The Parliament of Tholouse, who by Articles of Capitulation with the King had banished the Exercise of the Reformed Religion four Leagues from the Town, demanded that they should not place within the Walls the Chamber of Justice which they promised to the Reformed for Languedo●, passing an Act which required all the Officers of Justice should be received in the Parliament, and not in the 
* Which was a Court for the benefit of Protestants, one half Roman Catholics, and the other half of the Reformed.  Mixed Chambers, which manifestly excluded the Reformed from all inferior Offices of Judicature, and from all subordinate Charges; since the Parliament took such measures, as to admit none which would not take an Oath to live and die Catholics. But the Parliament of Aix outdid all the rest, and forbade the Public Exercise of the Reformed Religion throughout its Jurisdiction, on forfeiture of Life: And when the Duke of Guise, after his reconciliation with the King, had the Government of this Province committed to him, there was again renewed the Names of Papist and Huguenot; which plainly showed the Spirit of the League still reigned amongst them, since they thus revived the Names of the Parties, which the principal Authors of this Faction had formerly given to them. And what made the thing more odious was, that the Duke of Guise had been introduced into the Province and confirmed in his Government by the Reformed: And that the Acts of Parliament were passed two or three Months after that he had been delivered by Lesdiguieres from the servitude of the Espernonists, and that he had confessed, that this Lord had taken the Yoke from off his Neck. It will appear plain, upon what this acknowledgement was founded, to any one that reads the History of the Divisions of this Province.  
The Assembly complained of these Injustices, of which they had Memoirs sent them from all Parts; and of the small assistances that the Reformed found from the King's benevolence, who, when they remonstrated to him all these Oppressions, he returned the Deputies words without effect, and tiresome delays. It was not long before they put up their Requests to the same effect as the former, only a little illustrated with new Expressions and Additions to the like purpose. It was almost the same method that the latter Assemblies observed, who, as to the material Points, demanded as the precedent Assemblies had done, only giving a little Explanation to prevent Frauds and Equivocations, and to take away all pretexts of Disputes whatsoever. Vulson, 
Vulson sent to Court.  whom the Parliament of Grenoble perplexed on the account of his having obtained the Place of a Counsellor, was deputed to go to the King to demand of him the performance of his Promise made at Lions to the Envoy of the Assembly of Saumur. Du Plessis writ by him to the King, to show him the importance of this Journey, and the necessity of sending him back with some satisfaction. He particularly advised him to send to the Assembly some peaceable Catholic, qualified with sufficient power, to the intent that they might treat with him to some purpose. But the Catholics which were near the King possessed him with quite different thoughts. Vulson was received in the accustomed manner, with a friendly Countenance and fine Words, but obtained nothing more than the rest had done before him. The Promises were oftentimes reiterated, and as oft found vain, and which in the end were reduced only to the Edict of 1577; and some Promises of compensation for what the Treaties with the Leaguers had retrenched, which could satisfy no Man: But there was a Conclusion from the Answer which Vulson made, that put an end to all their reasoning and patience. The Assembly had given him order to tell the King, that they expected his Answer at Loudun; and this was explained by the ill-minded Courtiers as an injurious Menace to the Royal Authority, and with a Boldness of Rebels, who would make the King to understand that they stayed there to take new Resolutions, if they were not contented with the Answer he should give their Deputy. Passionate Historians make every thing on this side as odious as they can, altho' the intention of the Assembly was much more innocent. The Deputies were accustomed, after having put up their Requests, and named those which should carry them to the King, to return again and expect the effect of their Solicitations; and contenting themselves with meeting together, if affairs required it; but this were an endless trouble. There were already two Years passed since the Assembly of Saint Foy had been going backwards and forwards, and yet had obtained nothing; and when those which were sent to the Court received any Answer, there was so much time lost in communicating it to the Churches, to the Councils of Provinces, and in naming Deputies for a General Assembly, that it was impossible to avoid tediousness. Therefore to bring things to a more speedy issue, the Assembly of Loudun resolved not to depart, until they saw some conclusion of the Affairs for which they had met together; and what they had ordered Vulson to tell the King, was only a simple Declaration of the resolution they had taken. And indeed this might confound the Council, who found matters went more according to their minds in the preceding Conduct, because the Year was run out before another Assembly could deliberate upon their Answers; and this method served to gain them time, and to defer them to a Conjuncture wherein the King might bring Affairs to such a pass, as he might treat with the Reformed more at his pleasure; whereas now they perceived that the Assembly were resolved not to part until they had brought things unto some certain conclusion; and this, without doubt, hastened things more than ordinary, and also hindered the ill-minded Courtiers from an opportunity of finding out new Illusions to amuse them. But the King having taken the thing according to the sense his Council had represented to him, was resolved to answer this Declaration of the Assembly by a Mark of absolute Authority; and therefore commanded the Assembly to break up, and to depart every one to his own home, assuring the People of the goodwill of the King, whereof nevertheless they carried no other Testimonies than general Promises. Such a Command, made with a sort of a menacing Air, rendered all these fine words suspected: The Protestants doubted not but the secret design of this separation was to deliver the Court from these importunate Solicitors, who too strongly demanded the effect of those Promises which they had no mind to perform; and it is not to be wondered at if this Answer displeased the Assembly, since some of the Council, who was not so very severe, had no hand in it; and even Lomanie, writing upon this Subject to Du Plessis, confessed to him, that he knew not why the Secretary of State had conceived it in such terms, and he did not doubt but that he himself was offended, and that he had some secret reservation.  
The Assembly therefore was very much offended with this Answer; and believing they ought to defer their breaking up, until they had consulted together what was necessary to be done in 
An Effect of this Rigour.  this unfortunate Conjuncture; they concluded they were no longer to expect any assistance from the Court, but henceforth to seek it in their own strength. The Deputies were authorised by the Provinces to do whatsoever should be judged useful for the common Cause; so that the Assembly was ready to depart▪ having resolved to put the Reformed again into the same condition they were before the Truce with the two Kings. But Du Plessis, 
A wise Expedient of Du Plessis to reunite the Assembly.  who feared the Consequences of these desperate Resolutions, and the Effects of the Resentments that the Deputies might stir up in the Provinces, did an act worthy his Wisdom and the Fidelity he owed to the King. He went to the Assembly, and was so far from advising them to break up, that he proposed the fortifying themselves with a great number of considerable Persons, and to enter into a Mutual Promise, not to separate any more till they had obtained an Edict with sufficient security. This they agreed to, and invited such persons to them as were fitly qualified, to strengthen their Assembly by their presence: All that were in the neighbouring Provinces came to them; Lafoy Trimoville, who had never assisted before, appeared there with the rest. But the Courage of many Persons failed, when they came to sign the Union that Du Plessis had proposed, because they expected no relief from the Court; therefore he signed first, upon which all the rest resolved to follow his Example. Thus Wisdom prevailed with them, and altho' their Patience was tired, yet it was not quite spent; they gave Du Plessis time to write to the King, and to represent to him the disorders that might proceed from a separation of the Assembly. He plainly told him what the Deputies had reason to complain of; the Rigours of the Parliaments, the Injustices of the Officers, which forbade paying the Garrisons of the places; their Fears, Distrusts and Suspicions, and the Proposition of bringing themselves again into the same condition they were in before the Truce: And to appease all these Disturbances, he again renewed his Advice to the King of sending a Commissioner on his account to treat with the Deputies; he nominated the Precedent of Thou, because he looked upon him to be a lover of Peace: He applied his Advice to the Example of Henry the Third, who sent Bellieveure to Montauban, in 1584. to treat with the Reformed; and he begged the King not to believe the affair of small importance, because every person amongst them was resolved to see what was to be expected for their security. Hesperian, who carried the Letter with more particular Instructions upon the Subject, in which was contained the Reasons the Reformed had to be afraid, with an Account of their Complaints, and the Motives that ought to oblige the King to yield to the desires of these alarmed persons.  
As the King's coldness was caused by the displeasure the Catholic 
Is approved of the King; who revokes the Order of dispersing, and promises a Commissioner.  Zealots had made him conceive against the Proceedings of the Reformed, so it was not very difficult to change his thoughts, when they gave him better Reasons for it; therefore, whether he was touch● with the Remonstrances of his faithful Servant, or that the effect of his harshness had convinced him, that his Counsellors had made him take wrong Measures, he gave pressing Orders that the Assembly should not break up: He promised to send somebody to treat with them, and fixed a time when he would send him; and strongly enjoined the staying the Deputies until the arrival of his Commissioner. Thus the Mischief that the zealous Catholics had done, was very near repaired by the wise Advice even of those whom they had offended; and the Reformed by this Expedient were hindered from any ill effect their despair might have produced. Yet without doubt there was some difficulty in making every one patient, and especially when they saw the time past that was prefixed, without any one being sent to the Assembly from the King. Du Plessis was even told sometimes, That they ought not always to exercise Patience, after so many Injustices and so many Delays; the most peaceable were ready to answer, that they were weary, after seven Years sufferings; having seen the King neglect them whilst he was of their Religion; and turning from them and adhering to the Catholics, treating to their prejudice, contrary to his Word, and the Promises signed with the Princes and Lords of his Court, with the Members of the League; agreeing with the Pope, and it may be engaged to destroy the Reformed, to please him; and, after all, no answer to their Solicitations, but vain words; and their Services were like to be no otherwise recompensed, than by endless Delays. Yet, however, they waited the time the King desired, without taking any certain Resolution. This Patience might very properly have passed 
The Patience of the Reformed.  for a great piece of Service, since the only Motive with them was an unwillingness to trouble the State, in a very unfortunate Juncture, wherein the least disturbance might have confounded all, and in which, perhaps, the King might have found himself to have had a less share of the division than any of those that should have rend the Kingdom. But as they were jealous of the glory of their Services, so they would not be corrupted; and they appeared always very much afraid of being esteemed Authors of the ruin of the Crown. Their Enemies have very ill interpreted, what they spoke either by their Deputies or Requests, that if they were not assisted by the King in their pressing Necessities, they should seek a Remedy from themselves; as if by that they had threatened to take up Arms. That was never in their thoughts, they never dreamt of forcing him; but only purposed to have stood up in their own defence, if the King abandoned them to the Injustice and Fury of their Enemies. And to make it a Crime for Men, (whom they had treated near 35 Years with so much Perfidiousness and Cruelty) to be careful to avoid the like treatment for the time to come, is, to speak rationally, a Proof that they would not spare them, and that they seemed to intimate, they ought to suffer themselves to be oppressed, without making any defence.  
Although the Catholics rallied them bitterly sometimes, because they had not known how to take their time, and make use of advantageous Conjunctures to have prevailed in, they suffered them to pass this upon them, since they were able by their Arms to make them agree to whatsoever they would. They yielded, even all of a sudden, upon one of their most important Demands; and it appeared, by the conclusion of the Treaty, how much their desire of preserving the State was more powerful with them than the consideration of their own Interests. Those amongst them that were inclined to have things carried quietly, had two powerful Reasons to command their Minds. One was, the Reproach they should deserve, if, by a Civil War, they increased the King's Troubles. The other was, the consideration of what might one day happen, if they should gain any thing by force, as the state of Affairs than were. They very well foresaw, that their quiet would not be very durable, if obtained at such a price; that the King would retract these extorted Favours, as soon as he was in a condition to resent them, and that he would reduce them again more than ever under the discretion of the Catholics. Wherefore they contented themselves with continuing 
A continuation of their Requests.  their Solicitations, by Assemblies, Deputations, Requests, Demands, and Complaints. If these Solicitations are looked upon as importune, it must be remembered, that the King liked the advice of Du Plessis, and that to have an excuse to the Catholics and to the Pope, he was not sorry he was importuned; so that these Importunities could not be criminal, since they were necessary and tacitly authorised. It may be an offence to Princes, when they are vigorously pursued to force something from them they are not willing to; but Importunity is not amiss when it serves for an excuse to such persons as they would not offend, yet care not to yield to.  
The arrival of a Legate, that the Pope sent to France, obliged 
A Legate in France renews their fears.  them to be more and more earnest in their Importunities. This Legation gave the Reformed new cause of distrust, because they doubted not but the Legate was ordered to use his interest against them, and they were afraid the King might be prevailed on by his Solicitations, or that at least the credit of this new Enemy would put a new stop to their Affairs; and the reason of this Fear was too apparent. Although it was promised them, that the Bull and the Power of the Legate should be verified with great Exceptions, yet they did not stick to do quite the contrary; for they confirmed his Power to the utmost, altho' they thereby injured themselves in many things. They continued likewise to retrench the Garrisons of the Reformed in Poictou and Saintonge; they suppressed that of Thovars, on purpose to disoblige La Trimoville, who was Lord thereof, and to take away from him a place of strength. The pretext of these Proceedings was, that the Money arising from this Suppression was to be made use of in the War against the Low Countries; but it would have turned to so small account, that it was easy to perceive their chief end was to perplex those that had an interest in the management of these Garrisons. Roni, who began to dispose of the King's Revenue, 
Jealousies of Roni.  might easilier have raised that Fund upon others than those of his own Religion; but as he was friend to none but himself, and perhaps the King, to whom his Fortune engaged him, so he was very jealous of all those that had any reputation amongst the Reformed; and he was not sorry to have them far distant from the Court, that their Merit might not stand in competition with his; therefore he contributed what he could to their ruin, and he was not displeased, when they had occasion to make any advances, which might procure them the ill will of the King. He hated the Marshal de Bovillon, who had a very acute Genius in the management of Affairs, and who was capable of prevailing with the King, who had an high esteem for him. He loved not Lesdiguieres, who would have no dependence on him, and whom he was obliged to have a great regard for about the Affairs for Dauphine; but above all, left his Merit and great Services might bring him to a higher degree of Authority, La Trimoville disturbed him, being a Man that was no slave to Favour, and with whom in time he was like to fall out. As for Du Plessis, he was insupportable to him, as a Man that was the King's Confident; and who, if he had been at Court, would have been able to have attained to the highest degree in the King's favour, because of his honesty and intelligence in all Affairs. Wherefore he kept him always as an Exile at Saumur, where the Fortune of this wise Lord, who deserved a better fate, was limited. The occasion of his discovering his Jealousy, will be made to appear in the Sequel of this History.  
But to return: These Tricks put upon the Reformed about their Garrisons, had an effect that was not foreseen at Court; for after they had used their best interest for a redress thereof, they were forced at last to follow the advice given in the Acts of the Assembly held at Saintefoy, and accordingly stopped the King's Money in some places of Poictou, which they employed towards the maintaining of their Garrisons. All this happening about the time of the Legat's arrival, the Reformed were afraid, that, if he demanded it, the Court would make him more Sacrifices, as new Marks of Honour; insomuch, that they thought it a necessary Precaution, for preventing new Injuries, to press the King hard, nay, to be more importunate with him than ever. Besides, they might well see, that the Legat's presence was like to put the King to new perplexities, and restrain that good will, of which they had daily fresh assurances. It was not likely that any thing could be done for them, but it would offend the Pope, if done in his Legat's presence, unless there was some plausible excuse ready at hand. Therefore the only Remedy was to demand importunately, that the King might not want an Answer whenever the Legate complained. But this Prelate was not the hardest of all to be satisfied with reason, and those Commissioners who managed the Edict of Nants, from the Month of July, of this Year, to April 1598., found him more easy and tractable, though a Cardinal and an Italian, than a great many French Catholics. The Precedent de Thou himself being charged before him with too much favouring the Reformed, when he was one of the King's Commissioners to treat with them, was obliged for his vindication, to give him an account of the whole Negotiation. The Legate rested satisfied with it, and referred all the Interest of the Catholic Religion to the Wisdom of the King's Commissioners.  
In the mean while another National Synod was held at Saumur, 
A Synod at Saumur.  which opening at the same time with the Political Assembly, and so near the place of their sitting, gave the Court fresh occasions of fear. They were afraid, that these two Councils debating the same things, their Resolutions should be more effectual, and that the Ministers would carry along with them to their respective Churches, that Spirit of Eagerness and Discontent which they saw prevalent in the Assembly. The Consistory-men were more dreaded at Court than the rest, because the subsistence of a great part of them depending upon their Religion, it was thereby become their only and darling interest; so that they were firm and inflexible upon it, and could easily by their Eloquence draw in their People to their Opinions. But 
Their Resolutions.  Du Plessis assured the Court, that Ecclesiastical Matters only would be treated of in the Synod. And indeed, they did even take there a Resolution which could not but be very pleasing to the Court, since it allowed the Ministers to assist in the Assemblies where the preservation of the Churches was treated of, only because of the present necessity; that is, that this necessity being over, they were ordered to keep themselves within the bounds of their Ministerial Duties. Whether the Motion whereon this Resolution was taken, sprang from the tenderness and scrupulousness of some conscientious Men who were unwilling to meddle with the Affairs of that Government, or that it was inspired by the Court's Intrigues, it is certain at least, that it had mighty Consequences in another Reign, and in several things gave an advantage to the Enemies of the reformed Religion.  
However, the Synod wrote to the King on the general Affairs, 
Their Letters to the King.  and sent Deputies to him. They thanked his Majesty by their Letters for those fresh Assurances of his good Will, brought to them by de Serres, which they ascribed partly to his Natural Goodness, partly to the remembrance he had of the good Affection and great Services of the Reformed, whereof he himself was a witness. They complained next, that their Grievances were misrepresented to the King, who was made to believe, That they were used almost as well as their past Services deserved, and according to his good Intentions, which hindered him from more earnestly thinking of their relief; whereas, on the contrary, they had every day new Wrongs done them all manner of ways: That the Catholic Party would have them be contented with the Edict of 1577, and the Conferences that followed it, though it was in a manner made void by the Edict of Reduction; by virtue whereof they were treated in most Parliaments according to the Edicts of the League, all that the Rebels demanded being granted them to revive the same: That the Reformed had reason to think it strange, that they, who had served the King from his very Youth, and whose Services had, against all humane appearance, been blessed by God, were in a worse condition in his Reign, than under his Predecessors, whose mind was influenced against them with Prejudices baffled by the event and time: At last they excused themselves for troubling his Majesty with their Affairs, at a time when he had such weighty ones in hand, by adding, that being the Reformed were such a considerable part of his Subjects, and of the most Faithful too, their Concerns could be none of his least important Business. The Synod wrote also to the Lord High Constable upon the same Heads, but for all this they then could get nothing else but a renewing of wont Promises. But, in fine, the King having resolved to appoint 
Commissioners appointed.  Commissioners in order to treat with the Assembly, he followed exactly the advice of du Plessis, and offered the Commission to the Precedent de Thou, a Man of a known Integrity and Honesty all the World over; but he refused it, fearing the Consequences thereof, because he was unwilling blindly to follow the Zeal of the rigid Catholics, whose strictness he did not like, and whose reproaches he feared, if he chanced to yield any thing to the Reformed. Upon his refusal, Vick and Calignon were entrusted with the same. The first was a Catholic, and the other of the reformed Religion. The Assembly was offended at Calignon's accepting of a Commission to dispute and trifle with his Brethren upon their demands, and to bring them such Answers from the King, as did not satisfy their hopes. In short, their Powers went no farther than to grant the Reformed the execution of the Edict of 1577▪ with a kind of Compensation to make up what the Treatises of Reduction might have altered therein; so that they were thought insignificant by the Assembly; and this first Journey of the Commissioners did not promote the Work. The King had, both in the Instructions, and 
Complaints of the King.  by his Commissioners, made some Complaints to the Assembly of their stiffness in their Demands, and▪ above all▪ of their seeming to mistrust his Promises; but had joined to it a kind of an Excuse for the Answer made to their Deputies, which he thought would have been satisfactory to them, considering what Circumstances he was under when he made it. Whereupon he mentioned the loss of Calais and A●dres, together with the linger and uncertain Siege of Fere. There was, however, amidst these Complaints, a very advantageous acknowledgement of their Fidelity, when he said, That the Remedy which they sought for their Grievances was very far from that respect and affection they always had for him, that which nevertheless he charged upon some among them, who making advantage of the bad posture of his Affairs, were thereby willing to make themselves amends for their distaste at his Answers. I have observed before that the very Privy Counsellors had deemed it capable of producing this bad effect, and thought that the Contrivers of it had then some secret Slave to sweeten it in due time. 
The Firmness of the Assembly,  But the Reformed grounded their holding fast to their Demands upon the Answers themselves that were made them, and could not apprehend what kind of public Good they were required to prefer before their own Preservation, since the whole Matter amounted to no more than the retaking some Frontier Places from the Enemy, which might be done at any time, so soon as all the Forces of the Kingdom were reunited; whereas, now by delaying to do them right upon their just Complaints, many thousands of the best Subjects the King had, were left to the Mercy of their Enemies, Men trained up to Persidy, Injustice and Slaughter.  
The Commissioners having given the King an account of the Assemblies Resolution, he gave them new Instructions at Monceaux, where they met him. These were no larger than the former; but the Commissioners were charged to complain of their seizing the King's Money in some places, and demand satisfaction for it, as being a thing the King was much offended at▪ they moved also▪ that the Assembly should remove from Loudun 
which removeth to Vendome.  to Vendome, that they might be nearer to the Court; which being consented to, the Deputies repaired to Vendome, on the Tenth of November, where they waited three Months for the return of the Commissioners. In the mean while they sent new Deputies to the King then at Roven, where they presented to him some Articles drawn up upon Proposals made them, wherein they desisted from none of their former Demands concerning their Security; they did not so much as revoke their Orders for seizing the King's Money to pay their Garrisons, because they were satisfied that their Holds were the only thing, their Enemies did value them upon, and thought themselves lost, so soon as they should consent to the disbanding of their Troops, and the ruin of their strong Towns. They were also inflexible in their Demands concerning the maintenance of their Ministers, and the administration of Justice, for the security whereof they would have, in suspicious Parliaments, Courts, consisting one half of Protestants, the other of Catholic Judges, commonly called Chambers Miparties. But they were somewhat loose in 
They desist about a general Exercise.  the point of their religious Exercise, and accepted the Compensation before offered by the King. It amounted to two new Grants, or such at least that looked so. By the First, they were allowed to continue the exercise of the reformed Religion in all places, where it had been publicly made ever since the beginning of the then instant Year. The Second, allowed them a second 
A second place of Exercise granted in each Balliwick, and their right acquired by Possession in the year 1596. confirmed. The Edict of 1577. verified at Roven, doth not content them.  place for Worship in each Balliwick or Precinct, commonly called Senechaussee, almost the same Conditions prescribed by the Edict of 1577. in a Grant of the same kind. There will be occasion to speak more at large of these Grants hereafter.  
The King not being willing to grant them their other Demands, held fast to these two Articles; but as a proof of his good Will to them, he would not set out from Roven, before he saw the Edict of 1577. pass in that Parliament, as it had passed at Paris. This really was of no great advantage, because the Reformed were not contented with it, and would needs have had another Edict. Moreover, this verification of an Edict, which they had so often declared they could not be satisfied with, was but an Artifice to keep up their Patience, by putting an end to those gross Wrongs done them in Parliaments, which occasioned their Complaints: And it was easy to judge through the daily Denials made them of farther Grants, that if they could be prevailed upon to live quiet under the shelter of this Edict, until such time as a thorough settlement of the Kingdom, both at home and abroad, could be made, they would then, doubtless, be made to believe that another Edict was needless, since this had proved sufficient to secure them. All that might be granted them over and above this, was to give them some new places for their Worship, in lieu of those that the several Treatises of reduction had taken from them. The Catholics themselves consented to that kind of Compensation, and it seems that the King was resolved never to grant them any thing but under the same pretence, it being a plausible Excuse to the Pope or his Legate for all his Favours to them. It was clear enough, that the Reformed could never be obliged to be content with less, nay, that they might with good reason hold fast to their Pretensions, since 'twas but just to indemnify them for the loss of an advantage taken from them without cause, against the express word of a King, and that Promise signed by the Princes and Lords, which has been so often mentioned by us. But this Compensation was not sufficient to the Reformed, who aimed at more liberty and security than was given them by that means.  
This Verification was, nevertheless, ill resented at Rome, 
The Pope complaineth of it,  whereby it created the King, at least seemingly, a very difficult Work. The Pope made bitter Complaints to d' Ossat, both of the thing and of the manner of it, because, said he, the King had forced it upon the Parliament, overruling their opposition. D' Ossat displayed all his skill and ability to pacific the Pope; he 
D' Ossat appeaseth him.  enlarged upon the great advantage of Peace, after a Civil War of 35 Years, which could not end but by this Edict; besides, he represented that Peace as necessary for the conversion of Heretics, wherein the King did daily make considerable Progress; he exaggerated the great Miseries which the War had brought, especially upon the Church, and the spoil of the Ecclesiastical Revenues, occasioned by it; he showed, 'twas not the King, but his Predecessor, made that Edict, when he was obeyed by all Catholics at home, and assisted by all those abroad; that this was the least favourable of all those ever obtained by the Reformed; that so long as it was observed, their Religion did visibly diminish, and that tho' the King was now opposed at home, and attacked abroad, yet he had done nothing more than the late King, nor even without the advice of the Catholics of his Party; that this Edict confining Heresy to certain places, reestablished every where the Roman Religion; insomuch that one would hardly have believed that the Reformed, after having so much contributed to the preservation of the Kingdom, and strengthened themselves, during the War, with above 50 strong Places, would ever be contented with it, in a time when they might perhaps have extorted more from the King, almost overwhelmed with other Affairs; that the King was very commendable for having so well managed the Interest of the Catholic Religion, or was at least▪ more excusable for his connivance, than his Predecessors; upon which he brought in the Parable of the Tare, which is left standing, when it cannot be snatched off without spoiling the Corn; he laid a great stress upon the Examples of all other Catholic Princes, and on that of the King of Spain, who tolerated the Moors, and, to bring back the Dutch to their obedience, offered them Liberty of Conscience, and a free Exercise of their Religion: He made it appear next, that the oppositions of Parliaments are but Forms, since they know well enough that they must obey at last; and that, after all, no other Constraint was put upon them but that of the public Necessity. Then he hinted at the ill Thoughts the Reform might have entertained of the King, had he left Roven before seeing the Edict verified; what would have been their Jealousies, and how well grounded; how cunning the Faction was countenanced by the Spaniards, or what Dangers the Church and the State were like to be brought into by renewing the War: At last he concluded, with putting the Pope in hopes, that this Peace would bring all other things to a State most agreeable to his Holiness. Those that are not well read in the Policy of the Roman Court, may perhaps wonder at this Verification making such a noise there, though at the same time they did not speak a word of the public Treaty that was beginning with the Reformed, under the very Nose of the Legate, who could not choose but give notice of it. But 'tis a Maxim of this refined Court's Policy, That Affairs must be handled in a manner like Plays, where the Actors never speak as they think, and know how to distinguish what is to be taken notice of, and what to be dissembled. According to this, the Gentlemen of Rome, when they are not able to obstruct an Affair, do, before its conclusion, pretend to be ignorant of it, because it would be an Affront to see it concluded, after having vainly opposed it; but when 'tis past Remedy, than they fall a Murmuring, to show their dislike of it. Thus the Pope delayed his complaining of the new Edict that was preparing, until it was fully concluded; because then the noise he made about it could do no harm to France, but might allay the Murmurs of the Spanish Faction.  
The Commissioners came to the Assembly but at the beginning 
1597.  of February, who immediately after their arrival protested, that the King could grant no more than what was set down in their Instructions, for which they gave only the reason of the bad posture of the King's Affairs, that permitted him not to do better, what desire soever he had to favour them. This reason of State was in the bottom nothing else but the Discontents, which the King's favouring the Reformed might give to the Holy leaguemen, who not being throughly pacified, might take a pretence from thence to stir up new Wars. The King indeed feared it, and could not put any trust in those so lately reconciled Enemies, who watched him almost as a Slave; nay, the circumstances of the time seemed to render his fears more reasonable, for the Spaniard, who still held an Intelligence with that half-suppressed Faction, had opened the Frontiers in several places. But the 
The Assembly is discountenanced at the return of the Commissioners.  Reformed were offended at that reason of State, yet not pacified, for upon the whole matter, they thought the design was to make a sacrifice of their Repose and Security, to the Passion of their ancient Persecutors; and, to say the truth, to do nothing in their favour, for fear of giving offence to the League men, was but to tell them plainly enough, that the King had better leave them in their Misery, than displease their implacable Enemies, who might have an occasion to be dissatisfied, if the Reformed were put out of their reach; wherefore that reason of State had no great effect in the Assembly, who could not relish that by a State. Maxim, the interest of so many faithful Subjects should be sacrificed to the caprice of a violent Cabal; that their great Services should be forgotten, their Persons exposed to new Cruelties, and sufficient Security denied for their Consciences and Lives. Therefore they declared to the King, by one of their Members, that they could by no means be contented with what was granted them, and that the Oppression the Reformed lived under, would at last force them to seek for a relief in themselves. The Commissioners, whose Powers were always bounded by certain limits, which it was not lawful for them to go beyond, being sensible that the Reformed were in a discontent, wrote to Court, that they thought it much to the purpose to break the Assembly, but that the Deputies must be sent home with whatever satisfaction could be given them. The Count de Schomberg, and the Precedent de Thou, then at Tours, negotiating a Peace with the Duke of Mercoeur, wrote to the same purpose, and the Count's advice was to satisfy those People, which he called People sick, not with Rebellion and Factious Passion, but with Jealousies and just Fears for what might happen to them, as we have it in the most impartial Historians. It was not doubted in Spain, but that the Reformed would be tired at last with so many Delays, and come to Extremities; and these two wise Counsellors saw well enough through the Artifices and various Shift of the Duke of Mercoeur, that he waited to see what the Business of Religion would come to, that he might take a Resolution accordingly. Wherefore, they advised the King to pacify things at home, the better to make War abroad. Du Plessis wrote the same, and the Reformed offered, after sufficient security had been given them, to employ their whole force, either to reduce the Duke, or beat back the Spaniards beyond their ancient Limits.  
Now the words of the Reformed being maliciously construed, as if they had threatened to take up Arms, tho' they did never so much as mention it, and had only declared, they would no longer expect relief from the Court, but maintain themselves as well as they could in case of Oppression: Their Words, I say, brought the Court into an extreme Perplexity; insomuch, that the Jealousies increased in both Parties, and the Court feared 
Mistrusts and Jealousies on both sides.  more mischief from the Assembly, than perhaps the Assembly designed to do; and, on the other hand, the Assembly apprehended more harm from the Court than was there prepared for them. Thus, in dubious Affairs, Fear is often mutual, and there is a kind of emulation, who shall show most Resolution and Courage, when really the Fright is equal on both sides. The King severely complained to the Assembly by his Letters, and laid openly the Fault at the doors of the Dukes of Bovillon and Trimoville; but there happened such Divisions in the very 
Divisions in the Assembly.  Assembly, as did even almost ruin their Affairs. It may be 'twas ●n effect of the usual Intrigues of the Court, who designedly had drawn the Assembly nearer home, the better to have them within the reach of its Caresses and Favours. Not but that it might be also the effect of that Misfortune, commonly attending the union of divers Persons, differing in Genius, Abilities and Interest; who, tho' agreeing in a general Design, do often fall out about the choice of necessary Expedients. It is with them, as with that Harmony by which the World subsisteth, through a correspondency of several discording Causes, which might easily break out of that just proportion whereby they agree, if they were not preserved and maintained by an Almighty and Divine Hand. Thus the union of many Men, who aim at different ends, may break of itself, tho' they often have the same Motives for acting concertedly, when each one would regulate the Conduct and Interest of all others, by his own Maxims and Prejudices. The Assembly, who ascribed the Progress of those Disorders to the influence of the Court, to prevent more Mischief, thought it fit to remove elsewhere, and accordingly came to Saumur on the Fifth of March. This removal might be 
They return to Saumur.  agreeable to both Parties; to the King, to whom du P●●ss●● might be very serviceable there, in allaying, with his Wisdom, the Heat of the most forward; and accordingly the King had sent for him a while before, and commanded him to go to Vendome, and endeavour to bring them to a better Temper; and it was agreeable to the Reformed also, in that the Authority of du Plessis, his Prudence and Equity might heal their Divisions, and bring them all to an unanimous Effort for the common Cause.  
In the mean while Matters went on slowly, and the Assembly being very little satisfied with the Commissioner's delays, which were supposed, by several Members, to be designedly made, they carried their Discontents along with them to Saumur. Nay, on a Report spread abroad, that the King was secretly treating of a Peace with the Archduke, their Jealousies increased, and they thought that the Court used so many delays, to the end that, if a Peace could be made before any thing was concluded with the Reformed, the King might be in a condition to grant them only what the Catholics pleased. But a little while after the Assembly was settled at Saumur, there happened an Accident, which did extremely alarm all sorts of People; the Spaniards having surprised Amiens, the defence whereof was left to its Inhabitants, 
Amiens surprised.  they defended it very ill. This Blow made a great noise through all Europe; France was counted lost, the old Cabals began to revive, and the consternation was so great, that People knew not what course or resolution was best to take; the King himself was disheartened in this Misfortune, and fell from that greatness of Soul he had always been Master of before. In short, one may judge what condition France was thought to be 
Confusion in the Affairs.  in, by what happened in Brittany. Brissac, who was Deputy▪ Lieutenant in that Province and a late reconciled League man, caused an Assembly of the Nobility to be held there in his presence, being therein, as 'twas said, countenanced by Mompensier, and the Dukes of Bovillon and la Trimoville. There they proposed to put themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England, by the Name of the good French People, (bons Francois) taking it for granted, that the King, after that loss, was no longer able to keep his Kingdom, and defend his Subjects against a foreign Invasion. The same accident occasioned great Agitations amongst the Reformed; some were for taking up Arms, and endeavoured to draw to their Opinion all such as were capable to bear them; 
A Motion for War in the Assembly.  insomuch that one moved for an Attempt upon Tours, whither some Troops were to be sent in the Name of la Trimoville; others thought, that they ought not to make use of such a dismal occasion, and that it was even more honourable for them to desist from their former Demands, than to make new ones. As for the two Dukes, they pushed on briskly their Proposals, and endeavoured to persuade them, that War was the only remedy they had left: But almost all the Churches rejected it; the great Towns, whose example might have drawn in the rest, and the best part of the Nobility, were deaf to it, so that the Project of the two Dukes fell to the ground. It was nevertheless reported abroad, that Discord had alone hindered the Reformed from voting the War, because the Nobility and Consistory▪ men renewed their old Quarrel, and fell out about the management of the Money that was to be raised; the Nobility claiming it as their right, and the Consistory▪ men being for Commissioners to be appointed by the respective Churches for the safe management of it. But all these Intrigues, as it was given out, miscarrying, through the dissension of the different Parties, every one at Court, after the retaking of Amiens, valued himself for having no share therein, and strove very hard who should make the first discovery to the King; so that all the odium fell upon the two Dukes, who had been the authors and promoters of the whole matter. From whence it follows, that their misdemeanour might be misrepresented, and made a great deal more than 
The Motives of the Dukes of Bovillon and Trimoville.  really it was, since in Reports of that nature, Men use to say more than they know, and consequently run the hazard of telling more than the truth. As for the Motive of the two Dukes, 'tis not easy to guests at them. The Catholic Writers charge them with designing to make advantage of the Disorders of the State, that they might get by force those Preferments that were denied them; but the Precedent de Thou, who saw the matters nearer than any body else, as being present in all these Transactions, gives us a more innocent Motive of those two Dukes. He ascribeth their Design to Necessity, and the Public Calamity, because in the General Confusion of the Kingdom every one did almost despair of his own safety, and thought he ought to seek his security from himself; for the proof of which, he saith, that as soon as Amiens was retaken, they submitted to what Terms the King was pleased to prescribe to them, because than their former hopes of enjoying Peace, under a King capable to defend them, were, without doubt, revived. That is, in a word, that we may reckon these great men's Motions amongst such things as are qualified by the event; and, indeed, had the King miscarried before Amiens, they had been admired as Masterpieces of State-policy, whereas they have been represented as so many Crimes, because the good Fortune of the King did soon put him in a condition to upbraid their Authors with them. Upon the whole matter, since all this was an effect of some Lords private Passions and Heats, which were repressed by the Patience and Tranquillity of the greatest number, 'tis most unjust to father upon the whole Body the attempts of some of its Members, especially since that the soberest part of them proved the strongest, and, in a manner, forced the rest to lay down their Arms.  
The King all this while was reduced to great Extremities, having 
The King's perplexity.  neither Money nor Troops, and not knowing who to trust to, almost all the Lords of his Court having had a hand in the foreign Conspiracies against him, and the League-men lately reconciled to him were still suspected, and Byron himself, who had persuaded the King to take heart again, and to besiege Amiens, mistrusted these secret Enemies, whom he called New Converts. Besides, the King's Treasurers were so absolutely out of Cash, that they wanted Money even for the Charges of the King's Household, so that curing the Siege of Amiens the King did more than once complain to Roni, that he had no clothes suitable to his Dignity. This obliged him to stoop a little below the Royal State, and to beg a Subsidy from his Subjects, in a manner a little too humble for a great King. When he heard that the Assembly was to remove from Saumur to Vendome, he ordered presently Count Schomberg and the Thou to repair thither, and endeavour to bring them back to Vendome, thereby to save Vick and Calignon his Commissioners 
His different manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the taking of Amiens.  the trouble of going so far. Their Instructions were full with Complaints of the Assembly's Proceedings, but above all, of their authorising the seizing of his Revenues, with Menaces that he would not permit them to make new Demands any more, adding withal, that he had rather lose with his Enemies, than be slighted and disobeyed by his Subjects. But the loss of Amiens made him alter his Language; he wrote to the Assembly at Saumur by Monglat, on the twelfth of March, and his Letter contained nothing but gentle Exhortations to content themselves with his Offers, or to put by their Demands to another time; and besides, there were many earnest Entreaties to put an end to their Session, and prefer in this urgent occasion the public good to their private interests, justifying thereby the sincerity of their intentions. To this was joined a Letter of Lesdiguieres to them, wherein he said, that he was going with all speed from the Court to his Government of Dauphine, to watch the Duke of Savoy's Motions, for fear he should attempt something on that side, whilst the King was busy in Picardy, and likewise exhorted them not to take occasion from the loss of Amiens to multiply their Demands. A little while after the King wrote also to du Plessis in a stile which expressed very lively the great perplexity he was in. This faithful Servant had complained to the King of Count Schomberg's Answer to the Deputies of the Assembly, it being, in his judgement, too cold and insignificant to pacify their minds, but severe enough to offend them. Therefore the King's Answer to du Plessis was moving and quite of another strain; there he vowed, that if the Reformed could but know the state of his Affairs, they would be sensible he could do no more for them. Next he represented his present condition as a great deal worse than it was when he was but King of Navarre, because he had no body to trust to, and none to assist him: then stooping a little below the Majesty of a King, he desired him to prevail so far with the Assembly as to rest contented with his Answer, lest he should be forced to make Peace with the Spaniards.  
The Count of Schomberg being arrived at Saumur with the other Commissioners, gave notice of it to the Assembly, and required them to send some of their Members to him, that they might hear the King's intentions; but the Assembly would not treat with him by Deputies, not out of any contempt to the Royal Authority, or to treat with the King upon even terms, as some slanderers gave out, but because they thought it more safe to treat publicly, than by private Deputations. So they refused 
The Answers of the Assembly.  to depute, and invited the Count to come to their Assembly, that they might hear what was his Charge to them. He refused a while to agree to it, because of his Character of the King's Commissioner, but at last he yielded to the Assembly's desire. He sent Vick to them, and by him they knew the King's Propositions, but they did not like them, and they made the Commissioners an Answer that pleased them not. It was put very near into the same dress as the Commissioners Instructions were, returning Compliments for Compliments; and as all the Terms of the Commission, that were either pithy or obliging, amounted to this, that the King was still resolved to grant them nothing, or to put off their satisfaction so soon as the new service demanded of them was over; so all their Protestations centred in this, that they could desist from none of their just Demands, and that they were ready to employ both their Estates and Lives for the Service of the State, so soon as satisfaction should be given them. Their Answer to the King was very near in the same strain; for they expressed therein an extreme sorrow for the taking of Amiens, and complained of the linger of Affairs as a cause which kept the Reformed from giving his Majesty new Proofs of their affection to his Service, promising for the rest, that so soon as the state of their Consciences was secured, they would be readie● than ever to give all that was dear to them for his Service; but next they insinuated, that they could not desist from their Demands for the sake of that public good that was urged to them, because both they and all the Reformed were fully satisfied, that the security of their Religion, of their Persons and Families, was no less a public good than the retaking of Amiens.  
That the King being informed of the Assembly's Dispositions by his Commissioners and by Monglat, who brought him their Answer, ordered new Proposals to be made to them, and slackened a little upon some points of small importance, which however could not satisfy them; so that he resolved to try them with a new Letter before he set out for his Enterprise upon Amiens. He had formerly writ to Count Schomberg, and complained of the Assembly, and to affect the Hearts of the Reformed, he had not forgot to make the best of a slight indisposition that he had about that time, concluding he must certainly sink under the weight of his grief, unless they would rest satisfied with his offers. But in the Letter he wrote to the Assembly itself by Monglat and la Force, he spoke much higher. There he laid before them the new Troubles, their Firmness, which he called Obstinacy, might bring the Kingdom to, and the great Benefits the Spaniards, already so formidable, and puffed up with their Victories, might reap by the Divisions of the French: Next he began to beseech them by that great Affection he had always had for the Reformed, whereof he had so often given them very signal Proofs, and by that Love they owed to their Country, to lay by all other thoughts at present but that of beating back the Enemy.  
To these new Arguments, which were backed by Monglat with all the strength of his Eloquence, the Assembly made the same Answer as formerly; and writing to the King, they desired him to observe, that their Demands aimed at no more than their Exercise of Religion and Justice; that their Pretensions were not grounded upon any Avarice or Ambition ruinous to the State; that in respect of the present posture of his Majesty's Affairs, their Proposals were fallen very short of what they had been directed to ask by the Instrustions they brought from the respective Provinces that sent them; and then they did highly commend the Commissioners sincerity, but bitterly complain of the Privy-Council, declaring that they looked upon those pretended Impossibilities purposely urged against them to elude their Demands, as so many visible marks of an ill will. The Assembly sitting then at Saumur, as I said before, du Plessis, who was Governor there, proved very serviceable to the King towards allaying the Heats of those incensed Spirits, who were very near upon admitting of no other Council, but such as their Fear and Despair might afford them. Whereupon he advised the King, that it would be easier to bring them to a better temper in an Assembly more numerous than this was, because than his Friends might depend upon more Voices to oppose those Members whose powerful Genius and Authority were to be feared. And, indeed, this was 
Which is removed to Chatelleraud; more numerous than before.  one of the Reasons for removing them to Chatelleraud, whither they came on the 16th of June. The Assembly was more numerous than any before that time, for it was made up of a Gentleman, a Minister, and a Lawyer, out of each Province, besides several Lords of such quality as was required by the Constitution made at Saint Foy, who represented no body but themselves. La Trimoville, who had been the most considerable amongst them in the former Assemblies, was chosen Speaker in this, where he maintained the Interest of the Reformed Religion with so much Zeal, that the Jealousy and Hatred they had already for him at Court was much increased by it.  
One of the heaviest Charges laid upon the Reformed of France, is their forsaking the King when he besieged Amiens; for their Enemies would fain persuade the World, that thereby they committed a Fault sufficient to eclipse the Glory of all their former Services. Two things, say they, are to be blamed in it: First, The Assembly's steady resolution to remit nothing of their Demands, at a time when the Interest of the State seemed to require of them the sacrifice of part of their Pretensions. Secondly, Their refusing to follow the King to a Siege, on the success whereof the safety of the Kingdom was thought to depend. But to this it may be answered, That the Assembly's obstinate Resolution to stick to their Demands was necessary, because being a Body made up only of persons sent by the several Provinces as their Representatives, they were bound to act according to their Orders, unless they would expose themselves to be disowned by their Principals. Now they were bound by these Orders not to 
The Reasons which may excuse the firmness of the Assembly in their Demands about the Article of Security.  desist from certain Demands which the Reformed thought necessary, to secure both their Persons and Consciences; and had the Assembly accepted the King's Offers, it would have come to no more than a tumultuous breaking of it; and the Provinces being frustrated of the hopes they had grounded upon the Fidelity of their politic Assembly, had, no doubt, taken some extreme Resolutions, if they had been betrayed by their own Representatives. In effect the Assembly failed not to give notice to the Provinces of the Court's Proposals, that they might be fully impowered, either to accept or refuse them, and having received at Chatelleraud a negative Answer by the Deputies newly joined to the former, they let the King know, that they could not be satisfied with his Offers. But, to judge aright of the Assembly's Conduct, and whether they are guilty of Obstinacy, or deserve Praises for their Constancy, we need but cast our Eyes upon that Horrid Confusion the Kingdom had been in, if the Assembly had been complaisant enough to accept an Edict, which the Provinces would have unanimously rejected; had not the Reformed in this sad case been forced to begin their Work again, and expose the Kingdom to a ruinous War? Moreover, the Articles of the Religious Exercise being settled, there was no more left than that of the security; and it was very strange, that the Court, after having granted Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed, would upbraid them with Obstinacy for not desisting from their Demands, in order to secure the performance of a thing promised them. The truth is, the treacherous Methods used in the reduction of the League, wherein their Interests had been sacrificed, contrary to Agreements, even under the Hand of the chief Men at Court, had utterly ruined their confidence in them, and one must be a great stranger to Equity and Justice, who can accuse the Reformed, as guilty of a crime, for obstinately requiring security of their Promises, of whose Treachery and Double dealing they had such fresh Instances.  
As for the Siege of Amiens, their Opinions were divided: Some 
Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens.  were for doing fairly this last Service to the King, thereby to cover the Enemies of the Reformed with shame, and make it appear to all the World, that no Injustice was able to wear them out of their Allegiance; nay, by so doing, they hoped to move the 
Difference in Opinions.  Hearts of the most zealous Catholics, and work upon them so far, that they would let a People enjoy quietly their Lives and Liberties, who had neglected their most Darling-interests, to run where the Occasions of the State invited them. This was the Advice of Lesdiguieres, to whom the Assembly sent a Deputation, with Offers very advantageous and tempting, which nevertheless he refused; 'tis true, his Advice had the air of a Reproach, from whence one might conclude, that he was less concerned for the Security of his Religion, than that of his Fortune. But the greatest part stoutly maintained, that they had to do with Men who regarded all their Services as necessary Duties; who thought themselves beholding to no body, and would lose the remembrance of good deeds, so soon as the occasion was over; that several amongst them, who most opposed the Reformed, were the very same they had in a manner rescued at Tours from the hands of the Duke of Mayenne; that it was easy to guests what would happen after the retaking of Amiens, by what happened every day by the Severities of the Answers sent them, and by the linger of Affairs. They failed not to observe the vast difference of Style used with them before and after the taking of Amiens; that, before that accident, the Court began to threaten them, but returned immediately after to cajoling and giving them fair words; whereby the Assembly might well judge, that nothing was to be obtained from the Court, when the retaking of that important place had put them in a condition to refuse without fear. Some there were who minced not the matter, and thought it a mere folly to contribute in the least to an action which might facilitate a Peace between France and Spain, being fully satisfied that it could not be made but at their cost. The Example of several Treaties made with the League-men caused their jealousy, and the Double dealings of their Enemies, whereby they cheated them in those occasions, made them fear the worst for the future; nay, the King himself added much to their fear, when, to bring them to his terms upon divers points, he threatened them with concluding that Peace; and, besides, they were not ignorant, that he harkened to the Proposals made by the Spaniards towards it, at the same time when he assured them, he would never do it but by force. Others were for letting the Catholics alone, and observing how they could get out of this scurvy business, and whether they were able to shift without the helping hand of the Reformed, whose small Number and Services they were wont to undervalue. Certainly these last Voters had an high conceit of their Party, and thought it such a considerable part of the State, that the Catholics could not but be very sensible of their absence; and really they were so, and could not but acknowledge, that upon the great Emergencies of State the Reformed were to be reckoned something. The King was more sensible than any body else of the great Mistake he had been in, by so long delaying to give them satisfaction, when at the Siege of Amiens he saw himself in the hands of his lately reconciled Enemies, whom he durst not trust, wanting those approved Friends, of whose Fidelity he had such unquestionable Testimonies. Therefore the retaking of Amiens wrought such an alteration in the minds of Men, that an Agreement between the two Religions was universally wished for on both sides, even by such as had most earnestly laboured to obstruct it. The King, indeed, being victorious, and having recovered his almost lost Reputation, talked higher than before; and the Catholics did ever and anon upbraid the Reformed with their pretended desertion; but, for all this, the wisest amongst them were more seriously for a Peace, and facilitated it more than ever.  
The experience of things passed rendered these last Considerations very specious, and even the remembrance of the Massacre at Paris gave weight to the advice of those who were afraid, that if the Reformed were joined in a Siege with the rigid Catholics and League-men, these being by much the strongest, might upon so fair an opportunity revive their implacable hatred, and rid themselves once more of the Huguenots. This they called a Bartholomew Campaign, a Term indeed very fit to renew the Memory of the Paris Morning-Prayer. These Reasons were so effectual, that the Ringleaders, who were those that might do the King the best 
The Reformed serve the King before Amiens.  service, thought fit to stay at home. However it is false, that all the Reformed did really forsake the King in that Enterprise, for he had both in his Household and Army several Officers and Soldiers of their Religion, and even part of his best Troops was made up of reformed Soldiers. The Regiment of Navarre, which did excellent Service in the Siege, and the greatest number whereof perished there, was almost wholly made up of them; and the Duke of Rohan, whose Name grew so famous since, made there his first Campaign. The Reformed answered the Charge at that very time, and marshaled up such of their Brethren who assisted at that Siege, and were killed or wounded before the place. True it is, that they did not serve there as a separate Body, and as having Troops depending upon them; but here 'tis strange, that those very Men who would have had the Reformed make a separate Body to serve the State, had been three whole Years a grumbling, because they made a Body to preserve themselves; as if Men, whose separating in order to secure their Consciences was counted a crime, were obliged to separate for the preservation of their Enemies. Moreover, very few amongst the Reformed were in a capacity to bring Troops at their own charge to the other end of the Kingdom; so that the Charge affected only a small number of the principal Men who might have served in person. Yet the Count de Schomberg and the Precedent de Thou, persuaded the Dukes of Bovillon and la ' Trimoville to raise Soldiers, 
The Actions of the Dukes of Bovillon and la Trimoville.  and received the King's Money for it; but the Troops of the former stayed in Auvergne upon some pretence or other, and those of the latter were employed in Poictou for repressing the Excursions of some tumultuous League men. The King was so much offended at these Lord's coldness, that he could never forget it, tho', perhaps, if they had been less suspected by him, some reason might have been found to have excused them. Certain it is, at least, that the Precedent de Thou, a wise and moderate Man, did what he could, both by Word of Mouth, and by Writing, to vindicate the Conduct of those two Lords, fearing lest the ill-affected Cabal, who cried down that Action, and branded it with the odious Name of Rebellion, troubling the Legat's Head with perpetual Complaints about it, should take advantage of it to thwart the Negotiation of the Edict. But of all those who heard the Case pro and con, there was none so impartial as that Prelate, and who better discovered the Illusion of those Complaints when the true Reasons were offered to him. The state of the King's Affairs was not so prosperous in Poictou and Brittany, which the Duke of Mercoeur had opened to the Spaniards, but he might as well fear to lose some Places on that side, as not to be able to mend the Damage done by the same on the Frontiers. Therefore as la Trimouille's Troops might be useful in that Country, du Plessis did often represent to the King how important it was for his Interest, and for removing the Jealousies of the Reformed, to give la Trimoville the Command of a Siege in that Country.  
Though the Council found Work enough before Amiens, they did nevertheless very seriously think of Religion, which they began to regard as a very important and material Business. Therefore as the Number of Deputies to the Assembly had been augmented, when the Reformed took a Resolution to labour in good earnest for their Security, so the King doubled also the Number 
The Commissioners changed.  of his Commissioners, when he resolved to think seriously of contenting them. The Count de Schomberg and the Precedent de Thou, had been added to Vick and Calignon at Saumur; but these two being since employed in other concerns, the two former did remain charged with the whole Negotiation, which ended happily in their hands. The Reformed desisted from several 
The Treaty continueth, and they slacken on both sides.  of their old Demands, though they thought them very reasonable and just; but in the present Conjuncture of Affairs, they would insist upon no Articles, although never so just, but such as were absolutely necessary; nay, they did also in process of time yield up several things, which they had formerly judged most needful. Such was their demand of Chambres miparties in all Parliaments, and of unsuspected Judges in all Courts of Judicature, but upon this Point they were at last contented with some small matter, besides what had been allowed them by the former Edicts. The King on his side did the like by degrees, and even during the Siege of Amiens, he gave new Instructions and new Power to his Commissioners, who came thither to give him an account of the condition the Assembly was i●. He also heard there the Complaints they had ordered Constans, Governor of one of their places to make to him, about his treating a Peace with the Spaniards, by the Mediation of the Pope, being shrewdly jealous, in respect of the Mediator, that the main scope of that Treaty was their utter ruin. But the King, in his turn, complained to the Assembly, that whereas he expected hearty thanks from them, he saw, to his grief, that they would not accept the Offers made them by de Vick at Saumur, which he had himself reiterated to Constans by word of mouth; that at a time when he was in person before Amiens, the Reformed came not to his assistance, and so deprived him of a considerable Succour, he might have expected from them, and which he never stood in so great need of as now; assuring them however, that no Treaty of Peace would be concluded to their prejudice, and that he had given full power to his Commissioners to put an end to this long and tedious business with them.  
But in the mean while, these Powers coming very slowly, the Count de Schomberg made a kind of a Treaty with the Assembly, by which he agreed with them upon the main Articles of their Demands; as for example, that the Right of religious Exercise 
A new Possession acquired in 1597. Articles granted by Count Schomberg with submission to the King's pleasure.  should extend to all such places where it was made, till the end of August of the instant Year; that all their Places should still remain in their hands; that a certain Sum of Money should be given them for the payment of their Garrisons, and another to pay their Ministers; and had the Count been sufficiently impowered, the business might have been ended by that means: But whether he had a mind to gain time, till the Siege was over, or that he would not go beyond his Instructions, and leave the Council at liberty to disown or approve what he had agreed on, he concluded with the Assembly, with a Salvo, that all these things should be done with submission to the King's pleasure.  
They imagined that the Council would never review what had 
A Debate whether to accept them provisionally, or definitively.  been granted; but it was still doubtful whether they should accept those Articles as a Provision only, or if they should cause it to be passed into a public and definitive Law by an Edict. The Court had given Examples of those provisional Settlements, by the King's Declaration published at Nantes before his turning Catholic, and by a Treaty made since at Saint german with the Deputies of the Assembly of Saintefoy. Some amongst the Reformed, who were not satisfied with what was granted to them, were willing enough to rest still in a capacity of beginning anew, whenever the tranquillity of the Kingdom would permit it, and were afraid that by a decisive Edict they should be debarred from forming new Pretensions when they would: But others, who longed to see an end of their Affairs after so many delays, thought it best to accept of something, provided they might once know what Laws they were to live under; insomuch that the matter was consulted at home, and abroad in foreign Countries, where Advice was begged of all such as were thought capable of giving it in such a weighty Case.  
Schomberg and de Thou's Moderation was a great help towards a Conclusion; and, on the other side, the Reformed were very sensible of the great Confusion and Troubles of the State, being unwilling to draw upon them the Reproach of having forced the King to a disadvantageous Peace with Spain. But the continual Delays of the Court marred all that was well done by the Commissioners Wisdom; there they would always review what had already been granted; there they would renew all Questions 
The Council's Shift about the Articles.  and Difficulties, without coming to any Resolution; in short, their only business, it seems, was, to abate something of what had been granted; and to that end it was, that the Council would always give the Commissioners a limited Power, for fear they might grant too much; and, on the other hand, when the Reformed sent Deputies to Court, they tied their Hands with very precise Instructions, lest that being wrought upon by the Artifices and Intrigues of the Court, they might accept less than the Assembly desired; insomuch that both the Court and the Assembly complained one after another, that the Instructions respectively given to the Commissioners or Deputies were too much limited, requiring mutually that they should be mended and enlarged. But that amongst others which the Reformed were most offended at, was the often sending the Commissioners elsewhere on several pretences, and their being employed in other Treaties, whilst the Affairs of Religion were put off till another time; such was the Treaty then on foot with the Duke of Mercoeur, which took up the greatest part of their time. But the Reformed could not endure that preference, either because 
The Treaty is interrupted.  they thought themselves as good as the Duke with all his Interest in Brittany, or because they saw his Treating was but a shame, whereby he had amused the King several Years together, or because they thought it easy to reduce him, so soon as the rest of the Kingdom should enjoy a solid Peace; and accordingly they did not fail to offer all their Forces towards that design, provided the Court would first make an end of their business, and not baffle them with fair words, as they had done for eight Years together. That which vexed them most, was the unjust Prejudice of the Catholics, who could not brook, that the King should think of granting a Peace to the Reformed, whilst there were some Catholics whom 'twas not yet given to; for they fancied, that the Honour of the Romish Religion was at stake, if the King should treat with the Heretics, before having satisfied all those who took up Arms for its defence; and had therefore secretly extorted a Promise from him, never to do any thing in behalf of the Reformed, before he had reconciled all such as had a hand in the League; which he denied not when he was blamed by some for his delays, endeavouring sometimes to make the Complaisance he had for the Catholics go for a piece of Prudence advantageous to the Reformed, in that the Edict he would give them, should appear by so much the more voluntary and less extorted by force, that there should be less Troubles and Discontents in the Kingdom; but they took it in a quite contrary sense, and were afraid that after all his other Troubles were over, he would force them to submit to his own terms.  
In the mean while the Commissioners, at their return from 
New Instructions.  the King before Amiens, had brought Instructions, which confirmed, in part, the things granted by the former; but several new Difficulties were started upon some Articles, as, amongst others, about the manner of paying the Garrisons, and re-establishing the Mass at Rochel, which that reformed City would not consent to. As for the Garrisons, there was so little safety in depending upon the Orders of the King's Treasurers for paying them, that they demanded, that in case of refusal or delay, it should be lawful for them to cause the Money to be seized in the Provincial Exchequers. But when, after a long debate, they had agreed upon the matter, and removed all difficulties, they must go to the Council for its approbation, which was no easy matter to obtain, several tricks being made use of to oblige the Deputies to desist, but they stood firm to their resolution; and the King, on his side, commanded his Council to stand to what 
Disputes put to an end by the King's firmness. The Assembly beggeth the intercession of the Queen of England and of the United Provinces.  had been concluded by his Commissioners. He had nevertheless been offended at the Assembly's begging the Intercession of the Queen of England and of the United Provinces; in short, they had sent some Persons of Quality, as Deputies to these two States, in order to desire their Mediation and Interest, for obstructing the conclusion of a Peace with Spain, which they apprehended to be leveled at the utter ruin of their Cause, entreating them to charge their respective Ambassadors to look to it, and advising them besides to draw into the same Precautions all such other States as this Peace was like to be fatal to. Next they gave an account to the Queen how far they had gone in the Treaty of Religion; what they had gained about the Liberty of Public Worship, and what had been granted in this point over and above the former Grants; of the Concession of miparted Chambers, with the Privileges allowed to Parliaments; of the free admittance of the Reformed to all Charges, even of Judicature itself, which Article had been obtained with a world of difficulties, and which they were to enjoy by a new Creation in their behalf of six Places of Counselors in the Parliament of Paris; of the several Sums granted them for paying the Garrisons of their places of safety, which they made up one hundred, strong enough to maintain a Siege, and hold it out against a considerable Army; of the Settlement agreed upon for their Minister's subsistence; in a word, of all that had been concluded upon with the King's Commissioners concerning the Liberty and Security of their Religion. But 'twas no longer seasonable to take notice of those slight Misdemeanours, which the King knew very well were not the effect; of any rebellious Intentions in the Reformed, but of their Alarms and Jealousies renewed every day by his Councils delays and shift. The Reformed were certainly in the right on't, for, by that means, the final conclusion 
New Delays, partly malicious, partly innocent.  of this affair lingered away even beyond the end of the Year; and there was certainly affectation and malice in some of those delays; which cannot be denied, if we consider that the paying of the Garrisons and repairing of the Places was their greatest business, and the matter whereon the greatest difficulties were renewed; though Roni was the Man who could do any thing in the Treasury, and was able, had he been willing, to assign as good Funds to those of his own Religion, as he did to the Roman Catholics. But it must be confessed also, that some of the same delays were occasioned merely by accident, by sickness, absence, or other excusable impediments of some, whom the King had appointed to view the Articles of the Assembly, and to prepare the Form of the Writs; which being made out by unquestionable Proofs, the Reformed did not despond at all, but waited patiently till all these Difficulties were removed by time.  
The End of the Fourth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nants. The Fifth Book.  
The Contents of the Fifth Book.  
A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed; blamed by some. The Importance of its Contents. It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints. Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the delays of his Council, and the general state of the Reformed. By what degrees the King had been drawn from them. The design of their Petition. General Complaints made by them against all the French: against each Order of the State, and the Clergy in particular. The Public Exercise of the Reformed Religion obstructed, and Private Devotions hindered. Instances of great Violences. The Boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. The Exercise interrupted or forbidden in several places by divers Decrees: in the Army: at Roven, the King being there. Complaints on the account of the places: against the Catholic Gentlemen; and against the Treaties with the League men. The singing of Psalms hindered. Books seized and burnt. Religious Assemblies prohibited. Consolation of the Sick. Consciences forced in divers actions. Christen and other things concerning Children. The Prince of Conde. Keeping of Lent and Holidays. Schools. Colleges. Offices. The Poor ill used. Places where the Reformed dare not dwell. Remarkable Injustice done at Lyon. Trades. Violences. Wicked Acts. Seditious Words and Speeches. Passionate Judges and Parliaments. Great difficulties in re-establishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the Ill will of Parliaments. Burials made difficult; hindered; Tombs violated. A strong, free, and pithy Conclusion. Reflections upon this Book. New Delays and Difficulties upon particular Places. The Assembly breaketh up. The state of the Garrisons. Appointing of Governors. Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons; the number of the places of safety. Private Interests. The Edict delayed till the Month of April, when there are no more Leaguers. Jealousies of the Assembly. The King being armed, granteth the Edict. Conclusion made at Nants. Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article. 1st Demond, A new Edict: Reasons pro and con. 2d Demand, Free Exercise; its extent. New Concessions. The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion. A second place of Exercise in each Bailiwick▪ was no new thing. Difficulties about the Place: about the Proofs. Difficulties about the Tombs. 3d Demand, The Subsistence of the Ministers. A Sum of Money promised by the King. Schools. 4th Demand, The Possession of Estates and the Rights of Successions. 5th Demand, Unsuspected Judges. Chambers Mipartie, or of the Edict. 6th Demand, To be admitted to all Offices: the extent of this Concession. Illusion upon that Demand. 7th Demand, Securities. Reasons for demanding them. The Election of Governors for the places of security. How they were serviceable to the King. The paying of Garrisons. Private Gifts. Debates upon the Form of Concessions, which doth vary, according to the nature of the thing. The distinction of Places. The form of Payment. The Conclusion.  
AS in the Sequel of the Negotiation of the Edict there was little Alterations made in what had been agreed upon between the King's Commissioners and the Deputies of the Assembly, it might be well said, that the Treatise ended with the Month of August of the present Year, and that the end of the same was in a manner the Epocha, or Date, of all the Grants peculiar to the Edict of Nants. Thitherto the substance of things had been the main Business, whereas afterwards the rest of the Difficulties and Debates was for the most part only about the Form and Circumstances. But before we come to the Conclusion of this Important Affair, it behoveth us, for the better clearing thereof, to take notice of a Book which came out this Year, after the taking of Amiens, under the Title of, Complaints 
A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed.  of the Reformed Churches of France, about the Violences they suffered in many places of the Kingdom, for which they have with all humility applied themselves at several times to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council. The Manuscript of this Book had been handed about last Year, and contained in substance the same Complaints that were set forth in a Petition presented to the King during the Siege of la Fere; but it was publicly printed this Year, with some new matters of fact which the Reformed had occasion to add to it, besides some alteration in the form. It can hardly be imagined with what cunning the generality of Historians do extenuate or lay aside those Complaints, though they are indeed as a Manifesto, which gives the reason of the Conduct of the Reformed, and makes an Apology for their innocence. It is true, that amongst them there were some who disapproved 
Elamed by some.  the Impression of the Book: but we shall not wonder at it, if we consider, that they had their Politicians and Courtiers, who were always of a contrary opinion, and whom the Court used as so many Tools, to divide the Minds, or elude the vigorous Proceedings of the Assembly. Besides, that part of the Reformed, who lived within the reach of the Court in the neighbourhood of Paris, being frighted at the sight of their small number, were apt enough to be dazzled with fair Words and Promises, and highly commending that complaisant Behaviour, did always speak the Court language, either out of weakness or interest. We shall see in the Sequel of this History the sad effects of that timorous Policy, even after the expedition of the Edict, and when it was about to be verified in Parliament. But the disowning of a small number, doth not hinder the Cause of those Complaints to be most real, and all the Matters of Fact mentioned therein, to have been the Subject of so many Petitions presented to the King, and the Occasion that made the Assembly keep firm to their Demands. The Piece is very Eloquent for those Times, it moves the Passions well, but especially Compassion and Indignation are so lively excited there, that it is not easy to read the Work, without pitying those who complain of so many Evils, and without being angry with them who refused to remedy them. There you may see above two hundred particular Instances of Injustices, or Violences, committed against the Reformed, with all the Circumstances of Persons, Actions, and Time; which so exact particularising of Matters of Fact, evidently showeth, that they had unquestionable Proofs in hand, and feared not to be misrepresented, since they made so public Complaints, and gave such Particulars thereof, as made the thing easy to be inquired into. Since therefore the 
The Importance of its Contents.  Wrongs and Cruelties the Reformed complained of in that Book, were the Causes of all those pretended rebellious Proceedings their Enemies have since upbraided them with, it will be no great digression from the History of the Edict, nor tedious to the Readers, to give them a View of those Complaints, as short as things of that nature can bear it  
First, The Reformed began with vindicating the Liberty they 
It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints.  took to complain; which, in a Kingdom so free as France was, ought not to be blamed in those from whom the quality of Subjects and Frenchmen could not be taken away, who had been sufferers so long, and who had been so serviceable to the State. They declared nevertheless, that they complained with regret, and were forced to discover the shame of their Country, by the fury of their Enemies, which they exaggerated with all the Expressions and Figures the Hearts of Men are apt to be affected by. Afterwards 
Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the Delays of his Council, and the general State of the Reformed.  they addressed their Discourse to the King, and the better to move him with pity, they most submissively showed, that they were neither Spaniards nor Leaguers, and there they made a rehearsal of their great Services done to the State and to himself from his very Cradle, against those two sorts of Enemies; and of the great Efforts they had made under his valiant and wise Conduct, to defend that Crown which he wore on his Head; adding, that these Truths, which were clear and known to all the World, had put them in hopes, that, though they were asleep, the King himself and all the good Frenchmen that were left, would have thought, in their stead, of not suffering such a necessary and serviceable part of the Nation to be ruined and lost. That yet, during these eight Years, they had seen no diminution in the Catholics hatred, nor any abatement in their Miseries. That their Enemies had now, if not more Malice, at least more means to annoy them, because the Reformed did so frankly throw themselves into the King's Arms. That the Catholics had even been emboldened against them, from their Loyal Affection and Patience, as being assured they would never be revenged of any Outrage done them, for fear of raising new Troubles in so dangerous a Conjuncture. That the Truce, which their Enemies would fain have pass for a Peace, which ought to content them, (if, as 'twas said, they could be contented with any thing) was infinitely more prejudicial to them than the open War, during which they were aware of their known Foes▪ and blessed be God with sufficient means to take from them either the desire or the power of hurting them. That a great part of their Enemies had taken up Arms against the Crown for much less, even upon account of Fears without ground; whereas now the Reformed remained peaceable, though spurred by real and present Evils, and attacked on all sides with such a cruel animosity, that it might bring the most patient People in the World to despair. That they were still striving with that despair, by their confidence in the King's love, which having proved so favourable to those who made War against him, could not be severe and backward towards them who had always been his most affectionate Servants; but that the Papists were hard at work to deprive them of this very Support, by endeavouring with Pretences of Conscience to oblige the King to destroy them. That first, they had 
By what degrees the King had been drawn from them.  forced him to go to Mass, in order to draw him from them; whereupon he gave them his Royal Word, that he would never consent to their ruin, but rather join with them again, than suffer any War against them. That even those who induced him to a change, and feared, that in such a case the Reformed might highly resent it, and come to extreme Resolutions, (which however they bless God▪ Almighty, that the event ●ad made it appear, they were not capable of; and that they did not make use of Religion as a Pretence to disobey their King) that those very Men represented to the Reformed the great advantage which might accrue to them by that change, and that the King thereby might be in a greater capacity to make them feel the effects of his Affection, and might even go so far as to undertake a Thorough-reformation of the Church, as having nothing changed in him, but the outside; whereupon they represented with exaggeration how little likely it was, that the King, whose Conscience was so enlightened and knew so well that Temporal Interest ought not to be preferred before the Kingdom of God, would change his Sentiments on a sudden upon mere Reasons of State. That nevertheless the Papists had obliged him to believe the grossest Errors of the Romish Religion, and to take a Solemn Oath at his Coronation, renewed since at his taking upon him the Order of the Holy Ghost, that he would, to the utmost of his power, extirpate both the Heresy and the Heretics, as they used to call their Persons and Doctrine, though the same Oath had been established not only against them, but himself too, when he was engaged with them in the same cause; from whence concluding, that their Enemies might also by the same Considerations engage 
The Design of their Petition.  him to their ruin, they beg leave to let the King know the Particulars of their Grievances, to the end that he may see thereby how ill they fare under his Reign, since his Counsellors do misrepresent to him the Miseries of their present Condition; and that such as are free from Passion, may not take it ill, if they demand so earnestly a general Liberty to serve God according to their Consciences; impartial Courts of Justice, to whom they may trust their Estates, their Lives, and their Honours; and sufficient Securities against those Violences wherewith both the present and past time threateneth them; and that all equitable People may use their best interest for the relief of those who are unwilling to survive the State, but only to be preserved with it, fearing God, and honouring the King. 
General Complaints made by them against all ● French.   
Next they came to particulars, and declared, that in general they complained of all Frenchmen; not but that there might be some who would do them justice, but they were so fearful and weak, that they suffered themselves to be drawn in by the rest; and so might be well included with them in a lump. Then they hinted at all Orders and Degrees, complaining of the Nobility 
Against all the Orders of the State. Against the Clergy in particular.  and Gentry, of the People, of the Magistrates, of the Council, but above all, of the Ecclesiastical Order, as that which influenced them all, and inspired them with injustice and hatred to the Reformed. They handled that Order pretty roughly, with great Contempt and shrewd nipping Jests and Railleries. From thence they passed on to their Sufferings, and said, that for 50 Years together they had undergon all sorts of cruel Punishments; that they had been burnt, drowned, hanged, massacred one by one, massacred by whole shoals, banished out of the Kingdom by Edicts; that the Catholics had, for those fifty Years, made a cruel War against them; to which they added, that the Exercise of their Religion was free in those places only where they had been strong eno' to keep it, but that they had lost it every where else. 
The public Exercise of the reformed Religion obstructed, and private Devotions hindered;  They named some places where the Reformed were fain to go ten or twelve Miles to hear a Sermon, and whole Provinces where they had not so much as one place of Exercise allowed them, as Burgundy and Picardy; and others where they had very little liberty, as Provence, in which they had no preaching but at Merindol and Lormarin; and Brittany, where it was allowed them but at Vitre. They named other places, where, tho' the Reformed were the strongest, yet they durst not exercise their Religion within the Walls, but were forced to go abroad for it and expose themselves to fall into the hands of the Enemy's Garrisons; others, where even the French abused them at a strange rate, and lay in wait for them to throw Dirt and Stones at them; others, where Seditions had been stirred up against them, as at Tours on Easter-day, where the Ringleaders did insolently boast, that they had whetted their Weapons. Moreover, they related, that an eminent Gentleman, Bordage by Name, being invited to stand Godfather to a Child of the Lord Mongomeri at Pontarson, the Parliament of Rennes had commanded the Militia of several Parishes to stop the Passes; and that having avoided that danger, he was in his return set upon by two or three thousand Men, who, notwithstanding the resistance of the Garrison of Pontarson, which guarded him, killed two of his Men; and had it not been for the Garrison of Vitre, that came to his help, he could never have escaped. They related likewise, that at Saint Stephen of Furan, in the Province of Foret, (a Parish-Priest of which place did with impunity offer every day horrid Violences to the Reformed) thirteen hundred People fell upon one hundred of them, as they were coming from a place distant one day's journey from their Town, where they had celebrated the Lord's-Supper on Easter-day; and then beat them, wounded them, maimed them, leaving several for dead upon the spot; that the Night following, their Doors and Windows were broken, and on the next day the Catholic Mob gathered again together before their Houses, threatening them with worse. The like had happened at Manosque in Provence, where the Reformed coming home from receiving the Communion at Lormarin, were served after the same manner; and it is observable, that the seditious Rabble, to give a colour to their intended Violence, had themselves pulled down a wooden Cross, and then accused the Reformed of doing it.  
They represented farther, that they were troubled even in their 
And in their private Devotions. Instances of great Violences.  private Devotions at home, and for Instances thereof named places where Men had been clapped into Prison for praying to God with a loud Voice, as well as the Masters of the Houses where they prayed, for suffering the same. In other places all those that were present had been taken up and threatened to be drowned, to force them to go to Mass. In some others, Praying was forbid them in their own Forms; and for christening Children in Country-houses, Warrants were delivered against the Ministers; and all who had been present, were adjudged to pay cost, and besides, severely fined for it. Upon the like occasion they had in other places been in an imminent danger of being massacred by the Rabble; some places were remarked, in which they were forbid to assemble, on pain of Ten thousand Pounds fine; others wherein Houses were forcibly entered into, if five or six Reform were but thought to be there; for instance, at Saint Stephen of Furant, the seditious Mob gathered together one day to the number of three hundred Men before a certain House, upon a mere suspicion of an Assembly, though the Magistrates, who viewed it, found no such thing. Other places were named in which the Priests and Friars did openly say in their Pulpits, That 'twas a shame to suffer the Reformed in their Towns; and this upon a groundless Accusation of having assembled in the Neighbourhood, as the Officers found it after a strict inquiry into the matter. It was observed besides, that when the Lady Catherine, the 
The boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux.  King's only Sister, came to Bourdeaux, the Parliament had sent Spies to watch those that went to hear Sermons in her House, and committed to Prison one of the most considerable amongst them. To all this it was added, that the free Exercise of their Religion being limited in some places to Public Prayers only, which they were however very well satisfied with, yet at Montagnac, a place of that kind, they had not been permitted to cover a certain House purchased by them for that purpose; nay, that afterward the Lord High Constable and the Parliament of Thoulouse had forbid them to pray there any longer. Then they related those Violences committed at Marchenoir by the Duke of Nemours' Troops, and those by the Soldiers of the Duke of Guise at Lormarin, where they turned the Temple into a Stable, and threw seven or eight Persons into the Water, and among them the School master, whom they took to be the Minister. Whereupon they observed what we remarked elsewhere; that the latter had been powerfully and chiefly assisted by the Reformed against the League, when he took possession of his Government of Provence. They did not forget to represent, that the Garrison of Roche-chovart in Poictou had fired with two Cannons from the Castle upon fifteen hundred Reformed, assembled in the Townhouse for their usual religious Exercise; that in another place a Man on Horse back, breaking through the Crowd, fell upon him who prayed, and wounded him with the butt-end of a Carbine, after he had vainly endeavoured to fire and shoot him with it; that the occasion of this Assembly was to sign a Petition for re establishing the Exercise of their Religion, interrupted by the League; that the wounded party offering to proceed against the criminal by way of Justice, the Priests of the place where he sued him, had, by their private Authority, committed him to Prison, and got him carried by the Lieutenant of the Provost to the Goal of Puy in Vellay. That at Caen, on the twenty eighth of March of the instant Year, the Catholics had burnt all that was found in the place of their Exercises, to all which they joined a lively Picture of the Massacre of la Chataigneraye, with all the horrid circumstances that attended it; making here very pathetic Exclamations, to renew the remembrance of all other Slaughters formerly made of the Reformed by the Papists: But above all they urged in as strong and powerful terms as they could, that all this happened under the Reign of a King, who was formerly the Protector of the Reformed; and they did not forget to make a comparison of their Patience with the Fury of the Catholics, to whom they did not render like for like in those very places where they were the strongest.  
These being thus premised, they did complain afterwards, 
The Exercise interrupted or forbid in several places by divers Decrees.  that they could not obtain the re establishment of the Exercise in those places wherein it had continued ever since the Edict of January under Charles the Ninth, till the Edicts of the League were made; of the Catholic Governors refusing to obey the King's Orders on this Subject; of the Decrees of the Privy-Council and Parliaments, whereby it was taken away from such places where they found it established; in some whereof it was indeed maintained, because the execution of those Decrees was not thought easy and safe. They did not forget here to mention the Decree of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, by which the Exercise was forbidden in all the Lands of the Marchioness of Trans, on pain of Ten thousand Crowns fine; nor another Decree of the same Court, which tended to make it cease also at Bergerac, a Town throughly and entirely reform, in forbidding the Inhabitants to assess themselves for the subsistence of their Ministers, though these Assessments had been allowed them ever since the Conference at Fleix. Next, the Decrees of the Parliament of Aix, which we have taken notice of before, were brought in: Whereupon they did observe, that this Court had emitted two in one and the same Year, to forbid the Exercise in some places wherein it had been continued during two or three hundred Years; that this Prohibition was made on pain of forfeiting both Body and Estate, and three Months after the solemn acknowledgement made by them, that the Reformed had saved their Necks, by calling Lesdiguieres, who delivered them from the fury of the League, as I have observed in the foregoing Book.  
Moreover, they complained, that though the Exercise of their Religion had been allowed in the Army during the Truce under 
In the Army.  the Reign of Henry the Third, yet that it had not been suffered ever since Henry the Fourth came to the Crown. That the Lady 
At Roven, the King being there.  Catherine herself had been forced to go out of Roven on a Communion-day, because the Legate would not permit her to receive it in that City, though she had always had that freedom allowed her at Paris in her own House; that few days after a Sedition had been stirred up against the Reformed in the very sight of the King, without any respect to his Royal Presence. That Argentan had been taken from the Baron of Courtemer, though't was one of the places of Balliwick promised by the Treaty; that Beausse Ganville, a place held by the Reformed, had nevertheless been demolished. They also made Complaints of the reformation made in their Garrisons, which were weakened by diminishing the number of Men, and paying the rest but ill, insomuch that it amounted not in a whole Year to above three or four Months Pay; for which they had even very remote and incommodious Funds assigned them, as for instance, the Garrison of Royan had it upon the Treasuries of Quercy. They did 
Complaints upon the account of the places.  also complain of several places taken from the Reformed, razed, or ordered to be so by Decrees of Parliament; of some others dismembered, nay, given to their Enemies. Thus Milhau, which belonged to the Lady Catherine, and which the Inhabitants had, by virtue of an express Commission, fortified at their own charge, had certainly been demolished, had not they had the Courage to oppose it. In the mean while the reconciled Leaguers were very exactly paid, though they received fifteen times as much Money from the King as the Reformed did, who made it appear in the Assembly of the principal Men of the Kingdom at Roven, that for their Garrisons they had not Two hundred thousand Pounds from the King.  
They complained besides of the Catholic Nobility and Gentry, 
Against the Catholic Gentlemen. Against the Treaties with the League.  who had caused the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to cease in such places of their Lordships, as they had found it established in at the time of their reconciliation with the King. They upbraided them with that Writing subscribed by them at Nantes, after the King's turning Catholic, in order to assure the Reformed, that they would never enter into any Treaty with the Leaguers, to their prejudice, or without calling them in for a share; which solemn Promise had been nevertheless broken in the Treaties made with eight and twenty Towns, and with eight Princes or Grandees, wherein the Reformed had been deprived of their Rights, and which were concluded without their knowledge; whereupon they observed with indignation, that during the War, a little paltry Town, called La ferte Milon, would not surrender, but upon condition, that the Reformed Religion should be excluded out of its Walls and Territories; they also exaggerated that famous Succour given so seasonably by the Reformed to Henry the Third at Tours, and accepted then by the Catholics with so hearty thanks, and yet so soon forgot.  
From thence they came to complain of their being hindered 
Singing of Psalms hindered. Books seized and burnt.  in the most minute acts of their Devotions, naming divers places where they had been sent to Prison on that account, and where even the Psalm-book had been burnt by the Hangman; whereof, amongst many others, they gave one remarkable instance, which is this: It happened at Meaux, that a very honest Man was caned by the Major of the Garrison for singing Psalms; the King being then at Monceaux, about two Leagues off, the Deputies of the Assembly of Loudun, who were with his Majesty, failed not to complain to him of that affront; but all the satisfaction they could get was only, that the King would speak to the Major about it. In other places their Bibles and other Books concerning Matters of Religion, were taken from them, and if they kept any by them, it was enough to make them liable to Imprisonments, Exiles and Fines. At Digue in Provence the Judges had impudence enough, to add to the punishment of being imprisoned, a Fine of a hundred Crowns for such as should assemble, in order to pray to God Almighty; and the Parliament of Rennes forbidding the Exercise of the Reformed Religion, joined to it an Order, that their Books should be diligently searched into, forbidding the Reformed to print, sell, or keep, any about Matters of Religion.  
Next came their just and charitable Complaints of being hindered 
Comforting of the sick.  from comforting the Sick and the Criminals of their Party, and even that they were forced to endure the presence and solicitations of the Friars; to which purpose they did relate, that at Saint Quintin a Man was banished the Town for comforting from the Street a person infected with the Plague shut up within his House: Whereupon they did judiciously observe, that all such Articles, whereby some advantage was taken from the Reformed, were punctually executed; but that all which the Edicts had granted in their behalf, proved insignificant and useless for them for want of due execution.  
They did afterwards hint at Matters of Conscience, complaining 
Consciences forced.  that nothing came amiss to the Catholics that might afford a pretence for oppressing them; that they were forced to hang up clothes or Tapestries before their Houses on Corpus Christi day, and even to assist at the Procession, on pain of a Fine, which amounted sometimes to fifty Crowns; that they were often imprisoned upon their refusing to comply; that the Count de Grignan himself taxed his Vassals twenty Crowns for each offence; that the Parliament of Paris inflicted a corporal punishment upon such as refused to bow to the Cross, and prostrate themselves before the Host; that in other places they were condemned to public penance for refusing to pay the same honour to the Sacrament when they met it in the Streets; that the Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant did yet do worse than so, for on such occasions he would run after those who fled before him, and beat them sound, either with his Fists or even with the Cross-stick; that in divers Towns of France they were forced to contribute to the charges of holy Fraternities; of Divine Service done after the Catholic way; and of building and repairing Churches, and even to pay the Arrears of their Contributions for many Years past; that in some places the Papists would force them either to assist at the Masses sung before the Companies or Trades incorporated, or to leave the Town; that the Public Notaries of Bourdeaux, having set up a new Fraternity, they would force the Reformed of that Profession to assist at the Masses of their Company, on pain of twenty Pence forfeit for each offence; that the Judges of Angers had constrained a reformed Fiddler to play at the famous Procession which is made there with a very extraordinary pomp on Corpus Christi day; that in several Courts of Judicature the Judges and Advocates of their Party were forced to take their Oath after the manner and form of the Roman Church; that sometimes old People were dragged along the Streets to Mass; that at Saint Stephen of Furant the Parish Priest had almost starved an old Man to death to make him abjure, and at last forced him to pass an Act before a Public Notary, whereby he bound himself to be banished, if he should not live and die in the Romish Religion.  
The same mad Priest, continued they, got himself accompanied by the Judges to the Houses of the Reformed, where he christened Children in spite of their Parents; and one day, upon a false advice, that a Woman was brought to Bed, he forced his entry into the House, beat her Husband, searched every Corner, and finding no mark of what he looked for, he got the Woman out of the Bed, and forced her to show him her Belly, that he might have ocular demonstration that she was not delivered. They continued to give an account of several Matters of Fact of the like nature; As that in another place, a Father carrying his Child to be christened, the Servant-maid of an Inn had stolen him away whilst the Man was leading his Horse to the Stable, and afterwards, she calling the Neighbours to her help, caused the Child to be christened in a Catholic Church. That at Bourdeaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion, to keep the guardianship of her Children, and having a little while after reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church, the Attorney-General sued her at Law, and got her bound to remain a Catholic; that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans, when that Town was in the power of the League, and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place, the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father; that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers, until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun, to put them in the Catholic College of Angiers, contrary to the last Will of their deceased Father, who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion; that the same Judges had appointed a Catholic Guardian over a Maid, who refused to go to Mass. Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of dealing with the Prince of Conde, whom the Reformed had surrendered to the King, even beyond the hopes of the Catholics; they 
The Prince of Conde.  said, that this young Prince had bitterly wept, and struggled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli; that since being kept at Court, he was used to withdraw into his Closet, there to sing Psalms, to Pray, and Catechise his Pages; but that at last they were taken away from him, notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it.  
They complained afterwards, that to all these so great and so public Grievances, the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy, but Reasons of State, as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences, or that the Reformed had not been part of the State, or that the State could not stand, but by their fall. Then returning again to the particulars of the Injustice that were done them, they complained of their being forced to keep Lent; that at Rennes the Parliament 
The keeping of Lent and Holidays.  caused the Houses to be searched, to see if their Orders in this point were obeyed; that the Bishop of aged did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocese; that keeping of Holidays was also forced upon them; that even at Saumur, one of their Towns of security, a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days; that their School masters had been expelled out of several places, even without any form of Justice; that divers Parliaments had refused to verify the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King, for the establishment of some Schools, even after reitera 
Colleges.  ted Orders from Court; but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble, who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King, for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar; that even so in several places they refused to admit in, or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth; which Article was concluded with these remarkable words: Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barbarity? so did Julian.  
Next they complained of their Poors ill usage: That the Laws 
The Poor ill used.  of Equity were so little regarded in this point, that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the public Alms, the Poor of their Religion had no share therein; that in many 
Places where the Reformed dare not dwell. A remarkable Injustice done at Lyon.  places the Reformed were deprived of their Birthright, and not suffered to live there, though they promised to be quiet and make no public Exercise of their Religion; that the Judges of Lion had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs; and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction; upon occasion whereof they complained here, that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King himself, whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage; letting this gentle Reproach slip withal, that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown, and the Reformed banished from their Houses; but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed, he had not yet restored them to their Houses. Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage; he did not suffer the Catholics to let out their Houses to the Reformed, and constrained them to turn out before the term, such as had already taken any; he hindered Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades. This mad Fellow of a Priest, had caned a Man, born in that place, but settled elsewhere, who was come to the Town upon some business; his pretext for abusing him, was, that he had forbid him to come thither, as if he had authority to banish whom he pleased: But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice, and that no body took his part, killed the Priest in a passion, and so rid the Country of this furious Beast. The King granted him his Pardon, but the Catholics hindered it from being allowed by the Judges.  
They remonstrated besides, that the Reformed were excluded 
Trades.  from Trades, and to colour their exclusion, the Companies made new By-laws, by virtue whereof none but Catholics were to be admitted to them. That in several places Violences against 
Violences.  the Reformed were countenanced by impunity; that a Man seventy five Years old having complained, that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours, was sent to a Goal, instead of having satisfaction; from whence afterwards being released, he was pursued anew, and pelted with Stones in the very sight of the Judges, who did but laugh at it; that a Fraternity of Penitents, called, The Beaten Brothers, walking barefoot, in order of Procession, their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets, which they did immediately lay upon the Reformed, because the Glass was found before the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion; that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them, but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests.  
Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying 
Injustice done to the Reformed about Offices.  Injustice done them about Offices; That in several places they were kept from those of the Townhouse, and that it was publicly said at Lion, that none ought to be admitted to them, who either was now of the Reformed, or ever had been so, nay, not even any Son of one that had been so; that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac, according to the custom of that Province, merely because the party elected was one of the Reformed; that even those who were appointed by the King could not be admitted, before taking an Oath that they would be Catholics; being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant, ipso facto, if they should ever happen to break their Oath: In some places they were sent back, without so much as hearing their Complaints; in others they were turned out, even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places; or else they were forced to dispose of them in favour of the Catholics. The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed, during three Years, the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac, where it had been settled before, and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand 
* The Council of State is not meant here, but a Court of Judicature in Paris, where some Special Matters are debated.  Council at the time of these Complaints. In several Provinces Gentlemen were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs, on pain of forfeiting the same; nay, the Parliament of Paris, when yet sitting at Tours, inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League, that upon the presentation of Letters Patents to the Court, an Inquiry into the Behaviour, Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered, and that they could not be admitted without giving a sufficient Testimony of their being Catholics, save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League, as I have related in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council, that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices, whatever Edicts, Orders from the Court, and Decrees of Parliaments, they might obtain; whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices, of Judges in Parliaments, and Presidial-Courts, of Solicitors General, of Public Notaries, of Attorneys, and Sergeants. The Parliament of Grenoble, though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed, was now still refusing to admit Vulson, who had obtained a Patent for a Judge's place in the same Court, and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits. One of the Reformed having obtained a Patent for the Place of one Colas, Vice Seneschal of Montelimar, an obstinate Rebel, who would never be reconciled with the King, whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere, whereof he styled himself Count; that Reformed, I say, could never get his Patent allowed by the Parliament of Grenoble: but after he had, to facilitate the matter, treated with Colas for the Place, and bought it of him, than the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners, and kept him eighteen Months about it, being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints. The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholic Brethren, and had been admitted even during the League; which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts, new Orders, and peremptory Decrees from the Council.  
All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious 
Seditious Words and Speeches. Passion of Judges and Parliaments.  Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature, where, in full Court, they had been called Dogs, Turks, Heretics, Heteroclites of the new Opinion, a People who deserved to be destroyed with Fire and Sword, and expelled out of the Kingdom. Their being Heretics, added they, had been allowed in several Courts, as a sufficient cause of exception; as if the Laws of the Emperors against the Manichees, had been made against them. Seguier, one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris, speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais, a very considerable Gentleman amongst the Reformed, had said, that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts; that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholics; and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman, to restore him to his Estate, the King's Council would oppose, and take it away from him, as from an unworthy Heretic. They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed; of Murders left unpunished; of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process; of false Witnesses tolerated, though convicted. A famous Highwayman, being thought to be of the Reformed Religion, was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive, and fined five hundred Crowns, two hundred whereof accrued to the King, and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit: but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit, that he had been a Catholic for two Years past, the Punishment was changed into beheading, and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits College. The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lion, such of the Reformed as went thither to demand Justice against the Catholics of Saint Stephen of Furant, were called Seditious Persons, who troubled the Judges with their Complaints.  
They added, That the Writs obtained by the Reformed, for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another, were eluded, by denying them Letters of Pareatis, or, Hereof fail not; which they were forced to sue for, sometimes whole six Months together: but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse, for there they judged the cause definitively, and then granted Letters of Pareatis. Whereupon it was observed, that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will, than the King was by his good will able to redress. Whereupon they enlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts granted to the League, and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace: the former being allowed without alteration or reservation, and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity, as Edicts, the Syllables, Letters, and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State, whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts, delays and tricks, or allowed with so many limitations and exceptions, that they were made altogether useless. And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League, the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse, and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris. There they showed also how little satisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which, in their judgement, was not fit for the present time; for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in: which reflected on them a thousand ways; therefore they had not demanded, but constantly refused it. Whereupon they observed with what 
Difficulties in reestablishing the Edict of 1577.  difficulty the Edict which reestablished the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris: they did not forget the shift and tricks of the Attorney-General, and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it, insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices. They named here the Parliaments which would not verify it; but above all they observed the severity of that of Dijon, which likewise refused it, tho' the King, going through that City in his way to Lion, had with his own Mouth commanded them to do so; insomuch that Menaces were necessary to bring them to a compliance: after which the Attorney General, following the example of that of Paris, would not suffer this word, requiring, but only those of, not opposing, to be inserted in the Decree of its verification; and the Court formally declared, that they did it only to obey the King's often reiterated Orders.  
They also complained, that Decrees made even in 1585. and 
Special Instances of the ill will of the Parliaments.  1586. were still every day executed, and the Reformed by virtue thereof forced to restore to Clergymen the Incomes of their Estates taken during the League; but that the Reformed were not allowed to take possession again of their own, on pretence that they had not paid the King's Taxes in 1512. And then was related a special Case of Florimond de Raimond, a Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, which runs thus: He had been made Prisoner during the War, and afterwards released upon ransom for which he compounded and paid down a thousand Livers; but since he sued at Law those Reform who had taken and ransomed him, boasting every where, that he had already got from them four thousand Crowns. Farthermore they complained, that every day the Parliaments gave sentence according to the Edicts of the League, and that that of Roven had accordingly declared the Bury and Preachings of the Reformed, to be Trespasses upon the Edicts; whereupon two Precedents, two Counsellors, and the Attorney-General, being sent for to Court, they had the boldness to say, they had judged according to the Laws, because the Edicts which favoured the Reformed were revoked. They promised however to forbear executing the Decree, provided it should stand still upon Record; but whilst they were at Court, their Brethren caused it to be proclaimed with the usual Ceremonies. Besides, divers Parliaments made void every day the Sentences given in those Courts of Justice which the King had suppressed, though he had confirmed them all by his Edict of Suppression.  
After these long Complaints they came to the Article of the 
Burials made difficult:  Burials, and by way of transition, it was observed, that the Reformed were ill used at their Births, in their Lives, in the Breeding of their Children, and even in their Funerals. Therefore they complained, that in several Towns Burying places were denied them; that in others they were fain to carry their Dead five Leagues off; that their Funeral-assemblies were fixed at certain Hours, and limited to a certain Number of Persons; that 
Hindered.  in some Places the Catholics committed great Insolences on their Graves, and abused those who attended the dead Corpse, though the Burials were made in the Nighttime; nay, that in certain places they were fined for it, and forced to buy the security of their Marches by 20 or 30 Crowns; that there were some in which the dead Bodies were digged out of the Ground, either by the Command of the Bishop, or by some other Authority, and even those who had been buried in the Chapels of their Ancestors; that the same Barbarity was used on the Bodies of Women, which were left naked on the Ground, and exposed to wild Beasts, no enquiry being made into such a barbarous and indecent Usage. That some persons who died with Marks of being of the Reformation, and on that account were not suffered to be buried in Catholic Churchyards, their Relations were proceeded against for laying them in the Burying-places of the Reformed. The Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant had a great share in that Article, wherein he was represented making false Contracts, in order to exclude the Reformed out of a Burying-place purchased by them; breaking the Tombs open with a Hammer; ringing the Alarm-bell upon a Funeral-convoy guarded by the Soldiers of the Garrison, and drawing together three or four thousand Men, who dispersed the Convoy, and forced them to leave the Corpse at the discretion of this profligate Priest; digging out of the Grave a dead Body, which he carried into another Man's ground, who digged it out again; and in fine, constraining the Wife of the deceased, even after she had obtained a Decree from the Judges to the contrary, to bury him without the Parish-ground. Even so Florimond de Raimond, being one day Chairman, (as ancientest Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux) ordained the exhumation of a Child, adding in his Decree, that the Bodies of all the Reformed, buried ten Years before in the Catholic Churchyards, should be also digged out of the ground. Whereupon many instances were given of dead Bodies which had been in an imminent danger of being devoured by Dogs; and it appeared by all the premises, that the Catholics made no distinction either of Quality, Sex or Age, and treated with the same inhumanity, both Gentlemen and Commoners, Men, Women and Children, all alike.  
All these Cruelties were exaggerated with much eagerness, and it was very ingeniously observed, that Burying-places were usually enclosed with Walls, to hinder Beasts from ravaging them; but that Men themselves were not ashamed to violate and dig up those Sacred Assyles of the dead. The whole ended with 
A strong, free and moving Conclusion.  a very pathetic Discourse: They said, that all this was but a small part of those just Complaints that might have been made by the Reformed, whose Patience was much enlarged upon; who had no other aim, but the good of the State; and who, to be satisfied, demanded nothing, but to be secured from ruin and destruction. They showed, that the fall of the State was inseparable from that of the Reformed; and then very earnestly begged the Catholics compassion. Addressing afterwards to the King, they valued themselves for having neither Dominican Friars or Jesuits capable of attempting on his Life, nor Leaguers aiming at his Crown. He was told, that he knew the fidelity of the Reformed, and that they demanded an Edict, not after the manner of the Leaguers, who instead of humble Petitions for Peace, had never presented but the Point of their Swords; that in the space of four Years the Reform had six several times renewed their Petitions, at Nantes, at Saint german, at Lion, at the Camp before la Fere, at Monceaux, and at Roven. Now upon the Reasons of State they were still put off with, and upon their being told over and over, that it was not yet time to grant them an Edict, they cried out, Still, O good Lord! after five and thirty Years of cruel Persecutions, ten of banishment under the League, eight of this King's reign, and four of constant petitioning! Then they declared, that their being put off after the King had done with all the Leaguers, gave them a great jealousy, that new Proscriptions were intended to humour the Pope, who, they could not but know, was pushing on that design with all his might and strength. They stoutly maintained, that the Catholics alone were not the State, but that the Reformed made a great part of it. In fine, they concluded with these words: We beg from your Majesty an Edict, whereby we may enjoy what is common to all your Subjects, that is, much less than what you have granted to your furious Enemies, your rebel Leaguers: An Edict which may not constrain you to dispose of your Dominions, but as you please, which may not force you to exhaust your Treasure, or to burden your People with Taxes. It is neither Ambition nor Avarice moves us, but the Glory of God, the Liberty of our Consciences, the Tranquillity of the State, the Security of our Lives and Fortunes; these are the height of our Desires, and the only aim of all our Petitions.  
Although the reformed Courtiers in a manner disowned these Complaints, as I observed before, yet it is certain, that they could not deny the truth of the several Facts contained therein, nor that there was a necessity to put a stop to so many Injustices and Violences; but they embraced the Opinion of the Court, which was much offended at the Form of those Complaints, and would fain have had the Reformed to wait for another time to publish them; but upon the whole, the generality of the Reformed spoke their Minds in that Book; and it cannot be doubted but it had been viewed by the ablest Men of the Party; nay, it may be easily perceived by the Style, that the greatest amongst them had notice of it, and even given to the Subject a great part of its Form. What most vexed the Court in the printing of it, was their being now and then upbraided in it with bitter Reproaches of past Services, which were so much the more insupportable, because they were just and well-grounded; that the warm Strain of this little Piece made them sensible they had to do with Men who took the thing to Heart, and whose Courage was not yet lost; and that in fine, such a long Series of Injustices, Outrages and Violences, made them ashamed of their so long delaying to satisfy those who deserved at their hands a more favourable usage, insomuch that the Court's dissatisfaction served only to make them resolve to handle this Affair more seriously and put an end to such an important Negotiation.  
But before we proceed any farther, it behoves us to make (at 
Reflections on that Book.  least slightly) some Reflections upon this Abridgement of their Complaints. First, They make it appear, That this Business of the Reformed was no trifling Matter, and that their Fears and Jealousies were but too well grounded; which is the more observable, that in complaints of this nature, as every body knows, commonly no other Facts are related, but such as are most notorious and important, and that a great deal more are buried in oblivion, either because the Complaints thereof have not been made by the Parties concerned, or that they appeared less clear, or of a less moment in their circumstances. Secondly, These Complaints do well answer the Reproaches made to the Reformed, That they followed the King too close when he was in his greatest Perplexities: But this must not be wondered at, since 'twas at that very time they were used worst, and that the Facts here mentioned, except perhaps thirty, were all recent, and had happened either in this or the foregoing Year, giving therefore just causes of Fears and Jealousies to the Reformed, who were from day to day by so much the greater sufferers, as the Peace and Reunion of the Catholics was more forwarded by the reduction of the Leaguers. In fine, Those Complaints may serve to show the Injustice of those Tricks used to elude the Edict in these last Years, since that the Edict having been granted upon Complaints made by the Reformed of suchlike Vexations, it was impossible to renew them, without acting directly against the intention of that irrevocable Law.  
In the mean while the Year was spun out with tedious Delays, 
New Delays.  as I observed before, and though the Reformed had with a wonderful patience overcome their grief occasioned by them, the minds on both sides were nevertheless grown sour and much exasperated; the King himself expressed sometimes his resentment, nay, he would now and then let out some menacing words very pat to the purpose, and he had once written to his Commissioners, that it would grieve him to the very heart, to come to Extremities with the Reformed, whom he loved more than they loved themselves. This new Language the King had been taught of late, since the retaking of Amiens had a much worse effect than it was thought at Court; and the Reformed, who found it so different from that which was used with them, when the King stood in need of their assistance, and when he invited them to shed the rest of their Blood at the Siege of that place; they drew, I say, very sad Consequences from that change, which seemed to them to imply as much as if they were told, that their Tranquillity could never agree with the Prosperity of the State, since they were cajoled only when the King's Affairs were embroiled; but that when the same began to clear up, they were told, they must surrender at discretion; that when the success of the King's Enterprises was dubious, fair Promises, Prayers, tender and pathetic Entreaties, were used to them; but that when the Court was puffed up with some advantageous Success, than their most just Petitions were answered with Shift and Menaces; from whence they concluded, that since new Causes of Mistrust were given them, they ought also to take new Precautions against the ill Designs of their Enemies. The Dukes of Bovillon and La Trimoville were the most exasperated of all, because they were sensible that the Court's threatenings chiefly aimed at them, being looked upon there as the Authors of those Motions made in the Assembly, contrary to what the Catholics called the Public Good, and the King's Service; but what the Reformed called the Artifices of the Council, and the Oppression of their Consciences. Therefore the Assembly was no less importunate than before. They had sent new Deputies to Court with full Instructions, which were altered, as new Difficulties arose; besides, they seriously examined the Answers sent them by the King's Commissioners; and as they had sent some Gentlemen to England and to the United Provinces, in order to beg the Intercession of those faithful Allies of the Crown, they also expressly charged their Deputies to wait upon the Protestant Ambassadors, now at the Court of France, and represent to them how necessary it was to satisfy the Reformed, that the King might be able to give the Spaniards, or the Duke of Mercoeur, some considerable Blow, to make them sensible, that the Affairs of Religion, instead of being forwarded, were delayed at Court, insomuch that they knew not when the end of such a tedious Negotiation might be hoped for; and to engage them by the general Interest of the Protestants to see it brought to a happy conclusion.  
The Points left still undecided were not so little important 
And Difficulties upon particular Places.  but that they well deserved this warm pursuit. The Council started new Difficulties about the Right of Exercise, in respect to certain private Places, wherein the Reformed intended to establish or keep it, which the Court would not grant. Moreover, They demanded, that their Assembly should continue at Vendome, until the Edict, which was granting, was verified in all Parliaments; which the King would grant only for that of Paris, requiring them, after the verifying of the Edict there, to break up and return to their respective Provinces. But this made them jealous that the Court aimed at dispersing the Assembly, afterwards to elude with more freedom the execution of the Edict, when none were left to sue for verifying the same; because Edicts in France, having no force of Laws before that Solemnity, this might be still subject to a thousand Tricks and Exceptions in those Parliaments where the same had not been yet performed.  
The King was necessitated to give the Reformed some satisfaction 
The breaking up of the Assembly.  upon these Points, because he was resolved to put off the verification of the Edict till the Legat's departure, the time whereof was still very uncertain, and that he was of opinion, that the doing it in his presence might have been an Affront put upon him. Therefore it seems, that to gild over this new Delay, and make it acceptable to Men disheartened by so many others, and who justly feared, that this would prove prejudicial to their Interest, or at least put back the conclusion of their Affairs; it seems, I say, that the Court ought to have complied with their desire of continuing their Assembly. Such as had an interest in 
The state of the▪ Garrisons.  the keeping of the places of security, wondered at the King's proposing to leave to the Council the settling the state of the Garrisons, and as they had not all of them the like credit at Court, such as had little or none at all, were afraid that this was an Artifice in order to deprive them of their Places. Besides, the King 
The naming of Governors.  would name the Governors, before the Party named had taken the Certificate of the Provincial-Assembly, in whose Jurisdiction the Place was seated; because, if the Certificate should precede, it might then seem, that the Reformed should give the Government, not the King, which would have been a breach made to the Royal Authority. But on the other hand, the Reformed would needs have the entire disposal of the choice, lest that if the Governments of their Places should become Court-Preferments, the Parties so preferred would be also Court-Creatures, and care but little to please the reformed Churches, as being able to maintain themselves without them. They had a great mind also at Court 
The Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons.  to change the state of the Garrisons every Year, but the Assembly were afraid, that it might be a colour for weakening and shortening the same; nay, for taking them away one after another: for they were well informed, that the King was against leaving so many Places in the hands of the Reformed, who before that time had never had above seven or eight granted them for securing the execution of the Edicts, whereas now they kept above two hundred both great and small; and that he was also afraid, that the Catholics might conceive a jealousy from the state of those Garrisons, because of the great number of Places that were to be set down therein: but the Assembly agreed on a public state, in which such Places only might be named as both Parties should think sit, provided always there was a secret one for the security of the rest. Private Interests were none of the least occasions of 
Private Interests.  new Difficulties: Those of Rochel could obtain none of their Demands, no, not so much as a confirmation of their Charter; 
1598.  because the King, who had still a resentment of what had passed there, whilst he was Protector of the Reformed, had a mind to make them sensible, that he had Power enough to punish them for it.  
The discussion of all these Difficulties, which the Council would 
The Edict delayed till the Month of August, when there were no more Leaguers.  always be trifling about, even after they had been adjusted by the great Wisdom of the Commissioners, caused the final conclusion to be put off till the Month of April, insomuch that the Catholics got the Point they had so much wished for, viz. That no Edict should be granted to the Reformed, before the Catholics were all satisfied. The Treaty with the Duke of Mercoeur was concluded towards the end of March, and even the Peace with Spain, made before the Edict, for though it was concluded on the first of May, yet all the Articles thereof had been long before agreed upon.  
The King had long before that time been advised to march towards Brittany with a Royal Army, in order to rescue that Province out of the hands of the Duke of Mercoeur, who hitherto had been but weakly attacked, and had never treated in earnest, but when he saw himself even upon the point of being abandoned by the Spaniards, and that the King was coming upon him with great Forces; in effect, after he had trifled several Years with Sham-Treaties, at last the King marched that way, so soon as the approaching conclusion of the Peace with Spain set him at liberty to do it. His coming alarmed the Assembly at Chatelleraud, 
The Assembly alarmed.  and they were in no small fear that the King would suddenly fall upon them, either to force them to accept his own Terms, or to disperse them, through fear of falling into his hands. At the same time the King's Commissioners pressed them to come to a conclusion, which conduct was variously interpreted by Men long since distracted by Alarms and Jealousies. The most distrustful, thought it a kind of violence offered to the Assembly, so eagerly to press the King's offers upon them, at a time when he was in a manner at their doors with a powerful Army. This Passage is to be well observed, as one of the most notable Circumstances of the time wherein the Edict was granted, and as a most proper Argument against the Calumny of the Catholic Writers, who have represented it as a Grant extorted by force. But to make a right Judgement of the Case, we need but look upon the Troubles and Jealousies of the Assembly, on the approach of the Royal Army; and indeed they accepted the Edict when 
The King grants the Edict, being armed. Different Opinions about the Edict.  they were disarmed, and in a manner at the King's discretion, whereas the King granted it when he was armed, and had the Assembly within the reach of his Canon.  
This long Affair was at last put to an end, to the great grief of some, and to the full satisfaction of others. Some Catholics there were who grumbled at so many Concessions; on the other hand, some Reformed complained that they had obtained so little; but there wanted not some in each Party, who thought the advantage to be equal on both sides, and who being truly desirous of Peace, were apt to allow of any thing which might conduce to it. During the King's abode at Angers, almost all the Difficulties had been adjusted there, tho' he had spoken so high, and uttered such Menaces, that thereby the Assembly was well nigh brought to despair: but this was but a show to salve the appearances, of giving the Law like a King, and making the Edict less offensive to the Legate and the zealous Catholics, by granting it with that affected sourness and severity. Indeed, the King was very desirous to come out of those Troubles, which plainly appeared in the kind reception the Dukes of Bovillon and La Trimoville met with when they waited upon his Majesty at Angers, where he welcomed them both with such signal demonstrations of Love, that thereby one might easily conclude, that his threatening had been rather to maintain his Royal Dignity, than the 
The Conclusion at Nants.  effect of any real Anger. Therefore, after the Assembly's Memorials had been returned, together with the King's Answers to them, and the Articles and Forms of the Grants had been finally agreed upon, the whole was again carried to the King at Nants, where, having altered what he pleased, to show that he granted it with a full Authority, and that nothing constrained him thereunto, it was at last signed, sealed up, and deposited into the hands of the Deputies of the Assembly, by whose order it was left in the custody of the Inhabitants of Rochel, who, till the time of their ruin, kept all the general Records of all the reformed Churches of France. Thus, from the place where the Edict was proclaimed in the Month of April, it was called the Edict of Nants, by which it has been famous all over Europe.  
Hitherto I have only related the Complaints, Pursuits, Alarms, and Impatiences of one Party, with the Artifices, Delays, Shift, and Difficulties of the other, to the end, that I might give a better insight into the nature of an Edict, which has been so long negotiated and debated with so much Maturity and Wisdom. But, to do it yet more clearly, I shall make an Abridgement of such Matters as were the Pretexts of these Delays, and for so many Years took up the Time of the wisest Men in the Kingdom, wherein I shall only treat of what was either demanded or obtained by the Reformed, without taking notice of what was inserted in the Edict in behalf of the Roman Religion, because the Articles of that kind always passed before the others, and that in all this Negotiation the Catholics would never submit the Concerns of their Religion to the Success of Disputes and Debates. None but the Pretensions of the Reformed met with Difficulties, because the Catholics laboured hard to make them rest satisfied with less than they asked; tho', indeed, there was no need to take away another's Right to satisfy them in their Demands. Therefore Difficulties arose, both upon the Substance and the Form of Things, and the Court had no less difficulty in agreeing upon the one, than on the other. The Demands of the Reformed 
The Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article.  came to six or seven general Articles, but each of them was subdivided into a great number of others, necessary either for the Explanation, or for the Security of some principal Matter; insomuch, that at first the Reformed having brought all their Proposals to a limited Number of Articles, amounting to Ninety six or Ninety seven, the Difficulties arising in the Series of the Negotiation, obliged them to add several new Articles to the former, either to remove or prevent Difficulties in the Conclusion or Execution of the Edict Therefore without desisting from the Substance of their Demands, save only in such things wherein they had approved the Alterations made by the Court, they often added to their Memorials, and changed the Forms and Style thereof: So they gave two different Titles to their new Articles. Those which were set down last of all, and were not very numerous, had the name of Additions, the others were called Explanations, because they were Articles upon which they desired the King to explain himself, that no ambiguity should remain in the matter, and to prevent all difficulties in the execution. Those Explanations followed each Article, the Contents whereof they desired to be explained; and often there were many added to one and the same Article, which went by the Names of First and Second.  
Their first principal Demand was for a new Edict, because they 
They first demand a new Edict.  could not rest satisfied with those formerly granted; whereupon they said, that in their opinions their Services deserved something better, and that after the King's turning Catholic they had a solemn Promise of another at Nantes, and a Year after at Saint german. The main ground of this pursuit was, that 
Reason's pro and con.  they could not endure to be treated under the Reign of Henry the Fourth, after the same manner as they had been under that of Henry the Third, and that they thought it very unjust for a Prince, whom they had so faithfully served from his Cradle, to grant them no more than what they had obtained from another, who had been their greatest persecutor; so that their Pretensions were not grounded (as the late promoters of the revocation of the Edict of Nants would fain have persuaded us) upon the prejudice they had received by the King's Treaties with the chief Leaguers, but upon the greatness of their Services, for which they demanded an Edict as a recompense due to them. As for the breaches made on the Edict of 1577. they were but little concerned at them, for they plainly declared, they would not have it, thinking themselves rather prejudiced than favoured by it. Nevertheless, this last Consideration seemed to be the only Motive of the King in this Affair, as being the most plausible that could be alleged to the Catholics, either because it removed all pretexts of murmuring at new things granted, since thereby the King did but make amends to the Reformed for Injuries unjustly done them; or because, having received that damage contrary to a Promise in Writing, that no Treaty should be made with the Leaguers to their prejudice, the breach of such Promise could not be repaired, but by granting them a sufficient Compensation for what Losses they had sustained by it. This fancy of Compensation was the Sequel of the first Pretention of the Catholics after Henry the Fourth's coming to the Crown. As they had extorted a Promise from this Prince, that he would maintain their Religion in the state he had found it, they looked upon all new Favours done to the Reformed, as so many Injuries to the Catholic Religion; from whence it was, that they stood so obstinately to their first resolution, never to make them any new Grant; or if any should be made, than they would have it go by the name of a Compensation for what damage they had received by the private Treaties with the Leaguers; nay, even after the Promise made to the Deputies at Nantes and at Saint german, the Catholics, moved by the same reason, would fain have cheated the Reformed, by only granting them the restitution of the Edict of 1577. Upon which account also the Council delayed sending the King's Commissioners to the Assemblies of Saumur and Loudun, because a new Treaty begun upon new Demands, and which could not but end in new Concessions, was, in their judgements, a new Grant: But this difficulty was removed after the arrival of the King's Commissioners, for the word Compensation was again revived, and, after some debate, still remained, to satisfy the zealous Catholics and the Court of Rome. But they had also a regard to the first Demand of the Reformed, who at last obtained many things over and above the promised Compensation, because the King was willing to gratify them upon account of their inviolable Fidelity and great Services. In a word, he gave them a new Edict, which revoked all others, and therefore could go no longer for a mere Compensation of Trespasses upon them, since they were all abolished by the same, which, for the future, was to be the standing Law in their stead. This Observation will be of good use in the Sequel of this History, especially against the trifling Arguments brought in of late Years, to elude all the Concessions of the Edict of Nants; which trifling Arguments were grounded on this false Principle, that since the Edict granted only a mere Compensation for Damages received by the Treaties with the Heads of the League, in which there were Restrictions prejudicial to the Edict of 1577; it was therefore likely enough, that such Damages being very inconsiderable, the intention of the Edict of Nants, which made amends for them, was to grant but little to the Reformed; but their Principle being false, as is apparent by the Premises, their Consequence must needs be very unjust.  
The second Demand had respect to the Freedom of Exercise, and 
The second Demand, a free Exercise, and its extent.  was of a very large extent, since it contained the Grounds of the Right of that Exercise which was to be established, or continued; the Bounds of that Privilege, according to the Times, Persons, and Places; and generally all the Circumstances of the Exercise, together with the exemption from certain things belonging to the Catholic Worship which their Consciences could not comply with. The Assembly had at first demanded an indistinct Liberty of Exercise in all the Kingdom; but they soon desisted from that Point: either because in several great Towns there was not one single Protestant, and therefore the grant of Exercise had been there to no purpose; or because at Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and other most important Cities, they would have rather begun the War again, than suffered the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to be established within their Walls: or because it had been granted to other Towns, that no such Exercise should ever be introduced amongst them. Therefore the Reformed were forced to restrain that Demand to a general freedom of dwelling where ever they pleased, and to a free Exercise in certain places only, since it could not be obtained every where: but they stood fast to their resolution of getting it with a larger extent than before. This was at last granted them in two Articles: By the first whereof their Exercise was permitted in all places where they had established it ever since the Edicts of the League, till the Truce was made between the two Kings, and after the Truce, so long as the War continued with the rest of the Leaguers: and after some Debates, all those Places were comprised under the general Clause of Places where the Exercise had been made during the Years 1596. and 1597. The Catholics have of late endeavoured to confound the Rights of these two Years when they have sought for trifling Arguments to elude the plainest Concessions of the Edict; and they have pretended, that the Proofs of the Right acquired by the Possession, during these two Years, might show, that the Exercise had been continued during both: which, however, was not the design of the Edict, as it appears in that during the Year 1597. the continuation of the Exercise had been granted in all places, wherein they had it settled in 1596. but that the Edict not being concluded this Year, new Exercises were set up during the following Year, which the Reformed required to be confirmed with the rest; so that such Exercises as had not been established before the Year 1597. needed no older proofs; this Year having certainly been added to the Year before, as a favour, and upon the solicitation of the Reformed: Now it could have been no favour, if thereby they had been obliged to prove the continuation of the possession in 1596. by that in 1597. since this would have been to lay upon them a new obligation of proving by these new Titles a Right which they had sufficiently acquired by the possession of 1596. But as in 1596. the actual exercising in several places was a sufficient ground for a right for the future, though the Reformed had it not before; so in 1597. the like actual Exercise, often reiterated, gave them the like right in time to come, though they had it not before. And indeed, as the Negotiation of the Edict was not yet finished in August 1597. the Catholics, who were afraid, that during the new Delays of the Treaty, new Churches might be set up, and the confirmation thereof demanded, as well as of those established since the Year 1596. they caused all the Dates of those Establishments to be fixed upon the Month of August of this Year 1598. Insomuch that, to be within the Dates of the Edict, it was not needful to prove the Exercise for these two Years, but it sufficed to prove it in either of them. The other Article granted, that in each Bailiwick, or Seneschalcy, where, by the Edict of 1577. the Reformed had already a public Place for their religious Exercise, either in a Burrow, or in the Suburbs of a Town, another should be given them, besides the first; so that the Exercise of the reformed Religion was grounded upon four different Titles. The first was, That of the Places of Bailiwick, and of Possession, granted by the Edict of 1577. The second was, That of the new Possession acquired during the two Years which had preceded the conclusion of the Edict of Nants. The third was, That of the new Place of Bailiwick, granted by the same Edict. And the fourth was, The Personal Right of the Lords, grounded upon the nature of their Fiefs or Jurisdictions. In all this the Catholics secured the advantage of their Religion, 
The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion. A second place in each Bailiwick was no new thing.  and would never suffer that of the Reformed to stand upon even ground with it, by granting them a liberty equal to their own: so that the Roman Religion was exercised every where, as prevailing; but the Reformed was limited to certain Places, and restrained by certain Conditions, as tolerated. For the rest, The Grant of a second Place in each Bailiwick was not really a new thing; for it was grounded upon the Truce agreed upon between Henry the Third, and Henry the Fourth, then only King of Navarre; whereby Henry the Third not only reestablished the Edict of 1577. and therefore gave again to the Reformed the first Place of Bailiwck, which had been given them by the same, and added thereto, besides a free Passage granted to the King of Navarre over the River Loire, a Place in each Bailiwick for the sick and wounded of his Armies. This Article of the Truce was very ill executed, either because of the sudden Death of King Henry the Third, or because there was no occasion for it in some Places where the Reformed had no Troops. Three Places only were given them by virtue of that Article of the aforesaid Truce; insomuch, that when Henry the Fourth granted them a second Place of Bailiwick, he did only perform what had been promised them, giving, nevertheless, a larger extent to that favour, than it had before; since he permitted then the free Exercise in those Places to all sorts of People, whereas the Truce had granted it only for the sick and wounded, and made perpetual what his Predecessor had granted only with a Proviso. But there was little appearance, that this Prince, after having received so great and important Services from the Reformed, would make their Condition worse by the Peace which he promised them, than it had been by the Truce; and it is easy to guests, that he would never have taken away from them, by an Edict of Gratitude, what had been granted them by a necessary Treaty.  
Great Debates were also made on the Nature of the Places 
Difficulties about the Places of Exercise.  where the Exercise was granted; whether within the Walls of Towns, or in the Suburbs; whether in Burroughs, or Villages. There were some upon the manner of declaring the Places where the new Possession gave the Right of Exercise, because the surest appeared the less advantageous; for it was proposed to get all those Places numbered one by one in the Edict, or to comprehend them all under some general Character. There was, it seems, a great deal more security in the first, but the second gave a larger Extent to the Privilege, because they hoped, that in the Execution of this Article, means might be found to facilitate the keeping of the Exercise in some Places, where, perhaps, it might be contested, if their Number was sent to the Council There was, at least, a sufficient Ground to fear it, for the King had commanded his Commissioners, before they came to a Conclusion upon this Point, to send him the aforesaid Number, that he might see if there was any ambiguity concerning them: Therefore the Reformed stood to the general Clause; but because the Catholics would not permit them to settle themselves in so many Places, they also troubled them about the Proofs they 
Upon the Proofs.  were obliged to give in, either to prove that the Exercise had been, or aught to have been made in such or such Places, according to the Edict of 1577 or to show that it had been actual performed where the new Edict allowed it: The Protestants pretended, That Praying publicly, together with Singing of Psalms, Marrying or Christening, aught to go for sufficient Proofs; but the Catholics, who foresaw, and feared the consequence of such Proofs, if once allowed, could never be brought to an Agreement upon this Point; and the King's refusing then to admit of those Acts alone (and distinct one from another) as a sufficient Ground for the Right of an Exercise, has since afforded to our late Interpreters of the Edict of Nants a very specious Pretence, to maintain that the same Acts were not sufficient Proofs for the Right of the Exercises in some Places, in which they, nevertheless, found it continued for seventy or eighty Years together: But it is a Case which needs a Distinction, for Prayer once made, without any other Acts of Religion, and Marrying or Christening occasionally, might not indeed be solid Proofs of the Right of an Exercise; but the same joined together, continued and performed with all the ordinary Circumstances of public Worship, aught in these latter Times to be taken for Authentic Proofs of an Exercise so long since established.  
All Points having a reference to that Demand, as the Liberty of Visiting and Comforting the Sick, even in the Hospitals; of 
Difficulties about the Burials.  assisting the Prisoners, of exhorting the Criminals, and following them to the Place of Execution itself: The Exemption from several things, at which the Consciences of the Reformed were offended, as being parts or Circumstances of the Catholic Worship, and several other Articles of the same nature, met with proportionable Difficulties before they could be agreed upon; but that concerning Burials occasioned the warmest Debates of all the rest. The Catholics having, through a blind Zeal, contrived Canons, which under colour of Piety, destroy all Sense of Humanity, in forbidding all such as the Councils or Popes have declared Heretics, to be buried in Holy Ground, as they call it, their Clergy could not endure the Reformed should enjoy this general Right of Mankind in common Church Yards, nor even the Gentlemen of that Religion in the Chapels of their own Houses, or in the Churches wherein they had a Right of Patronage. On the contrary, the Reformed, though no longer infatuated with the ridiculous Conceit, That one Spot of Ground is holier than another, earnestly demanded that the same Churchyard should serve for both Parties; either because the Nobility and Gentry were desirous to preserve the Rights of their Fiefs, o● that the Reformed, in general could not brook that Distinction in Burials, by which they thought themselves injuriously reflected upon: For, Heretics being excluded out of common Church-Yards, by the Canons, the Burying of the Reformed in other Places, was a plain Declaration of their being Heretics, and, besides, it exposed them, by such a public Blur, to the Hatred of the Catholics, a People always zealous, even to Fury and Madness, against any thing that appeared to them in the Shape of Heresy. Indeed, there was little Appearance that the Reformed could ever enjoy a quiet Life or a happy Society with them, who were taught to hate their Countrymen in their very Graves, and to deny them the Honour of a Common Burial; and who could not see without Scorn, nor frequent without Horror those Men, whose dead Bodies, in their Opinion, would profane and fully the Places where they lay buried. This important Article was explained by the Edict, or executed by the Commissioners after such a manner as proved in our Days the fatal Spring of innumerable Vexations and Injustices.  
The third Demand was concerning the Subsistence of the Ministers, 
The Third Demand, the Subsistence of the Ministers.  and the Maintenance of the Schools. The Reformed were willing to be freed from paying Tenths to the Clergy, to whom they owed nothing, since they did not own them as their Pastors; and they thought it unjust, that being at the Charge of maintaining their own Ministers, they should also contribute to the Subsistence of the Priests of a contrary Religion. They demanded, That at least their Ministers should be paid out of the public Money, according to an Article of the Treaty of Truce with Henry III. They also desired Schools for the Instruction of their Children, with a public Allowance for the Masters; and moreover, that the Reformed should be indifferently admitted to places of Doctors, of Professors and Teachers in all the Universities and Faculties; to the end that their Children might freely take their Degrees in the most flourishing Colleges. In this Pretention of public Salaries, they thought not so much of saving their Money, as they aimed at the most important point of being owned Members of the State, equal to the Catholics, and capable, as well as they, of all sorts of honourable and profitable Employments: But the Catholics stoutly opposed all this, for fear the Reformed should be equal with them; therefore they could not relish the maintaining of Ministers and Teachers, out of the King's Treasury, because than it might seem, that the Reformed Religion was owned as the Religion of the State, which eminent Character they would by all means secure to the Catholics. Besides, they imagined, that by settling public Funds towards the Subsistence of Men, who laboured Day and Night for the propagation of the Reformed Doctrine, they should so firmly establish it, that afterwards it could hardly be shaken; whereas it might soon fall, if the Salaries of the Ministers were left to the Charity and Zeal of their own People. But these Difficulties were in a great Measure removed by their Demand of being freed from paying Tenths against their Consciences, to a sort of Men, whom they looked upon as false Pastors, and the Ministers of Antichrist. The Clergy could not abide to hear of losing such a real and considerable part of their Revenues; and, besides, were afraid of the bad Consequences it might have; such a fair Privilege being like to draw in a great number of Catholics to the reformed Religion; for it was well known that the Reformed taught, That the Tenths were not due to the Ministers of the Gospel, by Divine Right, and that therefore a great Advantage would accrue to any one, who keeping the Tithes to himself, might come off for a small Contribution towards the Minister's Salary. As there wanted not able Ministers, in the Assembly, so they did not fail to secure and promote their Interest, insomuch that this Affair was debated with great Heats: But at last it was put to an end, or rather eluded by the King's Promise, to pay the Reformed a yearly Sum of Money, to be employed, 
A Sum of Money promised by the King.  as they should think fit, without giving an account thereof: But still they trifled about the Quantity of the Sum, in respect to the Number of the Ministers, for whom it was designed, about the Assignations of the Money, about the Security of the Payment: And after all this, the Measures they took were so uncertain, that, a little while after the Conclusion, the Reformed complained of their being but ill paid, and that they enjoyed not the effect of this Promise much longer than twenty Years. Moreover, as the promised Sum was not sufficient to maintain such a great Number of Pastors, it was in a manner made up by two Articles; by the first whereof the Reformed were permitted to accept Gifts and Legacies for the Subsistence of Ministers, Scholars and the Poor: And by the other they were allowed on certain Conditions, to raise Money upon their People. But this was set down in the secret Articles, being too advantageous to appear in the Body of the Edict.  
The Article of the Schools was left in a greater ambiguity 
The Schools.  than the former. The Reformed, who were still prepossessed with an Opinion, That their Religion should be triumphant, as soon as Men could embrace its Doctrine, without being debarred from their temporal Advantages, thought, in good earnest, that in a short time the Universities should be filled with Reformed Professors and Teachers, if they could but get them declared capable of holding those Places; which Fancy was not a little confirmed by the general Reputation the Reformed had gotten in the World, of being Men of greater and more polite Learning than the Catholics; from whence they concluded, That all the Pulpits would be soon filled with Persons of eminent Doctrine, out of their Churches. To the same end it was, that they importunately demanded, That their Children should be admitted to public Schools, and to all the Privileges and Immunities of Scholarship, even as well as the Catholics themselves; and that they should not be excluded or molested upon the account of Religion. These two Demands were granted them, but upon Conditions so ill explained, that a little after the verifying of the Edict, some Difficulties were raised upon the first, which brought the Concession to a small matter, and, by degrees, to nothing at all. As for the second, it was so far from being advantageous to them, that it proved one of the principal Springs of those great Vexations they have groaned under, during sixty Years and above, because it served for a colour to deny them the Liberty of teaching any thing in their small Schools, except Reading and Arithmetic; and they were told, that they had a Right by the Edict to send their Children to the public Colleges, where they should not be molested in their Consciences. When Experience had made them fully sensible of the Cheat, they endeavoured, under the reign of Lewis XIII. to remedy it, by erecting Schools in the principal Churches of each Province: But the same Pretence, of their being allowed by the Edict to send their Children to the public Colleges, gave the Catholics occasion to hinder several of those Establishments, to ruin the rest, and even to force the Ministers and Consistories to suffer the Children of the Reformed to be sent to suspicious Schools, as we shall have occasion to relate hereafter.  
The fourth Demand concerned the securing of Estates, and of 
The 4th. Demand, the possession of Estates, and Rights of Succession.  Civil and Natural Properties; by virtue whereof Children, or the next of kin, inherit their deceased Parents or Relations Estates; and the Members of the same Commonwealth are made capable of receiving Benefits, Gifts and Legacies; of Buying and Selling; of Contracting, Acting and Disposing of what belongs to them, according to Law. The Nobility and Gentry had, besides the general concern, a special Interest therein, in respect of their Fiefs, Lordships, Patronages and Honours. Now the Canons deprived the Heretics of these Rights, and afforded so many ways of bereaving them of all the Advantages of civil Society, that though they had not formally condemned them to Death, yet they sufficiently brought them to the Necessity of Dying, by taking away from them all Succours and Reliefs necessary for the maintenance of Human Life. Therefore the Catholics observed those cruel Laws with much Severity, and formal or equivalent disinheritings (by which they partly or wholly excluded their reformed Relations out of their Succession) were always advised by the Directors of their Consciences, or authorised by the Judges: So that it was high time to put a Stop to such a great Disorder, and because a Healing Article had already been inserted, upon this Matter, in the former Edicts, they needed only to get the old Orders renewed; which was done, with Exceptions, in respect to some particular Cases, some whereof were explained in the secret Articles, and others left undecided, for Reasons of State.  
The fifth Demand was for obtaining an equal number of 
The fifth demand, impartial Judges.  Judges of both Religions, in all Parliaments, and was grounded upon the ill-will of these Courts, who daily did notorious pieces of Injustice to the Reformed, and started a World of Difficulties and Scruples in the verifying of the Edicts granted for their Security: Which they had made out with so many Instances in the Book of their Complaints, that the Court was not able to deny it; and thought it very insignificant to allow them only some Protestant Judges in each Court, since it was certain, that wherever the Number of Catholics were greater, the Reformed should be infallibly cast: But the Parliaments had such an Interest to prevent the multiplying of Offices in their Bodies, and the dismembering of their Jurisdictions, that this Affair met 
Chambers Miparties, or of the Edict.  with many Difficulties and Obstacles. The King, nevertheless, granted one miparted Chamber in the Parliaments of Thoulouse, Bourdeaux and Grenoble, where all the Causes of the Reformed should respectively be brought. There was already one at Castres', and some reformed Judges had been established in the Parliament of Grenoble, and it seemed that the Reformed of Dauphine, where Lesdiguieres had a full Power, had nothing common in several Affairs with those of the same Religion in the other Province; three Judges were then added to the former, to make up a miparted Chamber, which at the very Time of its Creation was incorporated with the Parliament, insomuch that its Members were called in, when ever any thing was to be debated in a full House; Moreover, the King promised to erect a Chamber at Paris, consisting of ten Catholic Judges and six reform, and those Protestants who lived within the respective Jurisdictions of the Parliaments of Roven, Rennes and Dijon, had their choice, either to bring their Causes before that of their own Province, or before any of the Chambers granted in the nearest of them. The King's Promise, made to the Reformed, in respect of the Parliament of Paris, was not executed; but, it seems, he made them amends for it, by creating some new Offices of Judges in that of Normandy, and a Chamber of the Edict, upon the Model of that which was established at Paris. They had not the same Favour in the Parliament of Brittany; either because the Judges of that Court, which were some of the most furious against the Reformed, would not consent to it, for that it was not judged necessary in that Province, where the Number of Protestants was very inconsiderable; or, in fine, that all the Members of that Parliament were so partial and passionate, that a sufficient number of equitable Men could not be found among them, to make it up. Nothing was changed in what had been agreed upon concerning the Parliament of Dijon. That of Roven being a great Enemy to the Reformed, they had therefore obtained the Choice I spoke of just now: But this bringing up of Causes from one Court to another, had brought to the Parliament of Paris all the Causes of Normandy, where the Reformed were very numerous, and the Catholics themselves stuck not sometimes to beg their Intervention in their own Causes, when they were jealous of their Judges; insomuch that this Parliament losing much by that means, chose rather to agree to the creation of a Chamber, like that of Paris, than to see almost all the Law. Suits of its Jurisdiction brought to another. The Reformed found also some Advantage therein, because they were no longer obliged to travel out of their Province, and so far from their Friends; because also the Customs of Paris and Normandy were very different, and that the Charges and Delays were more troublesome at Paris than at Roven. Besides, they were Gainers in that Bargain, by the three Offices of Judges created by the King in their behalf: But, for all this, that Parliament was not reconciled to the Reformation, and, as it was the most corrupted and venal Court in all France, so there was none where the Reformed were exposed to greater Vexations and Injustice. However this Establishment was made but 15 or 16 Months after the Edict: Because it was long doubted whether the Clause concerning Offices, inserted in the Edict granted to the Marquis of Villars, permitted the Protestants to be sharers therein: But, upon the whole matter, it was concluded, That the King had not by this Clause deprived himself of his Right, and the Interest of the Parliament obliged him to declare that it was but provisional.  
The sixth Demand was, For a free Admittance to all Offices 
The sixth Demand, to be admitted to Offices.  of State, War, Justice, Policy, Treasury, and to all Commissions, Employments, Professions, Arts and Trades, without Danger of being excluded upon the account of Religion. It was directly against the Canon-Law, which debars from all these Rights such as are not obedient to the Roman Church, and who are for that Reason called Heretics; and it had been the Original of all the Oppositions made to the Reformed, during so many Years together; but it was of such great Consequence to them, that they would never desist from that Article; because, besides the Honour and Credit of Offices, which they would not have their Families to be deprived of, they saw well, that if that honourable Door was shut to the Protestants, such as had more Ambition than Piety, would soon bid adieu to their naked and barren Religion, and thereby bring the Reformation to a declining State. The greatest Opposition came from the Parliaments, who refused to admit them to the Places of the Law: But at last they obtained their Desire, and the King declared them capable of holding all sorts of Offices; whereby they thought they had gained a considerable Point, because that Honour being refused to Heretics by the Canons, their being admitted to them was a Discharge 
The extent of this Concession  from that odious and hateful Name. This Pretention extended much farther than the former, by which they only desired a certain Number of impartial Judges; but the latter aimed at no less than to be made capable of divers Offices which were supreme in Cities and Towns, of Shrievalties, Mayoralties, Consulats, 
* The Offices wherein Notaries Public, allowed by Authority, engross and register private Contracts  Tabellionages; of Places of Attorney, of Recorder, of Bailiff; of Places in the Marshalsea, Admiralty, in the Table of Marble; of those of the Chamber of Accounts, of the Court of Aids, of the Courts of Elections; of those of Judge or Judge-Assistant in the inferior Jurisdictions, of Judge in chief in the Court leets of the Lords. They were also admitted by the same to the Places of Master of Requests, two whereof had been promised them gratis; and to those of Secretary to the King, which are none of the least importance, in respect of their Privileges. They were already possessed of some Governments and military Dignities, and several among them were even Counsellors of State. The same Article had also a very great extent in the Profession of Mechanic or Liberal Arts, and, in a Word, tended to a levelling of the Catholics with the Reformed, by making the latter Civil Members of the State as well as they, and equal Sharers in the Distribution of Favours and Rewards. Yet in this important Matter the Reformed were highly Mistaken, 
The Shame of this Concession.  when they contented themselves with a wide and general Declaration of their capableness of Offices, without solidly engaging the King that they should be really conferred upon them. In effect, to appease the Pope, who made as if he had been offended at it, they represented to him, That there was a vast difference between declaring one capable of a Place and bestowing it upon him; which perfidious Maxim the Event has shown to be too true, since the Reformed have been so far from being admitted to high Places, or preferred to the greatest Dignities, according to their Merits, that they have been shifted with, even about the meanest Places, and the most inconsiderable Trades of the Kingdom. There were some among them, who foreseeing that some Time or other this general Declaration would be ministerpreted, moved in the Assembly for fixing, in each kind of Employments, a certain number of Places, that should be conferred upon the Reformed; and du Plessis, as I have said elsewhere, treating, some Years before, with Villeroy, had obtained the fourth part of all Places, and was even in hopes to obtain a third. But, besides, that such a general Declaration had something more plausible and flattering than the limitation of a certain Number of Places, because thereby the Reformed were more fully equalled to the Catholics, it was more suitable to their different Circumstances in the Provinces of the Kingdom; for in some their Number was so great, that if they had been reduced to a fourth or a third part of the Offices, they had been very unjustly dealt with, and the Court had been under a necessity of calling Catholics from the other Provinces, to bestow the remainder upon them. But in others they were so much inferior in number to the Catholics, that there had not been enough among them to fill the third or the fourth part of the Places. Moreover, a special Regulation had been necessary almost for every Balliwick; insomuch that a general Clause was in a manner unavoidable. Add to this, That the Provinces where the Reformed were the strongest and most numerous, they did so little question their being able to engross all the Offices to themselves, for want of qualified Catholics, that it was no difficult Matter, for the Court to satisfy them with that indefinite Declaration: And, indeed it was very advantageous, had it been observed bona fide; but as the same had been formerly eluded by Henry iii Artifices, so his Example has been followed since for above 40 Years, and this equitable Rule of Equality has been turned into a Shame by the Treachery of his Successors. True it is, that at the Time of the Edict the Reformed gained by it no small Credit, since the best part of all inferior Offices fell immediately upon them, and even the Catholic Lords were so well persuaded that they had a better Stock either of Ability or Honesty than others, that they stuck not to prefer them, before the Catholics, to such Places as were in their Gift; moreover, Offices being venal in France, the Reformed bought them dearer than others; and, with the Help of that strong Machine, overcame all sorts of Oppositions, which happened especially for Places of a new creation, when he that bids most is sure to be the Buyer: But this happy State of the Reformed lasted only till after the taking of Rochel.  
The seventh Demand was concerning the Securities, the principal 
The 7th Demand, Securities.  whereof was, in their Judgement, the keeping of those Places which they had now in their Hands, and were numerous and strong enough to resist their Enemies in case of an Attack: But 'twas this very thing made the Difficulty; for the Court was very unwilling to leave so many Fortresses in the Hands of brave and bold Men, amongst whom there was a great number of warlike and courageous Nobility, who had been permitted to unite together for their mutual Defence; but the Reformed were inflexible upon this Point, and would, by no means, hear of parting with what they had; for, first, the Experience of past Times made them afraid that the Edict might be used as a Pretence to disarm them, and that the Catholics might break their Oath as soon as their Places of Refuge should be taken from them. Besides, they could not but know, that, according to the Policy suggested by the Court of Rome to all Princes who submit to the Pope, they keep Faith with none but such as they fear; and that therefore it might be kept to the Reform no longer than the Danger of breaking it should last. 'Tis a Maxim no less general than true, Since Conscience and Honesty have not been a sufficient Warrant for the Security of Treaties, that such as are concerned in the Observation of them, must make themselves formidable to such as would break the same, and make them sensible that they could not do it with impunity: Therefore it was necessary for the Reformed to keep still some strong Garrisons, to stifle in the Catholics Hearts the Desire of attempting their Ruin, by showing them the frightful Prospect of an equal Danger on both sides; moreover, all the rest of the Kingdom was in Arms: All such as during the War had commanded, either under the King, or under the League, had some Place or other at their Devotion; and as there was no great likelihood of so soon disarming so many Men, who acted like petty Princes in their Government, so the Reformed had good reason to fear, that if they should lay down their Arms alone, they might soon be at the Discretion of their irreconcilable Persecutors. This same Article comprehended also many private Interests besides the general, because there was neither Lord nor Captain which had not some Place in the Guard, and no one was so disinterested to give up his own, to preserve that of his Companion. There was also as engaging an Interest which concerned the common Cause, divers Places had Catholic Governors that were not bigoted enough to their Religion to neglect their own Fortune, tho' it were advanced to the Prejudice of the Popish Cause; nor yet so well affected to the Reformed to embrace their Party without an evident Advantage. They plainly saw, that when a Peace should be established in the Kingdom, their Places would become unuseful, their Garrisons broke, and their Profits cease; but concluded, that if the Reformed obtained 
1598.  the keeping of their Places, they needed only to change their Religion to preserve their own, as being the same Reason whereby others should possess them. The Memoirs of those Times give an account, That there were Men of this Character, who had promised to profess the Reformed Religion, but declared they would first see the State settled. 'Twas to favour these Conversions, which might increase and Strengthen their Party, as made them demand, That if any Governor of any Place embraced the Reformed Religion, his Place should be continued to him without any Innovation: And Examples may be seen in the Reign of Lewis XIII. of the Protection that the Reformed gave to those under such Circumstances: But the Council, desirous to hinder the multiplication of the Places of the Reformed, limited the Time in which they were to be at the disposal of the Reformed, to the end that they might be able to reckon up their strong Places.  
This Article was very difficult to be resolved, because there were Disputes about the Number and Quality of these Places, the Strength of the Garrisons, the Nomination and Oath of the Governors, upon the Changing, in case of Death, about the placing of under Officers, the time of the Guard, and many other things which respected the Circumstances of this Affair. The Reformed chiefly declared, They desired that those Places that belonged to them might not exclude them from other Governments, whereto they might be chose, according to their Merits. The Council employed all their Art to evade these Pretensions of the Reformed, and, above all, to bring the Nomination of the Governors under the King's Power, to the end that such as were admitted might be greater Friends to the Court than to the contrary Party.  
But to prevail with the Reformed to consent to this Proposition, it was requisite to oblige those that should be chosen by the King to take an Attestation from the Provincial Assembly, to the end that the Assembly might object against them, if they were suspicious Persons. The King likewise promised the Reformed to take their Advice when any Government should be vacant, that he might not choose such Persons into those Places as would be disagreeable to them. In which Proceeding there was something very different from what happened on other occasions, where the People have any part in the disposing of Offices. Generally the Subjects nominate to the King such as they think fit, and he accepts or refuses them: But here the King names and the Subjects have a Liberty to refuse; wherefore the King sends back all those whom he chooses for the Attestation of the Assembly, obliged the Assembly, in case they refuse them their Testimony, to give their Reasons to the Council; to the end that by this necessity of giving an account of their Refusal, the Respect due to the Royal Nomination may be observed, and that the King might always appear Master and Arbitrator in the Affair. And upon the whole, the Reformed obtained a great part of what they desired, and had it not been for the Divisions among themselves, they might have gained much more: It was very happy for them that there was not in every Province a Governor, as indifferent to Religion, and as powerful as Lesdiguieres was in Dauphine. They would have disunited them, in treating with each separately, as they did with him who would never have his Garrisons comprehended with the rest, under the same Conditions He made Religion a pretext to keep his Places, but he would have no dependence on the Assembly, liking better to be sole Master in his own Province. The Court would have gained by it if every Governor had been able to have done the same, because by that means they would have ruined the Authority of General Councils: But none of them besides Lesdigueres being in a condition of maintaining himself, all were obliged to unite for their mutual Security.  
But to return, these strong Places being held by the Reformed, 
How they were useful to the King. ●  was not so contrary to the Interests and Intentions of the King, as some would make us believe, and as he himself was even sometimes obliged to pretend. This Prince was not yet free from the perplexity wherein the uncertainty of the Succession, the Authority of the Nobility, and the Power of his own Officers had put him. The Seeds of those Conspiracies which had been raised against him and against the State, were rather hidden than quite stifled: And there was too much reason to fear that so many Men being corrupted by the Practices and Gold of the Spaniards, might form such a Party as would give him a great deal of Trouble to destroy; upon which he often complained, That there was none about him that prudence would permit him to confide in. On the other side, when he thought of the Affection that the Reformed had so seasonably showed towards him for so many Years together, he was satisfied there was amongst them such as were proved Friends, and from whom, in the greatest extremity he might promise himself all Assistance. It is true, at that time they were dissatisfied with his indifference towards them, and his delaying their Affairs, but he was certain he should always find them ready to lay down the last drop of their Blood for his Service, as soon as ever he should give them any Testimony of his former Confidence and Trust in them: And therefore he thought it a very important business to preserve them, and spoke to his Confidents of the Peace he had granted them, as a thing he had the most ardently wished for, and which might be very serviceable to him in his greatest Undertake. He looked upon the Reformed as his Party, and their strong Places as his own: He knew very well, that whatsoever Intrigues the Spaniards might carry on with the turbulent Spirits of the Court, yet that part of the State which was held by the Reformed could not be taken from him, and they might be serviceable even in keeping others in their Duty Indeed there were some persons in this Party that were suspected by him, and that he would have been very glad to have had at his discretion, that he might have been able to have unhinged those Cabals whereof he thought these Persons the Ringleaders: But he had seen by the Negotiation of the Edict that this pretended Faction was not always the strongest, and that those that were the most difficultly pleased, had, nevertheless, sometimes yielded upon the Necessity of his Affairs: And, upon the whole matter, he was not ignorant that he had the infallible means of re uniting them to himself, whenever he would; and that he might depend as much upon them as on▪ the rest of the Reformed, as soon as by the state of Affairs his Interest would permit him to rejoin himself to their Party: He had only a Desire of having a Power of naming the Governors of their Towns, to the end that he might place such in them who were as much engaged to his Fortune as to their Religion▪ and who by consequence should depend more upon him than on the Councils or political Assemblies: But to procure their Consent to this Article, he must find out an Expedient, which might in some sort content them, because they were afraid that by this means their Places might fall into the Hands of some treacherous Persons. This same Reflection may be seen in the Reasons why the King suffered so many Places to be held by the Reformed, in the Memoirs of those Times, and in the Writings of those who have endeavoured to justify the War that Lewis XIII made against the Reformed, under the pretext of regaining the Places of Security. This is one of their Reasons, That since the King had not consented to leave them wholly to them, but only under their Names to keep these Places for himself, against the secret Factions which might trouble the State; it was therefore no longer just to suffer them in their Possession after these Factions were extinct. We have already seen how dissatisfied the Marquis d'O was, because the King had put as many Places as he could into the Hands of the Reformed; and that, for this Reason, he had rather see a Place taken by a Spaniard than kept by an Huguenot.  
But there was, besides, a great difficulty about paying those 
The payment of the Garrisons.  Sums that were necessary for the maintaining of the Garrisons, Fortifications and the Walls of their Towns: There was nothing the Council was more difficult to part with than Money, and the Catholics were much offended to see so great Sums paid by the King to the Heretics, to maintain such Fortresses as rendered them very formidable; nevertheless it could not be refused to Men who could say, That the like had been done for the Leaguers, the greatest part whereof had Pensions, or their Garrisons paid them out of the King's Coffers: The Contestation therefore was reduced to the means how to save the King's Money, and the Reformed were contented with so little, that it can hardly be believed that all their Garrisons could be paid with so inconsiderable a Sum: And, in effect, there were some of the Leaguers to whom they had given or promised more Money than they had granted to the Reformed for the maintenance of their Towns for many Years together. When all was thus settled, a new Dispute began upon the manner whereby they should assure the Reformed of the Payment of the promised Sums: They should have been very glad if they might have been permitted to have stopped the King's Taxes at the respective Treasuries, rather than to accept of such Assignments as they feared would be both inconvenient and uncertain: But they judged it not handsome to let the King know they so much disinherited his Word, and therefore they were forced to be contented with the Promise he gave them of convenient and certain Assignments. There were some private persons also, who having 
Gifts to private Persons.  neither Commands in these Places or in the Soldiery, made particular Requests, some of Arrearages of Pensions, others of some Gift to establish their Affairs; and, so others again, for some Gratification for their past Services, which had not yet been acknowledged: And thus they were all made under different Pretensions; but the whole of their Demands amounted to so small a matter, that altogether it would scarcely equal the least Recompense that the Leaguers had obtained.  
When all things were agreed on, there still remained a general 
Contestations▪ touching the Form of the Concessions,  difficulty, concerning the manner wherein those Concessions should be published; an Edict appeared the most Authentic Security to the Reformed, but there were so many Obstacles, so many Fears of offending the Catholics, and of giving any Pretence to the Disaffected of beginning new Disturbances, and such Hopes given to the Churches of mending their Conditions with the Times; That, in fine, they agreed upon several Forms, under which divers Concessions should be granted, as had been done 
which is divers, according to the nature of the thing.  on other occasions. First, Therefore they gave an Edict, which contained to the number of 92 general Articles, by which the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was authorized in many Places, under such and such Conditions. The Reformed were admitted to all States and Offices; the administration of Justice was regulated by the setting up of Chambers Miparties; and many other things were commanded, conformably to what had been practised in the Edicts of the same nature; a Pardon for whatsoever might be laid to the Charge of the Reformed, was expressed at full length; all manner of Edicts, Letters or Articles of the preceding Times, that were contrary to this New Edict, were expressly abrogated by it: And for the Security of this, the King commanded all his Officers to take an Oath to observe it with Care and Fidelity; and taking all the Inhabitants of the Towns and other Places into his Protection, he put them under the care of each other, to prevent Seditions and Violences.  
To the Edict were added secret or particular Heads, to the number of 56, among which there was many of great importance, which well deserved to have been inserted into the Body of the Edict; but they contented themselves with placing them in this Appendix, because it was addressed to the Parliaments as the same Edict, and many of them verified it. Such were the Articles which exempted the Reformed in respect of many things that belonged to the Worship of the Catholics, the Privileges of the Ministers, the exercise of the Discipline of the Reformed, with the holding of their Consistories, their Colloquies and Synods, the Education of Children, the Liberty of Marriages in such degrees wherein the Catholics are obliged to procure Dispensations, the observations of Fasting and Holidays, the nullity of extorted Abjurations, and many others the like; they forgot not the Confirmation of the Articles granted to the Heads of the League, who had submitted to the Government. The Shift made use of in our Time, upon many of these Articles, sufficiently show how needful it was that general Articles should be granted thereon: But what seems most singular in this Affair, is, that there were in these secret Articles some Passages which formally regarded only what was past, or else the Time of the Edict itself, that nevertheless were executed from the time it was published until its Revocation, of calling them into Question, such were the Articles which concerned Marriage in such a degree of Affinity as the Catholics were not permitted without a Dispensation. This, in a manner, made some amends for certain Articles of the Edict that had never been put in execution, which permitted the Reformed freely to live in all places of the Kingdom. There were all along many Towns wherein the Reformed could never appear with safety, so far were they from living without Disturbance in them. But a particular Remark may be here made upon Liberty of Conscience; The Edict had aimed expressly to establish it, and yet there was no formal Article in it which gave it to all the French, but it was so plainly presupposed by the Edict, and by that Spirit of Liberty which they always so highly pretended to, even to the fancying that France was the only Kingdom in the World where Freedom had the least interruption, that all the King's Subjects were suffered to enjoy it for fourscore Years, without any Person's ever being disturbed about it: And indeed they durst not violate it, until they had in many respects ruined the Edict in its most important Concessions.  
The rest of the things that could not be comprehended in the Edict, nor in the particular Articles, were Promises by private Patents, where with the Reformed were not easily satisfied, because these sorts of Letters are not like a Law, but only continue at the King's Pleasure, who revokes them when he has a Mind to it: But as these Grants were the nicest, and such as the Catholics were the least pleased with, so they were under a necessity of depending upon the King's good Will, and allowing such Excuses as were taken from the State of his Affairs, which would not permit him to do any more. There were Three Patents of this nature: The first, which was dated the third of April, granted a Sum of Forty five thousand Crowns for the Payment of the Ministers; it was assigned upon several provincial Exchequers, for the Conveniency of its Distribution, payable quarterly in ready Money, with Precautions that were very favourable for the Payment, and a Dispensation given to the receiver, appointed either by the King or the Reformed, by which he was freed from giving an Account in any Court. As the Court durst not declare openly that this Sum was designed to maintain the Ministers, lest the Catholics should murmur to see part of the King's Revenue employed in the Preservation of Heresy, so they were obliged to put in some Clause which might secure it from giving them any Scandal. Duplessis having inserted an Article on this Subject, among those which had been agreed upon at Mants, after the King's turning Papist had obtained that the promised Sum should be paid under the Name of the Lady Catherine, because she might receive greater Gratifications from the King her Brother, without its being suspected by any one: But she could not live always, and therefore some pretext must be thought on which might serve them at all times: So that it was declared in the Patent that this Sum was given to the Reformed, to be employed in their secret concerns, which his Majesty would have neither specified nor declared.  
The Second Patent concerned the Places of Security: But it contained also many other Passages, which explained several things that the Edict seemed to leave undetermined. It was dated the thirtieth of April at Nants; and the King declares there, in the manner of a Preface, the Motives that induced him to grant them the keeping of these Fortresses: viz. That the Reformed thought it necessary, for the Liberty of their Consciences, and Security of their Persons and Estates; and that his Majesty was assured of their Fidelity, and of their sincere Affection to his Service. To which he added in general Terms many other important Considerations for the Advantage and Peace of the State. After which there followed Twenty four Articles, the first of which permitted them for eight Years, under the Authority of his Majesty, to keep all those Fortresses, Towns and Castles which they had held until the End of August 1598. wherein Garrisons were to be maintained according to the Settlement made in the Council for it; the eight Years were to be reckoned from the Time the Edict was published in all the Parliaments. The second promised, That nothing should be innovated in any of the Reformed Towns, where there was no Garrison. The third excepted some Places which they should not keep under the Title of Security; and that even for the Time to come, if the King should place any Governor of the Reformed Religion therein, they should draw no Consequence from it. These Towns were Vendome, Pontorson, Aubenas and its Citadel. He commanded also that Chavigni, which belonged to the Bishop of Poitiers, should be restored to him, and the Fortifications thereof razed; but by one of the secret Articles of the Edict the Exercise of their Religion was formally permitted continuing there. The fourth gave them the sum of One hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns for the maintaining of their Towns and Payment of their Garrisons. The fifth excepted the Places in Dauphiny, of which a particular State was promised to be set up by itself: Lesdiguiers liking better to defend them on his own account, than for the common Cause, and the Court, favoured this Division, to weaken a Party, the uniting of whose Members would render it redoubtable. The sixth promised good Assignments, and that the Money thereof should not be diverted to other uses. The seventh promised, That the Reformed should be called, when the state of the Places should be settled, to take their Advice, and hear their Remonstrances, and afterwards to do every thing as much to their Liking as possible. The same Promise was made to Lesdiguiers for Dauphiny. The eighth permitted, That in case any Change should happen in their Places, either by the King's Pleasure, or through the Desire of the Reformed themselves, they should act there in the same manner as when the former State was settled; that is, that the Reformed were to be called in order, to give their Advice and Remonstrances. The ninth assured them, That if by Death any of these Governments became vacant, during the eight Years, none but the Reformed should be admitted, who likewise must be obliged to take an Attestation of the Assembly which belonged to that Province the Place was situated in: And added, That if the Assembly should refuse their Attestation, than the Cause should be heard before the King. The tenth provided, That after the eight Years were passed, although the King was quitted of his Promise, he should nevertheless continue those in their Governments that were then in possession, in such Places as he thought good still to keep a Garrison. The eleventh declared, That the keeping of these Places should not exclude the Reformed from other Governments, whereto they might be received, indifferently with others, according to their Merits: But that such Places as were given them upon this account should not, nevertheless, be reckoned among their Places of Security. The twelfth permitted the keeping of Magazines, Ammunition, Powder, Cannons, etc. to those to whom the Reformed had given them, and to take a Commission from the Master of the Ordnance and from the Commissary General of Provisions, which should be delivered them gratis, under certain Conditions. The thirteenth, provided for the Payment of these Commissioners out of the Hundred and fourscore thousand Crowns, and not to charge the King's Exchequer with it. The fourteenth declared, That the King had caused the Temple of Mets to be removed, and granted Letters Patents to the Inhabitants thereof, which permitted them to dispose of the Materials; and promised them to give them another Place within the Walls to perform their Exercise in; for which Reason this was not necessary to be inserted in the Edict. The fifteenth assured the Reformed: Lords that might happen ●o reside at Court, that they should not be questioned for what they did in their Houses with their Families only, and their Gates shut, without they sung Psalms with a loud Voice, or gave any reason to suppose there was a Public Exercise. The sixteenth had a relation to the fourteenth of the Edict, permitting them to continue the exercise in such Places where it was publicly allowed, if the Court (who made it cease by its Residence) continued above three Days there. The seventeenth relating to the same, declared, That because of the present state of his Majesty's Affairs, Matters concerning Religion should remain in the same condition they were in Bresse, Barcelona, and the Country on that side the Hills, but that when they should be reduced to Obedience, they should be treated like the rest of the King's Subjects, notwithstanding what was mentioned thereof in the Edict. The eighteenth granted Provisions gratis to those that should be put into the place of Precedents, Counsellors, and Deputies of Attorney and Solicitor General, to serve the first Time in the Chambers Miparties. The nineteenth promised gratis the Places of Judges to those Substitutes, in the Parliaments of Thoulouse and Bourdeaux, if it happened that Chambers were incorporated with them. The twentieth declared Francis Pithou substitute to the Procurer General in the Parliament of Paris, and after him assured the Charge to some of the Reformed. The one and twentieth promised the Reformed two Places of Masters of Requests, when they should be void by death, at the rate of its Value; and in the mean while two such Places should quarterly be given them, who should report their Affairs.  
The two and twentieth permitted the Deputies of the Assembly of Chattilleraud, to leave ten of their Members at Saumur, until the Edict was confirmed in the Parliament of Paris, although by the Edict they were commanded to depart: This was to reduce the Assembly to the Number which was set up by that of S. Foy; the twenty third took from these ten Deputies the Power of making any new Demands, and forbade them meddling with any thing, except the soliciting for the Confirmation of the Edict, and sending Commissioners into the Provinces to see it executed. The twenty fourth was the most important of all; the King, in that, gave his Word and Faith for the Security of the Execution of the whole, declaring that all that was contained in the Patent should be of the same Force as if it had been comprised by an Edict, confirmed in the Court of Parliament; Being, he said, those of the said Religion, to comply with what was for his Interest, were contented not to press him, as the state of his Affairs was, to put this Grant in a more authentic Form, trusting in the Word and Goodness of the King, that they should entirely enjoy it: Upon which account he had commanded all necessary Expedition to be made. Thus, as the private Articles were a kind of Instruction for the Executors of the Edict, wherein the King explained many things, that the general Articles had left obscure and undecided; so we may say also, That this Parent served for a kind of a Salvo to certain Articles of the Edict that the Times would not permit to be put in more favourable Terms, although the Intention of the King was not contrary to it: And above all, he justified the Reformed from the Reproach of having made any Advantage of the Conjuncture of Affairs, in forcing him to grant them what they pleased, since he declared, That they were contented with the King's Word upon so many important things: because the state of his Affairs would not permit him to give better Assurances.  
The third Patent contained a distribution of three and twenty thousand Crowns, to several private Persons, to some for one time, to others for two Years, to some for four, and to others again for eight Years: To some by way of Gratification, and to others as Arrears for past Services. The Historian D'Aubigne, one of those that they esteemed at Court too zealous for their Religion, who thought himself ill-requited for his Services, by this means extorted a moderate Sum for the Arrears of a Pension that had been some time detained from him. Thus all the personal Favours that the King granted to the Reformed, amounted to a very small matter; by which it appeared, that private Interest was not the Motive, as they declared in all their Requests. All the Sums amounted not to Two hundred and fifty thousand Crowns: And even at the end of eight Years the whole was reduced to less than a fifth part, which they gave to the Reformed, in compensation for the Tenths, that they were obliged to pay to the Clergy their Persecutors.  
It seems not improper here to speak a Word or two of the Places that the Reformed had in their Keeping, to the end that we may see what condition they were in, as to the Strength of their Party, at the time the Edict was made. There were two sorts of Towns comprehended under the Name of Towns of Security, one of which had neither Governor nor Garrison, but defended itself: Such were Rochel, Montaubon, Nismes, and some others. They had Privileges so great, that they were almost free; and Rochel, above the rest had had such Treaties with the Kings of France as had made them very near independent, tho' indeed all was done there in the King's Name, yet each Place had its Magistrates which had the sole Administration of the Government. These Towns were the firmest to the Common Cause, because they had two Privileges to defend, their Religion and their Liberty. This kind of Independence must not be imputed to the Doctrine of the Reformed, since there were Catholic Towns which had as much Liberty: But the Court made Religion a pretext to destroy them first, and by the means of their Ruin sound a way to oppress the rest, who have all now submitted to the Yoke.  
There were other Places who had both Garrisons and Governors, some of which belonged to particular Lords, who disposed of Matters therein, as they pleased: The rest were governed by great Men, that had made themselves Masters of them during the War; or else by such as the King, whilst he was their Protector, had placed therein, to defend them. Some of these were properly Places of Security, others were called Towns or Places of Marriage, because they had no Garrison of their own, but were comprised under the Name of more important neighbouring Places; and that their Garrison was a Detachment from those of the principal Place whereon they depended: Many of these Places of Marriage were only simple Castles belonging to Protestant Gentlemen, some of which had not above six or seven Men in a Garrison; but they afterwards disputed them with the Reformed, and pretended that these Places of Marriage were not comprehended in the number of those that the King permitted them to keep.  
The Payment of the Soldiers (without speaking of Dauphine, which had its Affairs separate, and contained eleven Places) consisted 
The manner of Payment.  of two States, the one of which was public and the other private, because they found it necessary to conceal part of their Strength and the good Will of the King, for fear of offending the Catholics. The least Sum was employed upon the Public State, and the rest was set down in the other, which was called the little State. In respect to the first they followed the accustomed Order for the Payment of the Garrisons, furnishing of Rolls of Acquittances, etc. and they were paid by the extraordinary Treasurer of War; but the other was paid with less, upon simple Orders obtained from the respective provincial Exchequers.  
Thus ended the long Civil War, whereof Religion was made 
The Conclusion.  the Pretence. The Reformed began to take Breath, and the Minds of the People to be a little settled again. La Trimoville by his inflexibility incurred the Hatred of the King, but gained the Esteem and Confidence of his own Party: The Court endeavoured all ways possible to draw him from the common Cause, but nothing could work upon him; to that end the Precedent de Thou offered him incredible Advantages; but he answered very generously, Whatsoever they could do for him would avail nothing, whilst the Requests of the Reformed were unanswered; but if they would grant them the Security of their Consciences and Lives, they might hang him up at the Gate of the Assembly, and that no Disturbance would come upon it. They also endeavoured to stir him up with Emulation and Jealousy, when the Duke de Bovillon came to the Assembly, where La Trimoville being youngest, gave him the first Place that he had held for two Years together: But he was not concerned for this Point of Honour, which would have shaken a Soul less Noble than his. He gave way without any regret, and maintained himself unto the end with an equal Courage. There were many other great Men which seconded him; the Minister Chamier was one of the most undaunted; and, because of that, he became as odious to the Court, as he was considerable to the Churches. There are some Authors among the Reformed who affirm, That the King's Avarice was the Reason why the Division was less in the Assembly than it might have been, if the King had been willing to buy its Members at as dear a rate as he had bought the Leaguers. But that many continued firm to the Common Cause, because there was no Advantage in abandoning it. Indeed Aubigny, one of these Authors, might speak by Experience, he was not rich, and he was very willing to make his Fortune; but they did not love him at Court, because he was too free and satirical in his Discourses, and disturbed them with the Reproaches of his Services. Tho' it was not really so much from the King's Avarice as his Wisdom and good Intentions for the Preservation of the Reformed, he chose rather to grant Favours to them in general, whom he had some reason to love, than to raise the Fortune of some private Persons, which he thought he might have cause to complain of.  
The End of the Fifth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK VI.  
The Contents of the 6th. Book.  
THE Sentiment of the Reformed in the Provinces upon the Edict. Artifices to gain them, at a Synod at Mompellier. The Number and Condition of the Churches. What it is that Forms a Church. Uniting of many Churches into one. Reason's why they are contented with the Edict obtained. Projects of Reunion. The Religion of Lesdiguiers. A Treatise of the Eucharist. The Consequences of its Publication, Three Important Negotiations with the Pope. 1. A Dissolution of the King's Marriage. 2. The Re-establishment of the Jesuits, their Confidence and their Credit; the Passion of the Monks against the King. The Persecution in Piedmont, and in the Marquisate of Saluces, the King's Reasons for favouring the Jesuits Opposition. Marriage of Madam, her Constancy, the Unkindness of the King unto her. The difficulties on the Pope's side, and their Reasons. The King goes on without staying for a Dispensation. The Pope is Offended thereat, and persists in his Refusal, the Consequence of this Negotiation until the Death of the Princess. The Advantages the Reformed drew from her Perseverance. Difficulties upon the Examination of the Edict. An Assembly of the Clergy; their Propositions upon the Edict. The Disgust of some Prelates. The Moderation of the Nuncio. Contradictions of the Parliament. The Equity of the Duke of Mayenne. The Resolution of the King. The withdrawing of the Reformed from the Court upon many Articles. Prejudices of the Clergy. The Chambre of the Edict at Rouën. The Mipartie Chambre in Guienne. The Examination of the Edict after which the Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Mouth of the Spaniards. The Answers of Cardinal de Joyeuse and Cardinal D'Ossat, agreeable to the Inclination of the Pope. An Edict for the Principality of Bearn, which is Received. Complaints of the Alterations made in the Edict. Article concerning Burials. Particular demands. Precedency pretended by the Catholic Officers, who composed the 
* Chambre Mipartie is a Court of Justice, Erected in divers good Towns of France, in favour of, and for the righting them of the Religion, one half of the Judges being of the Reformed, the other Papists.  Chambres Miparties, over the Reformed. Verbal demand upon Occasion of the Chapels in gentlemen's Houses. Answers to those Papers. Article concerning Church-Yards. Precedency preserved to the Ancient Precedent. Martha Brosier counterfeiting herself to be Possessed. The Consequence of that Comedy both within and out of the Kingdom. The King's Marriage dissolved. The Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne upon the Oath referred by one of the Reformed to a Catholic. La Trimoville made a Peer of France, the Pope grumbles, and d'Ossat appeases him. He takes little Notice of Roni's Advancement. Commissioners to put the Edict in Execution, and their Power. General Observations upon the Edict. Reproaches of the Catholics cast upon the Reformed, Answered.  
THE Edict being then at length Decreed in this manner, nevertheless did not all of a sudden allay the general Murmurings: 
〈…〉 Edict▪  And when the News was carried into the Provinces, several people of Nice and Difficult Palates found that there were many things altogether omitted, others ill-explained, others inconvenient, and with which the Reformed had less Reason to be contented then the Catholics. The delay of the Verification put 'em to a great deal of trouble, and the Reputation of the Duke of Bevillon, who had taken upon him to engage 'em to Patience in this particular was not sufficient to stop the Mouths of all the World. But the Court had then recourse to little Artifices to mollify their minds by gentle means, and 
Artifices to gain 'em.  bring 'em to that submission which she desired. She had her Confidents in all places, who, according to the Genius of those people with whom they discoursed, knew how to vary their Arguments and their Remonstrances. Sometimes they put a Value upon the King's private Promises, who durst go no farther for fear of Offending the Catholics, and returning their Arms into the Hands of the Leaguers; but who had given his Word to do so many things for the Reformed for the future; which was that which far exceeded all they had demanded, and which was contained most favourable in the Edict. Sometimes the Prince himself was represented as altogether of the Reformed Religion in his Heart, Weeping when he spoke of the Churches, and causing his usual Prayers to be said before him in private; and that, perhaps, was no Invention altogether. Moreover, he had every day in his Mouth all the passages of Scripture, which all the Reformed well knew how to apply to all the accidents of Life: And though that all the outward Actions of his Devotion were Catholic, yet his private Meditations and Retirements had still sometimes a relish of the Reformed Religion. So that, both at Court and at Rome, they were still afraid, or made a show of being in fear, that he was only turned Catholic for the sake of the Crown, but that he was still Reform in his Will and Affection. There were a great Number of the Reformed who were heartily of this Opinion; and who pitied the constraint, wherein, as it seemed to them, the King was obliged to live. Nor was it a difficult thing to win over those who were of this Opinion, and to make 'em sit down contented with the present, in the midst of Extraordinary future Expectations: So much the rather because that almost all the Reformed were Anticipated with a full persuasion that their Religion would in a short time Triumph over the Tricks and Artifices of the Roman See.  
On the other side, to frighten those that were timorous of themselves, they aggravated the Puissance and Prosperity of the King, who began to make himself formidable both at home and abroad, and who being in a condition to force Respect from Foreigners was the more able to constrain Obedience from his own Subjects. In short, they who by their Intrigues had brought France within one Ace almost of her Ruin, saw with astonishment, that the same Prince, whom they had so rudely handled lived peaceable in his Dominions, in a Capacity to trouble those in his turn that had so long and so Maliciously turmoiled him with incessant Vexations, and as it were of a sudden become the Terror of one part of Europe, and the Protector of the other. But the most concealed of all the Court Artifices was to give those some little Trouble who spoke too loudly in the Provinces. They were sent for to Court, under various pretences, either of hard Words which they had let fall, or of some bold Actions which they had over boldly committed, or of too violent Counsels which they were accused of having given. But when they had 'em in their Clutches, instead of treating 'em with severity, which they had put 'em in some fear of at home, they lulled 'em with a thousand Caresses; loaded 'em with praises and promises; and causing 'em to be managed by persons who understood what they were to say, sent 'em home somewhat Tamed and Mollifyed, and ready to believe themselves and persuade others, that the best course they could take, was to comply with the King's pleasure.  
In the mean time the Reformed Assembled a National Synod 
A Synod at Mompelier.  at Mompelier; where their principal business was to draw up a State of the Churches. Every Province brought thither a List 
The number of the State of the Churches.  of such as were already Erected within their Jurisdictions; and it was found that they amounted altogether to seven hundred and sixty. Upon which it behoves us to observe in the first place, that while it was uncertain what extent the King would allow to Liberty of Exercise, there were many places whose Franchises were confounded one with another, and which were intermixed with those whose Privileges were more immediate and uncontrollable, to the End they might have the fewer disputes with the Catholics. But when the Edict had Regulated the Foundations upon which the Right of continuing Free Exercise was to be established, they began to unpester those confused Rights, and to separate several Places into distinct Churches, which had been a long time uncertain what would become of their Pretensions. Thus the King having consented that such places where Free Exercise had been several times performed during the year 1596. should be preserved for the future, those places, which had been under uncertainty till then, betook themselves to a New Form after that Concession; and Churches were Erected Correspondent to the Models in Government of those of which they had been long in Possession. But in regard the Edict was not concluded that Year, they made New demands the year following, and obtained that the same Right of Free Exercise should be preserved where it had been several times performed in that New Year till the Month of August. A Term which the King limited for New Possessions, that they might not multiply every day. So that the Places which had acquired this New Right could not take upon 'em any Regulated Form, till they knew what could be obtained of the King upon this New pretention. Moreover there were several places where Free Exercise ought to have been allowed according to preceding Edicts; but where it had been left off for several Reasons; either the Opposition of the Catholics, or the Neighbourhood of the Troops of the League, or other Inconveniences which the Reformed there suffered. It was requisite therefore, in resuming the Possession of those Places, to set up such Churches as had a privilege to Assemble there, and whom those Obstacles had dispersed. These were the different places where the Provincial Synods reported to the National, that they had set up Churches; and there were yet several others, the Settlement of which was contested; nor could the Disputes be determined till after the Judgement of the Commissioners which the King sent into the Provinces to put the Edict in Execution.  
This may serve for an Answer to the Brabbles and Wranglings raised in these latter years, as to the Number of the Churches above 760. or as to what concerned others which did not appear to have taken upon 'em the Form of Churches till after the Conclusion of the Edict. Nor was it for want of Right that those Churches had not been set up, but because their Right remaining undetermined, and in suspense till August 1597. they were unwilling to draw together an Assembly of people, which they were not assured they were able to maintain there. For they were not looked upon as Established, till they had acquired a Right by the New Concession, or by the Commissioners who removed the Difficulties. In the second 
Forming a Church what it is.  place, by what the Synod calls forming a Church, is not to be meant the settling an Exercise in a place where it never was before; or the receiving a Minister by Imposition of Hands, or appointing a Consistory, of which there is not the least shadow formerly. But it is the rendering that perpetual and customary, which was only provisional and by Intervals; the assigning a peculiar and standing Minister to the place, which before was only served occasionally; the subjecting the Elders to a Regular Discipline; the separating the Families into Quarters, under the Jurisdiction of an Elder, who is to take care of that business; the declaring to what Classis or Colloquy the Church belongs; and putting it into the Number, among the rest of the Province. Things formerly accustomed to be regulated Viva voce, and to be put in practice without any other Law, than the Conformity of Custom received in the Churches of the same Synod; which is the Reason that the Acts of these Establishments are very rarely mentioned in Writing. In the third place it is to 
Several Churches United into one.  be observed, that under the Name of one Church, they comprehended two, three or more places where Free Exercise was allowed according to the Edict; but for their Reciprocal Conveniency put themselves under the pastoral Charge of one Shepherd, who divided the Officiating his Duty among 'em according to the private agreement. These different Places which they called Quarters, or Annexes, were United, Separated, Closed, and divided, as the Synods pleased, who as they saw convenient, of several Churches made one; or of one, several; which might probably sometimes augment the Number of the Places of Exercise; though there were nothing of Usurpation in the Excess of the usual or prefixed Number. Nevertheless, these Truths which ought to be beyond all dispute, by reason they are so evidently demonstrable, have been looked upon in our days, as Unjust and Chimerical pretensions.  
But to return to the Synod, there were some Reflections made 
Causes of contenting themselves with the Edict as it was obtained.  among 'em, what should oblige the General Assembly to depart from the Pretensions of the Churches, to content themselves with the Edict as they had obtained it. They were offended, as it was but just, that the Members of the Assembly had been long at variance among themselves: But it was more easy to declaim against the Disease, then procure a Remedy: And when the Mischief is incurable, the discovery of the Cause adds little to the Cure of the Distemper. There was also some Discourse in the Synod of Erecting of Schools and Colleges of Divinity in several Places; several Regulations also were under Debate, for the preservation of the Churches, and for bringing them under an exacter Discipline. Nor were they less employed about Projects for a Reunion with the Roman Church, with which the Kingdom was filled. For they had been very earnest for the publishing several Pieces of that Nature, which were pleasing enough to the Catholics, who were of Opinion, that an Accommodation could not choose but be always to their Advantage. But the Reformed were as much scandalised at it, for the same Reason, and looked upon all those Writings as Prevarications which betrayed the Cause of Truth, and only tended to disguise the Errors of the Roman Church, to render 'em less Odious. Foreign Protestants also were no less Offended at 'em than others, and made their Complaints to the Synod. Which Condemned some Books that went under that Character, and Ordered others to be Examined, that were no less suspected. But this was all to no purpose; and the Itch of Reunion lasted till the Revocation of the Act; at which time also the Projects for an Accommodation flew about every where.  
There was likewise one particular Act that was discoursed of in that Assembly. The Province of Languedoc had Raised a Fund of 17760 Crowns, which was sent to Geneva, there to be put out to Use, and the Revenue to be employed for the Maintenance of resolver's of Cases. Lesdiguieres, who minded nothing so much as to take of all sides, seized upon this same Money, under pretence that it had been Raised contrary to Law, and without the King's permission, and that it could not be sent out of the Kingdom; and that he might have some specious Right to detain it, he begged it of the King, Who in regard he came so easily by it, made no great difficulty to give it him, without ever troubling himself the to consider what Complaints the Reform might make, leaving it to Lesdiguiers to defend himself against them, as well as he could. And indeed Commissioners were sent to him to recover the Money out of his Hands, who laid before him the Injustice of the Act, and put it hard upon his Conscience, as being of the Reformed Religion; but that was not his sensible Part; so that after many years and several Importunities they had much ado to get him restore some part. By this it may be judged, that 'twas not his Conscience that retained him in the Profession of the Reformed 
Lesdiguieres' Religion.  Religion; and the next year he did many things which would have cleared the Suspicion, but that he was ashamed to do 'em publicly. For the Jesuit Cotton, so Famous afterwards in France, being then at Grenoble, Lesdiguieres entered into a strict Alliance with him; but for fear of rendering himself suspected to the Ministers, he built a Back Gallery, by which the Father might be brought to his Apartment, without being perceived by any but those that were privy to the Secret: By which means the Jesuits and He were frequent in Conferences. Lesdiguieres' Daughter, of the same Religion as her Father, had the same kindnesses for the Jesuit, and went much farther than her Father. For she Abjured the Doctrine of the Reformed, while Cotton held her Hands in his, and afterwards privately gave her the Communion; and every year sent her a Priest for the same purpose, till time and her Father should permit her to declare herself. During this Interval, the Jesuit was not so tender Conscienced, but that he gave her leave to make outward Profession, and Repair to all the public Exercises, of the Reformed Religion; and perhaps it might be found that she Communicated on both sides, if her Life were more narrowly Examined: Such is the Religion of the Jesuits. For according to their Maxims, Hypocrisy and Profaneness are no Obstacles but that people may be truly Pious and Devout at the same time. As to what remains, in this Synod it was, that the first distribution was made of Money granted in Lieu of Tithes; and there was a Division of a hundred and thirty thousand Livres among the Churches.  
Thus the Reformed were very diligent to make their Advantage of the Edict, before it was fully brought to perfection, in regard it was not as yet verified. For it was agreed at the importunity of the Legate, that they would stay till he was gone before they published it. This delay put back the Business so far, that the Reformed were impatient; and though the Marshal de Bovillon took upon him to make all whole again at the Assembly of Chatelleraud; yet he could not be every where to give her Reasons to the mistrustful, nor could his Reputation stop the Mouths of all Men. In the mean time there happened one thing which made a great Noise, and which was attended with tedious and unlucky Consequences Du Plessis published a Book in July, upon the Eucharist. The Pope was therein very coursely 
Treatise of the Eutharist.  handled, as being called by the Name of Antichrist: And the Church of Rome had seen very few Books set forth by her Adversaries, where there had been less kindness showed to her Errors. Du Plessis had put his Name and all his Titles in the first Page, and among the rest, that of Counsellor of State. The Name of the Author, (who was the Man of his time that had the most Learning and Solidity, and wrote the best, though his Style savoured too much of the Latin Phrase) and the Dignity of the Subject, caused the Work to be soon perused by the Curious. The Noise of it reached Rome, and the Pope complained 
Consequences of the publishing of it.  more especially, because of the Title of Counsellor of State which the Author had taken upon him; for that it seemed as if the Affront had Issued from the Bosom of the Counsel itself, since it was given by one of the Members of it; and as if the King had had a share in giving the Injury, since it came from one of his intimate Confidents. The King himself was Offended at it, fearing lest the Pope, being exasperated by the Affront, should delay the Dissolution of his Marriage, which was then seriously in Agitation. For that Reason he testified his Resentment; and it was the beginning of Duplessis' Disgrace, which was attended with Consequences of greater Importance. One would have thought that this dissatisfaction of the King and the Pope, would have Authorised whatever the Zeal of the Catholics should undertake against the Book or the Author. Nevertheless the Jesuits that were settled at Bourdeaux having a great desire to have the Book Condemned to the Fire, Dases the first Precedent Opposed, and only bid 'em refute it, if they thought it convenient. Boulanger one of the King's Almoners, having made a critical Censure upon the Preface, and Accused the passages to be falsiyed, the Arch bishop of Bourges took him up, and replied upon him very smartly. Nor did the Legate himself require any Vigorous proceedings against the Book; only desired six Copies to carry along with him at his departure out of France, and engaged that Bellarmine should Answer him. But they bethought themselves of another way to Mortify du Plessis, the Catholics finding it more easy to disgrace the Author, then destroy the Book. That which happened that year and the Lent following was this, that the Predicants let lose their Fury against the Book, and Revenged the Pope and the Roman Religion, with all manner of Calumnies and Invectives upon du Plessis. 'Twas thought also that the Gentleman durst not appear in public without hazard of his Life during the first Violence of their Rage. He therefore kept his House for some days, till the Tempest was over: And in regard 'twas believed that the people were sufficiently Incensed to have gone and Assaulted him in his own House; Madam offered to receive him into hers for his better security.  
It may be thought, That slight Moderation was Affected to show, that the Liberty of the Reformed was great in pursuance of the Edict, since they had the Freedom to publish such Affronts against the Roman Religion, and yet that the Catholics should be permitted no other means of Revenging themselves than by the Ordinary way of Refutation; or else of mitigating the discontents of those who did not find the Edict conformable to their Hopes, and who were vexed to see the Verification so long delayed, and to prevent 'em from augmenting upon the severity which they might have used to the first Book of the Reformed Religion that appeared after the Edict was Decreed. In a Word, there being no way wholly to quell the Bigots, they caused du Plessis' Book to be Condemned to the Fire by some Inferior Court of Justice, and the Sentence was put in Execution. The Assembly still sitting at Chatelleraud was very much offended at it; and considering the thing was done at the very time that the first steps were made toward the Execution of the Edict, they judged it to be of too great Consequence to pass it by without complaining. But though they were fully determined to Testify their Resentment, they were willing first of all to write to du Plessis, as being the principal person concerned, to know his Opinion what was to be done upon this Occasion. This shows that they did well to prevent the Sovereign Courts from making Decrees of the same Nature against this Work: For as the Affront would have been more Heinous, most certain it is, that the Reformed would have made a Louder Noise. But du Plessis, who did not think his Book dishonoured by these Transports of his Adversaries, was not the person that troubled himself most about it. However, he declared by his Answer, that the thing seemed to him to be of Great Importance, in regard that the Doctrine of the Reformed being acquitted by the Edict from the Name of Heresy, the Books that taught the Reformed Doctrine were not to be Burnt, since only Heretical Books were to be Condemned to that Mark of Infamy: Therefore 'twas his Opinion that they should Appeal from the Sentence to the Chamber of the Edict, rather than to the Privy-Council, where the business would be assuredly Stifled. Nevertheless that it was a hard matter to apply a Remedy to a past Mischief, since they had Executed the Sentence, and what was already done amiss could not be amended. But this Book was attended with Consequences much more Remarkable, which will not permit us to stop at these less weighty Observations.  
During these Passages which I have hitherto related, there 
Three Important Negotiations with the Pope.  were three things in Negotiation between the Court of France, and that of Rome; and which were of Importance sufficient to put the Reformed in Fear, that althô they had obtained an Edict, the King would not purchase the prosperous Conclusion of his Affairs at the Expense of his Favours toward them. The first Affair was the Dissolution of the King's Marriage which he ardently desired: And for the obtaining of which, 'twas thought he would humble him to any manner of Compliance with the Pope. This Affair was of great Consequence to the State, as also to the Kingdom, in regard the Mischiefs of a dubious Succession might bring extremity of Consusion upon the Kingdom after the King's Death. The Reformed also were very urgent for it, not a little fearful that a great part of the New troubles which might Attend the King's Death would fall upon themselves. But the King's obstinate Fondness for his Miss, had a long time retarded that Negotiation. For the Pope was unwilling to favour a Marriage so unsuitable; and Queen Margaret would by no means give place to a Woman that was so much beneath her; and whose Virtue, it was thought, had surrendered itself to other Suits, besides that of the King. That Mistress being Dead after such a manner as might Raise a suspicion, that Roni and some others well understood, that there was a kind of necessity she should die; the King embroiled himself in New Intrigues, and made a promise of Marriage to the Daughter of the Marquis d'Entragues, to obtain what he desired of her. He had also been so weak as to show this promise to Roni to ask his Advice about the Form; and Roni was so bold as to tear it before his Face. But the King, who was not Master of his passion, drew up another with such Clauses, that be thought himself discharged of it by the success of the first lying in of his new Mistress. Now in regard it was high time to look after this Affair in good earnest, the King bent all his thoughts upon it; and the Pope, who knew the Importance of the business, which could not be concluded without him; failed not to set it at the highest price he could put upon it: Not but that he had his Reasons too, to desire it should be brought to pass; whether it were that there was a proposal for the King to Marry an Italian Princess; or whither it were that he was afraid, that if the Succession came to be contested, some one of the Competitors might augment the Forces of the Reformed to support himself, and perhaps Embrace their Religion, to fasten 'em to his Interests. Whereas, if the Succession were ascertained, he was sure that the King's Successor would be a Catholic, and that his Right and Claim being founded upon a Marriage Authorised by the Maxims of the Court of Rome, he would maintain it with all his Power, and would rather strive to Lessen, than Exalt the Reformed in Strength and Power. But for all this the Pope was Resolved to sell his Favour to the King at a dear Rate, according to the Custom of the Court of Rome, which always strives to make others purchase those things of which she makes a benefit herself. So that the Reformed had all the Reason in the World to fear that they should be made to pay the Expenses of this Affair.  
The second Negotiation which might give 'em an Alarm, 
The Establishment of the Jesuits.  was the Establishment of the Jesuits, which was prosecuted with extraordinary sedulity. The Pope omitted no Opportunity of talking of it to the Jesuits, and he thought he could not use better precautions against the Mistrusts which he had of the King's Religion, then to set the Jesuits over him, either as Spies or Adversaries. On their parts they were not Idle in 
Their boldness and Credit.  France; where they had the boldness to settle themselves in some places depending upon the Parliament of Paris, maugre the Decree by which they were Banished; And this Act of theirs appeared so insolent, that even at Rome itself it was Condemned. But they had good Protectors in the Kingdom. For the Cardinal of Tournon stoutly supported 'em; and the Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux upheld 'em within their Jurisdictions; and they who had been of the League had always a great kindness for 'em. The Clergy also encouraged 'em to Petition for their Restauration; and those Cunning Politicians well acquainted with the Air of the Court, would by no means lose the Opportunity. The King himself sided with 'em, because he was willing they should take his part: And for that well knowing 'em to be in a Capacity to undertake any Attempt against a Prince who had been their Enemy, he thought he should have no Reason to fear 'em, if he gave them occasions of Acknowledgement and Obligation. But all the Religious 
The Monks all hate the King.  Orders mortally hated the King, even those that seemed to have renounced the World; and not only the Jacobins, who had furnished the League with a Ruffian to take away the Life of Hen. III. but the Capuchins also and the Chartreaux conspired his Ruin. 'Twas too much at one time for him to Guard himself against the Jesuits, besides with whose Genius he was experimentally acquainted, and who never thought any thing sufficiently Sacred to protect the person of an Enemy of what Quality soever from their most bloody Revenge. The pretence of these frequent Conspiracies was, because the Bigots always suspected the sincerity of the King's Conversion, and for that the Spaniards carefully set afoot whatever they could devise to confirm the Suspicion. They laid to his Charge whatever happened in Europe, where they thought the Catholic Religion had not all the Advantages which they desired. Wherefore the Duke 
Persecution in Piedmont.  of Savoy having endeavoured to Reduce his Subjects (the Vaudois) to the Roman Communion, and for that purpose having sent into their Country a Mission of Capuchins backed with some thousands of Soldiers, to accomplish by force what the Monks could not obtain by persuasions, the Spaniards failed not to make their Advantage of it to the prejudice of the King. They compared the King's Indulgence with the Duke's bloody Zeal, who observed no Medium between the Conversion and Extermination of Heretics. He had Exercised the same Rigour in the Marquisate of Saluces, which no way belonged to him, in regard he had 
The Marquisat of Saluces.  Usurped it during the Civil Wars; and he had constrained all the Reformed Inhabitants to change their Religion, or quit their Country. And his design in doing foe, was to engage the Pope to maintain him in his Usurpation, which indeed was one of the Reasons that the Pope would never do the King Justice in that particular point; fearing lest if the King were Master of the Marquisate, the Reformed would abide there under the shelter of his Edicts. But to render the King's Religion more suspected, the Spaniards accused him of having hindered the Success of that mixed Mission by private Successors, though it were neither Honourable to the Religion itself, nor to the Prince that sent it. 'Tis true there were some miserable Wretches that changed their Religion, and that the Spaniards made the best they could of the ●o●quest. But d Ossat, though a Cardinal, much abated the Glory of those Conquests, when he found that the Soldiers had done more than the Capuchins. Nevertheless this made an Impression in the minds of the Zealots, and fostered the pretences for the Conspiracies of the Monks, who looked upon the King but as a hollow Catholic. For which Reason, in regard the Jesuits were the most formidable of all, he was willing to secure 
Reason's why the King favoured the Jesuits.  himself from their Attempts, by doing them some signal favour that might fasten 'em to his person and his service. Such are the Politics of Princes, to Caress those of whom they stand in awe, and to neglect, if not oppress those People whom they have no reason to fear. They partake of Fear with those that are afraid of 'em, and redeem themselves by Favours from the Molestations of those whom they mistrust. This sort of Policy was very rife under this Reign, at what time the Reformed complained, that Favours and Rewards were far more Charily bestowed on those that performed faithful Services, than on those who were become formidable to the Disposer.  
This Potent Reason made the King incline to recall the Jesuits; and this design gave great Alarms to the Reformed, who well knew what they had to hope for from that same always Perfidious, and always Mutinous Society; who if once they got to be settled in Paris, would wriggle themselves into the Court, and there put all things, according to their usual wont, into Confusion. The Parliament of Paris, who stood upon their Honour in this Affair, by reason of the redoubled Decrees which they had Issued forth against this pernicious Institution, opposed their Restauration with as much Vigour as the Reformed, who on the other side thwarted this Negotiation to the utmost of their Power: But it was chiefly the Authority of the Parliament that rendered this Negotiation so Tedious and Difficult. For Kings had then a great Respect for their Parliaments; and those August Assemblies could distinguish between Subjection and Servitude; so that then they were not acquainted with slavish Obsequiousness to the Sentiments of the Court.  
The third Affair was the Marriage of Madam the King's Sister 
3d. M●…age of Madam.  with the Duke of Ban, the Duke of Lorraines' Son, which was consummated toward the beginning of the following Year. The Pope started several Scruples and Difficulties, not so much out of a Design to hinder the Match, in regard the Marriage of that Princess with a Catholic was one of the secret Conditions of the King's Absolution, as to draw some profit out of it to himself, either in procuring by that means the Conversion of the Princess that was to be Married, or to make the King purchase his Consent by some New Compliance with the Court of Rome. But the Reformed had a perfect Reluctancy against it, which they made appear in the National Synod already mentioned. The Question was there proposed concerning this Match, to remove the Scruples of the Princess; but she found not her satisfaction there; only it was judged that such a Marriage was not lawful. Nevertheless this was no Obstacle, but that it was concluded in the Month of August, after the Princess had undergone great Temptations. There had been several Conferences, at which she was present; Several Ministers and Catholic Doctors disputed the Point: And in one of these Conferences it was, that du Moulin, whose Name was afterwards so 
Her Constancy.  Famous, began to approve with great Reputation. The Ministers had the better in all these Disputes, because the Princess stood firm, in so much that soon after a stop was put to these unprofitable Conferences. The Catholics, according to their Custom, imputed the breaking off these Conferences to the Ministers, and to Eclipse the Glory of the Princess' Constancy, they Attributed her perseverance to her Obstinacy. They gave it out, that she continued steadfast in her Religion, out of her Veneration for Queen Jane her Mother, who had bred her up, and had given her in charge, to persevere in the Reformed Faith. But though they endeavoured to make her Constancy to be Looked upon as a Point of Honour, nevertheless it appeared to be an Effect of her knowledge and surpassing Parts. She was greatly enlightened for a person of her Sex, and she had more Care and more Leisure to inform herself then the King her Brother. Which was the Reason, that she was more steady than He, and she understood how to Answer very pertinently in Reply to the Argument which was urged against her from the King's Example, that the Salic Law had made between them two, the Partition of Constancy. But this perseverance brought her into some trouble. The King himself, either out of Reason of State, or induced by other Motives, used her somewhat severely. Fain he would have obliged her to have put away her Domestic 
The King's Severities toward her.  Servants, under pretence that she too much confided in 'em, and that they obstructed her Conversion. He threatened never to do any thing for her Advancement, if she persevered in her Obstinacy. But notwithstanding all this Rigour she was still unshak'n in her Constancy, and she had a greater regard to her Conscience and her Ministers, then to the Importunities and Pleasure of the King her Brother.  
The Pope so vehemently opposed this Match, that 'twas 
Scruples Raised by the Pope.  believed they should never obtain the Dispensation from him, which the King and the Duke desired. Nay more, he wrote to the Duke of Lorraine and the Prince his Son in a very Magisterial and Passionate Style, to divert 'em from the Alliance. But in regard those Oppositions of the Court of Rome never frighten any but such as are willing to be afraid of 'em, they were no Obstruction, but that the Affair was concluded at the beginning of the next year. The Pope's Pretences for this Refusal, were nearness of Blood between both 
His Reasons.  Parties, and the Princess' Religion. He deemed it prejudicial to his Dignity to send a Dispensation to a Person that did not demand it; who neither thought it necessary, nor in his Power to give it. But the same Reasons never stumbled the Successors of this Pontiff in the two Cases of the Marriage of Charles, Prince of Wales, with the Infanta of Spain, and afterwards with Henrietta. The real Motives therefore of the Court of Rome are her Interests. When she finds her Advantages in any thing, she never fails of good Reasons to surmount the most plausible difficulties. Thus one and the same Interest caused one Pope to refuse the King's Sister a Dispensation, because a Huguenot Princess in a Catholic Country, as Lorraine, did not agree with the See of Rome: And the same Interest caused his Successors to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Catholic Princess with the Presumptive Heir of the Crown of England, because it was for the Benefit of the Roman Religion, to have a Catholic Queen in a Kingdom altogether Reform. Moreover, in regard the Princess who was already somewhat in years, had often slipped the Opportunity of Wedlock, yet was unwilling to die a Virgin, 'twas thought at Rome that she would rather change her Religion, then let this Proposal of Marriage Escape, after which she had but little hopes to meet with an Offer so fairly Advantageous. But the Court of France believing it would be more easy to make her Excuses to the Pope, when the thing was done, then to obtain his Consent for doing 
The King proceeds to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation.  the thing, thought fit to proceed to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation. After which New Difficulties were started about giving the Nuptial Benediction. As for the Princess, she would not have scrupled to receive it from the hands of a Roman Prelate; but as she was Nice in Point of Decency, she would by no means hear of being Married after that manner, after she had been given to understand, that such a Condescension would look like a kind of going to seek a Husband, should she have that Deference for him, which he was unwilling to have for her: That it became not the Dignity of so great a Princess, to show herself more forward than the Prince desired; and that she was engaged in Honour to be as steadfast in rejecting the Proposal of Marrying according to the Mass, as he was firm in Refusing to be Married by a Minister. And the Duke on the other side Protested that he would rather never Marry, then receive the Benediction from a Heretic. But the King Reconciled the difference by sending for both Parties into his Cabinet where he caused 'em to be affianced in his presence by the Archbishop of Roven. Who though he were neither Learned nor Devout, forgot not however to suffer himself to be entreated, before he would perform the Ceremony: And the want of a Dispensation stuck so close to his Heart, that if Roni had not found the way to droll him into a Compliance, all the Authority of the King would never have been able to have brought him to Reason.  
This Expedient put an End to the Difficulties of the Marriage: But the Pope was as inflexible after Consummation as before; and showed himself as obstinate in denying the Dispensation, as the Princess had appeared Resolute in refusing to demand it. He also complained of the King's Precipitancy, for being so hasty in an Affair of such Importance. He filled the Duke's Conscience with Scruples and Terrors, so that the Prince lived a long time with the Duchess his Wife, as if they had never been Married. Which was the reason that the Duchess was solicited more than ever to change her Religion; and that not only Instructions, Promises, and Flatteries were made use of to overcome her, but Artifices and Lies. There could be nothing more Impudent than that same Cozenage of Commelet the Jesuit, of which she herself gave du Plessis an Account, some Months after she was Married. This Jesuit was so bold as to tell her, that du Plessis being accused for having inserted several false Quotations in his Book of the Eucharist, had promised to go to Mass, if they could but show him one that was such as they said; that he had been convinced before the King; upon which the King loading him with Reproaches, he went out of the way, no body knowing what was become of him. Never was Lie told with more probable Circumstances, nevertheless there was not a Tittle in it but what was found to be merely Forged. The Duchess knew it very well; and Commelet gained so little upon her, that in a Letter which she wrote to du Plessis upon this Subject, she assured him, That her Converse with the Jesuit had but the more confirmed her in her Religion. Seeing therefore they could do no good upon the Princess, 
The issue of the Negotiation till the Death of the Princess.  the King was very Importunate at Rome to incline the Pope to Sentiments more Moderate. D'Ossat found out Precedents of a Dispensation granted, in the like case, to Persons of Inferior Quality. The Duke also went himself to Rome, under pretence of the Jubilee, to desire Absolution, but the Pontiff would by no means yield to any thing. Nevertheless, 'twas believed that the Prince had obtained a private Absolution, in regard the Pope gave him leave to gain the Jubilee, and to visit the Churches where Indulgences were given out; and for that, upon his return Home, he lived with the Duchess after a more Conjugal manner than he had done before. But the Report being every where spread abroad that she was with Child, the Pope grew much more mild; foreseeing, that if he did not confirm the Marriage, the King would be obliged to seek without him, for some other way to secure the Title of Legitimate to the Infant that should be Born. Nevertheless, this Atonement of the Pope's Wrath signified little or nothing, for the Report of the Princess' being with Child proved altogether groundless, and the Princess died at the very time that the Pope consented to the Marriage. I have related this Affair in a continued Series, to the end I might have no more occasion to return to it again, though the business was spun out in a Negotiation of three or four Years.  
The Reformed looked upon the Perseverance of the Princess 
The Advantages which the Reformed got by her Perseverance.  in their Religion to be a great Victory, in regard it secured 'em several Advantages which could not be refused to her Person, and which made greatly for the Honour of the whole Party: Their Ministers Preached at Court while she was there; and that was often done in the same place where Mass had been said but some hours before. When the Princess went, or returned from France into Lorraine, or from Lorraine into France, her Minister who attended her always Lodged in the same Abbeys where she lay, and in the same Episcopal Palaces upon the Roads, and there she likewise caused him to Preach. The Catholics received this Mortification, and the Reformed this Satisfaction at least once a Year; for that she never failed every Year to Visit the King her Brother. She had also Sermons Preached in her own Apartment in Lorraine; and it was a kind of Triumph for the Reformed to see their Religion introduced, by this means, into the same House from whence their most violent Persecutors were gone but just before. Du Moulin, who was known to the Princess by reason of the Conferences held upon her account, wherein he had often delivered himself, was highly in her favour. The Ministers of the Church of Paris were bound to Quarterly Attendance upon her; and generally it fell out so, that the time when she took her Journeys happened to be in Du Moulin's waiting; so that in a little time he acquired a great Reputation, which drew upon him the Hatred and Persecution of the Catholics.  
But at Paris they were busy about an Affair of Importance quite different from those already related. The Catholics 
Difficulties about the Verification of the Edict.  had taken all Advantages of the Delay of the Verification of the Edict. It was attacked by all the Orders of the Kingdom, both before and after the Legate's departure. That Prelate however, not caring either to have any Reproach put upon him, or to have the Lie given him, never desired that the greatest Oppositions should be made against it in his Presence; and there was a great deal of noise upon this occasion, after his departure. The Clergy, the Parliaments, the University, the Sorbonne, started all the Difficulties imaginable. The Sorbonne refused their Consent, till the Reformed took their degrees among 'em. The University was for shutting the Gates of the Colleges against 'em; nor would they admit 'em either to be Masters of Arts, or Professors, or to the Regency. The Faculty of Physic was most difficult to be overcome, as if it had been the Grand Concern of the Physicians to Quarrel with Heresy; and they always continued their Aversion ever since that time.  
But the Clergy made the most weighty Opposition: They Assembled at Paris in May; nor did they fail to send their Deputations and Remonstrances to the King according to their usual Custom. But their Deputies in all their Harangues were much less violent than their Predecessors had been; they talked no longer of Destruction and Extermination; Their Discourses breathed nothing but Peace, the sweetness of which Flattered all the World; and you should hardly hear 'em so much as mention the word Heresy. All their Discourse ran solely upon the Disorders in Ecclesiastical Discipline, and upon the Alienations of the Spiritual Demesnes, the Augmentation of which the Clergy never failed to demand under the Name of Restitution. For which reason they were importunately urgent for the Release of Pensions assigned to the Laity upon Benefices, and to the Payment of which the Incumbents were obliged, either by Writ of Nomination, or by some Secret Reservation in the Grand Deeds. The Reformed had a share in these favours as well as others, as also in the Trusts; and it was at them the Clergy aimed under a pretence that seemed plausible enough. It seemed but Just to deprive the Heretics, who were Enemies of the Church of Rome, of all the Privileges of enjoying Revenues, to the prejudice of her Altars. But that which was most remarkable in this Prosecution was this, that to the end they might procure a Discharge of Lay-Pensions, the Clergy were not ashamed to say, That the Ecclesiastics had little enough to live upon; though it were notoriously known, that they possessed the third part of the Revenues of the Kingdom, not comprehending what many enjoyed moreover in other parts for other Reasons, as by Right of Inheritance or Purchase. The King consented to one part of the Favours which the Deputies demanded, and for the remainder gave them good Words, tending to let them understand that they must have Patience; and which covertly contained certain Promises, with which the Reformed would have had no reason to be satisfied, had they not looked upon 'em as Words of no consequence, and by which the Court ne'er thought themselves obliged to any thing. These Words were so remarkable among others, that they have been repeated by several Historians: I will act in such a manner, said the King, by God's Assistance, that the Church shall be in as good a Condition as it was a hundred years ago, as well for the Discharge of my Conscience as for your Satisfaction; but Paris was not built in a day Some understood it as if these Words were to be Interpreted, that in time he would destroy the pretended Heresy, which had put the Clergy to so much trouble for above Fourscore Years together; but the Reformed were persuaded that they were only words of course.  
Nevertheless, this put the Clergy in hopes of making 
Their Proposals upon the Edict.  some Attempts, perhaps not altogether unsuccessful, to alter something in the Edict; for their Intention was not to obstruct the granting an Edict to the Reformed, in regard themselves had too much need of Peace to wish the breaking out of a New War; but their business was to reduce the Concessions to such a trivial Invalidity, that had they obtained what they aimed at, the Reformed would never have accepted 'em. To that purpose their Agents demanded three things at the first dash; that is to say, That the Ministers should have no other Advantage on this side the Loire, but only to be free from the Molestation of Prosecutions; and that the Reformed, in that part of the Kingdom, should content themselves with having the Free Exercise of their Religion, in such places of which they had made themselves Masters by force of Arms: That is to say, That they should be shut out from all the New Possessions in those Provinces, and the Bailliage Towns: That the Exercise of the Roman Religion should be restored in those places where the Reformed were most prevalent, even in their strong Holds. Thirdly, That the Catholics should be discharged from paying towards the Maintenance of the Ministers, in those places that were held by the Reformed. They vehemently Laboured also, that the Ecclesiastics, who had any differences with the Reformed, might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber, that was to be settled at Paris, as fearing to Plead against 'em upon equal Terms. They no less vigorously opposed the Liberty granted to the Reformed to hold Synods when they pleased, without obliging 'em to any Acknowledgements of Dependency, and without hindering 'em to admit Foreigners, or to send Deputies out of the Kingdom to Assemblies of the same Nature; and Bertier, one of the Clergies Agents, was very hot upon this Point. He maintained, in opposition to the Marshal de Bovillon, that such a Liberty, without restriction, gave 'em an opportunity to hold Intelligence and Correspondencies abroad and at home, to make Leagues, and enter into Conspiracies, and to betake themselves to their Arms, when they pleased themselves, without any possibility of preventing 'em. He gave out, that Schomberg and the Thou, who had concluded the Edicts, were but a sort of Mongrel Catholics; meaning such as were not intoxicated with his Bigotries. Of Jeannin he said, That he was no less moderately inclined then the other two; and treated 'em as persons to whom the Mass was as indifferent as Preaching. He was Spurred on to these Transports by 
The Transports of some Prelates.  some Prelates, among whom there were some so hot, that they caused Prayers to be said in their Dioceses, to implore of God that the Edict might not pass. The Moderation of the Nuncio, who stayed after the Legate was gone, more plainly discovered the Fury of this Irregular Zeal, for he desired 
The Nuncio's Moderation.  no more but that care might be taken of the Interests of the Catholic Church, and that they would laboriously endeavour to reduce those whom he called Devoyez, or such as were strayed from the right way; and upon these General Conditions he put 'em in hopes, that the Pope would bear with all things else. Bertiers' Warmth was severely rebuked by the King; however he would not desist for all that, and at last obtained Assurances that the Edict should be amended in several things, according to his Demand.  
The Parliament joined with the Clergy in several Points. 
The Opposition of the Parliament.  They could not resolve to consent to the setting up the Chamber which the King was about to Erect. They opposed with all their might, too much freedom of Assemblies, as being derogatory to the Royal Authority, already too much enfeebled by Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction; that the Clergy had reason to complain, that greater Prerogatives were granted to the New Predicants then to them: However, that the Reformed were obliged to beg leave expressly to assemble together, and to admit Foreigners into their Assemblies; and that they had not forborn to employ farther and more extraordinary Precautions against the Prosecutions of the Clergy, by the Nomination to Benefices which the King had reserved to himself, and by Appeals of Temporal Persons from the Ecclesiastical Judges, which they were suffered to put in, not in respect of the whole Cause, but for some small or By-Point thereof. The Parliament also revived the Question, among others, Whither the Reformed were capable of Offices and Employments; and several Writings were Published on both sides upon this Subject. There was a Necessity of proceeding to repeated Jussions, or Commands, to bring the Parliament to Obedience; but in Opposition to all those Commands, the Parliament ordered Remonstrances. The Duke of Mayenne was also secretly solicited 
The Justice of the D. of Mayenne.  to oppose the Verification of the Edict, as if they would have rather chosen to see the Civil Wars re-kindled, than consent that the Reformed should be in any Tolerable Condition. But that prudent Prince refused to meddle, and declared, That he would consent to the Edict; not that he was desirous of the Repose and Quiet of the Reformed, but as a necessary Expedient to prevent the breaking out of a New War; and they who had been the most Zealous for the League, followed the Example of this Prince. Jeannin, in the Council, was all for Lenity and Moderation; and the Counsellors of Parliament, formerly Leaguers, were the most moderate upon the present occasion.  
The Members of the General Assembly who stayed at Chastelleraud, in Expectation of the Verification of the Edict, laboured on their part to prevent the Mischiefs which those Oppositions might produce, and sent Deputies after Deputies to Court: but these Sedulities afforded no Remedy; there was no mollifying neither the Clergy nor the Parliament. The King was not a little perplexed at these Obstructions, nor did he know how to get clear of these Difficulties without giving somebody an occasion to complain; not but that he still stood firm, and sometimes expressed himself with more than ordinary vigour. But in regard he was desirous to bring things to pass with mildness, and, as I may so say, to reconcile both Parties by their own consent, he made use of all his Prudence, and all his Address, to bring 'em to Reason. He protested to the Clergy, That the Edict should turn to their Advantage, provided they would let it pass, and that they did not revive the Ancient Distrusts by starting new Difficulties. He assured the Commissioners that brought him the Parliaments Remonstrances, That he did nothing but what the Pope Approved, as being done upon good Grounds; that the Legate had corresponded with him as to what concerned Peace at home; and that he had never insisted upon the Discourses that were made him to render the Edict suspected. But sometimes he spoke in a louder tone, when the Parliament disgusted Things with an Air not agreeable to the King's Honour, and when they were desirous to make private Reservations, not to admit the Reformed to Offices of Bailiffs, Criminal Assessors, Kings Proctors and Advocates, or the like, in Inferior Courts of Justice, though the Article which declared 'em Capable were verified without any Restriction, the King would never endure such Dishonest foul Play. Upon this Subject of Reservations, by which they would have made the Edict a mere Mockery, it was, that the King uttered these Noble Expressions, cited by so many Historians, so highly becoming the Majesty of a Great Prince, and so worthy to be preserved to Posterity, to teach Sovereigns the Value which they ought to have for Truth of Word. I do not think, it fair, said he, to Intent one thing and Write another; and if there be any who have done it, I will never do the same: Deceit is Odious among all Men; more especially to Princes, whose Word ought always to be Unalterable.  
All this however did not conclude the Affair: for after 
1599  the New Year was begun, the Edict was still Forty days in Debate before it was verified. But the Reformed in Paris, 
The Reformed forbear insisting upon several Articles.  and at the Court, put the King out of his Trouble by their Easiness, for at last they suffered themselves to be vanquished, after they had a long time disputed their Ground; and though they had very much abated of their General Pretensions, by accepting the Edict, such as it had been given at Nantes, they condescended to forgo several other Articles which were highly contested in Opposition to their Demands. Marshal de Bovillon gave his Consent, and du Plessis himself enjoined Beraud, one of the Deputies which the Assembly at Chastelleraud sent to the Court, to persuade an Accommodation upon the Difficulties in Dispute, for which he propounded Expedients himself; so that at length they obtained that there should be no Limitation of the Liberties, in: reference to Free Exercise, nor of the Article concerning Offices and Employments. But upon the Demands of the University, the King agreed that the Reformed should have no Employment there, by which they should be Authorised to broach New Opinions; only that they should be admitted into Regencies and Professorships in all other Faculties but that of Theology. He refused the Clergy only the first of the three Articles which I have mentioned, and promised 'em satisfaction upon the other two. He limited the Liberty of Synods, and leaving the Reformed Masters of the Time and Place, he obliged 'em only to Address themselves to him for Leave to Assemble; and not to admit Strangers but upon the same Condition. But in August following, he granted 'em a Brevet, which exempted 'em from the Observation of that Article, and which imported in express Terms, that he gave 'em permission, notwithstanding the said Article, as to the Assambling and holding the said Consistories, Colloquies and Synods, to use the same Forms and Privileges which they had practised formerly, without restraining 'em to any stricter Obligation. And thus by particular Concessions, he restored 'em what he had been as it were forced to take from 'em by Public Acts, to keep the Catholics Quiet. He altered the Form of the Chamber of the Edict, which was to sit at Paris; and instead of composing it of six Reformed Counsellors and ten Catholics, as it was decreed at Nantes, he filled it up with all Catholics, except one Reform; and the other five that were to be of the same Religion, were to be distributed into the Courts of Inquests And to remove all fears from the Reformed, that they should not have Justice rightly done 'em, they themselves were permitted to choose the Catholic Judges that were to compose that Chamber. The Name also of the Chamber of the Edict was confirmed to it, to the end that the Name might put the Members of which it consisted in perpetual Remembrance, that they were the Guardians and Executors of the Edict, which was particularly to be a Law to 'em in the Administration of Justice. The thing was done according to the Decree, and the Commissioners which the King appointed, formed the Chamber according to the List of moderate and peaceable Catholics, which the Reformed presented. Nevertheless the Reformed lost one Employment of substitute to the Proctor General of the Parliament of Paris, which had been promised 'em; but which was deemed no longer useful to 'em, after the Alteration made in the Establishment of the Chamber.  
The Clergy upon this Occasion gave one Mark of their 
Obstinacy of ●●● Clergy.  Headstrong Obstinacy, even in things wherein they were little concerned. They had demanded at the beginning, that the ecclesiastics should be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber, and had obtained it; but when there was a Resolution taken to alter the Form of it, and not to admit above one Reform, they would never Renounce the Exemption that had been granted 'em. Wherein they made it evidently appear, that they were afraid, when ever they happened to have any differences with the Reformed, that they should not have Judges at their Devotion. For all the difference between their New Chamber and the Chambers of the Inquests consisted only in this, that into the one there were no Judges to be admitted, but such as were conspicuous for their Mildness and Moderation; whereas the same Choice was not observed in any of the other. The Reformed therefore having no more than one Voice, either in the one or the other, there was nothing could make the Clergy prefer one Chamber before another, but that they were assured of finding more Favour before Bigoted and Violent Judges, then in a Court where only the most Moderate and Prudent Judges were admitted.  
The same Course was taken at Roven to Regulate Religion 
Chambers of the Edict at Roven.  and Justice, after they had once agreed upon the Erecting a New Chamber there, according to the Model of that at Paris. The Place for the Exercise of Religion was appointed within three quarters of a League from the City; and the Judges were Elected according to the Roll presented by the Reformed to the Commissaries. In this Parliament were Created three Employments of Counsellors, who were distributed into the Chambers, as at Paris. This manner of forming the Chambers of the Edict lasted several years: And since the Establishment of General Deputies, they who were preferr' to that Employment, conferred every year, with the Chancellor, the first Precedent, and the King's Learned Council, for the Election of the most Moderate Catholic Judges. Which Custom while it was duly observed, the Chambers of the Edict Administered Justice very Regularly, and because their Jurisdiction was more Noble and more Profitable than that of other Chambers, all the Catholics▪ Affected to be moderate and equitable Judges, for fear of being Excluded from serving in those Chambers. But the Affairs of the Reformed falling to decay under Lewis XIII. these Chambers were no longer formed as they were wont, but Elections were carried by under hand Packing and Caballing, wherein the honestest Men had not always the best Success; and at length they were admitted without distinction, and without so much as the Ceremony of Choice: So that the Reformed met with no more Justice there then in other Places.  
The Chamber called Mipartie, half one, half t'other, in 
Chamber Mipartie ●n Given.  Given, was formed after the Model of that at Castres'. In the Year 1600 a Provincial Assembly was held at Saint Foy, where Nine persons were Nominated to fill the Employments that were to be Created for the Reformed: and all that were preferred to those Offices were forced to Swear, that when they were willing to lay 'em down, the should resign 'em Gratis to those whom the Churches should appoint; and without exacting any Composition for their own profit. This was renewed some years after, at a general Assembly held in the same place; but with permission to compound for the Expenses the Person should be at to obtain his Patents, So that 'twas easy under that pretence to elude the Institution of the Assembly. But at length after the Establishment of the 
* A kind of a New-year's Gift given for the contiance in an Office.  Paulette, those Employments were put to Sale and became Here. ditary, like the rest. Moreover all that took upon 'em these Employments, were obliged to Swear to the Union of Nantes and to subscribe their Oath: And it was Ordained that the Oath should be taken by those who had the Nomination of Churches, in the Consistory of the particular Church of which they were Members.  
Thus at length the Edict was verified with all these Alterations, 
Verification of the Edict.  and several others of less Importance, which I shall set down when I come to speak of the Complaints which the Reformed made. It was Registered the 5th of February, a day which fell out to be the same which the Catholics call Ash vednesday. It passed also in the other Parliaments much about the same time. Nevertheless there were some places where it was not Registered but under certain Restrictions, which all the King's Authority could not get off; nor was there any Remedy for it during his Life. The particular Articles Addressed to the Parliament of Paris were verified in a short time after, but not in the other Parliaments. And this inequality was the Occasion afterwards of a great many Acts of Injustice, in regard advantage was taken of their not being received in certain Courts, as if that had been a Proof that they were not received any where else.  
Hitherto the Affairs of the Edict had made no Noise at Rome. True it is, that the Pope had complained to Cardinal de Joyeuse, and the Duke of Luxemburg toward the end of the preceding year, that the King was about to Grant the Heretics a New Edict; but it was but very coldly; for he only told the Cardinal that it would have been more to the King's Advantage, both at home and abroad, if he had proceeded in another manner. But this year he Renewed the same Complaint to the Cardinal upon the same occasion, before the News of the Verification of the Edict arrived at Rome: To which he added other Complaints that the King had proceeded to the Marriage of Madam, without staying for his Dispensation. It cannot be said, That it was his ignorance of what was contained in the Edict that caused the Pope to talk so Calmly, in regard that the Legate and the Nancio, not to speak of a hundred other Spies that he had at Court, had not failed exactly to inform him of it; which they might easily do because they had been very far concerned in the Negotiation. But it was not yet seasonable to make a Noise, as I have observed in another place. 'Twas requisite to stay till the Business was brought to such a Head, that whatever Noise was made about it, it would signify nothing. But then the Pope changed his Note, and it is not to be imagined what 
The Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Spaniards Mouths.  a Clutter he made about a thing which he had dissembled for three years together. True it is, that this Fire was soon quenched, and that after the first time, he spoke no more of it, or at least he returned to his first indifferency. The Reason of all that heavy sputter which he made, was only because it behoved him to stop the Mouths of the Spaniards, who stunned him with continual Reproaches, and to be Revenged for the Absolution he had given the King in despite of all their Opposition, turned into Crimes all the King's Actions that were not to their liking. And in regard that all their principal Accusations moved upon the Hinges of His Religion, which their main Aim was to render suspected; they forgot not to cry out loudly against the Edict which had been verified, as a Testimony of his Inclination to favour the Reformed, even to the prejudice and maugre the Opposition of the Catholics. The Pope therefore, lest he should be looked upon as a Favourer of Heretics, could do no less than exclaim as they did, and Testify his Resentment against a Thing which he will knew a long time before, could not be hindered. To this purpose, upon the 27 of March he sent for the Cardinals de Joyeuse and d'Ossat, whom he had promoted but some few days before, to come to him, and in his Discourse he omitted nothing that might give 'em to understand how highly he was Offended.  
He prevented before hand what they might have urged upon him, that he had Opportunity to make known his Senments of that Affair, before the Business was Decreed: And he told 'em moreover, that he had thought that the Edict had been only promoted to Content the Huguenots in show; and that the King would have been pleased at the Opposition of the Clergy and the Parliament; but that the Event had discovered to him the contrary. That the Edict, the most Cursed that ever was set a foot, permitted Liberty of Conscience to every one, which in his Opinion was the worst thing in the World: Freedom of Exercise every where: Admittance of Heretics into Parliament Employments, and to all other Honours and Dignities, to Ruin the Catholic Religion, and Advance Heresy. That the King had made this Edict during the full enjoyment of Peace both at home and abroad; so that he could not plead, that he was forced to it. Upon which he compared his Conduct with that of other Kings, who had never Granted such Edicts, but when there were Armies in the Field to constrain 'em; yet because they had been always Catholics, they were exempted from any suspicion of Leaning toward the Heretics. That the King had showed great Zeal, and been very vehement for the passing of the Edict: That he had used Compulsion to the Clergy and Parliament who opposed it; that he had declared his Indignation against the Archbishop of Tours, who had Ordered Prayers to be said in his Diocese, that God would turn the King's Heart, that so the Edict might not pass. That the King Acted much more remissly in Favour of the Catholics, and had showed that he stood more in awe of others, and that he had a greater Value for 'em. That he exerted his Authority when he spoke to the Parliament to pass the Edict, but never spoke a Word to oblige 'em to publish the Council of Trent. After that he came to smart Language, and Taxed the King with breach of Word and Oaths, which he had Sworn to obtain the Absolution which he gave him. He threatened to second his Words with Deeds, if Occasion required, and declared that he took the Edict which was made in Defiance of him, for an Affront, no less injurious, then if he had given him a Slash o'er the Face. But at length, for fear the Cardinals should not apprehend the Reason why he ranted so loud, he cleverly gave 'em a hint where his Interest was touched, by telling 'em it had done himself an Injury, and unhinged all his Contrivances in those Affairs which he had with the Spaniards, about their Usurpations upon the Jurisdiction of the Holy See both in Naples and Milan: And that when he sent to complain of those Sacrilegious Attempts, they laid it in his Dish, that he quarrelled with them for Trifles; but suffered Edicts, that tended to the Ruin of the Catholic Religion to come forth, without saying a word: And therefore it it was, that he was obliged to Testify his Resentment. After that, he concluded his Discourse more calmly than he began it, telling the two Cardinals that he was unwilling to do any thing without first acquainting them with it, and that he desired their Advice. They who never so little understand the Court of Rome, well know the meaning of all this; that the fluster bluster of these Complaints was only to stop the Spaniards Mouths, when they Taxed the Pope with the kind Correspondence between Him and the King, and that all the Transport of this Discourse was rather an Effect of Prudence than Choler.  
But because it was no less necessary that it should appear that the French had laid these Complaints seriously to Heart, and that it was to the purpose that it should believed the Pope had made these Complaints in good Earnest; the Cardinals wrote to the King after such a manner as might be serviceable to this End; and wherein they spoke of the Pope's Disgusts in such Terms, as might satisfy the Spaniards. Nevertheless they gave him an Account of the Reasons they had given the Pope, to appease him. And they were so well grounded, and so decisive, that there was no other likelihood, but that the Pope who was a shrewd Man, was apprehensive of their Solidity. But this was written with so much Circumspection, that if the Spaniards had grumbled against the Pope's Conduct, there would have needed no more than to have Read that Letter to 'em, to have made his Apology. And thus, at the same time, the same Reasons justified both the Pope and the King; since the one could not with Justice carry his Complaints too far, and the other had done no more than what the public Welfare obliged him to do. The Cardinals therefore 
Answers of the Cardinals de Joyeuse, and d'Ossat.  in their Answers to the King, told him, that they began their Replies to the Pope, by assuring him, that they laboured under the same Sorrows as himself: That they had presupposed, that such Edicts being evil in themselves, the King had never Granted the Edict in Dispute, but with a great deal of Reluctancy, as being too much concerned to extinguish that Faction, which they looked upon as too prejudicial to his Authority to fomenr it: That afterwards they laid before him, that the Edict was no New thing, but only a renewing of that in the year 1577. the most easy to be tolerated of of all those that had been Granted for seven and thirty years together in Favour of the Reformed: That the Treaties made with the Cheiftaines and Cities of the League had made several Breaches in that Edict: And that they of the contrary Religion being ready to take Arms and Recommence the War, there was a necessity of renewing the Edict, and supplying it with some new Articles instead of those, of which they had been despoiled by those Agreements: That the Pope believed there were some things in the Edict that were not there; as for Example, among the Rest, permission to Preach all over the Kingdom, which never was, never had been, nor never would be, in regard that all the preceding Edicts forbid it, and for that the particular Treaty of the City of Paris was contrary to it: That what was contained in the Edict was looked upon by the Pope to be greater, and of greater Consequence, then really it was: As for Example, the declaring the Heretics capable of Honours and Dignities; which was also in the former Edicts, and yet the Heretics were never advanced to the highest Employments in the Kingdom; in regard it was one thing to be declared capable of a Dignity, another thing to be in possession; Employments never being conferred in France but according to the King's Pleasure. From thence they passed to explain the meaning of the Chamher of the Edict, and the Miparties, and to show the little prejudice which the Counsellors of the Reformed Religion could do the Catholic, because their Number was so inconsiderable. They added that Peace was more necessary, and would be more Beneficial to the Clergy then to any other Orders in the Kingdom; that the Catholic Religion also would gain great Advantages by it: That it would be admitted into all the Cities where the Reformed were most powerful, and from whence it had been a long time exterminated: That the Ecclesiastics would be Restored to the enjoyment of their Estates: That the King also by means of this Edict, having healed up the Jealousies of the Reformed, would deprive the Lords of that Party of ability to sustain their Faction, which only served for maintenance of Heresy, which losing once the main support of it, would be more easily destroyed by the Care which the King would take in conferring of Bishoprics, and his painful endeavours to convert the principal Lords: That he was not to impute the Edict to the King's Intention, of which the Pontiss had Reason to be well assured, but to necessity and the Conjuncture of Time; which they supported by Examples of other Princes, who had done the same in Cases of the like Nature. And because they knew it would find a Gracious acceptance at Rome, they Represented the King as one who was persuaded, that his Authority would never be well secured, so long as that Faction continued in the Kingdom; from whence they concluded that he would bring it down as low as he could: But that was a Task that required time, and was to be done by fetching a compass, and winding about, for that was the expression they used, like a Pilot who fails not to reach the Port he aims at, though he cannot always steer directly forward. After this, to show that the Edict was not made in a time of settled Peace, they looked backward as far as the surprise of Amiens, and made it out, that it was then, that the King was constrained to grant the Edict, to hinder the Reformed from taking Arms: That althô they had not as then betak'n themselves to Force, yet he lay under a sufficient Restraint, in regard he might be justly afraid they would not forbear what they were usually wont to do, when they suspected a Revocation of the Treaties made with 'em; and for that he knew that a War would be no less pernicious to the Catholics then to others, as it had been found by experience: The Huguenots being both Resolute and Politic; being Masters of so many strong Holds; able to Command Foreign Aid, and sure to be assisted by Numerous Additions of Catholic Malcontents, Loose-Livers, and such as sought an Asylum for their Crimes, who would be the first to Pillage the Priests, Churches and Monasteries: That the Oppositions of the Clergy, and the delays of the Parliaments were accustomed Artifices, to show that the Clergy did not consent to War; and that the Parliament were no less unwilling to hearken to that boisterous Remedy; though both the one and the other knew it would come to that, at length: That the King had neither constrained nor threatened 'em, but quite the contrary had graciously rececived the Clergy's Petition, and the Remonstrances of the Parliament, and in pursuance of both, had limited and qualified many Things; and therefore that they had branded with falsehood a Writing that had appeared at Rome, under the Title of The King's Answer to his Parliament. Afterwards, they Discoursed of the difference between the Edict of Nantes, and the Council of Trent, which they pretended to be such, that there was no Comparison between the one and the other; upon which they made an Explanation at large. The Rest contained only Justifications of the Pope against those who undertook to blame his Conduct. To which they added, by way of giving him that Council which he had demanded of 'em, that it no way behoved him to show his Resentment against the King, nor to threaten him in the least.  
The Pope, who was not so much offended as he would 
Accommodated to the Pope's liking.  needs seem to be, as may be easily gathered from the Observations I have made, was half appeased by these Answers; so that his Resentment made only a Noise at Rome, where Policy required that he should give some Marks of his Displeasure, to see Heresy protected in France, from Persecution and the Inquisitors. Only he Resumed his Discourse from time to time concerning the Council, of which he was greatly desirous that the King would have made Publication, in despite of the Parliament, as he had done of the Edict. Cardinal Aldobrandini, whom the two others went to visit, after they had left the Pope, was much better satisfied; only he again proposed the Publication of the Council, as the greatest Consolation which the Pope could Receive: To which he added the Re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in Bearn. d'Ossat wrote himself to Villeroy, some days after, that all the Pope's Wrath would be appeased, if there were but once a Publication of the ●ouncil; and that it would satisfy all the Catholics in the Court of Rome, who were unseasonably Scandalised at the Edict. Which shows, that they would have been content that the King should have Granted greater Favours to the Heretics, would he also have allowed the Pope some considerable Advantage by way of Compensation. Moreover the Cardinals complained, that the King had never sent 'em any Order what to say at Rome concerning the Edict; so that they were forced to return such Answers to the Pope, as came into their Thoughts. By which 'tis easy to be seen, that the King's Intentions and Reasons for granting the Edict, were not to be looked for in their Replies, in regard the King had never imparted 'em to their Knowledge, but that they had framed Answers of their own Heads, such as would be grateful to the Court of Rome, and serve the Pope for an excuse to wipe off the Reproaches of the Spaniards. The same Affair is often variously represented by the Ministers of Princes, and Attributed to divers Motives, on purpose to render it agreeable to the Relish and Interests of the several Courts to which they are to give an Account of it. So that neither the Discourses of the said Ministers, nor many times their Instructions are any great Helps to discover the Intentions of their Masters. The King, who did not find things so well prepared within his Kingdom for the Publication of the Council, was nevertheless willing to gratify the Pope upon the Second Article of Consolation which Cardinal Aldobrandini had proposed. Therefore, while he lay at Fontain Bleau, he Granted an Edict for Bearn, no less favourable to the Catholics 
Edict for the Principality of Bearn.  of Bearn, than the Edict of Nantes to all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom. He re-established two Bishops, one at Lescar and the other at Oleron; and promised the one a Pension of 3000, to the other a Pension of 1800 Livers; for the payment of which he undertook himself. He set up the Mass again in Twelve places, and in all places under Laic Patronage, the Patron being a Catholic. He admitted the Catholics to Offices and Employments like the Rest, provided they should not exceed the Number of the Reformed. He also by the same Edict confirmed all the Ecclesiastical Regulations that had been made either by himself or his Predecessors, from which he declared he would never derogate by his Edict; and gave it, as to that of Nantes, the Title of perpetual and Irrevocable.  
The States of the Country had Refused to Obey an Edict, 
Which is received.  which Henry, when he was only King of Navarr, had granted at Paris, after the Massacre in 1572. asserting that their Prince was not free, and that the Edict had been extorted from him under the Terror of Death. But this they never opposed; nor did they murmur at all because it was put in execution without their Consent; thó the Attempt were directly contrary to their Privileges. But two things obliged 'em to be satisfied with this Change. The one was, that the Catholics who demanded the Free and public Exercise of their Religion, promised what as time made appear they had no Intention to stand to, that they would make no more New Demands, if the free Exercise of their Religion might be allowed 'em. The other was, because the Churches were afraid of a greater Mischief then that which they suffered; in regard that nothing was taken from 'em to be bestowed upon others, and that they left 'em their Regulations and their Privileges. So that they took a small Mischief for a Favour, because they were afraid of a greater; and for that knowing how earnest the Pope was for the Re-establishment of his Authority in that Province, they thought themselves rid of it at a cheap Rate, by the moderate Course which the King had taken to content all the World.  
But in all other parts of the Kingdom the Reformed were not so well satisfied; and the Assembly which sat still, though not in a full Body at Chatelleraud, expecting the Verification of the Edict, had laboured with great earnestness to hinder the Alterations which the Court was resolved to make in that which was Signed at Nantes. So that it required a great deal of pains to persuade 'em to receive it with a General and Unanimous Consent. It happened therefore, that the Assembly drew up Ample Memoirs of those Alterations, which they formed into Complaints, and sent to the King, demanding Justice. They Marked out the Alterations which had 
●rmplaints of the Alterations made in the Edict.  been made in a dozen of Articles, where they had blotted out, added and altered several words, as also whole Clauses, and Periods. There were some of those Alterations which seemed too slight to be taken Notice of. Nevertheless the sequel made it appear, that they were of greater Importance than they seemed to be; in regard they were made use of in our Time, for a Pretence of several considerable Acts of Injustice. The first thing therefore that they excepted against, was an Equivocal Word in the last Line of the Third Article of the Edict, where the Word Houses of the Ecclesiastics, wherein the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was forbided, might be adjudged to comprehend their Feifs and Signiories in the Prohibition. They also complained that the words, by them Established, were added in the Ninth Article, as being Words which might give an occasion of Dispute upon the Explanation of the Right and Freedom of Exercise which had been Granted 'em. They could not Relish the two Clauses made use of in the Eleventh Article, which excepted out of Places, where the second Place of the Bailliage might be allowed, Cities Episcopal or Archiepiscopal and Ecclesiastical Signiories. They Complained, that the Clause forbidding the rebaptising Infants that might have been Baptised by the Ministers, was razed out of the Eighteenth Article. They were not pleased with the manner of forbidding people to work, though their Shops were shut, set down in the Twentieth Article, and permitting Informations against Transgressor's of the Inhibition. They demanded that the Words which imported Prohibitions to insert in Grants of Offices the Clause of Catholic Apostolic Religion, which had been taken out of the 27 Article, might be put in again. They pretended, that the Promise to create a Substitute to the Proctor General in the Parliament of Paris, ought not to have been pared off from the the 37 Article. They looked upon as derogatory from the Jurisdiction of the Chambers of the Edict, that part of the 34 Article which forbided the bringing Causes thither in Reference to Suits that concerned Benefices, and which debarred 'em of taking Cognizance of Criminal Processes, where Ecclesiastics were Defendants. They Complained that the Chambers were not settled within Six Months, as was Ordained by the 43 Article. The Words which were added to the 35 Article concerning Particulars to oblige the Reformed not to assemble their Synods without the King ' leave, were left out, which might be of il Consequence; either by Reason of the Charges of obtaining the King's permission; or because of the danger that would accrue for want of the due exerci●e of Church Discipline, if the King refused his Licence. Lastly, 'twas said, that by the Alteration made in the 45 Article, the Reformed were deprived of all that was formerly favourably allowed 'em, in reference to the Enterrment of their Dead. Now to understand the Reason why they complained of this Article, 'tis requisite to know, that at first it was couched in these Terms. In case His Majesty's Officers provide no commodious Places for those of the said Religion, in the time prefixed by the Edict, after Request made, and that there should be any delay or remissness in that Respect; it shall be lawful for those of the said Religion to bury their Dead in the Churchyards belonging to the Catholics, in Cities and Towns where they are in possession to do it, till due provision be made. The Clergy could not brook this Article; and therefore caused it to be Reformed in such a manner, that there was not one Word left of what it contained before: And whereas it had been drawn up in Terms that had a Reference to the Future, and which put the Catholics to an absolute Necessity, either to afford the Reformed convenient Burying Places, or permit 'em to enterr their Dead in the Ancient Churchyards; instead of that, I say, they drew up the Edict in Terms that only regarded the time past. These New Terms imported, That for the Enterrment of those of the said Religion that had been formerly Buried in Catholic Churchyards, in any Place or City whatever, 'tis not His Majesty's meaning that there shall be any Inquisition, Innovation or Prosecution, and his Majesty's Officers shall be enjoined to stop their Hands, This debarred the Reformed from having any Privilege for the Future to Bury in the same Places, nor did it compel the Catholics to allow 'em any other. For which Reason, ever since they began to Treat about the Affair of Burying according to this Reformed Act, they always met with Vexations and Cavils about that matter, which were never terminated but by the Revocation of the Edict.  
The Assembly also drew up a Paper of Particular Complaints, which they would not intermix with the General. 
Particular Complaints  The first had Reference to an Affair which the Parliament of Tholouse had Transacted in the Chamber de Castres'. The Precedent de Paul had been sent thither by the Parliament, together with the Catholic Counsellors that were to compose the Chamber. This Precedent though the younger of the two, would 
Precedency pretended by the Catholic Officers that composed the Chambres Miparties, ever the Reformed.  needs take place of Canaye the Reformed Precedent; Which having been disputed with him at Castres', he returned to Tholouse, and there got a Decree passed in his Favour, all the Chambers being Assembled. The Reformed, not willing to submit to it, complained to the King of the matter of Fact as a Breach of Common Right, which adjudges the Precedency, among persons of equal Dignity, to the first Preferred. Besides that this Attempt was contrary to the 36 Article of the Generals of the Edict, and to the 48 of the particulars; of which, the one Ordained, that the Precedents and Counsellors of the Chambers should be accounted Members of the Parliament where they were settled; and the other, that the most Ancient Precedent should have the Precedence. The Parliament, on the other side, pretended, that the Precedents Elected out of their Body were to have the Precedence, though, Junior over those of the Chamber, though their Seniors: And this pretention was become a leading Card for the Degree of Counsellors, who had the same Reasons and the same Interests as the Precedents. They alleged therefore, that the Chamber not being incorporated into the Parliament, their Officers were to give place in all things to the Members of Parliament; more especially because Tholouse is one of the most Ancient Parliaments in the Kingdom. That the Precedent of the Chamber of the Dauphinate, where the Precedency belonged to the Eldest, made nothing for the Chamber of Castres', because That of the Dauphinate was incorporated, and for that the Officers belonging to it, were reputed Members of the Parliament of Grenoble, where they had Seats and Suffrages in all Affairs that were handled in the Assembled Chambers. They added, Cavilling upon the Order of Words, that in the Erection of the Chamber of Castres', the King always named the Catholic Precedent the first, and the Reformed the second; as if it had been his Pleasure to distinguish the two Employments by their Degree; and to declare thereby, that the Office of first Precedent was to be held by a Catholic. Opon this Occasion they magnified the Pre-eminency and Dignity of the Catholic Religion; and forgot not to allege that in regard the Reformed Precedent did not wear the Mortar Cap, which a Precedent in Parliament wore, as a Badge of his Dignity, that very difference decided the Question, and set the Catholic a Degree above the Reformed, which obliged him to give place and precedency to the other. The same Remonstrance demanded, that the Hostilities committed before 1985. should be comprehended in the Amuesty Granted to the Province of Languedoc. The third Article concerned the Inconveniencies which the Reformed suffered for want of Burying Places for their Dead, by Reason they were denied convenient places for that purpose. The fourth had Reference to a particular matter of Fact that was done in the City of Pamiers which was almost all Reformed, and which the Parliament of Tholouse would enforce to pay a Legacy left to the Jesuits, though the Consuls were privileged in the Chamber half Catholic, half Reform. The Deputies who presented these Complaints were enjoined to demand by Word of Mouth, that the Catholics should 
Verbal demands concerning Chapels in gentlemen's Houses.  forbear the Exercise of their Religion in Churches and Chapels within gentlemen's Houses: Which was of great Importance, because there were few gentlemen's Houses without a Chapel. Which constrained the Reformed Gentlemen to keep their Houses open, whither they would or no, for the Catholics to come and say Mass in 'em.  
These Papers were answered toward the end of August, but 
The Papers answered.  the manner of answering 'em was very particular, and Merits to be considered, because it may be useful for the understanding of the Edict; and to show what were the King's Intentions touching the Execution of it. There were some of the Articles that concerned the Alterations made in the Edict, upon which the King would not Grant any thing at all, nor would make any New Alteration. Such was the Article about Unbaptizing of Children, the Prohibition of which the King looked upon as insignificant; the Repeating of Baptism being disapproved by the Clergy itself, and there being very few Examples of Priests that ever practised it. Of the same Number was that, touching the Observation of Festivals; that of the Chamber settled in the Parliament of Paris; That of Creating an Office of substitute to the Proctor General; and lastly, That concerning Burials. All these Articles remained in the same Form to which they had reduced 'em, on purpose to facilitate their passing in Parliament. 'Tis true that by a Tacit Permission the Article about Burying recovered the Force and Efficacy which it had before. The Commissioners put it in Execution as it had been Decreed at Nantes, as I have said in another Place; and in the Printed Copies this Article was couched in the first Form, according as it was Granted. And it was above twenty years before the least alteration was made in it; besides that there was so much Justice in a Regulation that left the Catholics Masters of their Churck-yards, provided they would allow of others, that no body grumbled at the Ordinances of the Commissioners conformable to those allotments. But in the next Government the Scene was quite changed. They would needs persuade the Reformed, that they had falsified the Article, and that during so long a Series of years they had deluded the King, the Council, the Commissioners, the Clergy, and the whole Kingdom, causing that to pass for an Article of the Edict, which was no more than a false and unjust Pretention. The Reader may judge whither such a Delusion were possible. The truth is, that because they would not draw upon themselves the Complaints of the Clergy, they let the Article go in the Clergies Terms, but enjoined their Commissioners to Execute it according to the first Regulation. Otherwise, I leave it to any Man's Judgement, whither it be Crebible, that in three or four different Deputations, the Catholic Commissioners should have conspired for Twenty years together, all over the Kingdom, with the Reformed, to Cheat the World, and Violate their Instructions. But there were others wherein the Reformed obtained their desires as that for the Explanation of the Equivocal Term of Houses Ecclesiastical, which was ordered to their Advantage; the signification of the Terms being reduced to Buildings designed for Persons, or Service Ecclesiastical. Also upon the delay of Establishing the Edict, they obtained a New Order to settle 'em in three Months, upon pain of Interdicting the Parliaments that refused to do it. Upon other Articles they were referred to the Chancellor, to know the King's Intentions; as upon the inconveniences they were afraid of, if they should be obliged to Request the King's Permission for holding their Colloquies and Synods; or else they were remitted to the Instructions of the Commissioners, to which the Reformed had likewise agreed, and according to which the Edict was to be Executed. Such was the Article wherein they complained of an Addition of the Equivocal Words, By them Established, in the 9th Article of the Edict. From whence, it appeared that they were to seek for the Meaning of this Term, in the Manner of the Commissioners or Judges ordering the Confirmation of Right or Privilege grounded upon this Article; whereas in our days, they would needs derive the Interpretation from the Discipline itself of the Reformed; as if it could not be said, that an Exercise had been Established by them, if they had failed to observe the least Formalities therein. Lastly in others, besides the General Instruction, which was written on the side of the Article Answered, there was a secret Reservation, according to which they were to Govern themselves in the Execution of the Thing; and those Reservations were always to the Advantage of the Reformed. So that although the King left the two Clauses complained of in the 11th Article, because said he, in his Answer, That the second Place of Bailliage was a favour, which he might have Limited with all the Restrictions which he thought proper to add; Nevertheless there was this Reservation, That if it proved more difficult to Establish the second Place of the Bailliage, either because of the Exception of Ecclesiastical Demeans, or for want of some convenient place in the King's Demesnes, it should be settled upon the ●eife of some Catholic Lord. Also upon the Exception of Ecclesiastical Causes, which the Chambers are forbid to take Cognizance of, though the King preserved this Privilege to the Clergy, yet there was this Reservation, That the Leading-men of the Parliament should be treated with, to send back Causes of that Nature to the Chamber of Edict, since there would be but one Reformed Counsellor in that Chamber. But the Clergy would never surrender this Point, for fear it should be taken for too express a Mark of their Consent to the Edict, should they own the Jurisdiction of a Chamber that bore the Name of it. As to the Change that was made in the 27th Article, from whence they had taken away the Prohibition to insert the Clause of the Religion Catholic and Apostolic in Grants of Offices, 'twas answered that the Prohibition was made in the Chancery; and so that they would make that Prohibition pass for Insignificant, because it had been put in Execution. But that Alteration was one of the most Important, and Lewis XIII. took his Advantage of it, to debar the Reformed from all Offices and Employments. The truth is, that the King supposing always in his Grants and Patents the Religion and Good Manners of the Person who enjoys any Place of Trust, had slid in, after the Word Religion, the Words Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman, to exclude from all Employment all those that made Profession of any other Doctrine. But now that the Edict declared as well Reform, as Catholics, indifferently capable of Employments, it was but just to take away that Mark of Distinction, and to require only Testimonials of the Religion of the Person to be preferred, without expressing what Religion, since it was indifferent what Religion the Person admitted Professed, whither the one or the other. This was very useful to the Reformed for the time it was observed; but Lewis XIII. thought it the better way to mark the difference of Religions, to the end that the Name of Pretended Reformed being inserted in the Grants, might be a signal to give notice to the Jurisdiction where the Parties were to be Presented, to start Scruples upon the Admission of those that were the Bearers of 'em.  
The particular Remonstrance was answered much after the same manner. The King ordained, upon the point of Precedence, 
Precedency preserved to the most ● Ancient Precedent.  that the Articles of the Edict should be observed; and there was a private promise that the Precedent de Paul should be commanded to return to Castres', and obey the Regulations. Thus the Reformed gained their point; but for the Honour of the Parliament of Tholouse, the Matter was privately adjudged. The Amnesty of Hostilities committed before 1585., was granted to the Province of Lang vedoc, and promised to all the rest that stood in need of it; as also to particular persons who might be put to trouble under that pretence. The Affair of Churchyards and Burying-places was referred 
Article of Churchyards.  to the Commissioners; but there was this Reservation, that the Commissioners should order Places for Burying the Dead to be allowed Gratis; or otherwise, that they should order the Corporations to purchase 'em, without putting the Reformed to any Charges of Contribution. As to the Process of the Jesuits against the City of Pamiers, it was ordered, That the Decrees of Council made in favour of the City should be put in execution, not withstanding any Decrees of the Parliament of Tholouse to the contrary. As to what concerned the Churches and Chapels in Reformed gentlemen's Houses, as it was only proposed by Word of Mouth, so it was determined after the same manner. The King gave leave that particular persons, who were concerned therein, should appeal to him, and he would treat with the Clergy, in order to persuade 'em to remove into other places, and to rebuild at the Charges of the Reformed, in places left to the Bishop's choice, Chapels and Churches endowed, wherein the Catholic Service should be continued for the future. But as for places not endowed, and where the Service was only performed at the pleasure of the Proprietor, that the Clergy should agree to leave 'em at the Discretion of those to whom they belonged. This seemed to be nothing but Justice then, but the Law being altered in these later years, the Clergy is become Master of all the places of this Nature, without any other pretence then that of the Name of Chapel, which those places bore, or some Figure of a Cross, or some other Footsteps of the Roman Worship still remaining.  
But while the Assembly, that kept firm at Chast●lleraud, were busily employed in drawing up Papers and getting Answers, the Zealous Catholics were preparing new Devices to disturb their Repose; and not finding the Wiser sort disposed to make new Broils, they resolved to stir up the Mobile, by means most proper to put 'em in a Ferment. Martha Brossiere, the Daughter of a 
Brossiere●eigns ●eigns herself possessed by the Devil.  person of mean Extraction, Born at Romorantin, having a good Wit, but a very Infirm and Diseased Body, and joining Hypocrisy to her Infirmities, would needs set up for one possessed by the Devil. Her Father, being Advised by some Bigots, or Flattered by the Hopes of Profit, by reason of the Concourse of people to such Sights, and the Alms which they pour forth upon people under such Circumstances, carried her up and down from Province to Province, under pretence of getting Relief and Cure for her. But the Bishop of Orleance's Chancellor soon perceived it to be a Cheat, and the Bishop of Angers convinced himself of the Fallacy by a very pleasant Experiment. For 'tis Reported, That while he feigned to put his Episcopal Crosier in her Hand, which ought always to be very well replenished with Relics, he dexterously slipped into it the Key of his Chest, where Obloquy taxed him to keep locked up such things as never frighten the Devil; but the Daughter deceived by the Coldness of the Key, fell a Crucifying and Tormenting herself with the same extravagant Postures and Contortions of her Body as should have been the effects of the real Relics, according to the Opinion of the Catholics: Which causing the Prelate to smile, as it did all the people who were present, he refused to have any more to do with her. But in regard this was not sufficient to disabuse the people, the pretended Female Demoniac was to be carried to Paris, where by Men of Prudence the thing was looked upon to be a mere Trifle, and it was adjudged to be an Artifice that only tended to the reviving of New Troubles. Now the Distempered Patient in her Raving Fits talked of nothing but the Reformed and the Edict, and of the Toleration of Countenanced Heresy; threatening withal, the Wrath of Heaven against them that were the Authors of it. 'Twas easily 
The Sequel of this Comedy within and without the Kingdom.  understood by that, that this Comedy was the Contrivance of some Cabal; nor did they deal by this pretended Demoniac as one that stood in need of Ecclesiastical Remedies, but as one that was seized with a Distemper of which others endeavoured to make an ill use. Nevertheless the Party that favoured the Imposture, either out of Malice or Suspicion was so great, that they durst not take those due Courses with the Counterfeit as she deserved. The Capuchins, whose Credit is grounded upon an Affectation of outward Mortification, and who for the most part are Ignorant and Zealous to the lowest and meanest degree of silly Bigotry, were the first that made themselves Masters of this Unfortunate Wretch, and spent a World of Exorcisms upon her, as if she had been really possessed. The Bishop of Paris stood upon his Guard, unwilling to hazard the High Opinion which People had of his Judgement and his Religion, by taking her part too soon; and therefore caused her to be visited and observed by several Physicians. Among these, there was one whose Name was ●uret, famous in the Faculty, who alone by himself maintained that she was possessed; and his single Suffrage prevailed so far, though contradicted by three Opinions directly contrary, which would hardly allow her to be troubled with so much as the slighter Distempers of the Spleen and Hypochondryac Melancholy; as also by a fourth, who would neither give his Opinion Pro nor Con, till he had had a Trial of three Months; This single Suffrage, I say, prevailed so far, that it encouraged, and in some measure Authorised the Exorcists to send for other Physicians, who, to the Eternal Ignominy of their Profession, Voted all of 'em, that the Hypocrisy and Vapours of the Patient were the effects of a Supernatural Distemper. Upon this, there was a necessity, that to silence the noise which this Business made, the Parliament should interpose their Authority, and appoint other Physicians to examine the matter. Those Physicians agreed unanimously, that there was nothing of Supernatural in the Maids Distemper; thereupon the Parliament, who had a long time ago banished from their Considerations the frivolous Stories of Witchcrafts, and Diabolical Possessions, put her in Prison, to the end they might be the better enabled to distinguish, whither it were a Distemper or an Imposture. A little after they discharged her, and returned her to her Father, commanding him to keep her at home, and to have such a strict hand over her, that she should not wander from Province to Province as she had done before.  
But it was not so easy to impose silence upon the Predicants, who loudly declaimed against those who sti●l'd that Voice which they called Miraculous, and which they would have to be an Oracle very proper to convince the Heretics. Time did more than all the Authority and Remonstrances of the most Sage and Prudent, and by degrees assuaged this Tempest; but it had like to have broken out again in a more dangerous manner. An Abbot of St. Martin, whose Name was Roche Foucaut, Brother of the Bishop of Clermont, and of the Family of Randan, which had been strictly devoted to the League, and which had put the King to a great deal of trouble in the Province where it had an Interest, got this Maid into his Custody, and undertook to make something of her Impostures; but the Cheat was so known, and so cried down in France, that the Abbot was constrained to seek for Credulous Supporters out of the Kingdom. He thought that he should find Protectors enough at Rome, but he was deceived; for D'Ossat being advertised of the Business, forestalled the Pope, and the Pope was not so much offended at the Publication of the Edict, as to make use of this Ridiculous pretence to uphold his Exclamations. The poor Abbot therefore found himself abandoned by all the World; Nay the very Jesuits, unwilling to offend the King, with whom there was some discourse of a Reconciliation, would not so much as meddle with this Intrigue, though since their Re-establishment it had been seen, that for several Years together they had always had some Demoniac or other at their Devotion, to Rave according to their Instructions for the support of their Interests. At length the Maid was shut up in a certain Nunnery, and her Patron was constrained to have more Wit, because that all the Measures of his Project were quite broken.  
In the mean time all Endeavours were used in earnest to 
Dissolution of the King's Marriage.  Dissolve the King's Marriage with Queen Margaret, that he might be free to Marry another; and the King's Mistress being Dead, as I have already said, the Queen showed herself to be less scrupulous than she had been any time before. 'Twas requisite that she should prefer a Petition herself, that she might be Degraded; and she agreed to every thing that the King desired. The greatest difficulty was to find pretences sufficiently plausible for the Dissolution of this Marriage; Nine were produced, which were thought prevalent enough to do the Turn; but which, to speak sincerely, were at the bottom of so little Validity, that had it been the case of a private Person, they would not have been so much as listened to. D'Ossat also frequently wrote, that there was but one that could be thought to strike home, and that at Rome they would make but little reckoning of all the rest. That which he thought would be of greatest weight, was a pretended Violence which Queen Margaret alleged had been offered to her, for which proofs were produced more proper to excite Laughter then procure Belief. Nevertheless the Witnesses were carefully Instructed, and some had their Depositions ready drawn to their hands. The Pope was willing to prepossess himself, and though he were to be a Judge of the Affair, he could not forbear, in some measure, to come in himself for a Witness of the Constraint of which the Queen complained, by repeating the Words that were spoken by Charles IX. to Cardinal Aldobrandini, whose Domestic Servant he was. So that in showing he had particular Reasons for giving Credit to the proofs of the Violence which that Princess had sustained, he prepared men's Minds to lay aside all Doubts, that he would make it a point of Conscience to ordain the Dissolution of the Marriage. For at the bottom, if the proofs that appeared were not solid, he had Reasons which he reserved in his Breast, which rendered the Divore Lawful even in the Judgement of the Reformed; and it behoved him to be satisfied with what he could find, for fear that if better Reasons were alleged, it might chance to cost the Queen her Life. Every one had his particular prospect in this Affair, besides Reasons of State and Conscience. The Reformed were in hopes of being firmly settled under an Heir bred up by a King who was beloved by 'em, and who was beholding to 'em; and the Pope saw well the Advantage that would redound to Him, that there would be a King in France one day, that could never question the Authority of the Holy See, without putting in doubt at the same time his Right to the Crown.  
I might here pass over in silence a particular Affair that 
A Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne, touching the Oath referred by a Reformed to a Catholic.  happened this Year in the Parliament of Bretagne, did I not think it useful to show how the Parliament▪ were inclined at that time toward the Reformed. The Chamber that was to be Erected at Paris was not yet ready; for which reason they could not make use of the Privilege of removing Causes where the Suit was proper, out of the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Bretagne. Now a Reformed pleading there against a Catholic, in a Cause about something that depended upon Honesty and Sincerity, declared that he would be concluded by the Catholic's Oath, provided he would take it upon the Sacrament, which was the most Sacred Thing in his Religion. But the Catholic being willing to avoid the Oath, or else to take it only according to the usual Forms, the Parliament adjudged the proposal of the Reformed not admittable, because he had not the same Veneration for the Sacrament as the Catholic. Casuists, much more equitable than the Judges of that Parliament, might have blamed the Reformed perhaps, because he required his Adversary to Swear by that which he did not believe was the Object of Worship; but would have dispensed with the Catholics taking it, because the Oath taken under a certain Name Dishonours not the Object there Named, but on the contrary, has a great Veneration paid it by him that Swears. At least the Primitive Churches were much of this Opinion; they would have condemned a Christian, who should have required a Pagan to Swear by the Name of one of his Deities; but they would have pronounced those Judges Unjust that should have dispensed with a Pagan for taking such an Oath, under pretence that the Christian abominated Idols. For in truth, the Religion of an Oath is grounded upon this, That he who takes the Oath is always presumed to Swear by those things which he esteems most Amiable and most Sacred. The Catholics who now Trade among those whom they call Infidels or Heretics, would think it strange that those people should not be permitted to Swear by what they believe most Venerable, under pretence that the Catholics have not the same Veneration for the same Things.  
Toward the latter end of this Year, the King in favour of 
Trimoville made a Peer of France  La Trimoville, added the Dignity of Peer to that of Duke, which he had already, and he took his Oath at the beginning of December; which favour proceeded not so much from the King's Affection, as from the Fear and Awe that he stood in of the Duke's Wit and Courage. The Court was full of Malcontents, but the Dukes of Bovillon and Trimoville were not the least formidable, either by the Puissant Alliances of their Families, or their Reputation among the Reformed; therefore to prevent their joining with others, they endeavoured to gratify 'em with some particular Favours. And the Peerage, which had not as yet been conferred upon all sorts of people, was esteemed an Honour that might satisfy the most Ambitious. However the Duke was not raised to that Dignity, without murmuring at it. But Marshal de Bovillon already enjoyed the same Honour, and by consequence it was no Novelty, since there was already a Precedent for it; nevertheless, 
1600.  the Spaniards made a great noise about it, at Rome, and the Pope complained of it. They had put it into the Pope's Head, that together with the Dignity of Peerage, he was to enjoy the Office of High Admiral, the Authority of which, as he thought, extended to Command in all the Sea Towns. But d'Ossat appeased him, by making it out to him, that the Edict being Granted, the Granting some Honours to those that were declared Capable could not be avoided; more especially, when they were persons of that Merit and Quality as the Duke; that the Title was an Honour without profit, and which Invested the Duke neither with any more Power, not any more Revenue than he had before, but which engaged him to greater Expenses, without affording him wherewithal to defray 'em; that neither Offices nor Governments were annexed to it; that in bestowing such sort of Favours the King had always a regard to the Good of the Catholic Religion, and by kindnesses of that Nature sought to gain the principal Heads of the Heretics to his Party. The Pope relished these Reasons, and so the Noise spread no farther. They were yet more tractable at Rome, in reference to the Business of Lesdiguieres and Roni, whose Religion they well knew, would never transport 'em so far as to displease the Pope. There appeared 
Roni's Advancement not much wondered at.  some discontent that Roni had obtained the Superintendency of the Finances, which the King had conferred upon him about the time that the Edict was concluded. But in all probability, this discontent was raised by a Cabal of the Council, of which Villeroi was the Chief, who not being able to waste the King's Treasure, by reason of Roni's severe Management, would fain have had that Employment in the hands of a Courtier more remiss; for which reason, d'Ossat, a Creature of Villeroi's, engaged himself too far in this Intrigue for his Profit, for that having written those things to the King, which tended indirectly to the taking away the Finances from Roni, the Cunning Treasurer made him suffer for it, by reducing him almost to Beggary, for want of his Pensions duly paid. Nor was this any obstruction, but that within a little time after, Roni, without quitting the Administration of the Finances, was made Master of the Ordnance, Duke and Peer, Governor of the Bastile and a Province, no body opposing this great Preferment of a Heretic. 'Tis very true, that when he wrote to the Pope, he gave him the Title of His Holiness, as a Catholic would have done.  
The Obstructions of the Edict had lasted almost till the beginning 
Commissioners for the Execution of the Edict and their Power.  of this Year, though they had begun to put it in Execution in several places, and that the King had appointed two Commissioners in every Province, to act in such a manner as to content both Parties. One of these two was a Catholic, the other a Reformed; but the Catholic was Elected also with the Approbation of the Reformed, because they were their fears of being deprived by the Cavils of a Bigoted Commissary, of what was Granted 'em by the most Solemn Edict that ever was Granted by a Prince, in favour of his Subjects that were to be healed. Now, though their Power were equal, nevertheless, to the end the Catholics might have the Advantage in every thing, the Catholic Commissioner had the Upper hand almost every where, and bore the greatest Sway. They were Impower'd to receive all manner of Petitions and Complaints, touching the Execution of the Edict, and to decide all Differences that might arise upon that occasion. Their Orders were as good as a Law, especially in things that were not Contested, and where both Parties Consented; nor is there any Precedent, that I know of any Appeal to the King, upon any Decree of that Nature; but when any Dispute arose, they were to give an Account of their Sentence to the King; and their Decree was only made with a Proviso, till the King had pronounced his Judgement. And indeed, to speak properly, their Commission was no more than the Act itself explained, and limited by particular Articles, and the King by Word of Mo●th reduced their Instructions to two Heads; The one was to Re-establish the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had been disturbed; and the other was to settle Peace over all the Kingdom by a due Observation of the Edict.  
Thus hitherto I have given an Account of the Negotiations and Treaties that preceded the Edict of Nantes, and which prepared the Matter, and formed the Articles; And I have set down the principal Obstructions that so long hindered either the Conclusion, or the Verification of it. Henceforward I am to speak of the Observation of it, or of the Breaches and Violations of it, till our very days. But in regard that this is in some measure a New Subject, my Opinion is, that I can no where better insert then here, some General Considerations upon this Edict, to show the Force and Nature of it, that so the Reader, coming to see the Recital of Matters of Fact, upon which I intent to build my Reflections, and not being obliged to go far to seek for the Heads from whence I shall derive my Consequences, may the more easily apprehend and observe the Truth of 'em. To which purpose I shall speak of three Things. First, I shall give a brief Account of the Reproaches, 
General Observations upon the Edict.  at that time, cast upon the Reformed by the Catholics, and afterwards so many times revived. Secondly, I shall set down in few Words the Replies of the Reformed in their own Defence. Lastly, I shall make more ample Reflections upon the Justice, Benefit, and Importance of the Edict; from thence to conclude, that of itself, and in its own Nature, it was Irrevocable, though it had never been so styled; and withal, I shall Reply to some Objections, which were the first occasion of all the Clergies Enterprises to destroy it. I shall handle this Matter by the way of Historical Remarks, leaving the Lawyers to explain 'em by Observations agreeable to their Principles.  
From the time then that the Edict was set forth, there were several Discourses and Writings concerning it, to and fro. The Reformed were assailed with many Reproaches, and they set forth several Apologies in defence of themselves. The Zealous Catholics, who were mad to see a Party, which they Mortally hated, Established in such a manner that they could not be stirred, revenged themselves by Invectives; and the Reformed, secured by the Edict, sought no further then to Ward off their Calumnies with Words. But the main Reason which induced the Catholics to frame these several Accusations, was, Because the Edict seemed to perpetuate, to their lasting shame, the remembrance of the League, contrived among 'em to Exclude their Lawful Prince from the Throne, under the pretence of Religion. 'Tis true, the Edict forbid the Reviving the Memory of Things past, but we know that these sort of Prohibitions can never hinder Posterity from coming to the Knowledge of such things as others would fain obliterate by such precautions; Amnesties do but keep up the Remembrance of those Crimes which they pardon. In a word the Measures that are taken to stifle those events of which the Memory is odious, may put a stop to the Inquiries and Pursuits that may be made after 'em, without such Inhibitions, by Prosecutions and Indictments at Law. But such proceedings are so far from razing such Events out of the Memory of Men, that they Engrave more deeply in their Minds such an Inscription as will never permit their being Buried in Oblivion. The Edict therefore, by forbidding to revive things past, ceased not however to be a kind of Monument to preserve 'em always in their Thoughts. It appeared by the Edict that there had been Hostilities, Mortal hatred of each other, Oppressions and Ravages; and although the Reformed should have forborn to upbraid the Catholics with 'em, who had been the Authors of the greatest part of those Mischiefs, and the occasion of the rest by their Cruelties and Violations of so many Treaties, it seemed that the Edict alone cast a Reproach upon 'em so much the more uneasy to be endured, because it is perpetual; 'tis a Voice that always repeats as loud the Inhumanities', the Massacres, and the Treasons of Time past, as that of the Law which prohibits their Contrivance.  
The Catholics then, who began to blush at things past, and 
Reproache● of the Catholics thrown upon the Reformed.  knew well they could never be Interpreted to their Advantage, endeavoured to pick out something that was equally liable to Reproach in the Conduct of the Reformed; to the end that by way of Compensation, both the one and the other might appear equally Guilty or Innocent. To which purpose, they were about to turn the Edict to the Dishonour of the Reformed, and to raise up against 'em a perpetual Character of Criminal Behaviour. They sought for pretences that might be serviceable to 'em, in the Time and Manner of obtaining so favourable an Edict. They forgot not that the Reformed had taken the opportunity of the Siege of Amiens to put a value upon themselves, and to draw from the King more Advantageous Conditions, through the Necessity of his Affairs. They looked upon it as if the Reformed has lost all the Honour of their former Services, by their coldness and indifferency at that time, and that that same kind of Desertion was as Criminal as all the Attempts of the League; but it may be seen, that the Reformed very well defended themselves from that Accusation, as I have made appear in its due place. They were upbraided also with this, That it was a piece of Felony to transact with their King concerning Peace; That what they obtained by force of Arms was an Eternal Monument of their Rebellion, how advantageous soever it otherwise appeared; That a King could not make Peace with his Subjects, but it must appear that he had made War against him; Nor Pardon 'em, but that it must be evident they were Criminals. That the Reformed at first Assembled without Arms, and strove with Emulation to pray to God for those whom they called Persecutors; so far were they from repelling Violence by Violence; but that at length, they had taken Arms to render themselves Formidable. That after the first War they were contented to take the Royal Word for a Pledge and Security of the Peace; but that afterwards they would have strong Towns, Garrisons, Chambers half one, half t'other, and a hundred other Securities. From whence they branched out another Calumny, that their Religion was degenerated into Faction; that their aim was to set up another State in a State, and that they aspired to get themselves loose of the General Laws, by the help of particular Concessions.  
The most part of these Objections were no more than a Reviving of those that had appeared in the Reign of Charles the Ninth, and which had since that time been solidly refuted. But there had happened, after that, so many Novelties, that had augmented the Rights of the Reformed, and given new Demonstrations of the Justice of their Complaints, that 'twas easy to judge, the Catholics did not revive those Idle Calumnies, but only because they knew not where to find any other fit for their turn.  
The Reformed confessed a great part of what their Enemies 
Answers.  laid to their Charge, not without some Aggravations of their own; but either they made it out that there was no Harm in what they had done, because they had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Nature itself; or if they had done amiss, that the Gild lay not at their Door, but that the real Authors were to be blamed. That when there is a Necessity of endangering the Life of an Enemy, the Reproach ought not to fall upon him that stands upon his Defence, but it is to be charged upon the Violence of the Aggressor; That the insisting upon Cautions and Securities was not to be imputed to those that demand 'em, but to those whose breach of Faith reduced the others to require 'em. That Negotiations of Peace between Subjects and their Kings might be Styled Felonious Acts, had the Kings been always the Fathers of their Subjects, and the Just Gonservators of the Rights and Privileges, which by Nature, or by Birth, belonged to 'em; for that being presupposed, there can be no pretence for the taking up of Arms. But in regard that Self-defence was the only occasion of the War on their side, when the Princes had lent out their Names and their Authority to Patronise the Cruelties, Treacheries, and Perjuries of Persecutors; when they had given 'em the Command of Armies to Extirpate the pretended Heretics; when they were the declared Heads of that Destroying Party; when they had Sworn the Ruin of their own Subjects without Pity or Compassion; when they had engaged to Sacrifice the Blood and Lives of those Unfortunate Wretches to the Interests of Foreign Power, which had no other reason to bear an Antipathy to the pretended Herctics, but because they detested the Tyranny it aspir'd to; and went about to free the Neck of their Kings from the Yoke which it strove to impose upon their Necks; when they had Sworn never to keep their Oaths with their Subjects, unless they were forced to it; nor to observe any Treaties of Peace, but when they could no longer make War upon 'em with Advantage; that then they might Lawfully betake themselves to their Arms, and by consequence were not bound to lay 'em down, till after a Treaty of Peace concluded, by which the Parties oppressed might find themselves sufficiently secured. That the Reformed had never sought Relief by Force of Arms, while they were under the Protection of any Form of Justice, by leaving 'em the means to be answerable for their Faith, and to unfold their Doctrine against the Accusations of their Adversaries: That they had patiently suffered all the Mischievous Injuries that had been done 'em, for Thirty Years together, by Bloody Edicts, that stirred up all sorts of persons against 'em, and deprived 'em of all manner of shelter and Sanctuary; that they had with the same Constancy endured their being haled from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction, when their Enemies were both Parties and their Judges; that is to say, The Ecclesiastics, whose hatred they had only Merited, by revealing the Corruption of their Doctrine, their Discipline and their Manners; and when they had also Erected New Tribunals to their Ruin, and had delivered 'em over to the Inquisition. That they were still Masters of their Patience, when the Clergy put Thousands to Death, by Decrees drawn up in form indeed, though both Cruel and Unjust; when there were no less than Eight Thousand Sentences of Death Recorded in the Public Registers, not to speak of Imprisonments, Confiscations, Banishments, and several other Vexations and Oppressions which they were forced to undergo. That they never took Arms, till after the first Edict for Liberty of Conscience had been Violated by the Court in several Branches, and after several Manners; but that they had laid 'em down again, both upon that, and sundry other Occasions, upon the first Offers of Peace. In reference to which, they forgot not the Maxim of Kathern de Medicis, who never made it a Matter of Conscience to break her Word with 'em, because if she did not find her Perfidiousness stood her in any stead, she had always a sure way to Disarm 'em, by giving 'em, to use her own Expression, Their Belly full of Preaching.  
They made it out that the first Edict was Granted before the War began; and that it was obtained by Petitions and Conferences only; that the Enterprise of Amboise was only a Politic Affair, wherein Religion had never been concerned, but because the Heads of both Parties professed a different Religion; That the Treacheries, the Cruelties, and more especially the Horrid Massacre of 1572, had made it evident that the Royal Word was made a May-game, and a Snare, to surprise the Innocence and Credulity of the Reformed; that after they had caused 'em, by Fraud and fair Promises, to lose the opportunity of obtaining an Advantageous Peace, while the King and the Catholics themselves stood in need of their Assistance, they had amused 'em by a Thousand delays, provoked 'em by a Thousand contempts, and a Thousand injurious flouts, for having so little Prudence and Policy; of which however the Catholics had all the reason in the World to Repent, when at the Siege of Amiens they saw how Necessary the Union of the Reformed, with the rest of the Kingdom, was for the preservation of it. After this, to load the Reformed with Accusations, because they would not Surrender themselves, without bargaining for their Security, to the Discretion of their Old Enemies, was to imitate the Justice of Highwaymen, that should go about to bring their Actions against Travellers, because they refused to confide in their Words; or else, because they rather chose to make 'em run the half of the Danger, by putting themselves upon the Defensive part, then to suffer their Throats to be Cut without Resistance. That as for the pretence of a State in a State, it was a mere Chimaera; that the strong Holds which were left in their Hands belonged to the King as well as the rest in the Kingdom; Possessed by him; Paid with his Money; Kept in his Name; and that the Trust of 'em was not Perpetual, since they were to be no longer in their hands, then till the Catholics should be at leisure to Accustom themselves to live at Peace and Unity with 'em; and therefore, if they desired they should be Surrender'd, without any Trouble, at the end of the Term prefixed, that the Catholics had no more to do, but to observe more faithfully the New Edict than they had done all the rest.  
The End of the Sixth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK VII.  
The Epitome of the 7th. Book.  
QVestions upon the Nature of the Edict. The Benefit of it. The State of the Kingdom before and after the Edict. Wars about Religion are the most Cruel. What diversity of Religious Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom. What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion. The Justice of the Edict which restored Humanity and Sincerity. Services done to Kings by the Reformed. The Justice of Rewards after Service done. What Recompense is. The Edict grants nothing to the Reformed which distinguishes 'em from the rest of the French, in the Quality of Subjects. For that reason the Concessions in it are so much the more just. What the Edict grants the Reformed do no body any prejudice. The Catholic Religion has been a great Gainer by the Edict. The Edict ought to be Irrevocable. A Consideration upon the Word and the Thing. Rights of Conscience. The Force of Edicts that maintain the Liberty of it; and those that are Granted for the Preservation of Societies. The Preservation of their Subjects the Chief Obligation of Sovereigns. There is Naturally an Express or Tacit Treaty between the Sovereign and the Subjects; as also between Master and Servant. The Force of Treaties. The Edict of Nantes is a Treaty, which the Form of an Edict renders more Venerable. Two Considerations of a Treaty in the Edict. 1. Between the King and the Reformed. 2. Between the Reformed and the Catholics. The Reformed Treat with the King. 1. About Reward for their Services. 2. About Security against their Enemies. Places of Security. King's may Treat with their Subjects. Proofs. The Reformed were in a Condition to Treat with the King. Six Considerations that make it out. Other Reflections. Considerations upon which the King Treats. The King Arbitrator between himself and his Subjects, to Grant the Edict with the Consent of the Catholics. A Maxim of the Clergy in the Questions of the Regale. The King Security for his own Edict. Successors bound to observe the Treaties made by their predecessors. That the Parliaments, the Clergy, the Pope himself, have as much share in the Edict as was necessary to remove all pretence of Complaint. A Resuming the Series of the History. Commotion of men's Minds upon the Publishing the Book of the Eucharist. Divers Writers attack it. The King is willing to satisfy the Pope, and content du Plessis. Du Plessis taxed for fall Quotations stands upon his Honour. He Challenges his Accusers, and his Challenge accepted by Perron. A Conference Granted. Difficulties started by the Clergy as to the Matter and Thing. Others, by du Plessis' Friends. Degrees of Foul Play. 1. Perron has Notice, but not du Plessis. 2. Perron is Dispensed with from giving in Writing the Number of the Passages which he promised. 3. The Order and Choice of the Passoges is lest to him. The Conference almost broken off is continued upon unequal Conditions. 5. Perron prescribes the Laws for it. 6. Theeesoore and one Passages delivered to du Plessis to justify in eight Hours. 7. They deprive him of his Rest in the Night. 8. The King appoints the Commissioners. 9 Gives the plurality of Vices to the Catholics. 10. Changes two that were first appointed for two others more suspected. 11. Makes choice of two tottering Reformed: Chrracters of du Fresne Canaye and Casaubon. 12. Forbid making use of the Terms of False and Falsity. Reciprocal Protestations. Perron's Malice. Form of the Conference. Du Plessis condemned in Nine Passages. General and particular Reflections. Du Plessis falls Sick, and the Conference breaks off. The Catholics insult and Triumph. Consequences of the Conference. The Assembly removed from Chastelleraud to Saumur; where it breaks up.  
BUT there are other considerations to be made upon this Subject, which are no less important. 'Tis fit to be enquired, 
Questions upon the Nature of the Edict.  whether, supposing that the means, by which they obtained the Edict, were Innocent, it was beneficial to Grant it: Whither it were one of those Edicts that become Essential Laws of the Kingdom, in Respect of the Nature of the things which they decide, or the manner of Ordaining 'em, or rather one of those which being Granted only to serve the present Occasion, may be revoked upon the change of Affairs.  
The Question concerning the Benefit of the Edict may be 
The Benefit of the Edict.  determined in few Words. There needs no more than to consider the vast number of Mischiefs that rendered it necessary; and which it has successfully repaired, and the Great Advantages which it procured to France, while it was observed with any appearance of Fidelity. There needs no more than to compare what France was, before the Edict had laid the more solid Foundation of Peace, and what it arrived to in a few years after the public Tranquillity was established. I shall say nothing of the Terrors of a Civil War considered in itself: They are well known to all the World. There is no Body but Trembles when he calls to mind, that the Members of one Body, that owe each other mutual Defence, are Hurried to mutual Destruction; that a Kingdom should employ her 
The condition of the Kingdom both before and after the Edict.  own Forces to prey upon herself: That Rage and Fury should violate all the Ties of Nature and Society; that it should Arm Citizens against Citizens; Relations against Relations, and Brethren against Brethren. There may be found the same Remarks in a thousand Authors. But I cannot pass over the dreadful waist and depopulation that so many years' Wars had made over all the Kingdom. The Country was almost all Ruined; the Houses, the Castles, the Cities were generally run to decay; nothing every where to be seen, but heaps of Rubbish and Desolation. And the strong holds that were fortified, were rather Ruins half repaired, whither the people Retreated for shelter, than places that enjoyed the Lustre and Beauty of Cities. There was no body that could depend upon his Revenue. The Nobility, Gentry and Soldiers subsisted all upon Plunder which Necessity Authorised. The Bourgesses, who only Rent other men's Lands or Houses, depended upon the strogest side, and frequently were undone by the Incursions of the Enemy. The Merchants broke, in regard of the decay of Trade in a Ruined Kingdom. The Ecclesiastics complained that their Estates were Seized or Usurped; and that as the one part of the Kingdom was unwilling, so the other was disabled from paying their Tithes, and their Rents. The King also was poorer than his Subjects: His Revenues were engaged; his Taxes ill paid; all his Duties came to little; and as I have already observed, he was so far from having wherewithal to support a Royal Magnificence, that during the Siege of Amiens, he had not wherewithal to supply his Table, and Cloth himself like an ordinary Gentleman. And the Civil War was to be continued, to complete what was already brought to such perfection, the Destruction of a Kingdom by Misery, the Members of which that were most Vigorous, did but linger out and Languish upon the Brink of a Total Dissipation. It may easily be conjectured also what a Confusion the unequal Distribution of Justice occasioned in differences between Man and Man; and how many encumbrances the Troubles of so many Years, which had interrupted almost all the Functions of the Judges, must have ensued by setting up Prescriptions, Bicker about Jurisdictions, with incertainties of Possession, had not a stop been put to the Progress of these Irregularities, by a happy Revolution. Several faults had been made upon the Royal Authority, during those long divisions, as though it had been no more than an Airy Title, which was neither of any Efficacy, or Power to support itself: And the Kingdom, which for so many Ages had kept up so high a Degree and Reputation in Europe, was become the Scorn or Pity of Foreigners, according as they had a kindness, or diskindness for France. That Kingdom which had been for so long time the Sanctuary, and Refuge of the Oppressed, was now no other than the Stage of Oppression, and the Theatre where the strongest side Acted the most bloody Tragedies.  
However, no sooner was the Edict set forth, but France recovered Peace; in so much, that in twenty four hours, as a Man may say, there was a Reformation of Forty Years Disorders. Plenty and Prosperity re-entered by degrees into Families; and Order and Property took place again. The Country began to be Tilled: And the hopes of a lasting Tranquillity encouraged all people to repair the Ruins of their Inheritances. Every Body took Possession of their Estates; and the Courts of Law were open to Legal Suits and Demands. Nor did the Ecclesiastics gain less than any of the Rest. But the King got more than any Body. Splendour and Majesty Readorned his Palace: He resumed his Authority over his People; and Foreigners once more began to look upon the Flourishing Kingdom either with Respect or Dread. The repose of France balanced all Europe: The King jealous of his word, was soon confided in by his Allies; and in regard he had no other Ambition then to Reign for the good of all the World, without any desire of Usurping what belonged to others, without Cruelty, without Devices and Tricks, so soon as they saw him at Quiet, he became the Love of his Subjects, an Umpire among the Christian Princes, and the Admiration of his Enemies. The Politicians dreaded his Power, and for fear it should grow too great, they thought it convenient to rid themselves of him by an execrable Assassination. The Rapidness of this happy Re-establishment may be easily conjectured at, by the small time they suffered him to live, after he had restored Peace to his People. Hardly ten Years were expired, after the settlement of Peace at home, before they posted on to this dismal extremity: And if he lived so long, 'twas not for want of sooner Attempts upon his Life, by cruel Conspiracies. Now in regard there is no greater Proof of the Benefit of a thing then by the Effects of it; it may be judged by the consequences of the Edict, that never any Prince conferred upon his Subjects a more wholesome and comfortable Law. And therefore the principal Reasons that were made use of to satisfy those, to whom there was some excuse to be made for the Edict, were generally drawn from the benefit of it: And there was no other way than that, to stop the Mouths of those who had the most desire or Interest to hinder the increase of the Reformed. They acknowledged that the Kingdom stood in greater need of a Peace at home then abroad; and that having been so near Destruction by their long Divisions, they could never recover themselves but by Concord.  
And this was so much the more necessary, in regard that 
War● about Religion the most Cruel.  the Dispute being about Religion, those Wars that are made under that pretence, are always the most Cruel; because the Hatred is more implacable, and becomes more violent every day than the other, through the Zeal that kindles and incenses it. The Cruelty of the most Savage, may sometimes be Governed by Reason; but a Devout Cruelty will hearken to no Counsels that are able to confine the violence of it. For people of that Character make a Duty of their Cruelty; and easily persuade themselves, that the more Outrageous the more Religious it is. So that if the Edict had not put a Period to Wars of this Nature, the Kingdom could never have escaped a General Dissolution; in regard the weakest Party was strong enough to reduce to Extremity those who would have undertake their Ruin; and so the one half of the Kingdom that would have exterminated the other, would have no longer after that, been able to support itself.  
All that can be said to the contrary is this, that a Kingdom is disfigured by variety of Religions; that this difference of Sentiments fosters a secret Alienation in the Breasts of Men, which consumes the Kingdom by degrees like a Hectic Distemper; and that it always keeps a Door open for the Renewing Civil War, because it cherishes in the Kingdom the Immortal Seeds of Faction. I confess it were to be wished that 
What sort of variety. Policy ought not to suffer in a Kingdom  Christianity were more Uniform; but in regard it is not my Province to handle this Matter like a Divine; I shall only say, that there is a sort of Variety, which Policy may Condemn; that is to say, such a one as is attended with Evil Consequences, and which gives one Party an opportunity to oppress an other. But where there is a Variety, the bad Effects of which are prevented by good Laws, it is not to be condemned. It would have been pernicious to the Kingdom to suffer two Religions, and permit 'em always to be at odds, and in a continual struggle to advance the one by the Opposition of the other. But there is no reason for that Kingdom to be afraid of any thing, that engages different Parties to a mutual Toleration. There is a variety of Religions, as of several Professions. If people that follow several ways of living should be permitted to make War one upon another; for Example, should the Lawyers be suffered by open Force to destroy the Merchants and Husband Men, the Damage to the Kingdom would be visible; but by Uniting 'em together in Peace, the Kingdom loses nothing; and they are useful one to the other. In like manner, when a Kingdom is reduced to Tolerate various Religions, 'tis impossible but that it must be a great disadvantage to the State, should both Parties be left to themselves to destroy one another. This is that which creates Factions and Parties; while the Conspiracies of the one engage the other under a necessity of Uniting to defend themselves. But when they are restrained by Laws that are Just and Moderate, there needs no more than to have a watchful Eye upon 'em, to prevent the Mischief arising from variety of Sentiments. Subjects are in a Kingdom, as Children and Servants in a Family; and the variety of Sentiments is like the Diversity of Tempers and Inclinations. Now then as diversity of Humours is no hindrance to the Repose of a Family, when the Laws of Oeccnomy are wisely and faithfully observed, in like manner, Variety of Religions never disturbs a Kingdom, when the Members of it look mutually one upon another as Children of the same Father, or Servants of the same Master; and the Sovereign doing equal Justice to Both, notwithstanding this difference, carefully Observes, on every side, the Laws of Peace which he has granted 'em.  
Hence it comes to pass, that in Countries, where there is a Free Toleration, and perhaps too Universal, that the Tranquillity of the Subject is ne'er the less; and that the difference of Religion, even in France itself, has not hindered the Kingdom from-enjoying a Prosperity of Fifty years together, and to mount to that Degree of Power that has subdued a great part of Europe. Now to speak like a Politician, that which never disturbs the Tranquillity of a Kingdom, that which never interrupts the Happiness of it, that which never suppresses the growing Grandeur of it, never disfigures or deforms it. There is nothing that Offends, or Disgraces the Ornament of a Government but that which is pernicious. Every thing is lovely, every thing is profitable, at least every thing is fit to be tolerated from whence no Mischief proceeds, This cannot be contradicted in those things that never ranverse Divine Right, nor Moral Equity and Honesty. Consequently this is true in Toleration. It does not in the least disfigure a Kingdom, when it extends not to Sects that sap the very Foundations of Piety Rather it ought to be taken for an Ornament, because it garnishes the Motions and Intercourse of the People with an Air of Peace and Charity, which is one of the most Glorious Characters of Mankind. Now 
What is the Nature of the Reformed Religion.  the Religion of the Reformed, granting it came short of that Purity which is Attributed to it, is at least one of those Religions, that cannot be accused of overturning the least Foundation of Piety. Neither can the Morality of it, without Detraction, be called Corrupted, nor the Doctrine of it be said to be impious, nor the Discipline of it Seditious. If it be true that it has any Defect; 'tis a scrupulons Delicacy which will not suffer it to believe and practise what it is persuaded that God never commands nor approves, a Niceness to be endured, if ever any were; since there is nothing against which the Conscience ought to keep a stricter Guard, then against the Doctrines or Worships which are introduced under the Name of Religion, to the prejudice of God's Commands. Consequently it may be tolerated, and yet the Liberty allowed it be no disfigurement to the Government which permits it.  
If the Benefit of the Edict were so great, the Justice of it is 
The Justice of the Edict.  no less. It is just, not to be Cruel; or if some times Men have proved Cruel either through prejudice, blind Zeal, or Transports of Passion, 'tis but Justice not to be so always. It is also more just, to be neither perfidious nor treacherous; or if sometimes our Reason goes so far astray, as to permit us to become so, 'tis a necessary piece of Justice, as soon as may be, to return home to sincerity. Cruelty and Perfidiousness are the Disgrace and Ignominy of Human Nature; Compassion and Fidelity the most solid Blessings of Society. If they have been Wrested from it by Fraud and Barbarism that have assumed their Room, there is nothing more just then to restore 'em to it again, by re-establishing, as soon as may be, the Rights of Honesty and Humanity. Now it was a long time since, that both the one and the other were Renounced, in Respect of the Catholics, and that neither Pity nor Sincerity, was to be found in their Breasts. For above Fifty years together, the unfortunate Reform were destroyed and havoch made of 'em by all manner of Torments: Above thirty years together, the Catholics made War upon 'em, without giving Quarter; and only Granted 'em a little breathing time of Peace, to take better measures and fitter Opportunities to exterminate 'em. However, this same Zeal of the Catholics, though it had been just and rational, aught to have surceased, after so many vain Effects. Tho there had been something of Religious and Evangelic in those Cruelties, the Catholics had done enough to discharge their Consciences. It was but just at length to return to means more Mild and Gentle. 'Twas time to mitigate those Rigours, that did but augment the Number of the Reformed. They had in vain attempted the Reducing these pretended Wanderers, by all the means both Lawful and Unlawful, that Invention could Devise; even to the bringing the most flourishing Kingdom of Christendom, within a Finger's breadth of Desolation. Allurements, Promises, Favours, Writings, Pulpit-Harangues, Conferences, Threats, Torments, Massacres, Acts of Injustice, Fraud, Treachery, all the Artifices of a Deceitful Peace, all the Violences of a Merciless War had been made use of to no purpose. They had Banished, Recalled; Despoiled of all, Restored; Prosecuted in all the Ecclesiastical and Secular Courts, even by the Cruelty of the Inquisitors, whatever carried the Name of Reformed. They had had Edicts of Peace and War so often Granted, so many times Revoked, that it was impossible any longer to Play a Game so pernicious to Human Society. It was not Just that Religion should serve any longer as a pretence for so much Confusion; it was therefore but Just that Sincerity and Humanity should resume their Station in the World, and that Wandering Consciences should be permitted to Govern themselves according to their own Illuminations, after their Enemies had so long laboured to subdue 'em to the Judgements of others.  
Moreover, these pretended Wanderers, who had done the Kingdom no other harm, then only taken Arms to defend themselves from unjust Oppressors, had done the same Kingdom both long and faithful Services, attested by all the Records of Time that preserve the Memory of 'em, confessed by all Impartial Historians, contradicted only by Missionaries, whose Impudence is a Shame and Scandal to all Men of Honour. Now there is a reason derived from Natural Right and Equity, which binds Reward to Service, and which looks upon as an Act of Injustice, the Persecuting, Oppressing, and Exterminating, with an Ou ragious Fury, those from whom they have received both advantageous Succour, and kind Offices of Defence and Preservation. The Reform▪ who had all the French Catholics for Testimonies of their Fidelity, some because they had gained by their Assistance, others because they had felt the smart of it, talked loudly of their long and important Services; and of these two sorts of Catholics, there were some who were not ashamed to acknowledge 'em. When Henry III put the Duke and Cardinal of Guise to Death, the Catholic Rebels were infinitely much stronger than they who continued in their Allegiance; but when the Reformed joined the King's Party, the Face of Affairs changed, and the Honest Party were soon in a Condition to overwhelm the other. And there needs but a little Partiality and Equity, for any Man to see what share they had in the Preservation of the Kingdom, when joining with the King, they not only balanced Affairs, but turned the Scale on the King's side. It might be said, without doing any body wrong, that they alone preserved the State, since they preserved the Catholics who jointly laboured with 'em afterwards in the same performance. However I shall say no more, but that they lent a helping hand to the preservation of it; that they shared with the faithful Catholics the Honour of supporting the Crown, and fixing it upon the Head of him to whom it Lawfully appertained; that after they had fastened it upon the Head of Henry III. they assisted his Successor to 
Justice of Reward after Service done.  recover it again, and to defend his Claim against the fury of the League, and the Conspiracies of Spain and Italy. It was but just then that they should share in the Reward, after they had undergon their part of the Toils and Hazards of the War; that they should partake of the Repose and Pleasures also of the Peace. Now this is all that the Edict of Nantes has done for 'em. Nevertheless, there is something more to 
What Reward is.  be said. When we speak of Recompense, there is something to be understood, which distinguishes one Man from another; which confers upon the one, by reason of his Merit and Services, somewhat which is not bestowed upon another, because there is not the same reason for the preference. Between the Prince and Subject, Recompense gives to the Receiver something more than is owing to him from the Prince under the Quality of a Subject, and distinguishes him from that Equality wherein others remain. If it be Just then, and grounded upon the most evident Principles of Natural Understanding, that Faithful Subjects should have Rewards conferred upon 'em, that signalise and distinguish 'em, how much more Equitable is it, to Grant 'em for their Recompense, that which does no more than equal 'em with others, and put 'em into the same Condition? Now the Favours and Privileges of the Edict are no more than Recompenses of the last Order. The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed that distinguishes 'em from others 
The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed, etc.  under the Quality of Subjects, or which may be taken to be any Mark of Preference before another. It grants 'em nothing but the Security of their Persons, their Estates and their Lives, the Liberty of their Consciences, free Privilege to Worship God, and procure the Salvation of their Souls, according to their own Opinions and Judgements, to share alike with others the Protection of the Laws, and the Benefit of Justice; to have the same Liberty of Preferment to Employments and Offices, by their Merit; to Professions, by their Sufficiency; to Trades, by their Capacity: To have power to Assemble and Confer together, and Mutually to Assist each other in the Performances of Religion and Piety; to enjoy equally with the Catholics the Right which Nature gives to Fathers over their Children, to Masters over their Hired Servants; to participate of the Mutual Succours of Society during Life, and the Duties of Enterrment after Death. In a word, there is nothing in the Edict that grants any thing more to the Reformed then what all other Subjects enjoy. On the other side, the greatest part of these Common Rights are granted the Reformed with certain Limitations, which clearly showed that all the Sway and Dominion was in the hands of the Catholics, and that the Reformed were only Associated to these Advantages by a Treaty of Mutual Toleration. The Securities also are a sufficient Proof that the Equality was not perfect, and that the Reformed had neither Power nor Credit. Securities are never taken but from those that are the stronger, or the most suspected; and they that require 'em, acknowledge at the same time a kind of Superiority in those that Grant 'em.  
This not being to be questioned in the least, it was but a 
The Concessions for this reason so much the more Just.  piece of Justice to Grant the Reformed for their Services, those Favours that did no more than equal 'em with others. This was indeed to grant 'em just nothing; it was no more than a Restitution of what belonged to 'em, to maintain 'em in their Rights of Nature, and in those which they had by Birth, like others that breathed the same Air, and obeyed the same Prince. There is nothing can be called Just, if the Preservation of Common Right may not deserve that Name; more especially in favour of those, who have performed for the good of their Country, the same Duties and Services with the rest of their Fellow Countrymen. Let us suppose, for a moment, that these Advantages were refused the Reformed after their good Services; or rather, without supposing any thing, let us look upon 'em, as they were before the Edict was Granted, and what they are since it was revoked. We shall see Catholics and Reform, at least under the same Obedience; preferred to the same Offices; sharing in the same Exigencies of State; embracing the same Opportunities to serve their Prince; having the same Civil Laws, the same Obligations, the same Interests, the same Enemies. So much Equality in all these things, requires that it should be the same in all the rest; but we shall find it cease, so soon as we shall but turn our Eyes upon the Reformed, deprived of the Favours of the Edict. We shall find 'em abused in their Persons; ruined in their Estates; excluded from all Employments either of Honour or Profit; banished their Country; deprived of all the Privileges of Conscience and Nature; and notwithstanding their Merits or Abilities, bereaved of all Equality with others, no better Subjects than themselves; so far from obtaining distinguishing Rewards. Certainly, there cannot be imagined the least Idea of Justice in such a prodigious disproportion; in such a violent separation of Merit and Recompense, that they who might justly reckon upon their Deserts, instead of obtaining favours equal to those which are granted to others under the same Circumstances, can hardly find Subsistance and Security, for all their Pains and Labour. How is it possible that Justice should brook, that that part of the Kingdom, which, to say no more, so strenuously contributed with the other to preserve it, should be Oppressed, Destroyed, and Prosecuted, with Fire and Sword, by the other that could not have been preserved without it. 'Tis the same thing, as if a Prince that had won great Conquests by the Assistance and Valour of his Soldiers, should order the one half of his Army to cut the other in pieces, to Reward 'em for their good Service.  
I confess, that after all these Reflections, one difficulty would 
What the Edict grants the Reformed does no body harm.  still remain behind, were it so that others were to be deprived of those Favours, before they could be bestowed upon the Reformed. Justice does not require that one should be despoiled to enrich another, seeing that the Principal Duty of it, is to secure to every Body his own Right; but the Peace Granted to the Reformed took nothing from the Catholics. The Rights of Nature and of Birth, are Blessings which every individual Man possesses; in the Enjoyment of which, the Advantages of the one part never injure the other. The Liberty of one Man, let it be never so far extended, never confines the Liberty of his Equal within ere a jot the narrower Bounds. While one is allured by the Right of aspiring to Rewards and Dignities by Merit and Services, there is a Door left open for others to ascend by the same Steps. A Father loses nothing of his Lawful Authority over his Children and his Family, though all other Fathers enjoy the same Power. The Conscience of a Catholic is ne'er the less free, though the Conscience of a Reformed Person be not put upon the Rack. In a word, all these Advantages are such, that the one may gain by 'em, and the other never lose; as the Privilege of Burgessship is no Dismembering of his Freedom from another. In like manner the Liberty which Nature gives to every Man to breathe the same Air, and enjoy the same Sunshine, is no hindrance, but that every Man has the same share both of the Air and the Light. Moreover, the Catholics have taken all the Caution imaginable, not to be losers themselves. They have restored their Religion to every thing which the War had taken from it. Time has made it out that they have been great Gainers 
The Catholics Gainers by the Edicts.  by the Edict. Their Religion wanted much of that Splendour and Pomp which afterwards it attained to; which is no small matter, since Worldly Lustre is one of the Principal Objects of the Politics of that Religion. Besides, it is by the Edicts that she preserves her Superiority, her Churches, her Houses, her Revenues, her Churchyards, and her Ceremonies; and far from seeing her Privileges lessened, she has acquired new ones. So that the Concessions of the Edict being grounded upon the Nature of the Things, and the Civil Rights that every Man is Born to; and moreover, depriving no body of that which they secured to so many Lawful Members of the Kingdom, it was an apparent Act of Justice that the Reformed should enjoy it. There was no room here for the Exception of another Man's Right, which the Kings of France formerly excepted in all their Letters, and which ought to be Naturally understood in all Acts, intending Sincerity, and published by Authority, wherein it is not expressed. And as the Favours done the Reformed are things which Create no Loss or Damage to others, there is no body that can, or aught in Justice to find fault with, or oppose'em.  
From these two good Qualities of the Edict thus joined together, 
The Edict ought to be Irrevocable.  arises a third of Perpetual and Irrevocable, which agrees with nothing more Naturally then with Laws and Treaties, the Justice and Benefit of which ought never to be disputed. 'Tis not my design to insist upon these two Words, in regard they are made use of in the Edict itself. I know very well, it would be a thing that would produce extraordinary Consequences, were it sufficient to give 'em the Name of such, to render Laws Eternal and Unalterable. Although that Vows and Oaths are the strongest Obligations with which a Man can burden his Conscience, yet there are some that carry in themselves a Character of Nullity, that breaks the Bond of their Assurance. Such are those by which a Man is obliged to things Unjust or Impossible. The Epithets of Rash and Inconsiderate will always cleave to 'em, but they cannot be thought Irrevocable, though it were so expressed in the Draught with all the Words that imported such a meaning. There are also Laws that carry in themselves the Marks of their being fit to be revoked; though he that made 'em obliges himself in never so express Words, never to revoke 'em. Such are those Laws that oblige to Injustice or Cruelty. Such are those Treaties also that oblige the Ratifiers to violate Humanity and Honesty. Such is the Edict by which Lewis XIV. revoked the Edict of Nantes; which is nothing in the Main but a Solemn Promise never to do Justice to a great Number of his Subjects. Let 'em call these Acts Irrevocable as long as they please, they cease not however to be liable to Revocation, because they are void in themselves; and for that the Maxim touching Oaths may be justly applied to 'em, that they ought not to be observed in things that are Dishonest and Ignominious. Nevertheless, 
Considerations upon the Word.  it is not to be imagined that these Terms are Illusory, like certain Clauses that are never inserted into Contracts, but merely for Formalities sake; but which neither add to their perfection nor their firmness. 'Tis not to be thought, that those words, the meaning of which is so well known, lose it as soon as they are put into an Edict; as if they only would infer, that the thing shall remain in force no longer than the good pleasure of the strongest side. This would be to break all the Bonds of Civil Society, and to ranverse all the Foundations of Honesty and Sincere Dealing, should Men go about to change the most express Words into Delusions, which are made use of to deceive those that take 'em according to their Natural Ideas. It must be confessed at least, that in Things which include nothing of Unjust, nothing Inhuman, nor Dishonest, whatever is promised as Irrevocable, ought unalterably to be observed. These Terms than are of great weight, and give a great force to those Laws wherein they are inserted; more especially when those Laws proceeded from the pure and sole freewill and Inclination of the Legislator, without being admonished, required or solicited to make 'em. It might be said, that when a Prince Promulgates a Law merely because it is his Pleasure so to do, the Benefit which he Grants his Subjects depending clearly upon himself, may be confined to his Pleasure, and endure no longer than he thinks it convenient. But when those Laws have been sought for, sued for, solicited, and obtained, after long and mature Considerations, after the Negotiations and Conferences of several Years; if they have been Proclaimed with the Title of Irrevocable, they ought to be such effectually, because 'tis certain they were Requested and Granted under that Qualification. Otherwise there would be nothing stable in the Concessions of Sovereigns, nothing assured in the Condition of Subjects. And in regard there are always several Families whose settlements are founded upon these Concessions, they would be always in fear of approaching Ruin, if they could not rely upon the Title of Irrecoverable which the Prince has stamped upon 'em. All this aught also to be still more evident, when the Concessions are just and profitable; when they make for the Welfare and Advantage of any one, without doing any Body an Injury: When they are likewise in some measure due and necessary; either, because they who have obtained 'em have deserved 'em; or for that without 'em they could not be assured either of their Repose, or of their Lives.  
But not to insist upon Words, I have some other Reflections 
And upon the things.  upon the things themselves. I say then, that the Nature of the thing requires that Edicts should be irrevocable, either when the matter which they contain is just in itself, or when they supply the place, and have the Force of a Sincere and Honest Treaty. Both the one and the other is to be met with in the Edict of Nantes. The matter which it ordains is a natural piece of Justice, as I can make out by Reflections different from those which I have already made. All that it contains may be reduced to two Heads; that is to say, Liberty of Conscience, and securing the Reformed in their Natural and Civil Rights. Liberty of Conscience is a Piece of Justice so evident, that in the very Bosom of the Roman 
Rights of Conscience.  Church itself, which looks upon it as a part of her Duty to persecute others, there are Doctors who do not hold it proper to make use of Extremities to constrain it. At least it is certain that it ought not to be forced because it cannot be compelled. Whatever Violence may be offered to Men, 'tis impossible to force 'em not to think what they think, or not to judge things Good or Evil, according as they are represented by their Understanding and Knowledge. The Conscience was made to depend upon God alone; to whom all the Motions and Inclinations of it have a kind of Resemblance in the Nature and Constitution of it: And is as it were a kind of substitute under the Eternal Justice to give an Account to God of the Heart of Man; but never gives it to any but God himself. So that at the same time, that you extort from a Man by Violence an outward Approbation of things which the Conscience condemns, it protests in secret against what the Lips are forced to utter; and even during the Torment itself, or in the rude Hands of Armed Soldiers, preserves the Liberty both of seeing and judging that a Man is compelled to Sin, when he is made to do that which his Conscience cannot approve. Now therefore, 'tis the highest Piece of Injustice to go about to bereave a Man of that which constraint itself and utmost violence cannot force from him; neither can such a Compulsion produce any other then one of these two Effects: Either he must be made Guilty of abominable Hypocrisy, by compelling him to declare a Veneration for what he abhors; or else he must be condemned to Tortures and Cruelties, of which there is to be no end, but with his vanquished Constancy or his Life. There are some things so Sacred in the Rights of Conscience, that God himself, to whom alone it is only subject, would never assume to violate; and therefore he so wisely manages the Operations and Victory, of his Grace, in the Conversion of Souls, that he never Offers Violence to that Liberty. Whence it follows, that Men who have no Jurisdiction over it, cannot go about to force it, but they must commit a most Apparent Act of Injustice. But 
The Force of Edicts that maintain Liberty.  there arises from hence a second consequence, that since it is so unjust a thing to compel the Conscience; 'tis but justice on the other side to allow it all the Privileges that belong to it. If then the Concessions grounded upon this Justice are to be Eternal and Unalterable, like that Justice which gives 'em their Authority, there can be never any Edicts that more deserve to be exempt from Revocation, than those that secure the Conscience that Liberty which Nature gives it, and which discharges it from all constraint.  
'Tis the very same thing with Edicts that are Granted 
And of these that are granted for the preservation of the Societies.  for the Preservation of Subjects, and which secure their persons, their Fortunes and their Rights. Certainly, never any people, when they first embody under certain Forms of Government, pretended either to give, or suffer others to assume an Authority to destroy 'em. Surely they never renounced that Independency wherein they are Born, every one singly in respect of others, but only because they found more safety in their Uniting for the common defence, or in the Protection 
The preservation of Subjects the chief Obligation of Sovereigns.  of the Stranger. Nothing can recompense 'em for that Subjection which takes from 'em one part of their Liberty, but their Assurance of preserving by that petty damage all the rest of their Privileges. 'Tis therefore the Natural Duty of Sovereigns to secure 'em alike to all to whom they belong; because they are advanced to Sovereign Power to be their Conservators, and for that the Preservation of their Subjects is the principal Obligation of their Crown. Their Authority is the Image of Providence that Governs only to preserve. There is nothing but our Rebellion, either as God's Creatures, that causes us to forfeit the preserving Aid of Providence; or as Subjects, that deprives 'em of their share of the Public protection. But as for Subjects Peaceable, Obedient, Faithful, and the most recommendable by their Merits and their Services, it cannot be imagined, why leave should be given to bereave 'em of the Privileges that preserve 'em; or that a Sovereign who is obliged by his Character to uphold 'em, could ever revoke Edicts that were so necessary for their Defence. Either they must take from those that live under the benefit of the Edicts, the Quality of Subjects, with which they were born, and of which they carry the Essential Mark in their Obedience; or else they ought to have left 'em as well as others, whatever appertains to 'em in the same Quality. But how can they take from 'em the Quality of Subjects? They are neither Foreigners nor Enemies. They are not Foreigners, because they were born in the same Air, as the rest were, as also under the same Authority, and under the same Laws. They are not Enemies, because they pay Homage and Allegiance. Being then Subjects, 'tis impossible that those Edicts which maintain 'em in the Privileges of their condition, should be thought liable to Revocation; unless they thought at the same time that a Prince might lawfully destroy a State that was Obedient to his Government; or that among Members of one and the same Dominion, one party should have leave to oppress the other, without any regard to Justice or Humanity.  
But if such Edicts are irrevocable, in respect of the Nature of the things themselves, they ought to be yet far more unalterable, by reason of the Treaty which they include. In general it may be said, that all the Edicts of Protection which a Sovereign Grants his Subjects are equivalent to Treaties; because they are no more than a Renewing the Original and Fundamental Treaty, upon which all Societies are established. Let 'em use all the shifts they can, 'tis never to be denied without a voluntary blindness, but that the Power of Sovereign's 
An Express or Tacit Treaty naturally between Sovereign and Subject.  Springs from an Express or tacit Treaty, by which their Subjects submit their Persons and Estates to their Dominion, upon condition of doing 'em Justice at home, and protecting 'em abroad. In Conquests also the weakest Treats with the strongest, upon conditions of Surrender; and they who yield to the Discretion of the Victor, make him only Master of the conditions of Preservation which they expect. So soon as the Articles are agreed on, on both sides, the Laws prescribed the Conquered are changed into a Treaty, by which the Conqueror is obliged to leave 'em either their Estates, their Lives, or their Liberty, upon Condition that they perform those Duties which necessity imposes upon 'em. Otherwise it is not to be conceived, that Men would submit themselves to be destroyed at the pleasure of the strongest, without reserving some Assurance of being able to preserve themselves by a profound Obedience. Servitude is contrary to Nature, and according to the sentiment of several Lawyers, 'tis not in the Power of a Man, to submit his Life, without any Condition, to the fancies and Capriccios of a Master. But I am desirous to consider it here, under a less Odious Character, as a Degree of extreme subjection; as the most strict engagement, to which a Man may be reduced, in respect of another. In this case, I say, that it includes something of Reciprocal, and the Slave does 
Also between Master and Slave.  not yield his Master the Power of Life and Death over him, but to make use of it in case of Revolt and Rebellion; but supposing Obedience and Fidelity, Slavery itself has those privileges, which the Master is tied to Observe. A Slave does not Sacrifice his Liberty, but for the preservation of his Life. So that he resumes the Rights of his Liberty, if his Master persecutes him, and assails his Life, while he perseveres in his Duty. Liberty is privileded. As it is one of the most Natural Blessings of Mankind, and the most inseparable from him, so he recovers and re establishes his Rights, so soon as he to whom they are submitted abuses 'em to the Destruction of those that are subjected to his Power. If there are Examples in the World of any contrary Usage, that ne'er proceeds from Right, which can never Authorise Tyranny; but from the Violence of the stronger Party, which through Terror stupifies and silences the Voice of Nature and Innocence. Besides, it is not to be found, but among People, where Barbarism has Usurped the place of Nature; and where Force never listens to the Maxims of Justice. According to this Principle then, wherever the Lessons of Justice and Nature are listened to, the Relations of Severesgnty and Subjection are grounded upon a Primitive Condition, which sets up all Authority on the one side, on purpose to be employed for Common preservation; and gives all Obedience on the other side, upon Condition of the Recompense of Protection. Which being a Treaty, either Tacit or Express, the Articles of which are varied in several manners, according to the different Constitutions of States, all Edicts, by which this Protection is promised, or which are necessary to give assurance of it, are only Renovations of that Fundamental Obligation, which is the Natural Duty of Sovereignty. These are therefore Treaties, because they are in Truth but Ratifications of the Former; and they are no more to be Revoked, than the Fundamental Condition of Supreme Power.  
But not to have recourse to general Considerations, I say 
The Force of Treaties.  particularly, that never any person questioned the stability of Treaties, where the most Essential Things have been observed, which have been concluded between Parties of sufficient Power, by persons of Capacity fully informed of their business, after mature Deliberation, without Fraud or Violence. 
The Edict of Nantes a Treaty.  If all this were to be found in the Edict of Nantes, it cannot be denied, but that it ought to be as irrevocable, as the most Solemn Treaty that ever was mentioned in Story. The Appellation of Treaty has been likewise given it by the most passionate Catholics, even by the Jesuits themselves, who of late years having laboured to annihilate it, acknowledged before it was Granted, That the Negotiation and the Treaty held on for several whole years together. In a Word History most evidently demonstrates it. There you shall Observe Parties having different Pretensions, who Depute, Confer, Contest, and agree. Four Years were spent in these Negotiations, if we begin from the Assembly of St. Foy, where the first Foundation of this Work was laid. Two Years at least were spun out; if we begin to reckon from the time that the King promised to send Commissioners, with Instructions and Plenary Power. Never Treaty between a King and a King, or between a State and a State, had more Marks, or more Circumstances to make it a real Treaty. 'Tis true, that when it was Published, they did not give it the Name of a Treaty, but of an Edict. However the Name did not change the Thing; and if the Title made any difference in the Outward Form of an Edict, or a Contract▪ nevertheless such an Edict, and such a Treaty vary nothing in substance. Treaties also that are made with Foreigners, sometimes assume the Form of an Edict, when they are Published in the Kingdom. Thus in the first Civil Wars, after a Treaty concluded at the Head of the Armies, there was an Edict Composed, which the Reformed reaped as the Harvest of the War. Besides, that the Form of the Edict, in such a 
The Form of the Edict renders it more Venerable.  Gaze, serves only to give it new strength, since it adds the Majesty of a Law to the firmness of a Decree. Whence I conclude, that an Edict where these two Characters concur, as in that of Nantes, is so much the more irrevocable, in regard that at the same time 'tis both a Law just, wisely Ordained, Venerable, and a sincere Treaty.  
But to make this matter yet more clearly out, I shall consisider this Treaty two ways: Either as made between the King and his Reformed Subjects, or between 
Two things relating to a Treaty in the Edict. 1. Between the King and the Reformed. 2. Between the Catholics and the Reformed.  the Reformed and the Catholics, under a kind of Comyromise, or mutual Reference to the King, who by Virtue of that Character is the Sovereign Judge, and Born Umpire of all diforms that arises between his Subjects. I say that these two Relations are no way contradictory, but may naturally be included in the same Act. The Edict than is at the same time a Treaty where both King and the Reformed oblige themselves to certain conditions; and where the Catholics and Reform are regulated and moderated, as to their Differences, by the King's Decisions, the only lawful Arbitrator of their Reciprocal Pretensions. The thing is of that Importance as Merits to be Examined upon these two Respects. Considering it then, as a Treaty between the King and the Reformed, I say that the King, when he came to the Crown, found 'em Armed, upon two Accounts. First they had been constantly 
The Reformed Treats with the King. 1. ●●r Recompense for their Services. 2. Touching their being secured against their Enemies  exposing their Lives and Estates for near twenty years together, to defend the King himself against those, who went about to Ravish from him his lawful Right. And moreover they were in Arms for their own Preservation, against people that had prosecuted 'em for near Thirty Years togethe, with all the Rigorous ways of Injustice and Cruelty. So that the Treaty which they made with him, was a Treaty touching Reward for their Services, and on the other side a Treaty of Precaution against their implacable Enemies, upon the assurance of which they might lay down their Arms. Whence it followed, that whatever is contained in the Edict is nothing else, but either Concessions to satisfy 'em upon their Demands, or securities Equivalent to those which they might have obtained by their Arms and their Courage. By that means they in some measure resigned their Arms into the King's Hands, who reciprocally took upon him to Defend and Protect 'em. So that they sincerely and faithfully commit themselves to the Care of his Protection, and he on the other side engages to preserve 'em by his Authority from the Artifices and Violences of those, who for so many years together had laboured their Destruction. He could not therefore depart from his promised Protection, without violating his Word and Faith, which is the Soul of all Societies, and the only Bond of their subsistence.  
Should it be Objected that 'tis not true, that they resigned their Arms into the King's Hands, since they held so many strong Places and well provided Garrisons; which in reality was to remain in Arms, when all the rest of France had laid down theirs; this a difficulty not hard to be unfolded. First, 
Places of Security.  the Reformed saw their Enemy's Masters of a great Number of strong Holds, where the King was no otherwise Obeyed then as it pleased those that Commanded 'em. Moreover, although the Royal Authority began to resume some Life and Vigour, yet it was but in a Tottering Condition. The King was rather Besieged, then served by the Catholics of his Court, and chiefly by a Great Number of those who had been Leaguers. His was at their Devotion, rather than they at his. Experience of what had passed was a fair warning to the Reformed, what Factious and Discontented Persons might cause the King to do, when his Person was in their Hands. They were afraid and that justly too, lest he might be nonstrained to Sacrifice their Lives to their Enemies, for Fear least their Enemies should make some Attempt upon his. Besides that the Custody of those Places was but a Depositum or Trust, which was to be Surrendered up so soon as the Term was expired: And if they intended that the Reformed should not require a longer time, 'twas the best Course the Catholics could take to live in brotherly Union with 'em, and to Observe the Edicts more Faithfully than they were wont to do. Which being well considered, shows that the keeping those Places, was but a Pledge, which the weaker Party took to assure themselves of the Fidelity of the others, and no way hindered the Treaty on the side of the Reformed from being Real and Sincere. For Pledges given for the Performance of a Contract between Private Men, no way lessen the Sincerity of the Treaty, nor weaken the Strength and Virtue of it.  
There is nothing to be said against all this; but only that 
King's may Treat with their Subjects.  it is not with Treaties between a King and his Subjects as with those that are made between private persons; as well because the Obligation of Kings towards their Subjects, depends only upon their good Will and Pleasure; as for that the Inequality between Subjects and Princes renders 'em incapable of making such Treaties whose Obligation may be equal on both sides. But neither the one nor the other of these two Assertions is True. These Maxims are only proper for those who desire to convert all Political Authority into Tyranny. But since it it the greatest Glory of Sovereigns to be 
Proofs.  the Image of God, 'tis ill done of Flattery to persuade 'em, that 'tis beneath 'em to deal with their Subjects, as God deals by all mankind. Now God is not so jealous of his Majesty, but that he condescends to Treat and Contract with Men, to engage himself to 'em, and bind them to him by Reciprocal Conditions. Nor does he ever allege the Pretence of his Grandeur, or of the Inferior subjection of his Creatures to elude the Force of those Treaties which he has made with 'em; and yet he has Privileges much wore absolute over Men, than Sovereigns over their Subjects; nor is there any Government in the World, how Arbitrary and Despotic scever, that can equal the Power of God over the Universe: Whither we consider his Infinite Perfections, or the being which he has given to the Grand Structure of Heaven and Earth. 'Tis not therefore to be imagined, that the Exaltation of a King above his Subjects should invalidate the Obligation of a Treaty, since the Superiority of God above his Creatures does not do it. For which Reason it is, that the Clergy make no Question but that such Contracts may be made between the one and the other. And to say nothing now of such as are entered into, between Princes rnd i Clergy every day, whereby they draw from 'em certain Concessions, upon condition of certain Assistances, which they might have required from him without a Treaty, like their other Subjects; I say, not to mention these daily Contracts, the Clergy have changed into Treaties the Concessions which they have obtained at several times, through the easiness of the Princes. The Lawyers who have Written in Defence of their Interests, have made this Observation in Favour of 'em, not questioning but that their Privileges became more certain and lasting, and by consequence that Princes and Subjects might lawfully and effectually Treat together. Whence it came to pass, that to renew the Reciprocal Obligations of these Treaties, the Kings at their Coronation Swear to maintain the Clergy in their Privileges; and that every one of those who enjoy Benefices by the King's Nomination, Swear Fealty to him, before they take Possession, The Kings of France also make no doubt of the validity of these Treaties, which appeared from the Politics of Lewis XIII. of which in due place, during the Wars about Religion, which lasted about ten years under his Reign, he always avoided the Name of a Treaty, as well in the Articles of Cities that surreudered to him, as in his Edicts, with which he amused the Credulity of the people, because he would be Master of the Advantages which he Granted the Reformed, to the end, said he, That all the Liberties which he left 'em to enjoy, should depend merely upon his Pleasure and his Word. From whence 'twas evident, that when he consented to any thing by a Treaty, he thought himself no longer Master of it: Consequently, that he was convinced that Treaties between Kings and their Subjects are as binding, as those between other Men, and their Equals; and that when there are any such Treaties between 'em, the Prince has no more Right to Violate 'em, than the Subjects themselves.  
Which is grounded upon this, that although the juequality be very great between the Sovereign and the Subject; yet there remains a certain Equality, which the difference between Empire and Subjection cannot destroy: That is to say, an equal Obligation to be Just, Equitable and Sincere; without which 'tis impossible that they should mutually render to each other what is mutually their due. Now this equality is sufficient for Treaties, in regard that upon these Foundation it is, that all their Efficacy is established. If it be pretended, that at least generally and according to Order, Subjects are to Treat by way of Petition and Remonstrance, and w it for the Determination of their Prince, without Negotiation, and demanding it by Treaties; I will suppose this to be generally True, and in Affairs that follow the Regular Course of Government.  
But there are doubtless some Cases, that admit of another 
The Reformed were in a Condi●…  way of proceeding, wherein the Subjects may demand a Treaty, and look upon whatever they gain by it, as obtained by a Treaty. This is evident in Civil Wars, where Rebels themselves, whose taking Arms is Unjust, do not always surrender at Discretion, but return to their Obedience upon Conditions agreed on with their Prince. Now it would be a most Palpable Absurdity, that Rebellion should give Subjects a Liberty to treat with their Sovereigns, and that never any thing should be able to render Authentic the Treaties of Faithful Subjects. This would be an Invitation of the Subjects to revolt, every time they would be assured of their Privileges, to pretend they could never obtain a Confirmation of 'em by Treaties, unless they were Rebels. If ever then there were any Occasions upon which Subjects might be allowed to Treat with their Princes, the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantet was grounded most certainly, was one.  
First, one Part of the Kingdom had declared against the 
Six considerations that demonstrate it.  other, and had persecuted it by all the Ways that a most mortal and inveterate Hatred could Devise: And this Persecution had lasted till the Time of the Edict for above Fifty years. They were not content with Vexations and Cavils to perplex and Harass the Oppressed Party; but they were come to the last Extremities; nothing would serve 'em but Extermination; and they had shed the Blood of the pretended Heretics in all parts, by all manner of Butcheries.  
Secondly, These Violences had Obliged the Persecuted to Unite together, in Defence of their Li●es, and to Repel by Force of Arms the Fury of their Enemies: Which being grounded upon the Law of Nature itself, cannot be looked upon as unlawful but by those, who believe that Innocent people forfeit their Innocency, when they will not suffer their Throats to be Cut, without defending themselves.  
3. By this means, there were two Parties formed; of which the one was the Aggressor, the other stood upon the Defensive Part; and which having Interests as different as Destruction and Preservation; and Forces that were not so unequal that the one could exterminate the other without exposing themselves to half the Danger, either the Kingdom would have been laid desolate by continual War; or both Parties must Treat together for the common Tranquillity.  
4. The King's had taken sides in these Quarrels; not only because it was in their Name, that so many poor people were Condemned to terrible Torments; but because they were the persons themselves, who had raised Armies to destroy 'em; who had broken Treaties; revoked Edicts of Peace; and who had Ordered and put in execution several Massacres.  
5. Henry III went farther than all this: He had Sworn to destroy all the Reformed, Root and Branch, and never to be at Peace with 'em. He had declared himself Head of the League, which was made under a Solemn pretence to exterminate 'em as a Wise Man observed of the King, That he was become Head of a Party, and of a Common Father, an Enemy of one Part of his Subjects. And then it was, that those Persecuted Subjects who could not have pretended to any such Right before, were Authorised to Form a Party that might lawfully Defend 'em, since their Prince had declared a merciless War against 'em, and had Devoted 'em as Victims to the Fury of their Ancient Enemies. Their Arms could then no longer be looked upon as taken up against the King's Authority, but against the Violence of a Destroyer: Against an Enemy, in whom they could no longer confide; since he had Sworn never to observe any Treaties of Peace, that ever he made with 'em, but till he found a fit Opportunity to break 'em.  
6. The Change which happened by the Death of the Guises, and afterwards by that of the King, had not Cancelled that Distinction of Parties, seeing that the Catholics who were United before, to make War upon the Reformed, being then divided into two, the Reformed were actually in War with those who followed the Duke of Main, and with the other lived in a kind of secret Enmity, concealed under the Name of a Truce. On the one side, the War still continued; on the other it was still suspended. At that time there was a Right which rendered 'em capable of Treating one with another, to terminate their Divisions by a Peace. Hen. IU. also having relinquished the Catholics, and set himself at the Head of the Catholics, whose Religion he had embraced, the Reformed were under the same condition, as they were under his Predecessor; that is to say, in the Condition of Enemies to the rest of his Subjects, whose security depended upon the Sincerity of a Truce.  
He was willing 'tis true, to have reassumed the Title of Common Father; but that could not be done, but by quite surceasing the Causes of the Animosity; or by resettling Concord by a Treaty, which might procure Confidence and Assurance. I say this moreover. The Reformed were if possible, more capable of Treating in his Reign, then under the Reign of Hen. III.  
1. Because he had given 'em Authority to embody, had exhorted 'em to Unite together in their own Defence, permitted 'em to Erect Councils and Assemblies, which he had, as it were Legitimated by his Letters Patents, supposing they had not been Legitimate without it. He had been the first Author of their Union, when he put himself at their Head, to defend 'em against Hen. III. and by consequence, as much as their Union was just under the Reign of that Prince, as just it was under the following Reign, when they had the same Differences to dispute with Hen. IV. as they had with his Predecessor.  
2. He had acknowledged those Assemblies capable of Treating with him, by sending his Commissioners to Treat with 'em according to their Commissions and Instructions; and by permitting the Proposals on both sides to be Debated, Argued, Explained, Decreed, as is usual in all Treaties.  
Now the King could not enter into a Treaty but in these 
Respects upon which the King Treats.  two Respects: The one, as Chief of the Catholics, upon which he very much Valued himself, and whose consent he had, as will presently appear, to conclude a Peace that should for ever extinguish all Animosities and Discords: The other as King, to whom the Kingdom belonged, and to whom it belonged to preserve in Union all the Members of which it was composed. In the First Respect, that which was Negotiated between his Commissioners and the Deputies of the Reformed, can never be taken for any other, than a means to reconcile the Opposite Pretensions of the Reformed and Catholics, and to regulate the separate Conditions under which they were to live: Forming out of these Agreements a New right, which was to serve as the perpetual Law of their Union in Civil Society; so that the contrary Interests of both Parties, being managed in such a manner in this Negotiation, that there was nothing on the one side which msght turn to any remarkable Prejudice of the other, but which made a Compensation, within a little Matter equal for their Advantages and inconveniences, it cannot be denied, but that whatever is comprehended in a Treaty is comprehended in this, as in all the Acts that have born the Name of it. Now it is so evident, by what I have said of the Condition wherein the King found the Kingdom after the Death of Hen. III. that he Treated with the Reformed, as Head of the Catholic Party, both as he was Successor to a Prince, who had Solemnly taken upon him that Quality, as for that he had also put himself at the Head of that Party, by his reconbiliation with the Church of Rome, that I need not make any longer stay upon it.  
I pass then to the second Consideration; and I say, that he Treated in the the Quality of a King, in whose Power it was, to give his Subjects all the Assurances of the Protection which he owed 'em, and whatsoever else is called by the Name of Favour, Liberties or Privileges. Now certain it is, that the Quality of King includes within it that of Common Father, who when Quarrels arise among his Subjects, keeps the Balance equal between 'em, and by his Paternal Justice, limits and Bounds the Erterprises of the one upon the other. Which being done with a true knowledge of the Cause, becomes the Decision of an Arbitrator, whose decision is the Warrant of what he has judged Convenient. This is that which made me say before, that the Edict ought to be considered as a Treaty between the Catholics and the Reformed, under the Authority of the King, as their their Natural Arbitrator, whose Majesty stood bound to Warrant the Edict, against all Breaches that might be made on either side. This very Warranty was clearly expressed by the Clauses of the Edict, which imported that the Violations of it should be Prosecuted in the King's Name, by his Proctor's General. In regard it is Natural, that Treaties being Warranted by a Power which is supposed to be sufficient to enforce Observance, the people always apply themselves, in case of Breaches, to those that Warrant 'em, and require their Protector to reduce the Violators to more exactness of performance.  
I say then, that the Catholics, and the Reformed are the Parties between which the King, as their lawful Sovereign, 
The King his Subject's Arbitrator.  their Arbitrator born, procures and Warrants the Peace by his Edict; well understanding the Cause, upon a due examination of the Pretences and Replies, and having obtained the consent of the Parties interested as far as is necessary. It appeared, that the Catholics and Reformed were parties in this Treaty, because they were the persons that reaped the benefit of it; that is to say, the Concord and Peace which it procured 'em; and for that the Differences and Contests between 'em surceased, so soon as the Edict came to be put in Execution. It appears, that the King determined 'em, because 'tis he that speaks in the Edict, and from whom all the Decisions flow, in reference to the matters in Dispute. It appears, that what he did, was done with a true knowledge of the Cause: Since he was informed of the Demands of the Protestants by their Papers, their Requests, and their Deputations; and of the Pretensions of the Catholics, by their Contradictions and their Oppositions. Lastly, it appears, that there were sufficient Marks of consent on both sides, by several Reasons which are easily drawn from History.  
The Consent of the Reformed is express and plain from their long endeavours and pursuits to obtain those things which were Granted 'em by the King's Commissioners; and the Consent of the Catholics was Apparent, by what I am going to relate, after I have first observed that their Oppositions no way destroy their consent. By the usual Method of Proceeding, 'tis certain, that the Disputes and Contests before an Arbitrator are no Obstruction to hinder those that raise 'em from submitting to the Award of the Arbitrator: Those Contests only serving to clear the Matters, and to instruct the Person who takes Cognizance of the Difference. In like manner the Oppositions of the Catholics were no more than a Contest in Form of Law touching such Matters, of which the King was to be Judge, which however did not hinder 'em from consenting to stand by the King's Decisions. I say then, that there are several Marks of the Catholic's consent to the Edict which the King was about to Grant the Reformed. First, the Truce between the two Kings is a good Proof, that the Catholics that followed the King's party were no way averse to Peace. There is no great Distance between the one and the other. They that can make a Truce with their Enemies, so as to live tegether in the same place, and join their Arms for the common Interest, are in a fair way to be Friends. They that consent to a Truce, which is but a Provisional peace, show plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace. Which is more especially true in this Case, where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim, in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made. In the second place, the Act passed between the Catholics of the Army and Court, and Hen. IU. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more than the preservation of the Catholic Religion, without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed; and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine, without forcing the Rest of his Subjects; this Act I say, is a proof of the same thing. Of the same Nature also, in the third place, is the Writing Signed by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Nantes, before the Conference of Surene, wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed, but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers. All this together makes up a kind of Compromise, or mutual Consent, by which it is evident, that the Catholics of the King's party agreed, that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion.  
But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent, are yet more clear and more Authentic. There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them, where there is not one Article for the Religion. But never did that Article demand more than two things; that is to say, the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places, and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits. The clear meaning of which is this, that upon those two Conditions, they who Treat consent, that the King should tolerate the Reformed. 'Tis a Law notoriously known, and a General practise, that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended, and that the Exception of a particular. Clause, is a ratification of the General Decree. We see then here the Catholics, even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous than any Others, closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed; and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves, leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient. And after the passing of all these Acts it is, that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest, and that having called together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes, as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies, as by the Decisions which he pronounced in favour of the one and the other, in things wherein they could not agree among themselves, he Formed between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contained in the Articles of his Edict. And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy 
Maxim of the Clergy in the Question about the Regale.  of France, which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale. After the Parliament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century, the Clergy set all Engines at work, to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges, who held several Ecclesiastical Privileges for Usurpations. And they obtained so far, that the King summoned the Cause before himself; and after his Council had left it undetermined for above Sixty years, at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago, and the King adjudged the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom. The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to persuade the other to submission is this; the Parliament was not a competent Judge of that Affair. They only judge of Causes between Man and Man, not of those that altogether concern either one of the States, or the first Estate of the Kingdom. The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions. He has taken the business into his own. Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded. They had a Right to dispute the matter till then: But now the thing is at an End. The Sovereign Arbitrator has pronounced Sentence; the Oracle has spoke; and there is no more to be said.  
Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict, there was no competent Judge but the King. 'Twas not the Business of one of the Estates, but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion. The King was possessed of the Business, by the Petitions of the One, and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other. The thing was delayed and spun out in his Hands for several years; during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discussed to give a true understanding of the Cause. At length he pronounced Sentence; he made a Law; he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescribed 'em. And thus there was a Final End of this Business; nothing more to be said or done in it. The consequence is so much the more necessary, in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict, there is a difference advantageous to the Latter, not to speak of others that may be observed there. The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King, as Sovereign Arbitrator, has judged in his own cause: But in the Edict, the King Judges under the same Character, without suspicion of partiality in the cause of his Subjects; where he has no personal part, where he interests himself no otherwise, then as a common Arbitrator, and Father of his Country.  
Now in an Affair of this Importance, the Decision of which 
The King Warranted his own Edict.  United all the disordering Members of the State, and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions, 'tis evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-established among his Subjects, as being the person whose Authority had cemented it together. 'Tis the Privilege of Supreme Authority to Warrant, and put a Value upon things where it intervenes. 'Tis because the Virtue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it, that the King's Name and Seal are affixed to 'em; that he Judges Parties by their consent; that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects, he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises, and which are drawn up in his Name, in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice. If then in those Acts, where the King is not presumed to Judge, but because his Name appears there, his Quality of Sovereign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects, obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable, how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty, which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War; and wherein the King himself pronounced the Articles with his own Lips. This Treaty ought to be inviolable to the Parties, whom it behoves to be content, after the Oracle has once spoke: Nay, inviolable to the King himself, since he is naturally as well the security for his Subject's Observation of their mutual Contracts, as the Supreme Arbitrator of their Differences. Now it is not readily to be imagined that a Prince should be Legally the first Violator of Treaties who is entrusted with the Warranty for their Observation, and though Treaties grounded upon Principles of Honour and Fidelity can never be violated without Infamy, 'twould be less Igniminious for him to make a Breach, that were only concerned as a simple Party in the Treaty, then for him that stands security for the Public and Common Faith, and who is obliged by that Characted, to cause others to observe the Treaty. It follows then, that the King being on the one side, as Head of the Catholics, a Party with the Reformed in the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantes was Granted, and on the other, being security for the Observation of it between the Catholics and Reform, by his Quality of King and Common Father, 'tis impossible, that either as Party or Security, he should ever Ordain, or permit the Revocation of the Edict, as being the Structure of his Paternal Love, his Prudence, his Justice, and his Royal Authority.  
If it be Objected, that this indeed might properly concern Hen. IU. the Author of the Edict; but that the Case is not the same with the King's Successors, who have met with many Alterations in the Kingdom; and for whom it was lawful to to take New measures, according to the altered condition of Affairs; I answer that this Objection will be more proper for another place, where I shall have some Reflections to make upon the Revocation of the Edict. I shall only say by the way, that when Successors ratify what has been done by their Predecessors, they engage themselves in all their Obligations; 
Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors.  and that they ought to imagine any Alterations of things, when the same Reasons of Justice and Humanity still continue; when the Benefit is the same; when the Parties Interested are still in Being, nor become unworthy of the same Grants and Privileges. Here the Children supply the Room of their Parents; and this is the Reason, that certain Immunities remain perpetual in Families. Because 'tis presupposed, that he who has obtained 'em never dies, so long as he leaves behind him a Posterity that renews his Life. Now it is so easy to apply these Verities to the Edict, that it would be needless to enlarge my Digression that must be other where Repeated.  
I come then to the last Thing which I proposed, and which I shall conclude in a few Words. It relates to the Objections that are made against the Edict, which are almost all grounded upon one Principle, which is derived from hence that it is an imperfect Treaty, to which the principal Catholics never were called; that the Edict was drawn up without hearing the Parliaments; without giving Opportunity to the Clergy to represent, or defend their own Interests; and without having the Pope's Approbation, or at least his Consent, which is necessary to Legitimate the Consent of the Catholics, in things that concern their Religion. But this Objection is the most infirm, and the fallest of all the Rest; the most infirm, because, that though it were True, 'twould stand the Raiser's of it in no stead; the falsest, in regard there was an Assembly of all the Parties, as Public and as formal as could have been desired. I say that though this Objection were true, it would be of little or no Use, because it would have been only a Defect of Formality, which in things of that importance, which the Edict Treats of, ought not to be taken into Constderation to the Prejudice of the things themselves, when they are both Just and Necessary. In Civil Affairs, between Man and Man, such a Default might bereave the Person that falls into it of certain Advantages which might have accrued to him, had he been more exact in his proceedings; but it does not deprive him of his Rights. Where the Lives of Men lie at Stake, 'twould be yet more strange, that an Unfortunate Person should be enforced to lose his Life for the bare Omission of a Formality: And Nature would murmur to see any one Perish, whose Innocence should in all things else appear well proved, had not his Condemnation been grounded only upon a Mistake of that sort. How much more strange would it be, that in an Affair which concerned the Lives and Welfare of so many Thousands of Stout and Faithful Subjects, and constant in the Service of their Prince, and who have no other Crime, which their Enemies can Tax 'em with, but that they bear a Conscience too delicate to submit to the Authority of another; how much more strange I say, would it be, that in such an affair, Men should not think themselves obliged to observe their Promises to these poor people, under pretence that they had not Summoned their Adversary's, in Form, to appear in Court, for the Regulation of the Differences between 'em? But though there were nothing more in it, the thing was Public. 'Twas impossible that either the Clergy or the Parliaments should be Ignorant, that there was a Treaty on foot with the Reformed. They saw their Assemblies, their Deputations, their Writings; the going and coming of the King's Commissioners. 'Twas the Discourse of all the Kingdom; and it was Transacted in the Sight of all Europe. In an affair that made so loud a Noise, 'twas the Fault of those that were concerned therein, if they neglected being present at the places of Debate; so that if they were not there, it must be attributed either to an affected Carelessness, or a sly and overreaching pretended Ignorance.  
But in the Second Place, this Objection is False: The Parties 
That the Parliaments had a share in Edict. That it was necessary not to give 'em the least occasion of Complaint.  that were to be Summoned were present, not after the business was concluded, and the thing past all Recovery, but before the Edict was verified; that is to say, by consequence, before the Edict was ratified and passed in a determined matter. This is so true, that upon their Interposing, many things were altered which had been agreed upon at Nantes. I shall not here so much as take Notice, that one of the King's Commissioners was a Member of that Parliament: But give me leave to say, that the Interposition of this Senate is sufficiently known by the several Deputations they made to the King, after the Edict had been sent him to be Registreed. They heard his Remonstrances; they considered his Objections; they suffered him to speak more than once, before they made a positive Order for Registering the Edict; they Granted him some of his Demands, and for other matters they gave him their Reasons. Insomuch, that the Command which succeeded that, can pass for no other than a sort of a Contradictory Decree, after both Parties had been heard, and their Pretensions and Defences duly weighed.  
The Clergy also were present there, and they made their 
The Clergy.  Remonstrances and Objections, as the Parliament had done with some Solemnity, and Deliberation. They met a little after the Conclusion of the Edict, the Legate being still in France. They Addressed themselves to the King by their Deputies, and presented him with Cases and Petitions; but he did nothing without Consulting the Legate, and after his Departure without the advice of the Nuncio. The General Agents went farther likewise in their Oppositions then this Prelate, and behaved themselves with so little Respect, that they were even Guilty of Undecent Language Their Remonstrances however, had partly their desired Effect. They obtained Immunities and Favours for the Clergy; and caused some of the Articles of the Edict to be Altered. Insomuch, that afterwards no Man, with any Confidence, could say he was not heard. If the King did not Consent to every thing the Clergy desired, and made 'em quit some part of their Pretensions: yet it cannot be denied, but that he heard 'em, and Judged of the Dispute, with a perfect knowledge of the Cause. The Murmurs of the Clergy, after the matter was ended, would not allow them to Complain, that they were not heard, no more than a Man has Reason to say after Sentence has passed against him, that the Judges did not perfectly know his Case. To which we may add, That the Clergy reaped greater Benefit by the Edict in many things, than the Reformed themselves. So that, though they had been totally excluded from having any Negotiation in the Edict, yet they could have had no reason to complain, that Affairs were not managed to their Advantage, without giving 'em the trouble of attending 'em.  
In short, The Pope himself had given his Consent as far as 
The Pope himself.  could be desired of him. He was made sensible from the time that the Treaty of a Reconciliation between the King and him was on foot; and that the King would not be obliged to Destroy the Reformed. In the very Articles to which his Council agreed, they made use of General Clauses, that employed a Consent to the Edict which was to be made for Liberty of Conscience. At least those Proctors did positively assure His Majesty, that it was clearly the sense of those ambiguous Terms with which they must be satisfied, because the Pope neither could nor ought to suffer others; which is as much as to say, That the Church of Rome esteeming it a point of Duty and Honour, to Massacre, Burn, and by all manner of means to Extirpate those whom they call Heretics, the Pope could not think it looked well for him to Consent in express Terms, that he should suffer 'em to live in Peace, and that of course he was obliged to express himself in obscure Significations. The Testimony of the King to the Parliament that the Pope had approved of all he had done, is a Demonstration in this case, and what happened some time after the verification of the Edict confirms the same. The Pope vigorously pressed the Publication of the Council of Trent, and to obtain it, insisted upon the promise which was made him upon his demand in the King's Name, before he gave him Absolution. Among other things, the Chancellor answered to these Instances, That this Article could oblige the King no farther than the welfare of the Kingdom would allow of. This Answer being carried to the Pope, by such as had a mind to Exasperate him against France, was expounded in such a manner that it gave him no small displeasure. But d'Ossat, who was desirous to remove all occasions of disquiet from him, told him, That the Chancellor intended no more by these words than what du Perron and he had said to His Holiness himself, when they Treated with him about the Absolution of the King, to wit, That by the Publication of the Council the Edicts of Pacification should not be Abrogated; That the Heretics should not be compelled to observe 'em; And that the King should not be obliged to renew a War with 'em; That for the same reason du Perron and he had refused to pass the Clause which was designed to have been Inserted in the Formulary of the Profession of Faith, to wit, That he who did it, should be engaged to cause it to be done to all his Subjects. The Pope replied, That he well enough remembered, that what was meant by the welfare of the Kingdom was so Explained to him; and if this Chancellor meant so, there was no great hurt in it. These words do sufficiently evince that he agreed to observe the Edicts, and that he gave many marks of it as his Dignity could conveniently permit.  
We may add to this what I have said elsewhere, which shows, That he was well enough acquainted with the whole proceedings of the Edict; That he had at that time a Legate in France; That his Legate was informed of all that passed there; That there were people who gave him occasion to suspect the Conduct of the King's Commissioners; That the Precedent de Thou was obliged to give him an Account of his own particular Conduct; That this Prelate having understood it, seemed well enough pleased with him, and with the proceedings, and left the management to the discretion of the Commissioners. I said also, That the presence of the Legate was the cause of delaying the verification of the Edict. He made likewise such pressing demands, that they durst not refuse him, though we could have wished, without this obstruction, that the Publication had been made, whilst those of the League were stunned, as it were, by the King's Successes, lest Time should force 'em to take measures to cross this design. When the Legate left France, a Nuncio supplied his Room, without whom the Clergy would not proceed one step; and who was also much more moderate than the General Agents, and some Prelates of the Kingdom; in regard that, without any scruple, he promised the Pope's support, provided they took care of the Catholic Religion. So that, if after that, the Pope showed some Signs of dissatisfaction, it was only, as I have observed, by way of Comedy, which the Politicians know well enough how to play when they have any prospect of saving themselves. 'Twas necessary, as he himself said, complaining of the Edict, to stop the mouths of the Spaniards, who having some concerns with him, sought all occasions of blaming his Conduct. This was the reason, why after the first clash, he never desired the Repeal of the Edict; and all he did was to press the Publication of the Council, and the Re-establishment of the Jesuits, in recompense of those favours which the Heretics had received. These were as great marks of his Consent as could well have been desired, in an Affair where his Religion and Dignity would not suffer him to write Briefs and Bulls of Approbation.  
This is sufficient in a business whose Nature chiefly requires that it should be managed with Justice, to show that nothing was wanting which was Necessary to Authorise the Decision of it. A Treaty maturely deliberated where the Sovereign himself is a Party; Parties that agree in many things by the Negotiation, and between whom a Sovereign, Born their Arbitrator, decides those Matters which were still in dispute; A Reformation of several Articles upon the Oppositions of Parties Intervening, A General Compliance on one side, divers marks of Consent on the other; All this makes a certain degree of Surety which ought to render these Decisions Eternal and Unalterable, by how much the more it was impossible to revoke 'em without a downright Abuse of Justice itself, and the same Duty which caused 'em to be made. But 'tis now time to return to the Series of the History.  
All necessary Preparations were made throughout the whole 
A Return to the History.  Kingdom for the Execution of the Edict; and the Commissioners, who were appointed to procure it, began to set it afoot this year, and made many Decrees upon the Contests that arose. But before they could almost make one step in their Business, we began to be sensible of the principal Advantage of the Edict, namely, A Universal Tranquillity, the sweetness of which gave us good hopes of the rest. However there happened one thing very Remarkable, which made the Catholics Triumph, as if they had procured an utter Extirpation of the Reformed Religion, though in effect they had gained no-nothing but the Honour of knowing how to lay a Snare better than the Wisest of the Reformed knew how to escape it. The Book of Du Plessis concerning the Eucharist, of which I have already spoken, was the occasion of this matter.  
I have observed already, that the Catholics made a great noise about it. I know not how many Writers endeavoured to refute it. Fronton du Due, a Famous Jesuit, undertook it, after Dafis sent away such as proposed to him the burning of the Book, and bid 'em rather to write a formal Answer to it. But there were many Authors of less Note, who engaged themselves in this Dispute, and who pestered the Public with whole Loads of little foolish Pamphlets, which were rather Invectives against the Author, than Answers to his Work. The Doctors of the Faculty at Paris Condemned it by Public Censure. Several particular Persons published Inventories of falsified Passages, Catalogues of Omissions of necessary Words, and many other little Trifles of the same Nature. The Reason of this great Fermentation amongst 'em, besides the Importance of the Matter, the Merit of the Author, the slender respect he had observed in his Book for the Mysteries of the Romish Religion, and the manner of bringing it to light, was also his Method of handling the Subject. Du Plessis did not confine himself, as others till then had done, within the bounds of Scripture; he Sallied forth out into the vast Field of Tradition, and had Quoted in his Book above Four Thousand passages of the Schoolmen, or of those who were called Fathers. This was (as it were) a bringing the War into the very Bowels of the Church of Rome; Attacking her in her strongest Entrenchments, and violently wresting her very last Weapons out or her hands. There had been nothing left for her Defence, if after having taken away the Scripture from her, which the Reformed accused her for having in a manner forsaken, she should suffer the Fathers to be ravished from her too, and the Fountains of Tradition, wherein she places her last Refuge. But all the noise both of the Preachers and Writers served only to make the Book sell, and to advance the Glory of its Author. They Attacked it so weakly, that, most certainly, it had been better for the Romish Church to have let it alone. th'th' mean while the Refutations promised from Rome came not at all; and the Pope was vexed at the heart to see himself Treated in so sharp a manner, and that too-by a Person so considerable and great as Du plssis. It caused the Pope to suspect the Sincerity of the King's Conversion, and that he was not hearty in the Profession of the Catholic Religion. There was then at Rome a certain Germane, who boasted that he had learned this secret from a Protestant of A●sbourg, who said, That Bon●ars, the King's Envoy to the Protestants in Germany, assured 'em he had not changed his Religion in his heart: And D'Ossat, who thought it convenient for the King's Reputation to stop the course of such Reports, would fain have searched to the bottom, to see if he could find out from whence these Rumours arose. Wherefore toward the latter end of this year, he acquinted the King with what he had Learned of their Original; for these Rumours were not new; and since the King's Conversion they were daily revived; Insomuch that the Pope had opportunity enough to make his best advantage of it; whether this Germans Discourse came to his Ears long before the Cardinal writ to him of it, or whether he had received any Intelligence of it from the Spies which he has in every Princes Court. The King was concerned in Interest that these Reports should not make any Impression on the Minds of the Catholics, 
The King willing to satisfy the Pope, and to mortify du Plessis.  however they were advantageous to him, serving to gain him Credit with the Protestanis, whose Alliance his Politics obliged him to preserve at any Rate whatsoever. But as the good will of Rome was necessary for him in his present Affairs, so he was desirous to satisfy the Pope, and to mortify du Plessis and the Reformed by some Signal Action, which might make Rome believe that they had lost his favour. Du Plessis' look furnished him with a colourable Pretence; And he offered such an Indignity to this Gentleman by little Artisices, beneath the Grandeur of a King, that one may safely say, That that Action was none of the best of all his Life. Observe now how the matter went. Almost all those who wrote against du Plessis, how different otherwise soever they were in the Style and Method of their Writings, yet agreed in this, To charge him with false Quotations: And as such Accusations are hard to be Explained, to those who are not capable of throughly Examining Matters and Authors, they were made use of as the only proper Argument to seduce those whom they would pervert to their Religion. Thus people are apt to be misled in such Affairs as are beyond the reach of their Capacity; Difficulties are raised, of which they are not competent Judges, and they are told sometimes that 'tis impossible to solve 'em, because they are not capable enough to do it themselves. This Cheat has been used in France among the Controvertists all along from first to last. As often as any Book of worth has come forth, the Missionaries to be sure have found out a Trick to accuse the Author of some fault or other, with which they have broke the People's Brains; as if every thing that they were not able to understand or refute was a sign of the falsity of his Religion: And the Credulous and Wavering people many times mistake those Reproaches, which if they were allowable, would only affect the Reputation of the Author, for Reason's prejudicial to his Doctrine. Yet these Deceits and Frauds served chiefly to lay those flat who were already staggering, and who were only seeking for a plausible pretence to Change. Of this Number at that time, was St. Marie du Mont, a Gentleman, who was resolved to part with his Religion, and only delayed the Formalities of Renunciation, till du Plessis had been ill treated at Fontainblean, suffered himself to be persuaded by du Perron, and others, that du Plessis had falsely quoted, a great many passages; and being with him in Paris at the Princess of Orange's, he justified to his face that he had found many passages of this Nature in his Book. This Gentleman was one of those, whose Learning, being very mean and shallow, gives them however a great share of Confidence; 
The Scandal of false Quotations reflects hard upon the Honour of du Plessis. The Challenge that he makes to his Accusers accepted by Perron.  and being fully resolved, as I said, to turn Catholic, he was willing to think all those reasons very good with which they had inspired him. But du Plessis, who had stood firm as a Rock against all the Storms which his Book had raised against him, could not support the Calumny of being thought a Falsifier, and therefore reckoned his Honour was concerned to make good the Sincerity of his Quotations. So toward the end of March he published a Writing, wherein he invites his Accusers to join with him in presenting a Petition to His Majesty to appoint Commissioners, before whom he might justify the passages from Line to Line. Some few days after du Perron received one of these Writings, and Answered it in accepting the Challenge, and Offering to show Five hundred enormous falsities in du Plessis' Book, in downright Number and without Hyperbole; and at the same time Writ to the King to desire the Conference. Du Plessis would not let this Bravado pass without a Reply: But for Fear this multiplicity of Writing to and fro should break off the design of the Conference, Villeroy hindered the Bishop from Answering this. In the mean time du Plessis Writ to the King, and caused the Marshal de Bovillon to present his Petition to him. The King being desirous 
Conference Granted.  of this Conference, readily complied with it; and at the very beginning of April, gave Order to the Chancellor to endeavour to procure it.  
But at first great Difficulties arose about it, which held the thing long in suspense. The Nuncio opposed it, for as they 
Difficulties in the thing and about the place raised by the Clergy.  were to appoint Commissioners in a matter of Religion, he alleged it was a Prerogative of the Ecclesiastical Authority, which the King would violate, if he took upon him the Nomination of them; besides he thought it might give occasion for people to suspect, that the King had still some doubts about the Truth of the Romish Doctrine. The Archbishop of Bourges likewise Remonstrated the consequences of it to the King. Benoit, Nominated for the Bishopric of Troy's, but to whom the Pope would never Grant his Bulls, because he was too good a French man, and too little respectful to Rome, represented in like manner his scruples about the same thing. Cardinal de Gondi, Bishop of Paris, was strangely surprised to hear say, that this Conference was like to be held in his Diocese. Others likewise made their trivial Objections: But the King satisfied 'em all; assuring 'em, that matters of Doctrine should not be touched upon; that the Commissioners should not be Judges of any thing relating to Religion; that they should only be merely Spectators, Witnesses, and Vouchees of the verity of the Acts; that they should only give their Opinions of the Sense of the Words, not meddling any farther than in this particular relating to du Plessis, to know whether his Quotations were False or not. And he promised besides, that such care should be taken, that the Romish Religion should lose nothing by it. On the other hand, there were several Persons, who advised du Plessis not to carry on the thing too far; telling him, that they had left him 
Others of du Plessis' Friends and ●….  passages enough, the Truth of which was unquestionable, to save his Honour, though he should concede the others to them. But he could by no means endure the Word False; and he was so well assured of his own exactness, that he did not believe, that all the Bishop's Craft could do him any Injury. He relied chiefly on the King's Justice; and though he believed him not a little displeased with the Publication of his Book, yet he hoped that the Memory of his Services, the Fear of too much provoking the Reformed, and of lessening the Royal Majesty, by a proceeding that deviated from Justice, would oblige that Prince to see that he had not the least Foul Play.  
On both sides people longed for the Conference, every one expecting the Triumph of his Party, and even before the Combat, rejoicing at the Defeat of his Adversary. Insomuch, that on either side, there were people enough to invalidate the Reasons of those who desired to hinder the Dispute. It was therefore Resolved upon, and du Plessis found himself too far engaged to Retreat. But on the King's part, such wary measures were taken, that 'twas impossible that du Plessis should come off with Honour. For if he should break off the Conference, than they would have Charged him with declining the Combat, for fear of being confounded; and if he should maintain it; then they had laid the Snare so cunningly, that he could not avoid it. 'Tis very hard to know whether the King's design was in good Earnest, rather to break off this Conference, or to procure it. But it is certain however, that du Plessis was obliged to keep it up, and that on such very hard Terms, as 'tis likely they would not have proposed 'em to him, but to engage him to quit his Resolution; for they would rather have Triumphed in his Flight, then have undertaken a Conference in good Earnest, with a person whom they knew so well skilled in the Art of defending himself; which will easily appear by the particulars of the principal Circumstances.  
After those Difficulties were removed which the Chief of 
The Steps of their foul Play.  the Clergy had suggested, and that it was found more expedient to hold the Conference at Fontanbleau then at Paris; whether it were to satisfy the Bishop of that place; or to hinder the Commonalty from intermeddling in this Dispute; or whether it were to deprive du Plessis of those helps which he might have had from the Libraries, and the Learned Men who were so Numerous there, the Chancellor Writ to du Perron to come to Court; but du Plessis had no Notice sent him 
Du Perron has Notice, but du Plessis has not.  for his coming there, though the King had commanded that he should. Of which the Chancellor cleared himself, by telling the King, when he asked him the Reason of it, that he did not imagine his Majesty had any such Intention. But as the Terms wherein such a Command is given, cannot be ambiguous; especially in a business where it is a Natural Right, that the persons concerned should have equally Notice, 'tis plain enough that this was a Trick of the Chancellors, to make du Plessis' not appearing at a day prefixed, to seem as if he had a mind to shun the Dispute, after he had so much desired it; which would have made people believe that he doubted his Cause: Whereas the Bishop appearing first at the place assigned, seemed likewise by his diligence more assured of his Conquest. But du Plessis followed his Adversary the Bishop so close, that he had nothing wherewith to charge him about it: One arrived there the 27th of the Month, and t'other the next day. Du Plessis was immediately for Regulating the manner of the Conference, for which he made his Application to the King. He entreated that the passages of his Book might be Examined in Order, 
2 Du Perron is dispensed with from givine the five hundred passages under his hand, which he had pro●….  that so those which were not Taxed with false Citations, might be looked on as verified: And on t'other side, he thought it but reasonable, that the Bishop should give him the five hundred passages charged with Falsehood, in a paper Signed under his hand. The Bishop had more Wit then to comply with his first demand. But the Reasons he gave for it, were very Weak and Childish. He said, he had shown Reasons for this refusal in the Answer he made to the first Challenge that Du Plessis had Published: Besides, That du Plessis having Summoned him to appear, without refuting his Reasons, or Offering any thing in his own Defence, he had quitted that pretention by a tacit compliance: Whence he concluded, that he ought not to be permitted to renew it. These Reasons of his Answer obliged him to spend a great deal of time in Transcribing all those passages, with the Bishop's Reflections; as if length of time ought to be considered, when things of greater Moment were in Agitation. This Evasion, which at Court would have been Hissed at in a matter of less consequence, passed however for current in this Affair: Tho if they had designed things fairly and honestly, they would have scorned such little Formalities. 'Tis true, that to support this mean way of cavilling, Du Perron added, that the Business at that time was not to examine the Book, from one end to t'other; and that after the first business was decided, he offered to stay Six Months, without stirring, to make this Examination. This specious offer engaged him to just nothing at all; for the King could not so long attend a Conference of this Nature, nor suffer it but in his Presence: And they well knew, that it would break off before they came to the substance of the Book. But as for du Plessis' second pretention, the Bishop offered to leave the five hundred Passages in 
3. The Order and Choice of the Passages is left to him.  the King's Hands, from whence he would every day take fifty as he thought fit to examine 'em. The design of this Artifice was apparent enough; for if the passages had been given to du Plessis, he might have been assisted by those to whom he should have Communicated 'em, and so have come better prepared to the Conference. On the other Hand, the Bishop having every day of the Conference, his choice of the Passages, he might hold du Plessis in perpetual uncertainty on which side he meant to Attack him; so that he should never have had any longer time to prepare himself, than what his Adversary should please to allow him. In short, among the five hundred passages which he had to peruse, the Bishop might pick out such as had carried the likeliest appearance of being quoted Wrong; so to prepossess on the minds of Men by this Artifice, and to insinuate to 'em, that the Rest were all of the same nature. Thus is the World for the most part prepossessed: The first Impressions are generally the deepest, and the suspicious we suddenly entertain of any Man's Honesty, can hardly be effaced by all the other Proofs of his Integrity.  
Du Plessis perceiving the Snare that was laid for him by 
4 〈…〉 Plessis 〈…〉 thre●… Artifice of it.  this Wile, would not be satisfied with these Offers of the Bishop; but desired notwithstanding in a New Address, that the Passages might be left in the Hands of two of the Commissioners whom the King had Nominated. But du Perron would not consent to it. Du Plessis remained still Resolute for sometime, 
And for some time refuses these Conditions.  and urged as a Reason for this his Resolution; that he plainly saw, that after they had made an effort upon five or six Passages, they would find out a way to break off the Conference, so to fix in Men's minds a like Opinion of the Rest: To which he added what the King's Religion, what the Religion of the Nobility, and of the Greatest part of those who were to be present at the Conference, gave him just Cause to fear. The Chancellor replied very faintly to these Objections: But they desired du Perron to take some Course, that might remove du Plessis' Jealousy of this foul Play. The Bishop proposed to Examine fifty passages presently, whose Falsities he would engage to lay open in two Hours time, and the other four hundred and fifty in nine days after; Offering not to stir from Fontainbleau till the matter was ended. Du Plessis did not find that this Proposal removed his Scruples. But the Chancellor, together with four of the Commissioners whom the King had appointed, and Roni, who at this Consultation sat 
They Terrify him by threatening to Examine the Passages in his ●….  in the place of Calignon, who should have been the Fifth, and the only unsuspected person, adjudged, that du Perron offered him Fair. Du Plessis would not submit to this Judgement the Partiality of which was but too visible. But the Chancellor being very willing to persuade him to be satisfied with it, told him, that the King was resolved to know the Truth of this matter; that whether du Plessis were present or absent, it must be Examined; that it would be more advantageous to him, if it were done in his presence; that his going away would be looked upon as a Flight; that it would turn to his Disgrace which way soever it was taken; either because he would be suspected of having spoken Falsities in Holy matters, or else they would blame him for deserting the Cause of his Religion in things that he maintained for Truths. 'Twas the King himself who had ordered the Chancellor to tell him, that his Absence should not any way prejudice him, but that he would cause the Citations to be rightly judged of, which they had charged him with having wrongfully Quoted. Insomuch, that they did in a manner compel this Gentleman, either to lay himself at the discretion of his Adversary, or to expose him to the disadvantageous Censures they might pass upon his Book, if it were Examined when no body was present to defend it. But as he very well knew, that no Men of worth would look upon his Prudence, not to throw himself Headlong into a manifest Snare, as any thing like a flight he was not at all shaken by the Chancellour's Discourse However, he again consulted Roni and Casaubon, who did not advise him to alter his Opinion. Roni, who was not sorry that du Plessis had received some kind of Mortification that would lessen his Reputation, and absolutely remove him from business, was in that respect nothing the honester Man than the Rest of 'em, and did what he could to lead this poor Gentleman to a precipice. And from thence it happened, that to give the greater Reputation to the pretended defeat of du Plessis, he boasts in his Memoirs, according to the report of those who collected 'em, that he was the occasion of breaking off the Conference; that du Perron was contented to speak no more of it; and that du Plessis was an Obstinate person, and would never agree to it. All this past, till the third of May in the Morning; when the King seeing the Constancy of du Plessis, commanded, that the Examination of the passages should not be put off any longer, then till three a Clock in the Afternoon. But under some pretence or other, they were deferred till seven a Clock next Morning. Mean while, the King kept the Bishop with him all day; consulting how he should carry himself in this matter. On the other side, the breaking off the Conference made the Reformed Court Party very uneasy, whether they were of a Cabal with Roni, or whether they were intoxicated with Conferences, as there ●re but few people who are not, we know not. But Castelnau, Chambret, Beaupre and some others, undertook to renew it; and so managed du Plessis, that they made 
The Conference almost broken off, is renewed on unfair conditions.  him consent to it upon very unjust Terms. At the same time du Perron should have sent to du Plessis fifty or sixty Passages, upon Condition that he 
5. Du Perron prescribes the Laws for it.  Answered 'em all by seven a Clock the next 
6. Du Plessis Robbed of his Night's Rest.  Morning; and in the same Order that du Perron had placed 'em; he was to have been furnished 
7. Sixty one Passages are given him to justify in Eight Hours time.  with what Books he desired; and they to be of the Edition of Geneva, of He●delberg, or of Bale. This Negotiation continuing till Nine at Night, du Plessis could neither have the Books nor the Passages till Eleven; insomuch. that instead of taking his Rest, he was forced to spend the Night in Examining his Citations. To make him amends for this foul Play, du Perron sent him Sixty one Passages, instead of Sixty which he had promised. The Morning came, du Plessis declared he could not Examine above nineteen of the Passages which were fent him. But that he would maintain the truth of those Citations with the Hazard of his Life. Du Perron complained loudly, that all the Passages were not Examined; as if it were Just or Reasonable to expect, that a Man should compare Sixty Passages with the Authors from whence he had taken 'em, and that he should Examine the Contexts, that is to say, what preceded and what followed, in time almost, than it would take up to Read 'em. Moreover the Bishop would fain have begun with other passages, than those which du Plessis had compared, as thinking he should the more easily prove their Falsity. Only he showed himself Coy, because he would be entreated, and that he might have an opportunity to say, after the Examination of the first, that there were yet others whose Falsities were more Notorious. And thus with much ado, he submitted at last, and the Entering into the Conference was put off till one a Clock in the Afternoon.  
The King had Named for Commissioners, who 
8. ●….  should determine this Matter, three Catholics, and two of the Reformed; to the End that 〈…〉 
9 ●….  might be assured of the Plurality of Voices. Thou. Pithou, and le Feure the Prince of Conde's Tutor, were the the three Catholics; and the Reformed were Calignon and Casaubon. But the King changed two of those he had Deputed, and Substituted Martin, one of his Physicians, in the Room of le Feure, and instead of Calignon, du Frene Canaye who arrived at Court just as the Conference was ready to begin. It had been much more Just and Equitable, that the Parties themselves should have chosen their Arbitrators; but the chief Reason why the King had the Nomination of them was. That the Reformed might not appear too Resolute and Confident. 'Twas for this Cause that Calignon was excluded from it, and du 
10. He changes two of the first Nominated, for two more suspected.  FreneCanaye put in, who came Post to Court on purpose to change his Religion, which he did in a little time after. For thence forward he industriously endeavoured 
11. He choses two of the wavering Reform.  the Ruin of the Reformed; as it appeared by the proposition he made to the King; to destroy 
The Character of du Frene Canaye.  'em, in bringing over all the Nobility of that Party: Which he engaged to do, upon condition, that a Sum of Money, of less Value than his own Estate, should be put into third hands that should still remain as a pledge for the security of this Sum. 'Tis said, that the King being Wiser than he, would not hearken to him, but told him, that if there were no Nobility among the Reformed, it behoved him to send some thither, because he had always found their Gentlemen very serviceable to him. Casaubon was a Man of a 
And of Casaubon.  Weak and Wavering Temper, whom du Perron had gained by his Artifices. He had promised to change his Religion: But he was so narrowly watched, and he knew so well how to make his Advantage of the King of England's Offer, who invited him over to England, that he seemed at least, to be settled. 'Tis certain, that before he went over into England, he told du Perron, that he could be more serviceable to him in gaining that Prince, if he continued in the Profession of the Reformed Religion, then after he had quitted it. Insomuch, that it is not known, whether his perseverance were Sincere or no. However, it is sure, that Religion was not a matter of very great importance to that Family; for a little after his Death, his only Son turned Catholic. Such were those in whose Hands du Plessis was constrained to hazard his Honour. There was more Honesty to be hoped for from Thou and Pithou, then from those very people who being of his Religion, pretended to be most favourable to him.  
At the time appointed, they came to the place where the Conference was to be held, and every one being duly placed, the Books were laid on the Table, to which they might have recourse in the process of the Examination. I will not Justify what is said by some, that du Perron having already put one Cheat upon du Plessis, in causing the first Leaf of the Edition of Bale or Geneva to be placed at the the beginning of Books Printed elsewhere, played him another Trick worse than that, to confound him absolutely, by Ordering other Books to be laid on the Table, than those he had made use of all the Night before. There was no need perhaps of this great Abuse, to perplex a Man that was almost quite tired out already, with Watching all Night long, and who besides had spent all the Forenoon in matters of great importance. But they set another Trap for him more craftily, under colour of avoiding such Words as might di oblige, when the King Ordered, that in their Discourse, they should forbear the Terms of Fals and Falsity. And thus there was a Large Field opened for du Perron, who could turn the Conference as he pleased. 
12. Another Artifice made use of, by forbidding the Terms of False and Falsity to be mentioned.  It had been indeed proposed before upon a Charge of Falsehood; and du Perron was obliged to convict du Plessis of Enormous, or Irregular Falsities And yet, nevertheless he was dispe●s'd with from proving the Falsity; and he could extricate himself from those matters, by charging on du Plessis qu●te another thing, then that of having falsely quoted the passages in debate; as if he had ill understood 'em, ill translated 'em, ill applied 'em, etc. Which might be called mistakes, but could not be looked on as Falsifications. Du Plessis on the other hand found himself so much the less able to defend himself, as that under this pretext, of shunning Undecent and Offensive Expressions, they might raise a thousand Objections against him, which he ne'er expected. And so instead of being cleared, as he believed, by showing beyond all denial, that the Authors had said what he had taken out of 'em, they might turn the Question and ask him, whether he perfectly understood what their meaning was.  
The Chancellor who in this Affair was to preside above the King, declared that no matter of Right or Doctrine was concerned in this Dispute, but of Fact and Citations; which the King confirmed with his own Mouth, and in the same Terms. Du Perron highly extolled the King, that he would not lay his hand upon the Censor, nor meddle with Matters of Faith, which he ought not to do. And afterwards protested he extremely Honoured du Plessis, and did not design to cast on him the blame of those Falsifications which were in his Book, but only charged them upon those who had furnished him with the Memoirs; That is to say, in acquitting du Plessis from an Accusation of being a Deceiver, he ridiculed him by another, which taxed him for an Inconsiderate Person; that made use of the Citations of other people without ever enquiring into the Truth of 'em; and filled his Books with the Testimonies of Authors which he had never taken the pains to Read. Besides that the Accusation became by that more malicious, because it overspread and affected all the Learned of the Party, by whom he supposed du Plessis was supplied with his passages. As if the Reformed, the better to Assail the Roman Church, had made a kind of Combination to Quote the Ancient Authors false. Du Plessis protested, That what was done was but a particular Act, which concerned him only, and that what should happen should neither prejudice the Churches nor their Doctrine. That being over, they began the Conference. And the Order they observed was, That after du Perron had proposed his Objections, and du Plessis his Reasons, the Chancellor should withdraw with the Commissioners; and after a short Consultation, should return to deliver their Opinions, which was ever declared Uniform. The whole management of it was as peaceable as an Affair of that Nature could permit; there happened but one Interruption, which was of no consequence. A Minister that had got in among the Assistants could not forbear speaking upon the occasion of a passage in St. Chrysostom; after which he went his way; and the King, without being disturbed, was pleased to deal with him like a Harquebusier, that wheels off so soon as he has discharged his Carbine.  
'Tis said du Plessis made but an ill Defence; which may not be improbable, considering that he had weakened his Spirits by his Watching and Study; that the Marks of the King's displeasure might astonish him; that the Disposition of the Assistants, among whom there were but a few that would do him Justice, might a little distract his Brains; that it had been much fitter for him to have considered, and deliberately to have prepared a Paper, then to have spoken (as it were) extempore in a Scholastic manner, on the Cavils of Criticism. But on the contrary, du Perron, besides the King's and the Assistants Favour, had time enoug to consult what he had to say; and his Grave Deportment, the Cadence of his Voice, which was at once, both very agreeable and Majestic, the freeness of his Action, and the facility of his Expressions did in some manner impose on his Hearers, and gained 'em over to his party, even before they understood his Reasons. However it was, the Judges condemned du Plessis in Nine Passages that were Examined: But upon which they durst not perhaps have declared that the Citations were False, had they kept themselves to the strictness of the Challenge. In two Passages, one of which was taken out of Scotus, and the other out of Durandus concerning Transubstantiation; they 
Du Plessis Condemned in Nine passages.  said that the Objection was taken for the Solution. In two other, out of St. Chrysostom, and a third out of St. Jerome; they judged that some Words were left out, which it had been necessary for him to have inserted: Another, taken from St. Cyril, was judged not to be found there. The Seventh indeed, was just so as du Plessis had cited it from Crinitus: But because Crinitus was mistaken in citing it from the Code, they said du Plessis ought not to have alleged it upon the Credit of a Modern Writer, and one likewise who was of no very great Authority. They took occasion to condemn him upon the Eight, for that he had not divided, by some Mark, two passages of St. Bernard, which seemed but one as he had cited 'em. The Ninth, which was taken from Theodoret, gave 'em an Occasion to Dispute about the difference between Image and Idol: And they declared that that Father spoke of Pagan Idols, and not of Christian Images.  
I should transgress the limits of my design, if I should go 
●…ctions.  about to excuse du Plessis upon these Nine passages; I do not write his Apology, 'tis the History of the Edict, where that of this Conference ought not to intervene, but only as an incident that is somewhat remarkable. But I owe so much to Truth as to say in general, That they prevaricated in this Affair, for they did not find any thing which might justly be termed Enormous Falsehood; no, not so much as Real Falsehood; And the way of citing in those times was much more free than it has been since; it was then sufficient to point out the passages, without Copying 'em word for word all at length; they very rarely set down any words but what they deemed Essential: And this way of Citations was never called Falsity, because they only referred to an Author where the passage might be found more at large; because the Disputants having been often hard put to it to refute the passages to the purpose, stepped by little and little to the Circumstances, and began to Quibble upon the manner of Quoting, of Translating, and of Copying the passages; and for that, to avoid these digressions which caused 'em to lose sight of the principal thing in Dispute, the whole Body of the Book must have been filled with long Quotations, and the Margins with the Original Texts; and the Disputes must have been Immortalised through the opportunity that those long passages would have given to many litigious Cavils.  
In particular, a Man may sometimes Quote the Objection 
And Particulars.  of an Author which he refutes, without committing a Falsity; whether it be to show that these difficulties were known at the time the Doctor Quoted, or to discover the propensity he had himself to a certain Opinion; although some more Superior Authority had made him determine on the contrary. This chiefly takes place amongst the Schoolmen, who would sometimes receive Opinions opposite to those of their Church, if the dread of her Ana●●ema's did not force 'em to a blind acquiescence in her Decisions. A man might also often repeat but one Series of Words, without making any long Extracts of the whole, when the parts of an omitted passage are not Essential: And this was undoubtedly the case of du Plessis, which he has demonstrated at large, in a Book which he published two Years after the Conference. Where likewise he says, that what he had Quoted out of St. Cyril were not his proper Terms, but a brief Extract of his Opinion; and that, therefore it was no matter to him, if this passage were not delivered in so many Words; that having only alleged Crinitus, his Citation ought not to have been judged but by Crinitus, who having been a Catholic Priest, could not be suspected to have falsified this passage; That he ought not to have been Charged with the omission of an, etc. among so many several passages of St. Bernard, since what was between those two, related nothing to the Subject; and that elsewhere he had alleged out of the same Author, passages of much greater force, for the Opinion which it was pretended he would have hidden by this omission. That, in fine, the difference was so little between the Idols of the Pagans, and the Images of the Catholics, that that might be applied to the one, which Theodoret and other Doctors of his time say of the other. By which it may be Judged, that in the time of these Fathers, the Worship of Images was so great a stranger to the Practice of Christians, that they could▪ not have spoken of it but by the Spirit of Prophecy.  
But though the matter was thus, du Plessis was so sensibly 
Du Plessis falls Sick, and the Conference is broken off.  touched with the manner of their playing upon him in this Affair, that he left Fontainbleau the next day, without so much as taking his leave. In the mean while the King having what he desired, as well as du Perron, who thought he had sufficiently exploded the Book of du Plessis by this foul play, they took occasion from the Sickness of du Plessis to break up the Conference. And without so much as staying till his departure, the Commissioners were discharged that Night, to the end that, though du Plessis had Recovered, they might have had an Excuse ready not to renew it. Du Plessis could not withhold his Complaints; and his Son, a young Gentleman of great hopes, spoke louder than he. Indeed they spoke too much Truth to please. And it was so visible that the King had Sacrificed du Plessis with a desire to satisfy the Pope, that it was impossible that the Reproaching him with this Injustice▪ should not offend him. The Chancellor made Remonstrances to du Plessis; but that did not hinder him from speaking yet louder, when once retired to a place where he had no more occasion to fear any thing. In the mean time the King vaunted his Triumph upon this occasion as high as he could raise it; and it was observed, that, though he did not love the Duke Espernon, yet he was pleased to give him an Account of this success in rejoicing Terms, and in such as he might have written to one of his most familiar Friends. Roni, like the rest, Insulted o'er the unhappy Gentleman, and vented his Railleries upon him with the King himself. They boasted 
The Triumphs and Insults of the Catholics.  highly at Rome of this advantage, where things that succeed well are ever counted Lawful by what means soever they are brought about. They found by this a dangerous Heretic removed from the King's Favour and Trust; his Credit lost, and his Reputation obscured; more especially they saw the King quite alienated from the Reformed, since he could prevail with himself to give 'em so great an occasion of Discontent, at a time when they seemed to have the greatest hopes of his Favour.  
But although the Conference was broken off, yet the Noise 
The sequel of the Conference.  of the Dispute continued for a long while. The Parties Interested writ against one another upon this Subject. Du Perron Published the Acts of the Conference, and that he might not want a considerable Witness, he got the Chancellor to Write a Letter to him, containing a Relation of the whole matter; and wherein he made great Protestations of his Sincerity. Du Plessis on his part forgot not to make his Apology, and to take notice of all the Cheats and Injuries that had been done to him. He justified above all things, the Allegation of the Nine Passages in a Book sufficiently large, which he Published two Years after, as I have said; wherein he gave an Account, not only of the Integrity of their Citation, but he likewise made it appear by a great many Authorities, that he had as much reason of his side to have had Justice done him, as he had been Sincere in matter of Fact; and that he made the Authors Quoted speak no more than what effectually they did. More especially, he there Charged du Perron with the Falsification of the Acts of the Conference, which he had made himself; and that he did both alter and change 'em divers times before he published 'em: Insomuch, that after he had shown 'em to some persons at Lions, who could not forbear speaking, he Tore 'em, to make others which he set forth. But du Perron was not much troubled at these Reproaches. 'Twas none of his Ambition to be an honest Man, but to fawn upon the Court and raise his Fortune. Never was Man overwhelmed with so many Accu●ations of Frauds, Falsities, Ignorances' and Contradictions: Nay of all the Crimes that a Writer can be Guilty of. But the pleasure of wearing a Cardinal's Hat, and to see his Adversary disgraced, easily Atoned for these little Injuries. Aubigne, who put as great a value upon himself as he could, would have reassumed the Conference against him, and some things were written on both sides, which were left in the King's Hands: But there they stopped. Aubigne was not so considerable as du Plessis; and du Perron would not stake the Reputation he had acquired, against him.  
There was one thing in the mean time which stuck in the 
The Parliament removed from Chatelleraud to Saumer.  King's mind. The Assembly of Chateller and had removed to Sauthe twenty fourth of Novem●●r, the foregoing year; where they had passed the Winter, without much advancing Affairs; because the Duke of Savoy being come into France, about the Dispute of the Marquisate of Saluces which he had Usurped, and the King had a mind to Recover, the Council was wholly employed in Negotiatians and Intrigues. But it seemed they had no design to Adjourn, till the Edict was Executed throughout the whole Kingdom; lest it should be but disadvantageously Executed, when there was no body to look after it. 'Tis true, that the Edict forbid Assemblies of this Nature; and this at Saumer seemed to be a formal breach of this Article: But they did not think they were obliged themselves, to be the first to put the Edict in force, seeing the Catholics crossed the Execution of it with a thousand Obstacles from all sides. The Place and Time made 't more suspicious than ever; and 'twas difficult to be apprehended what the Discontents about du Plessis grumbling in that Assembly might then produce. In a word, what had passed at Fontainbleau much troubled men's Minds: But du Plessis never having made a general business of his own personal concerns, would not deviate from his usual wont upon this occasion, nor took advantage of this opportunity, to trouble those who had so unworthily Treated him. Besides the common Interest of Religion forbade the making a Public concern of a pretended disadvantage of a particular Person, for fear the Disgrace of this imaginary Defeat should fall upon the Doctrine of the Party. 
When they broke up.  However, du Plessis and the Reformed in good time found the means to be Revenged on the Pope, and to give New Cau●es of Mortification to the Court of Rome. The Assembly nevertheless did not break up so soon; and it was but the next ●●ar after that they delivered the King and Court from their fear of New broils.  
The End of the Seventh Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK VIII.  
The Aagument of the 8th. Book.  
THE War of Savoy, and the success of it. The Estate of the Country of Gex. The Keformed Governors of Places on the Frontiers of Italy. A New Creation of Offices. The Execution of the Edict, different according to the places. The Negligence of the Reformed, and their Prejudices. The Exactness Commissioners. The difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken away. Limited Exercises. Places of Bailliage. Burying Places. Appeals of Ordinances. The Assembly of Saumer. General Difficulties on their Institution; and Alteratious in the Form of Naming 'em. The Synod at Gergeau. Papers Answered. Gex. Te Succession of England. The Death of a little Child of the Admiral de Chatillon. The Birth of the Dauphin; and prediction of M. de la Riviere. Notice given to the Reformed of a League formed against 'em. The general Assembly at Saintefoy; and their matters. The disgrace of the Marshal de Bovillon. The Sedition at Rochel. The Spanish Cabal in the Council, presses the Destruction of the Reformed, in hopes to withdraw the King's Forces by a Civil War. Jealousies and Fears are sowed among the Reformed; whom the Assurance of being in the King's favour preserves in Peace. Roni is provided of the Government of Poitou. The Death of Queen Elizabeth. The Character of King James the First who succeeds h●r. Breaches of the Edict. The Duke of Rohan. The Recall of the Jesuits. The Synod at Gap. The Theses of Ferrier Professo●● at Nimes. His Character, and that of Chauve. An Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith, which imports that the Pope is the Antichrist. The King is Angry, and threatens. The Reasons of the Synod. New Editions of the Confession of Faith, where the Article is inserted. The Artifices of the Court to evade this Decree. The false Moderation of Clement the Eight. Other Affairs of the Synod. Conditions of the Recall of the Jesuits. Satyrs against 'em. Cotton Wounded. Is made the King's Confessor. The Character of that Jesuit. Questions which he ought to propose to one possessed. The preservation of Geneva, against the Attempts of the Duke of Savoy. The palliating of this Enterprise in Writings of the Jesuits. The Death of the Duchess ●f Bar. The Progress of du Perron's fortune. The Treachery of an Officer of Villeroy. The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France.  
WHile the Execution of the Edict was a foot, the King 
The War of Savoy.  made his Expedition into Savoy; and in the Progress of this Journey did many things that were very obliging to the Reformed, but very ungrateful to Rome. The Ministers of G●nema came to pay him their Respects near to St. Catherines Fort, which the Duke of Savoy had caused to be Built to annoy the Town, who made open War upon it under the Protection of France. Beza being then above fourscore years Old, made him a Speech; and the King received him so Graciously, that the Catholics were Jealous. The King called him his Father: A Title rarely used among the Reformed and their Pastors; but of which the Monks are very Proud, and which they have in a manner appropriated to themselves among the Catholics. It was therefore a great Offence to them, to give the same Appellation to a Minister of the Heretics; and to him too, who of all the Ministers since Calvin, had done most hurt to the Roman Religion, by his Reputation, by his Counsels, and by his Works.  
On the other side the Garrison having delivered up this Fort 
And it's success.  to the King, he restored it to those of Geneva, who razed it to the Ground with all imaginable Expedition. The Legate which the Pope had sent to Trear of a Peace between the King and the Duke, was enraged at this business. He complained, and threatened, as if the Roman Religion had been thereby brought to the Brink of certain Ruin. The Edicts which were made for Heretics, were never worse received at Rome, than this little Accident. One might have said, that Geneva had been a New Carthage, the preservation of which bereaved Rome of the hopes of being the Mistress of the World. However it behoved to be pacified after a fruitless Clamour; because 'twas to be wished, that the King were removed farther from Italy, where the Neighbourhood of the French always causes some suspicion. He was brought to consent to an Exchange of the Marquisat of Saluces for Bresse, the Country of Gex, Bugey and Val-romey, which the Duke of Savoy not withoutsome regret surrendered to him. Those of Berne had made themselves Masters 
The State of the Country of Gex.  of this Country, where the Neighbourhood of this Canton had introduced betimes the knowledge of the Reformed Religion. The Dukes of Savoy had tolerated it there, with a Proviso for a time so long as they were Masters there, in expectation that a Council would have determined the Controversies: But some years after the End of the Council of Trent, they commanded all their Subjects to submit to the Doctrine that had prevailed in that Assembly. This rigour did not extinguish the Reformation in that little Country; And those of Berne having made themselves Masters by Force of Arms, it was there so well Established, that there were fewer Parishes in the Country of Gex, than places where the Exercise of the Reformed Religion was Public. The Roman Religion was only tolerated; and those few people that professed it, no longer Exercised it with that Pomp that attends it where it is Mistress. The Reformed enjoyed all the places, and applied the Ecclesiastical Revenues to their Use. They were in possession of Houses and Churchyards. There was no Town but only that of Gex, within whose Walls had not yet one Church.  
This was the condition of this Country when it fell under the Dominions of Henry the Fourth, who, as soon as he had taken Possession, gave the Government of the Citadel of Bourg, Capital of Bresse, and the only place of Defence that there was in those parts, to a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion. The Reason of this Choice was, that he believed these places better secured to him by the Reformed, than those he had given to the Catholics; in regard he did not look upon the latter to be resolute enough to hold out against the Spanish Faction: When as he was perfectly assured of the Fidelity of the other▪ and this was a third thing that displeased Rome, which could no digest that a Man inaccessible to all the Intrigues that are hatched beyond the Mountains, should be Master of a Place so near Italy; chiefly because his Relgion was the Cause that he was preferred before the Catholics. There was yet another, that the Pope could not endure; to remove whom he was long very Importunate with the King: This was the Governor of Chateau Dauphin; an inconsiderable Castle on the very extremity of Dauphine, which a Reformed held, not only as Governor for the King, but also by a Deed of Engagement. He had established his own Religion there, and a Reformed Garrison. The Duke of Savoy exasperated the Pope upon this occasion; for that this Castle incommoded him, and that he would fain have removed a Man thence, that would not easily engage in his broils. Insomuch that this Trifle made a great Noise at Rome, so that they appeared there sufficiently troubled to see all Dauphine entirely, and a 11 or 12 strong places in particular, at the Command of Lesdiguieres.  
The Creation of New Employments in all the Jurisdictions of 
A New Creation of Offices.  the Kingdom, even in the Parliaments which was one of the Expedients that Roni proposed to Raise Money, may be looked upon as one Business of the Edict. These New Creation's ever Vex those who are in Possession of Old Employments, whose Fees are made less considerable in retail, when the Number of Persons that should share 'em, is Augmented. This is the Reason, that the Parliament of Paris would have confounded these New Offices, with those out of which the King was to gratify the Reformed, according to the Edict; one part of which was of a Preceding Creation; and t'other of the first Offices of Ancient Erection which would become vacant by Death. The Parliament was desirous by that to lessen the Number of New Offices. But that did not accommodate the Reformed, who were to have the Places that were designed 'em given 'em Gratis, whereas the others were to be Purchased Besides this confusion had been of no Advantage to the King, who had partly lost by that the Fruit he expected from these New Creations; which was the cause that he readily promised the Reformed, that their Offices should not be comprehended in the Number of New Employments.  
But the most important Assair of this Year, was the Execution of the Edict, to which End Commissioners were sent into many Provinces. But the measures they took were not alike▪ For there were some places where they did acquit themselves, with the same exactness that was done in others. There were some Provinces where they went from Town to Town, from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction, and where they Visited the Places, which ought to be delivered for their Exercise therein, in Order to settle all things as close to their Commissions as possibly they could. Others only went to the Capital Cities, contenting themselves to receive the Petitions, the Pretensions and Objections of Parties, without coming near the particular places where the Disputes arose to which nevertheless they commonly sent Subdelegates. There were likewise some Provinces to which they never went at at all. There were Places where the Catholics were more scrupulous; others where they were more Moderate and Tractable. There were some where the Reformed were Exact and Diligent, and others where they did their business with a great deal of Negligence. Which was grounded upon divers considerations. They waited an approaching 
The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices.  decadency of the Roman Religion, as if they had had express Revelations: And they doubted not that their Doctrine would make great Progresses in a little time; for that they might Embrace it without exposing their Goods, their Lives or their Hopes: As if there had been nothing to surmount but the Prejudices of Interest and of Fortune, to the End that the Truths, of which they were convinced, might become evident to all the World. This was the Reason that they did not think it necessary to take their measures in many things, in which this Happy Juncture might have been much more securely provided for. This thought inspired 'em with another of vexing the Catholics a little, in placing themselves, as far as the Edict would permit it, in those Places where the Clergy were troubled to see 'em. This was one little Mortification which they would have put upon 'em, in return of those many acts of Injustice and Cruelties with which they had Treated them. This was the Cause that in some places they had less regard to their own profit, that they might have the pleasure of putting their Enemis to more Pain. A third consideration served as a Foundation for their Negligence. They relied too much on the Integrity of these who made 'em believe, that no interruption should be given to the establishments once made; and as they were resolved to make no Attempt on the Catholics, they were apt to believe that the Catholics would never consult to disturb their Possession with Wranglings. In fine they imagined, that as these settlements were made in the sight of the Catholics, and that the Grounds of that Right which they had acquired were public and manifest to all the World, the Children would never come to dispute what had been so Evident and Notorious in their Father's time. One or other of these Considerations cast the Reformed in many places into a Negligence, common to those who believe that what they once possess shall never be taken from 'em. Many were contented with the notoriousness of the things as sufficient proof of their Possession, never minding to have it attested by the Commissioners. Many were satisfied with the Verbal or tacit consent of the Catholics, in the places where it was necessary for the Establishment of their Rights. There were Bailliages where they had forgotten to demand the deliverance of a convenient place, wherein to hold their Public Exercises: Others where the demand having been made, it was not pursued: Others where the demand appeared made for one place, and the Order given for another: Somewhere the Rights were confounded, and that of the Bailliage, for Example annexed to a Gentleman's Demesnes: Others that were taken in places where there were so few of the Reformed, that they never did 'em any good: Others so inconvenient, that they were obliged to forsake 'em▪ These little inadvertencies have given great Opportunities to the Injustice of our time, where the Treachery of the Bigoted Cabal has given us to understand, how necessary it was that our Fathers should have taken more exact Precautions to have prevented 'em.  
During this, the Commissioners behaved themselves on their part, with as much Application as was expected from 'em. 
The Exactness of the Commissioners.  To Preserve or Establish a Right of Exercise, they made Inquiries and took Informations; they took the Depositions of Catholic or Reformed Witnesses impartially; they Examined all the Titles and Acts that could be produced; either they or their Delegates came down to the places, when their presence themselves was required by any one of the Parties; they summoned the Officers of the places; they heard the Clergy themselves in their Pretensions and Defences. Of whom they had as many things to demand at least in many Places as of the Reformed, and these Judges frequently received from one and tother part large Papers: Upon which they were obliged to give several different Judgements. The General Rules they followed, was to Examine the reciprocal demands upon the Grand Maxim of the Edict; and which might well be called the Soul of all these Concessions; to Wit, to Confirm or Establish As and altogether as they were, in the Terms specified in the Articles of the Edict. They kept themselves so exactly 
The Difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken off.  within the bounds of this Rule, that they gave the Reformed a great deal of trouble upon the Exercises whose Right was founded on the Edict of 1577. The Expression of which being a little Equivocal seemed to bond that Concession to places where the Exercises had actually been made the 17th of September; a day that happened on a Tuesday, on which were found but few Examples of Assemblies for Acts of Piety. The Commissioners took no notice of the Proofs of the Exercises made the Sunday before; they enquired precisely of this day, without minding the other. Tho to judge of Terms by the Ordinary Style of Edicts, 'twas only meant that the Exercise was Granted to the Reformed, in the places where they had not begun it since that day; but which they had in some sort Peaceably enjoyed before and till that day. There was the same strictness in the Regulations which were 
Limited Exercises.  made for the Places, the Buildings, the Bells, the acquists of Places and all the Dependences of the right of Exercise. There were therefore places where they Established limited Exercises, as well for the Number of persons, as for the Quality of the Acts of Devotion that might there be exercised. In some, they suffered none but the Inhabitants of the Town and Jurisdiction to go to the Assemblies. In other places the Number of Strangers was limited who were permitted to be present. In others they were only allowed to meet to pray and to sing Psalms without calling the Minister thither. In some 'twas permitted, that a Minister should come and give the Lord's Supper four times a year. But setting aside these little Diversities, which did not extend itself to many places, their Orders agreed in General Liberties, conformable to the Articles which spoke of the Nature of the Ezercise which was in hand to be Established. These differences than were but an effect of the exactness of the Commissioners, who would not extend the Rights beyond that which the Possession had gained, nor abolish 'em under pretence that the possession did not give 'em extent enough. Nevertheless they have served for opportunities in these latter years, to condemn these imperfect Exercises, as if they had been ill grounded: So that it had been happier for those of the Reformed Religion, if the Commissioners had sometimes been pleased to transgress the Limits of their Power:  
One of the most remarkable parts of their Commission, was the delivery of places called Places of Bailliage, 'Twas necessary 
Places of Bailliage.  they should be taken in those where another Right could not be presumed, for the multiplying the places of Exercise as much as was possible. Besides it was convenient to have 'em in the most considerable places of the Bailliage, where there was some concourse of people, for the common benefit. To Mortify the Clergy a little, they demanded of 'em, when they could, the nearest to the Episcopal Cities, since they could not have 'em in those very Cities. They of Nimes demanded the next place to Pont St. Esprit, or at V●lle N●uve d'Avignon, that was no farther distant from Avignon then the breadth of the Rhone, thereby to give the same Cause of discontent to see the Religion of his Enemies exercised, at the very Gate of a City, of which he is the Sovereign, and where some of his Predecessors have held their Sees▪ These different prospects were the Cause why they did not obtain throughout the whole the most important places, in as ample a manner as might have been desired.  
The Dispute of Burying places occasioned more trouble, than 
Burying places.  the settlement of the places of exercise. The Clergy opposed almost through the whole, the Liberty of burying in the Catholics Churchyards: And when the Reformed took it of their own accord, they complained against 'em to the King's Justices or to the Parliaments, where they were always favoured. A Gentleman of the Reformation having caused one of his Children to be Buried in a Parish-Church of the Bailliage of Chartres, the Parliament of Paris made a Decree, which Ordered that those should be informed against who were Named in the Complaint which had been delivered, that prohibited Burying in the Churches and Churchyards of the Catholics: But the Decree did not Order the Bodies of such as were already buried to be taken up. The severity of the Canons perplexed the Curates, because it would not permit that Service should be Celebrated in the Churches where the Bodies of Heretics 
1601.  were interred, unless they had first been reconciled. But the difficulty had not been hard to remove, if the Spirit of contradiction would have given way to the Spirit of Peace: Since that the Reformed accord to the Edict, being no more to be Treated as Heretics, they ought to have been as well dispensed with, as to the Rigour of the Canons, which deprived 'em of Sepulture in the Ordinary places, as those which declared 'em incapable of all Employments, or which condemned 'em to the loss of Goods and Life. By these means a great many people had not been deprived of their Rights which they had acquired by Ancient Foundations, nor had good People wanted the satisfaction of being buried in the Sepulchers of their Fathers. But in regard this business every where occasioned Suits; almost all the Difficulties were removed by Orders that matched the Decree of Parliament. Nevertheless, when places were to be delivered to the Reformed at the common expense, the reparations were not so uneasy as the Clergy. As they had been ruined by the long Wars, they chose rather to partake the Ancient Churchyards with the Reformed, then to be at the Charge of buying New; which was the Cause that the Commissioners divided the Churchyards, between the Catholics and the Reformed; and the part most remote from the Church, was assigned to these for their Place; of Burial. There were places where these Portions were not separated but by single Divisions. Others where they were contented to dig a little Ditch: Others where they built some Wall, to the end that they might give the less occasion of Scandal or Tumult, when the Bieres of both sides met at the same time, or lest there should happen any disturbance on one side or other, in performing the Ceremony. Nor was it not only in the Places where the Reformed were in great Numbers, that these distributions were made: 'Twas the same thing in the Provinces where there were but few: And in Paris itself there was one part of a Churchyard, which was called Of the Trinity; the other part of which was the common burying Place of the Poor that died in the Hospital. Insomuch, that the Commissioners could not be charged with having done any thing contrary to their Instructions, whether it were in maintaining the Reformed in their Portions of their Churc-yards which they had already, or allotting 'em New by their Orders; since, that in the Face of the Court, of a Bishop and of a Parliament, there were seen dividends as equal as those they had made in the Provinces. By this procedure, conformable to the forty fifth Article of the particulars, such as it had been drawn up at Nintes, this Article was tacitly re-established in its first form; and there was no scruple made to Publish it in this manner in the Printed Copies of the Edict, because it was so put in practice.  
It was impossible, that the Commissioners being to pass 
Appeals of the Or●●●●.  their Judgements in so many places, and upon so many things, should have the good Fortune always to please all parties. 'Twas therefore, that there were Appeals from each part, on which the King was to determine: But the Reformed had almost every day the better in those Decrees; and there will be found but very few Examples, where the Orders of the Commissioners have been corrected to their prejudice; though there are a great Number that redound to their advantage. From whence two things may plainly be inferred: One, that the Commissioners had rather have Executed the Edict in favour of the Catholics, then of the Reformed: The other, that the King's Intention was, that the Articles of the Edict should not be eluded by rigorous constructions, since that every time occasion presented, he expounded 'em himself to the advantage of the Reformed, by favourable extensions of what the Commissioners had too much contracted. But though the Commissioners had laboured in the Execution of the Edict, during part of this year and the following, there remained a great many things to be executed. More especially there wanted many things in the principal part of the Commission of those whose business it was to attend this Affair. That is to say, to make all the Officers in the Provinces Swear to observe the Edict; which could not be done in the places where the Commissioners had not yet been. Wherefore the Reformed being Assembled again 
The Assembly of Saumer.  at Saumur, and fearing lest the Execution of the Edict should remain imperfect in so important an Article, as also lest there being no other Assembly on Foot, to send about in order to its uniform Memoirs, they might lose many of their Rights, by the unequal manner in which they would proceed in every place, they were willing to continue this usual Remedy of all their Fears, and Translate themselves to Lo●dun. But the King would never permit it; and sent Orders to the Deputies, that were there, to separate themselves. At the same time a National Synod was held at Gergeau, who sent an Express to the King, beseeching him to permit the continuation of this Assembly: But nothing prevailed; they must Obey and Dismiss themselves. Ever since the Month of March they had received Order to do it; but they excused themselves as much as they could. The Orders were renewed at the beginning of May; and were not fulfilled till the last day of the same Month. 'Tis true, the King permitted another Assembly at saint Foy, for the 15th of October following, to the end, that they might Name Deputies to reside near him, and to present him the Petitions and Complaints which should be sent 'em from the Provinces. There were two Interests so opposite upon the Subject of this Assembly, that it seemed impossible to reconcile 'em. One was that of the King's, to whom they were become suspicous, because of the Authority of the Lords, who were in a capacity of acting something against his Service. Tother was that of the Reformed, to whom they were necessary; for that in the Present State of Affairs there were an Infinite Number of things, to be regulated by any other Method. The Colloquies and the Synods not having Power to meddle with any but the Affairs of Church Discipline, with the Inferior Policy of the Churches, with the distribution of the Money which the King gave for their Ministers; another Council was requisite to advise in matters of another Nature; for the execution or observation of the Edict; for Reparation of the Breach of Articles; for the Solicitation of the Suits which might arise on each side; for the Preservation of Places, and a hundred other things, without which, the Edict might be daily eluded by a Thousand Cavils. This Correspondence was mainly endeavoured; for as they desired to preserve it, that so they might be more secure from the Attempts of their Enemies by their Union; so likewise their Enemies laboured to deprive 'em of means of effecting their mutual Defence. But there was an inconvenience on both sides, to permit these Assemblies, because of the Consequences; or to hinder 'em, because of the many businesses, which brought the Deputies from all parts to Court, and exposed the Council to great importunities, and have thrown the Reformed into injurious perplexities, and insupportable expenses.  
But the permission of having Deputies near the King in the 
General Deputies▪  Name of the Provinces, which was Granted 'em to take from 'em the pretence of continuing the Assembly at Saumur, seemed to make amends for all. The Reformed from all parts could send 'em Memoirs, on the Affairs that should happen. The expense of their Maintenance was not great, because the King, who was not troubled at their attendance upon him, took upon him to allow 'em a certain Sum, which should be laid yearly on the Privy Purse. But because the Reformed would bind 'em as well to their Cause by some Interest, they resolved at the National Synod of Gap, that if the Deputies were not absolutely assured of their allowances, what was wanting, should be raised, half on the Money that the King gave to the Churches, and half on what he gave to the Garrisons. But by little and little, that which was not Ordered, but by way of Succour, in Case the Allowances were not sufficient, became Ordinary, and was converted into an Augmentation of the Salaries of Deputies General. This Institution was no burden to the Council, that could not be troubled with so few persons, with whom all Affairs might be ended without Noise and Bustle; and who had nothing to fear from their Intrigues. But this Innovation had almost absolutely ruined the Assemblies, which had now no more pretence to Meet, since the Deputies could supply the use of them, in all things which required their sitting. This is the Reason why they were suffered no more but for the Nomination of Deputies, which done they were Ordered to separate; and to oblige 'em to it: Their Messengers were neither heard, nor their Papers ever Answered, till they had separated themselves. However they kept up their Credit as long as they could; and maintained themselves powerful enough, till the taking of Rochel.  
The first that undertook this Employment, were St. german and des Boards, Named by the Assembly of St. Foy for 
Difficulties o●…●●ir Institution.  one year: But they were continued by the Synod of Gap, and kept this Commission long enough. They would have joined to these Deputies, one of which was chosen out of the Nobility, and the other of the Third Estate, a third who was to be a Minister. But the Court that loved none of the Consistory, hindered 'em from sending any of those people, whom it esteemed untractable. Nor was that difficult to be done, because 'twas judged that a Residence at Court was not suitable to a Minister, who ought actually to abide near his Flock. The Reformed would have limited the duration of their Commission to a Year; but the King would have it to be longer. Both had their Reasons: The Reformed, under colour that the discharging them, whom they had kept at a distance from their own Affairs, to attend the prosecution of the public business, would prevent their Deputies from accustoming themselves too easily to the Court Air, if they should stay there long. And the King who knew well, that the Charms of the Court tamed the most fierce, would avoid frequent changes, as not willing to see Affairs pass out of the Hands of a Deputy already taught and familiarized, into those of a New Comer; whose first Movements would always be Brisk and Severe. On the other hand, the short Service of Deputies was one Reason of renewing the Meeting of Assemblies, as often as New ones were to be Named; which was the Reason that the Reformed would change 'em so often; and that the Council for the same consideration would have 'em serve longer. The Reformed desired again, that the King would stand to their Nomination, and that he would agree to those Deputies that they should appoint; because as they only were concerned in the Affairs, which their Deputies were Ordered to Treat on, so it was but just that they alone should be left to choose their own Procurators. The matter passed thus at present: But not long after, the King would have 'em name to him six persons, of which he would take two that best pleased him; whether it were that he would have part in the Obligation of the choice, or that he would be sure not to have in his Retinue, persons that displeased him. He obtained likewise with a little difficulty and time, that the duration of their Commission should be for three years. It seemed that this Institution should have ceased as soon as the Edict was Executed. But because it was never fully done, and that when good Provision was made on the one side, there was presently some New breach of promise on the other to be repaired, this Commission became ordinary, and lasted as long as the Edict. This was at the time of the Assembly which was held four years after at Chatelleraud, that the King to take off the Reformed from concerning themselves with Marshal de Bovillon, permitted 'em to have frequent Deputies at the Court; and that the time of their Service should be regulated, as well as the manner of naming 'em. 'Tis certain, that this Deputation has been changed several times since the Institution of it, to the time it was put down; and Levis the thirteenth was the Author of these changes. The first was, that having forbidden the Politic Assemblies, to whom the Nomination of Deputies belonged, he Transferred the Right to the National Synod, 
A●●●…g●s in ●…, N●…▪ ●….  by a Brevet on purpose. This was in Truth no Novelty, because as much had happened in the Reign of Henry the 4th, at the Synods of Gap and Rochel. But there was at least thus much of Novelty, that under Henry the 4th the Synods did not meddle in this Affair but by way of Proviso, in expectation of a Politic Assembly; whereas Levis the thirteenth made it the Synods business, and would no longer hear of other Assemblies. The second Change was, that he charged himself with the full Pension of the Deputies, when he had taken from the Reformed all the Sums which his Father had Granted 'em, The Third was, that he substituted a New Deputy by his own Authority, in the room of one of the other two that died in the Interval of the Assemblies. 'Tis true, he writ to the Provinces to consent to this Substitution: But they understood well enough, that his entreaties were those of a King, that were as good as Commands. A little after it became a Custom. The Fourth was, that the number of the Deputies was reduced to one, because the vacancy of one of the two that was Dead, was not supplied. The Fifth was, that the Commission became perpetual: And the last was, that in the end, the Churches lost all the part that they had had in the Nomination; the Right of which the King reserved wholly to himself. So that, for near forty years the Reformed have had no other General Deputies, but those whom the King has appointed 'em. This Abridgement is sufficient here: But the sequel will give occasion of speaking more at large.  
Few matters of Importance passed in the Synod of Gergeau, 
●…od at Gergeau.  where they only examined some Books of Reunion, which were Published under all manner of Titles. They writ once again to Lesdiguiers for 17000 Crowns which he kept back; but they received no more satisfaction than before. They Writ to Casaubon to congratulate his Constancy in Religion, of which they had very much doubted; but of which he had given assurances to the Synod. They forbade Ministers to be the first Aggressors in Disputes of Controversy. It seemed by the Measures that were taken in this Assembly, to hinder the Abuse of removing Causes to the Chambres Miparties, or Chambers half Protestant, half Catholics, that Litigious Cavils had made their advantage of their Institution. But what was most remarkable of all that there passed, is that the Brevet for 45000 Crowns for the Payment of Ministers having been given to the Churches but three years before, Roni was so little ●zact in paying his brethren, that there was due to 'em the Arrears of this Sum for three years.  
Some Months after the separation of the Synod, the King 
●…●….  Answered some Papers, sufficiently Large, that had been presented to him, of which principal Articles were, that the Reformed in Dauphine were Taxed for the places of their Churches and of their Churchyards; that in many places they deprived their poor of the General Alms, and thrust their Sick out of the Hospitals; that at Bourdeaux and Xaintes, the Ju●ats and Judges would have seized upon the Money that was gathered for the poor at the Church-Doors; that at Roven they refused the Petitions presented in the Name of a Reformed Church, Body, or Community; that at Orleans and elsewhere, they tendered to the Officers at their Admission, Oaths, to live in the Roman Religion: That at G●rgeau the King's Proctor had Deposed his substitute for the Sole Cause of Religion: That at Lions the Chevalier du Guet would by Force accompany the Attendants at Funerals, an● exacted excessive Fees; and those who kept the Hospital of the Bridge of Rhone, disturbed these Funeral Attendants as much as they were able. Upon all which, they had all they could desire Granted 'em; to Wit, most severe Prohibitions against continuing to do 'em the same Injuries. Nor were their two last Articles less favourably Answered: By one of which the King was obliged to preserve the Churches of the Country of Gex in the same State in which he found 'em, when he United it to the Crown; and the other, that the Reformed might Traffic in all the Duke of Savoys Dominions, without fear of being disturbed for their Consciences. The King promised to the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex Liberty of Conscience, and the exercise of their Religion as to the Rest of his Subjects. This was as much as to say, that he Granted 'em the Protection of his Edicts, according to which the Roman Religion ought to be Re established there, and that for the rest things should remain there, in the same condition in which they were found: Because that was properly the General Rule for Executing Edicts. In Effect he re-established the Mass there in some time after, and he sent the Baron of Lux on purpose to make this Re-establishment: But he left the Reformed Churches in Possession of those Privileges which they enjoyed when the Country was yielded to him. He referred the Reformed for the other Article to the Fifty third of the particulars of the Edict, where what they desired was entirely Granted 'em.  
At that time there was a Great business a Foot at Rome, in which they would fain have engaged the 
The Succession of England.  King. It concerned the Succession of England, which the Pope laboured to have settled in the Hands of a Catholie. There was in prospect a Prince of the House of Parma; and a Church man was sent over into that Island with the Title of Archpriest, to incline the Catholics of the Country to it. The King of Spain would have gotten this Crown for himself, or for a Prince of his House; and there were Writings dispersed wherein the Jesuits did Impudently maintain that it was devolved to him. The Motive of this Intrigue was Queen Elizabeth's Age, who in all probability 'twas thought could not live long. It wasnot known how she would dispose of the Suucession: But it was well known, that she would never leave it to a Catholic Prince. And 'twas feared, that the King of Scotland her next Heir coming to the Crown, might be capable of doing a great deal of hurt to the Roman Religion, if he had an Affection and Zeal for the Reformed. He was yet but young, and as he had hitherto lived under a kind of Guardianship, his Genius and his Inclinations were not yet known. But they altered their measures, when they knew how to hit his Humour; and they carried things so far, that they made use of him himself to endeavour the reducing of England to its former Obedience to the Pope: But while they expected that things should come to that, the King did not Relish the Intrigue. He gave his hand to the project of reducing this Kingdom to the Catholic Religion; and during the rest of his Life, he was the Mediator and confident of this design: But he was not willing to aggrandise his Enemies by this change. The other designs which he had in his Head did not require that there should be no more Protestants in Europe.  
Cha●illon the Admiral's Grandson, was taken off this year 
The Deuth of the Grandson of the Admiral de Chatillon.  by a Cannon shot in Ostend, besieged by Archduke Albert. Never did a young Lord give greater hopes. He was born for War; and among the good Qualities that are necessary to a Commander, he had the knack to make himself beloved by his Soldiers, whose Hearts and Confidence he had gained. 'Tis said, that he had so great a Credit in th● Army of the Stat●s, that Prince Maurice could not forbear being Jealous. Nor was he of less Authority amongst the Reformed of France, who loved in him Virtues equal to his Fathers and Grandfathers. He was continually talking of their Actions, and aspired to no more than to imitate 'em. The most Ardent of his desires, was that of being like his Grandfather at the Head of the Reformed, and to fight one Battle for their Interest. His Merit made him lamented by the King, when he heard the News of his Death. But when Courtiers, who always speak of the Dead or Absent, what they durst not of people in a capacity of revenging themselves, had drawn to the King what Picture they pleased of the Ambition and the Designs of this young Lord, he took for a Sign of Prosperity what immediately before he looked upon as a Subject of Grief. It was in this 
The Birth of the Dauphin.  year too, that the Dauphin came into the World. His Birth gave great Joy to all true French Men, who by that saw all the Seeds of War suppressed, which the several pretensions to the Succession might have produced. But that did not hinder the Spaniards from preparing all occasions of disturbance; nor prevented from time to time the spreading of a Rumour, that the King having promised Marriage to the Marchioness of Vernevil, there was a doubt whither the Succession belonged to the Children of Mary de Medicis. There were some Spanish Casuists that made it a Question whether the Dispensation was fairly obtained. In the Low-Countries some Preacher or other had the boldness to Preach in favour of the Negative: And at divers times Libels were dispersed about concerning this matter. A Capucin who was suspected to have learned his Lesson at the Court of Savoy, put off a thousand extravagancies on this Subject in Italy and in Rome itself: But there was a stop put to the course of these mischievous Intentions by the Authority of the Superior. In the mean time, as the Birth of the Dauphin made all the World talk, La Riviere one of 
The Prediction of La Riviere.  the King's Physicians, a great ginger and much possessed with Predictions, Erected a Scheme of his Nativity; the King that gave a little too much heed to these Vanities, either through his own Inclination, or by the Example of Roni his Favourite, who gave much way to it, or by the Inducement of the Queen, who was prepossessed, as almost all the Italians are; the King, I say, having obliged him, notwithstanding several denials, to tell him his Judgement of this Child according to the Rules of his Art, answered him half in Choler, that he should Reign; that he should destroy what his Father had Established, that he should scatter all that he had husbanded; that he should leave Posterity, under▪ which all should grow worse and worse. The State which at this day the Religion and the Kingdom are in, may make this Prediction to be Ranked among those which make most for the Honour of Astrology.  
But there were very dangerous Motions in the State, which were stirred up by Foreign Intrigues. The Court was full of Male Contents which were there engaged under divers pretences. Byron a Man of a Presumptuous Spirit and without Judgement, was so deeply involved in 'em, that it cost him his Life. But 'twas believed, that the King was yet strong enough to quash this Conspiracy, as long as he had the Reformed at his Devotion; this is the Reason that nothing was wanting to engage 'em in the Party. They were admonished as by way 
Notice given to the Reformed of a League made against 'em.  of Friendship, that the Peace of the State was the way to their Ruin; that there was a powerful League concluded against 'em; seeing that the Peace of Savoy was negotiated; that there was a Project laid for a kind of Crusade; that the Catholic Princes had sworn it by their Deputies; that the Oath was given upon the Eucharist by the Legate; that every one was Taxed at a certain Sum, and a▪ certain number of Soldiers; that the League was to last till the Protestant Religion was exterminated; that there were two Originals of this Treaty Signed by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy; and that that Duke had one in his Hands, which he offered to Communicate to the Reformed. To this were added the greatest promises of security that could be thought on, provided they entered into the League that was proposed to 'em.  
This Advice was confirmed by that which one Brochard Baron gave to Marshal Bo●illon, touching the Leagues Sworn against the Reformation. This▪ Baron▪ who called himself the Nephew of Cardinal Baronius, boasted that he was sent by the Pope to the Catholic Princes, to make 'em Sign the Project of New Crusade; and before all things to have presented the Book of this Institution to the King of Spain. He said, that the Instructions of those that were entrusted to engage the Princes to a Protection of this League, recommended chiefly three means to succeed in the Conversion of Heretics. The first was to institute Missions to instruct those that were gone astray by good Sermons and Examples. The second was to tolerate the Enterprises of Magistrates against the Liberties of Heretics; and to make use of Politic Artifices and Pious Frauds, to take away their Privileges. The Third was to use Force and Arms to reduce 'em. The Jesuits business was to sow great Divisions between the Great ones and in the Provinces: And great Liberality was to be shown to the first Converted, to serve for a Bait to others. He averred, that there were five and twenty thousand gained in England, that were able to bear Arms; and Ministers enough, to hope, that the Reformation would be Condemned by the the Mouth of the very Ministers themselves. He discovered great Designs that were laid against all the Protestant States; and he pretended that a great part of the Nobility in Germany were corrupted. I know not whence he had got the Mysteries he laid open in his Discourses; but in the sequel the things he spoke, have been so exactly practised, and with so great success, that if his Relation may be judged by the Event, rather than by the Picture he made of the Design, he must be looked upon as one that spoke positive Truth.  
This Baron not being rewarded as he expected, went into Germany and Holland to put the same Ware off there; and if he did not persuade those who had a share in the Government he found the people more apt to believe him. There were, Preachers, who during the Siege of Rochel, remembered his Discourse, and applied it to the State to which the Reformation was reduced at that time in France and Germany. To elude his Testimony, they would have had him pass for an Incendiary, who had invented one part of what he said. Nevertheless, there was not in all his parts, one story made at random. There was Erected a little while since, at Th●non a Town belonging to the Duke of Savoy, a Friary for Conversion of Heretics; and to render it more Venerable to the people, it was called by the pitiful Name of The Congregation of our Lady of Compassion of Seven Griefs. This New Society was no sooner set up, but they Writ to the Catholic Princes, to invite 'em to enter into this League. D'Ossat did not deny to the King, that they writ to the Pope. But he assured him, that the Pope rejected this vain proposition, as capable of Uniting the Protestants for their mutual Defence; which could not but endamage the Catholic Religion; and give a fair Opportunity to the Turk to extend his Conquests over Christendom, during the Divisions of Europe. This Prelate likewise accused the Duke of Savoy for having abused the Commissions and Procurations of this Fraternity; on which the Work of this imaginary League was built to serve him in his Designs to embroil France. For the rest, he describes this Baron as a Man the most fickle and inconstant that ever was. He had been a Priest, and during that time had committed a Murder; he turned Protestant, it may be to avoid the punishment he had deserved. He married; but being soon weary of a Martyed Life, he returned to the Roman Religion, which in the sequel he forsook a second time. This is according to the Picture the Cardinal makes of him.  
But though there had been nothing to have been said against Baron, the Duke of Savoy was too much suspected in point of Religion, to gain Credit among the Reformed. He had not the Reputation of having too much Honesty; and if they judged by what d'Ossat says of him, he was a Prince of a strange Character; 
A General Assembly at saint Foye.  and who had always some contrivance in his Head against the Peace of Europe. In the mean time the Reformed were Assembled at Saint Foye, where they were not satisfied with naming Deputies General; but where they Treated on many things that regarded the General, and the particular of Churches. A little while after there was a Paper presented to the King, the first Article of which, after having Congratulated him upon the Peace of the Kingdom, and upon the Birth of the Dauphin, demanded a Re-establishment of the Edict, in the state it had been Granted at Nantes; and this demand was supported with a pretence that the King had promised this Re-establishment as soon as the Affairs of the Kingdom could permit it. The Chief of the other Articles demanded that the Parliaments, which had not verified the Edict, but under certain Modifications should be obliged to take 'em off: That some Immunities should be Granted to Colleges, that the Reformed should found, in pursuance of the Liberty which the Edict gave 'em. That the Counsellors which were placed there, should be obliged to serve in the Chambers of the Edict many years; and that but half of 'em should be changed every time some Change was desired. They were not Answered upon this Paper, till in the Month of March, in the year following, and the Answers were first resolved on with the Deputies, and about three Weeks after reported to the King, who approved of 'em. The first Article was absolutely denied 'em, under pretence that there was no great matter in it; that these little Changes were made for the common good, and to facilitate the Execution of the Edict; that the Advice of the Principal of the Reformed had been had as being called to the Deliberations that had been made upon these matters; that they could not be revoked; and that there was no promise given to do it. It may be judged by this, either that those promises were not made but by people whom the King was not afraid to disown, as there are always at Court, Managers of business, by whom she puts people in hopes of an event, for which she has no mind to be answerable; or that the Reformed had taken for serious promises, certain windy Words which were given 'em to put 'em in Heart, that things might Change, and that then they would cause Restoration to be made 'em of what the present Juncture constrained 'em, to suffer 'em to be deprived of 'em: Or that in fine the Reformed at the Court had invented these promises as a secret, to keep off the Reproach of having so easily consented to these Changes. Upon the other Articles they had all the satisfaction given that they could desire: But because they asked the Liberty of continuing their Assembly, under the pretence of the Difficulties the Parliament made of Executing the Edict, the King declared in his Answers, that he had given such Orders for the redress of 'em, that this continuation of the Assembly was needless.  
But they set forth much larger Papers at saint Foy; and without stopping long at the repeated denial that the King had made to resettle the Edict in the same State that it was settled in at Nantes; they did not forbear to demand again a little after the same things by Retail which they could not obtain in Gross. This is the reason that in demanding the Execution of the Edict throughout the whole Kingdom, such as it had been verified at Paris; they had hopes, one day, to repair those breaches which the Council had made therein: Insomuch, that they seemed not to accept it but on condition. Many Provinces were Named in these Articles, to which the Court had sent no Commissioners; others where they had not been but in the Capital Cities; many particular Places, where the Exercise was not granted but under certain Restrictions, as I have already observed. They complained, that in judging the Right of Possession acquired by the Edict of 1577. they limited themselves strictly to the 17th of September, having no regard to the Proofs of the Exercise that was had in the same month before and after that day; if it had not been likewise proved that it was had precisely upon that day. This almost reduced the Reformed to a Nonplus, and made an illusion of this Right, because that the 17th of September fell that Year on a Tuesday, a day wherein the Reformed could not have had their Public Exercises but in a kind of Hazard. It was demanded, that in the places where the Commissioners named the King's Judges for their Subdelegates, those Judges should be obliged to take an adjoined Partner of the Reformed, whom the Reformed themselves should appoint to labour diligently together, and Scot free in the Execution of the Commissioners Orders. They complained, that in many places the Catholics would not suffer the Reformed to Inhabit: That they drove the Tradesmen out of certain Towns: That they would not allow 'em as Journeymen in their Shops: That they spoke Injurious things to 'em unpunished, when they went to their Exercises: That the Preachers in their Sermons, The Advocates in their Plead, took the same Liberty, without being repressed. That the Royal Judges in many places did not do Justice, in the Abuses committed their Persons. That in many Dioceses they caused 'em to be Enrolled, and put certain marks on their Houses, to distinguish 'em from those of the Catholics: That wherever there were yet any Colleges of Jesuits in the Kingdom, that is to say, in the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux, they had found out another manner of distinction, causing the Houses of the Catholics to be marked with the Cross, or Garlands of Flowers, to the end that those might be better taken notice of that wanted such Ornaments: That at Veruins they put a Minister out of the Town, who travelling that Road arrived there upon Easter-day; and that they refused so much as to give his Horse Stable-Room. 'Twas a Complaint that in several places the Judges hindered 'em from Building Churches, though the Exercise were there permitted: That in many others, that were Named, the Exercise likewise was hindered, either through the opposition of the Lords of the Places, or by the Orders of the Commissioners. It was reported upon this occasion, that at Aubenas, where the Marquis of Montlaur committed a Thousand Violences, though the Commissioners had caused the Steeple, the Bell and the Churchyard to be Surrender'd to the Catholics, and left the Townhouse to the Reformed for their Exercises, the Jesuits had built a Chapel against the Wall, through which they had made a hole, that they might see all over the place; that they caused a Bell to Ring during the Exercise; and that they had set up a Cross over the Entry. It was demanded, That the Lords might enjoy the Right of their Precincts and Jurisdictions, and have their Exercise free therein, although they were enclosed in Episcopal Towns; and that the King should forbid any farther searching in Booksellers Houses for Books of Religion, at Roven, Bourdeaux, and elsewhere, and seizing upon 'em, though not exposed to Sale. 'Twas Remonstrated that in many Colleges they had refused to admit the Regent's and the Scholars, for the sake of their Religion only: That in many places the Reformed had no Churchyards: That to avoid the Inconveniencies of Funeral Attendance in the Night, and which exposed the Reformed to a Thousand Affronts, from which they could not Guard themselves, they ought to be permitted to Bury in the Day. To this were added Complaints against several Curates, who had caused divers Bodies to be digged up again, in the very places which had been assigned to the Reformed for their Burial-places before the Civil Wars; of which they demanded leave to inform. But above all, they aggravated the Outrage done to the Body of a Lady by Cardinal de Sourdis, Archbishop of Bourdeaux, a Man the most Passionate and most Rash of his time, and who perplexed himself in all sorts of Affairs with the least consideration. He ordered the Body to be taken up Eighteen Years after it had been Buried, and made the Bones to be thrown into the Highway.  
There was a long Train of Articles that concerned the Chambers of the Edict or Miparties; and by their diversity it may be observed that the Catholics would have subjected these Chambers to the Parliaments, and have made 'em a kind of an Inferior Jurisdiction, whereas they ought properly to have been Little Parliaments, which having nothing to do with those of which they were Members, but that they were composed in part of Judges taken out of those greater Bodies, had the same extent of Jurisdiction and Privileges. These Articles then required, that the Six Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris, and the Three of the Parliament of Roven, might be admitted all together into the Chambers of the Edict, because of those Acts of Injustice that one alone could not hinder: That the Invasions of the Parliament of Tholouse upon the Jurisdiction of the Chamber Established at Castres', of which Examples wholly new were produced, might be repressed. That the Reformed Counsellors that served at Roven in the Chambers of Inquests, might judge of Clerical Privileges, and of Crimes of which the Ecclesiastics were accused; That the Chambers of the Edict might take Cognizance of all Causes where the Reform should be Parties; as also of Causes relating to Benefices in Possession, of Tithes, of Ecclesiastical Rights and Demains; of Criminal Causes where the Ecclesiastics were Defendants: That there should be an Expedient found to Protect the Reformed from the severity of the Parliaments of Tholouse, of Bourdeaux and Grenoble, from which no Justice was to be expected, in Affairs the Cognizance of which was taken away from the Chambers: That in Causes relating to a pretended Ecclesiastical Fund, the Chambers might have power to examine the Nature of the Fund, to retain the Cause, if the Fund was not of the Quality pretended: That the Affairs of the Reformed against the Ecclesiastics, in some Parliaments where the Judges had their Children possessed of Benefices and Church-Employments, should be brought before the Parliament of Paris, or the Grand Council: That the Chambers should take Cognizance of the Affairs of the Reformed concerning Hospitals: That they should be allowed the Cognizance of Affairs of Subsidies and Accounts given to the Parliaments of Roven and Provence, in Causes where the King was not to Intervene, and where only his Farmers were to be dealt with: That Matters of Corporation-Government, where the Reformed were Parties, should be sent back to the Chambers of the Edict, when they demanded it: That the Chamber of Grenoble might give Audience with open Doors; and that the Parliament should admit Advocates of the Reformed Religion: That the Orders of this Chamber might be executed in Provence without demanding Pareatis: 
The Conclusion of a peremptory Warrant, like our Hereof fail you not.  That in each Bailliage an Office should be Erected, for which the Patents should be given at the Nomination of the Reformed, empowring 'em to do whatever concerned the Edict, and the Execution of it, because that in Normandy, and other parts, the Parliament refused Pareatis' for the Execution of Decrees of Council, Letters Patents, and other Acts of the same Nature: That at Paris should be Created a Substitute to the Advocate-General, who should be of the Reformed Religion: That removing of Causes to the Grand Council should not be granted to the prejudice of the Chambers: That the Causes of Precedents and Counsellors should be kept in the Chambers where they served, without being constrained to go Plead at the nearest Chamber: That Causes should not be removed under pretence of Kindred which the Parties should have in the Chambers: That the Exceptions should be Judged there, before the King gave his Letters of Removal: That there should be a Fund raised for the Maintenance of the Sessions of Vacations in the Chambers, as for those of Parliaments: That the Commissioners of Registers in the Chambers of Castres' and Nerac should be half Papists, half Protestants: That the Parliaments should not oblige the Counsellors which they sent to serve in those Chambers, to Judge according to certain Rules, that should too much limit the Jurisdiction: That in the Criminal Instructions to Parliaments, Reformed Assistants should taken in, such as the Parties should agree upon, or who should be Named ex Officio, if the Inquisitors were Catholics.  
There were other Articles which spoke of Employments. There was a Complaint that the Catholics held Contests with the most Ancient Counsellors upon the point of Precedency; and that at Paris, upon the Request of the Attorney-General, those of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion had informed against Mol●, Possessed of Precedents place. There was a General Regulation demanded, conformable to the Declaration which the King had Verbally made on many particular Affairs touching the Right of admitting indifferently to Consulships, and other Elective places, without distinction of Religion, those who should be called thereto by ordinary means, Ancient and Accustomed. The Reason of this demand was, That the Reformed being the strongest in almost all the good Towns of Guyenne and Languedoc, and persons capable of these employs being no where to be found but amongst them, it happened that they always filled the most Honourable places, if they were given according to the Ordinary Forms, to those who should be judged worthy by the plurality of Voices: On the contrary the Catholics would deprive the Reformed of this advantage; and obstinately persisted almost every where, that there might be an equal Division of these Places between Papists and Protestants. In which they buoyed themselves up by the Example of certain Treaties, which had been made in some places before the last Edict, that equally divided the Consulships between the Reformed and the Catholics. But there arose daily Law-Suits upon these opposite pretensions, which being carried to the Council either directly, or upon the Partitions that happened in the Chambers called Miparties, engaged the Commonalty in long Disputes and Ruinous Expenses.  
There were yet other Articles that concerned the places which the Reformed had in possession; in which it was demanded that the Catholic Inhabitants should be obliged to contribute to the reparation of the Walls, and to the charge of the Court of Guard. 'Twas likewise demanded, that certain Fraternities of Penitents that swarmed in the Kingdom, and who turned the Austerities of Mortification into a Pious Masquerade should not be re-established in the Towns of Surety; as it had happened in some places, where the Fraternity 
A Sect ●● people that beat themselves twice a day and once a night  des Battus was restored, by Virtue of an Order made upon a Petition. There was a Complaint of some Castle which a Catholic had begun to Fortify, to incommode some Neighbouring place; and it was demanded that the Fortifications might be demolished.  
There were others again that concerned particular Cases. There was a complaint that in many places, when the Reformed had been Fined, the Judges to vex 'em, declared the Fines applicable to the support of Covents, or of Catholic Churches: And the States of Languedoc made 'em contribute to Gratuities that were raised upon the Province for the Ecclesiastics, or for the Mendicant Monks: That at Bourdeaux and other places they would not receive the Petitions, or the complaints of the Reformed, under the Name of an Agent, or an Advocate of their Corporation: That they had denied the Assistance of Ministers to the Condemned; and that they have been forced to be accompanied to the place of punishment by the Monks: That they have rated the Ministers for the King's Taxes, as also for their Salaries. The King was Petitioned to permit the Inhabitants of the County of Marle, that had no place of Exercise within eight Leagues of 'em, to meet in the Jurisdiction of a Reformed Gentleman, though he was not resident there: And they begged of him to obtain for his Subjects that Traded in Spain, the same Liberty of Conscience that was allowed there to the English, to the Scotch, to the Danes and to the Germans. The occasion of this Address was, that a certain Man called Pradilles of Montpelier going to Spain, to recover a Sum that was due to him, the Inquisition caused him to be Arrested; condemned him to the Amende Honourable; to be kept in Prison a year and a day, and to the Confiscation of all his Goods.  
All these Articles remained a long time in the Hands of the 
An Ignominious punishment so called.  Council, who kept 'em till the Month of August 1602. They were variously Answered: Some purely and simply Granted, others Extended and Amplified: Others absolutely refused; others Granted in Part, and partly refused. There were a great many on which the Council took time to consult the King's Advocates, to give Orders according to their Advice: Others where the King sent back the Parties concerned to redress themselves before him by way of Petition: Others where he demanded to see the Decrees of Court, and Acts wherein they were mentioned: Many wherein he reserved himself the Power to order what he thought good. But in General there was in all the Answers, a temper of Favour and Equity, which made the Intentions of the King appear openly, and that plainly showed, that without Disguise or Equivocation, his meaning was that the Edict should be observed, and that the Difficulties that arose upon the Execution of it, should be favourably expounded. This favourable and equitable Mind of his appeared above all, in the Orders he gave for the Execution of the Edict, in places where it was not yet done: In those which he sent to the Judges and Officers, to enjoin 'em to let the Reformed live in all places, without being molested: In the explication of the Privilege of the Edict of 1577. which he thought fit should be applied to all the places where the exercise had been held during the Month of September, without stopping precisely at the seventeenth of the Month: In the prohibition of the inrolments, and the seditious Marks that were put on their Houses: In that of speaking injuriously of the Reformed in their Sermons or Plead: In that of searching the Booksellers Houses: In many Articles that concerned the Jurisdiction, the Dignity or the Privileges of the Reformed Counsellors at the Parliament of Paris, of Roven and Grenoble; or the Jurisdiction of the Chambers called Miparties, and the execution of their Judgements. In the Declaration of his Will upon the indifferent admission of the Reformed and Catholics to Consulary Employments, according to the customary Forms, without distinction of Religion, or limitation of number: In the extension he gave to the Right of Exercise, that the Commissioners had agreed to certain places with Inconvenient Restrictions. In like manner there were many oaths, where the Reform as in the preceding obtained all they could reasonably demand, pursuant to the Terms of the Edict, which was to be the common Rule of their pretensions and their Rights. Those that were refused 'em were only either the same in particular, which they could not obtain in the whole, or such as Treated of things, for which there were specious Reasons not to grant 'em. This observation discovered the King's Integrity and Exactness; who, that his Edict might be the better observed, Solemnly decided the difficulties that concerned execution of it, as soon as they arose: And it appeared by the same consideration, that it was unjust to Renew and Enlarge these difficulties in our days, since that in the time when they were first invented and raised, they had all been decided. These same decisions ought to be so much the more respected, in that they were given by a King who knew what he meant by each Article of his Edict: In a time when he saw things near at hand, and could judge of 'em with knowledge of the Cause.  
It is evident, That since they were as ancient as the execution of the Edict itself, and pronounced upon the difficulties which rose from the Execution itself, they ought to be taken for the Rule of well understanding it, and the true Interpretations of the intentions of the Author. All the World knows, that when there are any difficulties in any Law, there is no body can better resolve 'em than he that made 'em.  
But these good Intentions of the King did not hinder, but that 
1602.  there were several Rumours raised, to fill the Reformed with fears and jealousies, on purpose to dispose 'em to an Insurrection. 'Twas spread abroad, that the King was going to retrench two thirds of their allowances; that they should have no more particular Pensions of him; that he would no longer continue 'em in places of Trust; that he would give 'em no more employments, without inserting in the Patents the Clause of being Catholics. But these Artifices took with no Body. They beheld likewise without any concern the Flight of Marshal the Duke of Bovillon, who was thought to be involved in the Conspiracy of Marshal du Byron. And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents, was engaged a little too forward in those Intrigues. Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have removed Roni from the management 
The Disgrace of Marshal de Bovillon.  of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority. This Favourite finding himself held up by his Master, abused and injured all the World without Fear and Wit; under pretence of his Husbandry, which flattered the inclinations of the King, he made all those uneasy who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince. The Duke had let the King know, that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Malcontents: Neither had Roni failed to do the like by the Duke, which forced him to fly the Kingdom, after the Death of Byron, left like him, he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold. The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion; and he gave great assurances of showing him favour, provided he would freely confess his Fault. But the Duke would never trust him: Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety; or that he feared Roni, whom he knew able to do any thing, when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State, or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust. But that his Innocence might be cleared of the Accusations that were formed against him, he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres', under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be, because of his Territory of Turenne: And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission: In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers, whose Causes are of Course referred to the Parliament of Paris. The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission; but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it, he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom; and therefore passing through Geneva, he retired into Germany, where he stayed some years before his Peace was made.  
During his absence, almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf. He gave 'em to understand, that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution; and he alleged Reasons which might persuade it. There were many others, said he, that had a greater share in the Conspiracies than they pretended he had: Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him, though he strongly denied to have been concerned in it, and that they had no charge against him. Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest, to whom they said nothing. But neither his Reasons, nor all the Credit he had in France, could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion: And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only. Foreigners that wrote in his behalf, did the same; and only prayed that their Zeal for Religion might not overrule their Justice in this Case. Queen Elizabeth, who had a great esteem for this Lord, was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone. She excused him by her Letters as much as she could, and cast all the accusations that were raised against him upon the hatred of his Religion. The King dissembled the discontent that these Letters gave him: But he appeared incensed at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke: And he showed openly, that he took in ill part the Protection, which it seemed, The Chamber Miparti had given him, receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause. At the end he continued inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home, or from abroad.  
But if this Affair occasioned no more Tumult, the King's severity to the City of Rochel produced no Effect, that much more extraordinary. An Assembly held at Rochel like a kind of Petty State, had established a certain Right, which was called the 
* A Paper containing the particular Rights or Customs due to the King.  Pancarte. This Right was to be suppressed at the term of some years: But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expired, it caused divers disturbances in the Provinces. Many great Towns opposed this exaction by open force; and Rochel among the rest committed some violences; but was forced, like the rest to submit itself 
Sedition at Rochel.  to the King's pleasure. She received Roni himself, accompanied with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls, and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder, but that the rest of the Reformed remained in their Obedience. There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons, full of suspicion and mistrust, who feared that the King had some hidden designs against 'em: And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made, that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppressed. La Trimoville, Free and Bold, spoke on this occasion in such a manner, as made him be looked upon as very obnoxious at Court: Marshal de Bovillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues, although he was absent; and du Plessia incensed by the Injury which he pretended to have received from the King at Fontainbleau, was as much suspected as the rest. They were afraid so much the more, in that, 'twas well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds. There was at the Court, and in the Council itself, a Cabal 
The Spanish Cabal in Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed.  entirely Spanish, who were enlivened by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain, and by those of the Court of Rome. This Cabal moved all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed: And after having used the direct means, they took indirect and remote, to bring the King to it, of which he was not aware. For that Reason it was, that they vigorously pressed the Repeal of the Jesuits; that they had already formed Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain; that they caused it to be loudly spread abroad, that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France, there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King; as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence, to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children, for the Destruction of Heresy▪ Taxis, Ambassador of Spain, pressed the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom, and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome. They say likewise, that this Ambassador having spoken to him one day, in Terms that offended him, this Prince Answered him, that he wondered that they should go about to force him to destroy a people, who had done him good Service, and who, though they held Errors which the Church Condemned, yet at least Adored Jesus Christ, and believed him the Son of God, while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects, whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity. The King made this Answer in such Terms, as by his pronouncing 'em seemed to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed, which the King of Spain had done at home against the Moors: Insomuch, that Taxis taking him in that sense, only replied to the King, that he beseeched him to be mindful of his word. 'Twas thought that this was the first motive for the Banishment of those unhappy people: And that Taxis having given an account of his Discourse with the King upon this Subject, the Council of Spain had as soon formed the design of Persecuting those miserable Creatures. But it may likewise be believed, that this design was formed a long time since. That Taxis who well enough knew it, laid hold on the occasion, and would have made that pass for an effect of the Zeal of the King his Master, which was but an effect of his Policy. Discretion advised to rid himself of these people, whose inconstancy and Infidelity caused every day great troubles.  
Not but that Spain had really a design to destroy the Reformed in France. It was necessary for the Projects that he had laid, and that they should be strong enough to render themselves formidable. But it was also necessary, that they should not be 
With a Prospect to divert the King's Forces by a Civil War.  at peace, to the end, that they might give a diversion to the King's Forces, which might hinder him from giving succour to Foreign Protestants; because the House of Austria hoped easily to destroy 'em, if they could deprive 'em of the Protection of France. The Council of that House, which at that time contained the most profound and most refined Politics of Europe, and which at that time had the Jesuits on their side, had already moved a long time towards the same Mark, without losing sight of it: And they kept themselves fixed to the same design about thirty years, with hope of approaching success. But the divisions of the Reformed, the good Fortune of Lovis the thirteenth, the Prosperity of Gustavus, and the Intrigues of Cardinal Richlieu overthrew all his Projects, and subrogated, if I may so say, France to the pretensions that this Powerful House had to the Universal Monarchy. It was then the only drift of the Council of Spain, to set the King to handy blows with the Reformed, while they laboured to set up a Catholic King in England, to subjugate the United Provinces, and to Ruin the Germane Protestants. 'Twas believed, that it would require so much time to destroy the Reformed, that Spain would have Leisure to execute her Grand Projects: Nor would she be wanting to employ her Money and her Intrigues, to prevent that Parties being too soon oppressed; which may be judged by what she did in the Reign of Lewis the thirteenth. At least this Civil War would embroil the King with the Foreign Protestants; which was one of the prospects of Spain, because without their Alliance she believed France could not hurt her, nor the Protestants resist her. This is the Reason why all the other Projects having failed, and the Death of Byron having dissipated the most dangerous Conspiracies, there remained no other Wheel to be set a going to trouble the Kingdom, then to make the Reformed take up Arms, if it were possible. To succeed in it, Taxis on one side endeavoured to render 'em suspected to the King, in representing 'em as become his Enemies, since they believed him a Catholic in good earnest: And he added as boldly as if it had been true, that they had often desired the assistance of Spain to begin the War. On the other side, he spread among the Reformed 
〈…〉 of Suspicious and Pears between the Reformed  a thousand Rumours of Leagues that were making against 'em; and he made 'em always believe, that the King had gone a great way in these Combinations, to the end that he might alienate the Reformed from him, by a distrust.  
He said too much to be believed. The King knew well enough how he ought to take the Counsels that came from Spain; and the Reformed well knew, that the true Interest of their King was, to preserve 'em. Every one knew, that as he had Prospects altogether opposite to those of the House of Austria, so it was as necessary that he should maintain the Protestants at home and abroad, as it was necessary for that House to suppress 'em or destroy 'em. Nevertheless, as Men are subject to deceive themselves, when they pretend to judge of the Interests of Princes, who having their Passions, or their Weaknesses like other Men, are often ignorant of, or quit their true Advantages, for other imaginary designs, they who amongst the Reformed were in reputation of great Prudence, were of Opinion that they should provide against▪ uncertain accidents. They believed, that 'twas better warding off a Thrust with what force soever made, when a Man is on his Guard to receive it, then when he does not expect it: And that it is but a Weak excuse in Politics, and which can never repair the mischief of a too great security, to say, I never believed it. This is the Reason that there were some who proposed to put themselves under the Protection of King James the first Queen Elizabeth's Successor: But the Weakness of this Prince which soon discovered itself; the Love of the Reformed for their King, and the firmness he showed in his Design to preserve 'em, dissipated these useless propositions.  
He talked freely of the Affection he had for the Protestant Party: And it may be, he talked too freely for a King who had great Designs, who ought to have said nothing which might discover 'em to those whose Interest it was to oppose him. He called those of this Profession his intimate and approved Friends; he confessed that it was not safe for him to renounce their Alliance; that that would but too well Fortify the party of his Enemies, in weakening his own; that he and the Protestant Party had mutually occasion for one another. He testified likewise, that his Heart could not endure the thought of Per●ecnting the Reformed, when he called to mind, that they had assisted him with all their Power, when he was Attacked on all sides. It was not only to the Reformed of the Court that he spoke thus: But he said likewise, yet more to the Catholics; and one time among the rest in the presence of many Lords, among which there was none but Roquelaure that was not bigoted; he made a long Discourse of the Services that the Reformed had done him. He testified, that he had ever found 'em Constant and Faithful; that they had often hazarded their Lives for his; that for this cause he would give 'em an equal share of his Love and Bounty; that Rochel, Bergerac and Montauban had always been places of Refuge to him, where none ever dared to Attack him; that apparently God made use of 'em in the time of the League to save his Life; that he loved 'em for this Reason, although sometimes they were somewhat faulty; and that he gratified 'em every year with something, for their Fortifications and for their Colleges.  
When these Words were related to the Reformed, they fetched Tears into their Eyes; they gave a new Vigour to the tenderness 
That the assurance of being b●belov'd by the King kept 'em in Peace.  which they ever had for their Protector; and they expected from him yet greater Actions, than the expressions were obliging. 'Tis the greatest Privilege of a King who holds his Subjects by the Heart, that he is assured of 'em when he pleases, and that to disperse all the Jealousies they could have of him, he is obliged to no greater expense than a few flattering Words. He never loses the Fruit of the tender expressions that he makes use of, and the Hearts prepossessed with the Love of him, believe yet more than is told 'em. But as the King feared lafoy Trimoville, who besides the General Credit he had in the whole Party, and the share he had in the Foreign Intrigues, as Brother-in-Law to the Prince of Orange and Marshal de Bovillon, was also very powerful in Poitou, by the places he held, by the great Number of Nobility that paid him Homage, by the Neighbourhood of Du Plessis, who was become formidable since he had been injured, because he was a Man of Brains, and Governor of a good Place, and in fine, by the great Number of Reformed that were in that Province. The King therefore to Counterpoise this Power, gave the Government to Roni, who having 
Roni is made Governors of Poitou.  the money and the Authority, could easily break the measures of those, with whom the Court was dissatisfied. He did, it may be, more than was hoped; and la Trimoville did not live long after this Favourite was Established in the Province.  
But that did not happen till toward the latter end of the 
The Death of Queen Elizabeth.  year; and before the King had lost his good Sister Elizabeth Queen of England; and the Prince that succeeded her, being by that the most Powerful of all the Protestants, it was of great Consequence to know him, and to prevent him, and to see how far his Alliance might be depended on. Roni was Employed in this Commission, and went over to England, to see what might be hoped for from him. He found this Court quite changed. They durst not there speak of Elizabeth, whose Memory the people Adored: And King James the first would not suffer 'em there, to mourn for that Princess. Roni had Orders not to Communicate the King's designs to him, if he found not his Temper inclined to assist him, or capable of great things. He only Renewed a Treaty of Alliance, which hindered not the English from presently making another like it with Spain. But upon the whole he came back with a bad Opinion of the Affairs of England; and time made it appear, that this new King would be no great help to the other Princes of Europe. For he was Fearful, Irresolute, a Dissembler, Occitant and Scrupulous. He loved not to talk of Business; and he suffered himself to be Governed by two or three of his Council. His Wife was Imperious and Bold; and he had not Courage to Command her. He was more delighted with Contemplation than Action; and he loved Theological Disputes better than War. Hunting was his only Passion; and after he had taken the pleasure of it in the Morning, with a Violence that tired all his people, he slept all the Afternoon. It was a great complaint during his Life, that instead of endeavouring to break the Bonds that the House of Austria prepared for all Europe, he lost his time in studying Theology, and that he almost never remembered that he was a King. He thought to undo the United Provinces, by the disturbances he Created there: And though he had given occasion by that, to Assemble the Synod of Dordredcht against the Remonstrants, he mingled so many politic Intrigues with those matters of Doctrine, that we are but imperfectly obliged to him for the Sage Decisions of that Assembly. The Heat of Disputes, and the Animosity of Parties did more Hurt, than the Judgement of the Synod produced good Fruit and Schism remained after the Decision. This Prince Writ a Book concerning the Power of Kings, upon the occasion of an Oath which he had exacted of his Catholic Subjects: But this Work served for no more, then to show the little Account the Catholics made of the Author. It was not looked upon in Spain; 'twas burnt in Florence. The Inquisition at Rome put in the Number of Prohibited Books; 'twas ill received in France by the Catholics, and the King forbade it should be Translated or Printed. 'Twas only at Venice where the Reading it was not prohibited. These Qualities acquired him the Title of Captain of Arts, and Clerk of Arms: And the Spaniards to make him out of Conceit with France, endeavoured to persuade him, that it was Henry the 4th who had given it him. Charles his Son had no Inclination to the Spaniards, but he was Weak and Unconstant: Whereas the Queen was a Spaniard in Affection, and inclined herself to the Roman Religion; so that she wanted but a little of draying her Husband and all England after her. 
Breach of promise to the Edict.   
In the mean while, the Edict was not carried on in France, in a manner so Uniform and Sincere, but that there was occasion every day to make new Complaints. This is the Reason why the Deputies General presented a Paper to the King, wherein were contained some that were important enough. They took notice of an Attempt of the Governors, and the King's Lieutenants in Provinces, who upon a bare Petition of the Catholics, commanded the discontinuance of the exercise of 
1603.  the Reformed Religion, without taking Cognisance of the Cause. The Count of St. Paul had done it in some places of Picardy. Marshal de Byron, who had no Religion, but was resolved to play the Bigot, so far as to come out of his Coach, or to light from his Horse, that he might kneel every time he met a cross, during the course of his Conspiracies, had done the same thing in Burgundy, before his practices were discovered: And Matignon had very lately provoked 'em in Normandy. The Inferior Officers by their Example took the the same Liberty: As among others the Lieutenant General de Mortagne, in the Province of P●rches, who in spite of many Orders of Council, which gave the second place of that Bailliage in one Suburb of the City, without heeding the oppositions of the Catholics, forbore not to hinder 'em from holding their Exercise peaceably. The Bishop of Eureux a little while after did the same thing at Aigle, which was in his Diocese. He caused the Catholics to oppose the establishment of a place of Bailliage in their Town; and though the Lady of the place had said she would not be backward in consenting to it, he forced her to disown this consent which the Reformed pretended to have had of her. In this Paper was likewise to be seen, that the contest for the Precedency had not been determined, notwithstanding all the Regulations possible which had been made to that purpose. To these and some other Articles the King made 'em as favourable Answers as they could desire. 
The Duke of Rohan.   
This was the Year that the Duke of Rohan saw the Foundation of his Fortune laid, and of the Credit he had under another Reign among the Reformed Party. The King owned him for his Kinsman by the Mother's side; and 'tis certain, that if he had Died without Children, he had not had a nearer Heir to the Kingdom of Navarre. This made the King without any scruple call the Mother of this Lord Aunt. His Merit had already a great deal of Lustre; and the King who desired strictly to unite himself with the Protestants, had a design to Marry him to the Daughter of Charles de Sudermania, Father to the Famous Gustavus. This Charles was a declared Protestant, and wrested the Crown of Sweden and Poland from Sigismond his Nephew, a strong Catholic Prince, and who had a design to extinguish the Reformation in his Northern Territories. This Marriage did not succeed: But seeing this Young Lord had a design to Ally himself in such a manner as did not please the King, and to that end cast his Eyes about on all sides ●pon Foreigners, the King some Years after Married him to the Daughter of his Favourite. This Woman was as Bold and as Zealous for Religion, as her Father was Cold and Indifferent. She got a little the Ascendent over the Genius of her Husband, and as she was assisted by her Mother-in-Law, who was no less Zealous nor less Courageous, they had no great trouble to lead the Duke to all that they desired; a Person who of himself had a great Heart, a perspicacious Wit, and capable of the highest Undertake. The King therefore, who had a mind to advance him, and who believed him a proper Subject for some Foreign Alliance, made him Duke and Peer this Year, and he took the Oath the 7th of August.  
But it was also about the same time that the Jesuits at last 
The Repeal of the Jesuits.  obtained leave to return into France. Father Magio had visited the King at Lions in the Pope's Name, during the War of Savoy, where he had obtained nothing but Words in general, and Assurances of Good Will. But the King having made a Journey this Year towards Mets, of which he resolved to make sure of, the Jesuits of Pont a Mousson waited on him at Verdun, and obtained positive Promises for their Re-establishment. The Jesuits Armand and Cotton were ordered to come to Paris, in which they took care not to fail: And Cotton, by his Flattering Conversation, by Preachments to the Palate of the Court, by a profligate Hypocrisy, of which he knew the Art better than any one of his Robe, so possessed himself of the King's affection, that he got immediately into the highest degree of his Favour. That which is remarkable in it, is, That this Jesuit was not known to the King but by the Recommendation of Lesdiguieres, who never did so great a piece of Service (it may be) to the Honest People of his Religion, as he did by this means to the Jesuits. Their principal Prop at Court was La Varenne, who raised himself by his Compliances with the King's Amorous Intrigues, and who had a greater share in Affairs then a great many more worthy men. Nor did the Spanish Cabal spare any pains on their side: But every good Frenchman had so great an aversion to this Re-establishment, that the King met with great difficulties in it. This Affair lingered on till the Month of September, e'er the Jesuits obtained any Edict: But when it was proposed to Register it at Paris, the difficulties were renewed, and the Parliament had much ado to consent to the return of a Society which they had cast out for such good Reasons. The King took occasion to make a Journey to Roven, to make this Edict pass in the Parliament of Normandy; and he found but little Resistance. But that of Paris did not follow the Example; insomuch that the rest of the Year was spent before the Edict was verified. They would likewise have made it be believed, that what happened at Gap, where the Reformed held a Synod, had forwarded the matter, which had it not been for that, might have yet Spun out a longer time. But the affront that there had been given to the Pope, in making it pass for an Article of Faith that he was The Antichrist, had laid a Necessity on the King to break through all obstacles that were raised to the Re-establishment of the Jesuits, to the end, that by this he might make Reparation to the Pope for the injury that was done him. The Business was this:  
The Reformed had got leave to call a National Synod in the Month of October at Gap, a Town in the Dauphinate. It was one of the most Celebrated that ever they held, and they there 
A Synod at Gap.  Treated of great Matters. But the most Important of all was the Question about The Antichrist, which was there considered. The Reformed Taught frequently, that this Title belonged to the Pope; and in their Sermons and Writings, applied to him all the Characters, by which the HOLY GHOST gives a description of him to whom it belonged. The wrong that was done to du Plessis, and which stuck to the Hearts of all good Men, inflamed their Spirits more than ever in that respect, because that was the pretence laid hold on, that he had given the Name of Antichrist to the Pope; insomuch, that they set themselves to speak upon this Subject more than ever; and more than ever to foretell the approaching Downfall of Babylon, and the overthrow of the Man of Sin, by the Light of the appearance of JESUS CHRIST. The Pulpits resounded nothing but this Name of Antichrist; and there were likewise some Churches which the Judges disturbed, because that this Doctrine was Preached there. But nothing made more noise than the boldness of de Ferrier, Minister and Professor of Divinity in the Royal College of Nimes. He set up Propositions on Posts which he publicly defended, and where this Thesis, That the Pope is the Antichrist, was maintained. Nor did he spare Clement VIII. whose Name was clapped in all along. The Parliament of Tholouse brought him to his Trial upon this matter, and sought to have Arrested his Person; but Ferrier, who would not expose himself to the Judgement of that Merciless Court, provided for himself at the Chamber of Castres'.  
This was enough to stop the Proceedings of Parliament, but to have yet a stronger Protection, Ferrier would make appear by some Proof that his Doctrine was that of the whole Party: And as there were but few Ministers who did not believe, and Preach, and Write the same thing; and for that it was evident that there were more Churches besides that of-Nimes, that were Persecuted for this Doctrine, he obtained that the matter should be Debated by the Synod, and his Doctrine approved by it. The Genius of Ferrier was Compounded of Good and Bad Qualities; but the Bad were most predominant, which was the reason why they drew him into a precipice; and never was the end of a Man so unlike the beginning. He suffered himself to be Corrupted by the Artifices of the Court; and the Jesuits boasted themselves, that in the Year 1600 their Father Cotton being at Nimes, where he had a Conference with Chamier, wherein they attributed to him all the advantage, he contracted some Acquaintance with Ferrier, whom he inspired from that very time with an Inclination to betray his Brethren. However it was, he embroiled every thing in the Politic Assemblies wherever he came, which made the Synods forbid him to meddle any more. He Acted such things in his Church and his Province, that caused him be turned out thence: And growing weary of being a Minister, he got to be a Counsellor in a Presidial Court at Nimes, though he had promised at Paris to continue the Exercise of the Ministry in some other place. At length he was deposed as a Deserter. In fine, he Revolted, and Died a few years after, as much hated by the People as at the beginning he 
His Character.  was beloved. He was Self-ended, Knavish, Ambitious, Inconstant, a Boutefeu, without Judgement, and but little capable of the Intrigues wherein he had the Imprudence to trouble himself. But he had Courage enough, a quick Wit, an Imagination all Fire, a great facility of Speech, the tone of a Commanding Voice, a vehemence in Action and Discourse which drew his Hearers along, and which hardly gave 'em the liberty of Contradicting him. This was the reason that the Multitude, who are easily dazzled by these Qualities, was ever of his Party, and that he often prevailed, even in the 
And that of Chauve.  Synods, against Chauve his Competitor. This Chauve had much more Uprightness and Judgement, and above all a Charming Gravity, which made him very considerable in the Assemblies; but the Fire of one prevailed over the Phlegm of the other, and the Vivacity of Ferrier obscured the Solidity of Chauve.  
In the Synod then of which Chamier was Precedent, Ferrier held the second place, and was joined with the Moderator; insomuch that it was no hard matter to obtain, that what there was Personal in his Affair should be favourably Judged. The Synod ordered the General Deputies to Entreat the King, not to suffer these Churches, or particular Persons, to be put to trouble for this Business, or that the Liberty of Confessing should be taken away from 'em, or of Teaching what they held for Truths. They writ to the Chambers Miparti, that they would take into their Protection such as were molested upon this occasion. But they did yet more. And to the end that it might not be doubted that it was the Doctrine of all the Reformed, the Synod ordered that it should be inserted among the Articles of Faith, and that an Article should be made, which should be placed immediately after the 30th, where the equality of all the Pastors, and all the Churches in Power and in Authority is spoken of. This Article, which for the time to come was to be the 31th in the Confession of Faith, was to have run in this form.  
And since the Bishop of Rome, having erected to himself 
The Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith, which imports that the Pope is Antichrist.  a Monarchy in Christendom, Attributes to himself a dominion over all Churches and Pastors, and has Exalted himself so even as to call himself GOD, for to be Adored, and that all the Power of Heaven and Earth may be Attributed to him, to dispose at his Pleasure of all Ecclesiastical Things, to define the Articles of Faith, to Authorize and Interpret the Scriptures at his Pleasure, to make a Traffic of Souls and of their Salvation, and to dispense with Vows and Oaths, to Ordain a New Service of God, and in reference to Civil Government, to trample under foot the Authority of Magistrates, taking away, and Giving and Changing Kingdoms, we Believe and Maintain that he is properly The Antichrist, and the Son of Perdition foretold in the Word of God, the Whore Clothed with Scarlet, sitting on the 7 Mountains, and the Great City; who had his Reign over the Kings of the Earth, and do expect that the Lord, as he has promised and begun overthrowing him by the Spirit of his Mouth, will finally destroy him by the brightness of his coming.  
The King who had his Spies in the Assembly, had notice in good time that this Decree was framing; but he could by no means hinder it, and the Article was received almost with a General Approbation. The Catholics were offended in the highest degree. The Nuncio made bitter Complaints. The 
The King is offended.  Pope was in a Rage when he heard the News. The King himself expressed a great resentment of it; and after the Deputies General, which had assisted at the Synod, had given an Account in Court of what had passed there, they had Orders to write how much the King was Incensed at this Affront. He complained that the Reformed, whom he had put in a Capacity of maintaining themselves, had started such a thing under his Reign, which no body ever Dreamt of since the Confession of Faith was made; that they had never thought of this Decree, in the time when the Crown had reason to be dissatisfied with the Popes; but that they had set it on foot; now that the King and the Pope were strictly reconciled together; and that they had quarrelled with a Pope who was esteemed the most moderate in Affairs of Religion that had Sat since the Doctrine of Luther. To this he added 
And threatens.  Threats, That he would neither suffer the Printing of this Article, nor the Sale of the Books wherein it should be inserted; and to punish those who endeavoured to trouble the State with Propositions so offensive and unseasonable. The Catholics inflamed his Anger by remonstrating to him, That the Injury would fall upon him himself, and that he was scandalised in an odious manner by this means; that in re-entering into the Roman Church, he was become a Favourer and a Disciple of Antichrist; whence they drew terrible consequences against the Affection and the Fidelity of Subjects, who had such thoughts concerning the Religion of their Sovereign.  
The Authors of this Article defended themselves, by the necessity 
The Synods Reasons.  of loudly maintaining what they were persuaded in their Consciences. They pretended this Article could not pass for new, because it was presupposed by all their Doctrine concerning the Church; that it was necessarily deduced from what they believed touching her Corruption, her Desolation and Ruin; That this was the reason that most clearly evinced the Necessity of their Separation from the Church of Rome; That all the rest, which made it appear, that it behoved 'em indispensably to break with her, and which drew 'em from the depravations of her Doctrine, of her Worship, of her Government, and of her Morals, were at the bottom but a deduction, and a manifest display of this same, which comprehended 'em all; That in saying That the Pope was the Antichrist they said all; that since a full Liberty of Conscience was granted 'em, they could not take from 'em the Right of joining a Decree to the other Articles of Faith, which was naturally comprehended therein; the subsistence of which was found in the Terms of the other Articles, in all the Writings of their Doctors, in all the Sermons of their Ministers, in all the Complaints that are made of the Popes, even many Ages before the Reformation; that the same Name had been given many times to the Roman See, by those very People who were never suspected to be bad Catholics; that they ought therefore to be less surprised to see this Truth believed and confessed by the Reformed, who saw more clearly into the matter, which they had studied more, and of which they were convinced by Invincible Reasons.  
The Article then passed in spite of all Obstacles, and the 
New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted.  King's Threats hindered not but that there were new Editions of the Confession of Faith in a short time, in which it was Inserted. The People furnished themselves with these New Editions, very well pleased to see their aversion to the Roman See encouraged by so Authentic a Decision; and almost persuaded that it was enough that the Pope was publicly called Antichrist, to give 'em grounds of hoping thence that his fall was near. But the Court having not been able to hinder things from coming to this pass, would have eluded the Decision by some Artifice; and to satisfy the Pope, they made him believe that they had succeeded therein, and that they had rendered this troublesome Decree unprofitable. They endeavoured therefore to make some considerable persons of the Party disown it, whether without or within the Kingdom, to the end that this disowning it might make it pass for a particular Doctrine. Now was it a difficult matter to get Roni, and such as himself, to disclaim it, who treated the Pope with His Holiness. But he had been already so often reproached with his coldness for Religion, and the little Care he had of advancing the concerns of his Brethren, that his Name stood 'em in little stead upon this occasion. There were a great many found, who without disowning the Doctrine, judged only that the Doctrine was a little out of Season, and that in the beginning of a Peace which had been so much desired, it would have been better to have left the Articles of the Confession of Faith, such as they had been, till that time, then to have added such a one which might re-kindle the hardly extinguished hatred of the Catholics. Some for fear, some in complaisance, favoured the designs of the Court, though they had no reluctancy to the thing decided. They buoyed themselves up more especially with the Opinion of Scaliger, who had condemned the Article: But the Reformed had as little respect for him, when he treated of Theology, as they had a veneration for his knowledge in other things. Mean while, by thus disowning it, they distracted those who would have maintained the Doctrine of the Assembly.  
But because Ferrier was looked upon as the Promoter of this Affair, by reason that he was vexed to have been proceeded against for the Propositions which he had published, it was believed that all would be suppressed if he could be appeased. The Endeavours were so fortunate, that more was gained then was hoped for. They corrupted both his Understanding and his Heart. They attacked him with Pensions, and hopes of Interests at Court. He made no more use of his vehemence and heat but to trouble his Brethren. And in fine, she precipitated himself, as I have said, into Desertion and Revolt. It was of great advantage, to have for a 
The False Moderation of Clement VIII.  ground to cry down the Synod, the Moderation of Clement VIII. of whom they did not then stick to say, That he had made no noise of the Edicts granted to the Reformed, but out of a decent Formality: And that in effect, he had given as formal a Consent to those Edicts as could be expected from a Pope. 'Tis true likewise, that he did not seem like his Predecessors, to Advise Massacres and Punishments. Experience had taught him that the Reformation advanced itself amidst oppositions, and that in every place where they would have destroyed it by War, it had increased to the danger of the Catholic Religion: That in Germany the War did the business of the Protestants; That it strengthened them in the United Provinces: That it was favourable to 'em in many other places; and that in France it might have had yet the same effect. In other places he feared that War would reunite the Protestants, who when they undertook to help one another had very formidable Forces. But at the bottom it was the Pope, fully desirous to re-establish his Authority every where, where the people had shaken off the Yoke: And it was under his Pontificat that the first knots of these pernicious Intrigues were knit, which cost Henry the 4th his Life, and which had like to have destroyed all Europe. He was desirous to play a sure Game, and procure between all the Princes of his Communion a League so secret and so strong, that it might overwhelm the Protestants all at one blow, who could not foresee this Tempest.  
The same Synod had likewise done some other things, which 
Other matters of the Synod.  had angered the King. They had admitted Foreign Ministers. They had received Letters from the Palatine, and had Answered 'em. They likewise Writ to the Duke of Savoy, on the Account of the Reformed of Saluces whom he Persecuted. They received the Duke of Bouillon's Letters, which they answered without any Hesitation, and the Synod themselves took upon 'em to solicit for him. This did not please the King, who expressed some resentment of it: Tho he did not complain but in Pardoning it, because he believed, said he, that they had done it, rather out of Indiscretion than Malice. He added nevertheless, that if these Ecclesiastical Assemblies did not behave themselves with more Moderation, he would deprive 'em of their Liberty; which hindered not, but that they used it as formerly, till a great while in the Reign of Lewis the Thirteenth. The Deputies General also were Ordered to represent to the King many things which they drew up in Writing. The most Remarkable Article was that where the Reformed desired, that they might not be obliged to give themselves the Name of Pretended Reformed in the Public Acts, or in the plead of their Advocates: And the Synod exhorted 'em to abstain from those Terms. An expedient was found out to content 'em, which changed the Words and left the thing: And 'twas allowed 'em to call their Religion, Reform in the Terms of the Edict. But the Judges, the Advocates and Notaries preserved yet a long time the custom of abstaining from the New expression, and from the Word Pretended: And continued to give their Religion simply the Name of The Reformed Religion.  
During this the Jesuits followed their business, and solicited 
Condition of the Repeal of the Jesuits.  the Parliament, for the Verification of the Edict by which they were Recalled. It was founded on the conditions that the King had proposed a long time before, and they were discussed at Rome. There were five or six which the Jesuits found very hard: Not because they were in themselves Unjust or Inhuman; but because they put too strict Limits to the desires of this Covetous and Ambitious Society. The first that displeased 'em, was that they were commanded, not to receive into their Order in France, any but Natural Frenchmen. This was very opposite to their Politics at that time, whose main drift it was to subjugate- France to a Foreign Power. The second was, that they were to take the Oath of Fidelity; which was extremely contrary to the Intentions of a Society naturally unfaithful. But it was not any Respect of the Oath that troubled 'em so much: It was because they were Marked with Infamy, in taking a security from them which was not demanded of the others. The Third was, that they were forbidden to purchase Lands, without the King's leave. They had well recovered themselves of the Error into which Laivez their General had fallen, during the Council of Trent, when he would have had his Society excepted out of the permission of possessing Estates, which the Council Granted to the Mendicants: And they had made so good use of the Advice which the Jacobin La Torre gave this General, to make him desist from his Modest demand, that they could no more likewise suffer, that the Liberty of Enriching themselves by all manner of means, should be taken from 'em. The Fourth was, that those who had once taken the Habit, should not be permitted to return to the Possession of their Estates, when it should please their Superiors to turn 'em out of their Order; which they have retained the power of doing, before the fourth Vow is taken, when they cannot accommodate themselves with the Genius of those who put themselves under their Discipline. This Article grieved 'em sorely, because they drew a thousand advantages from this Power, of sending back into a secular Life, those who were imbued with the Maxims of their Order. But there were such good Reasons not to leave 'em this means of troubling the peace of Families, that the imposing of this troublesome condition could not be avoided. The Fifth and the Sixth subjected 'em entirely to the Jurisdiction and Correction of Bishops; and likewise to take from them permission to confess those of their Order. This was Hard, that a Society which sought to trample under Feet all that was remaining of Dignity to Bishops, should be constrained to penned upon their good Pleasure.  
But by the Interest of Father Cotton, some things of these Articles were moderated; and when they have once gotten Possession, they well enough know how to make themselves free of the Rest. Nevertheless, the Parliament opposed their return as much as they could. They made reiterated Remonstrances; they would have qualified the Edict which they had obtained: But the Edict was to be Obeyed and Verified just as it was. Indeed this was not brought about without 
Satyrs against 'em.  the Quipps and Ferks of a thousand Satyrs, a thousand Pasquins, thousand Bloody Railleries. All was let loose against 'em; and the Negotiation of their return was likewise made into a kind of a Farce, where they were Treated after a very Comical manner. But they comforted themselves for all that, with the Pleasure of their Success, and that which astonished all the World, was if it may be so said, from the very next day of their Re-establishment, that the Interest which they had in France appeared so great, that there was not any person who had ever so much. Their Joys nevertheless, were interrupted by an accident, which had like to have forced 'em to begin again.  
Cotton the Jesuit, who seemed to have Enchanted the King, 
Cotton the Jesuit Wounded.  whom he managed as he pleased, thought one Night, that he had been killed in a Coach: But the Wound that he received was not Mortal. They would have charged this Assassination on the Reformed, though there were many Catholics, to whom the Interest of this Man, who by his Insolency abused it, gave more Abhorrence then to them. He was one of those, who pursuant to the Conditions of their return were to remain at 
Is made the King's Confessor.  Court, to serve as Hostages for the Fidelity of the others. The King made him his Confessor, and ever since that, the Kings have had no other Confessors but Jesuits.  
'Tis not known for what Reason this Man was set so high in the King's Favour. Never Man had so perfectly the Spirit of 
The Character of this Jesuit.  a Jesuit. Deceit was so natural and familiar to him, that he had one piece of Knavery or other a foot; and when that succeeded ill, he had another just ready. Tho he was countenanced by Roni, he did not forbear to do him a thousand ill turns: And after having more than once Solemnly received the Lie, for what he had preferred against him, and against many others, he carried himself loftily, because he had not Modesty enough to make him blush. Nevertheless, the King either feared him, or loved him so much, that these Accidents never made him lose any of his Favour. That which happened to him on the occasion of a Woman pretended to be possessed, whom he had Order to exercise, had like absolutely to have Ruined him: But the King connived at it, and no other harm came to the Jesuit, then to wipe off the Cruel Railleries upon it. He had 
Questions to be proposed by him to a Woman possessed.  prepared Seventy one Questions, upon which it was said, he was to Answer the Spirit whatsoever it was, that had seized this unhappy Woman. There were many of 'em, that in good Politics rendered him Criminal against the State; since they concerned the Life of the King, and the Succession of his Children: And as it is easy to make these pretended Devils, that are concerned in these Comedies, play what Part is desired, it may be feared, that all these Questions were prepared, to obtain Seditious Answers. There were Sixteen or Seventeen, that had regard to the Reformed or their Affairs. One spoke of the Count de Laval, Grandson to d'Andelot, who changed his Religion a little after, and who died the year following in Hungary. Another spoke of War; and enquired if the King would make it on the Spaniards, or the Heretics. Another spoke of Chamier and Ferrier, Men whom the Jesuits had in their Eye, because of their Credit with the Reformed; and very likely the Jesuits would have known the means to destroy, or to gain 'em. Another concerned the King and Roni: And apparently it ought to have Instructed the means of destroying the one in the opinion of the other▪ One that followed it, demanded, as by way of imposition, what would happen concerning the Change of this Favourite. Immediately after it gave Notice, who were the Heretics of the Court the most easy to be brought over to the Roman Faith. In the sequel, he would know what was the most profitable to the Conversion of the Heretics; That is to say, whether it were more to the purpose to come to open force with 'em, or to keep 'em in a Fraudulent Toleration. He would take likewise Lessons of Divinity from the Doemon, and force it to tell him which passage in the Scripture was the most clear to prove Purgatory, and to show the equality of the Pope's Power to that of St. Peter. He demanded of it also, in what time the Heresy of Calvin would be extinct. He questioned it concerning the Depravation of Passages in the Scripture by the Heretics: And he had Reason to ask the Lights of the Prince of Darkness concerning that, because he had prepared a Work wherein he accused the version of Geneva, of a great number of Falsifications. He passed to Foreign Affairs; to know what measures might be taken to Convert the King and Queen of England, and all the Kingdom, and which way to succeed therein with most Ease: How the Turk might be Defeated, and the Infidels Converted: Whence it came to pass, that Geneva had been so often preserved? Then returning to the Affairs of the Kingdom, he demanded something concerning the places of surety; concerning Lesdiguieres and his Conversion; and of the Duration of Heresy.  
The Question about the preservation of Geneva (no doubt) 
The P●●●●●vation of Geneva against 〈…〉 Attempts of the Duke ● Savoy.  was very Curious. The Duke of Savoy made continual Attempts on this City, and towards▪ the end of the foregoing year, he missed very narrowly of becoming Master of it. He held intelligence with Blondel, one of the Syndics of the City, whose Treason was neither found out, nor punished till many years. But his Men already Masters of the Wall, already entered the City, and ready to force the Court of Guards that kept the Gates, were nevertheless Defeated. Those who were not killed were taken Prisoners, and in the sequel were Executed as Robbers. The Duke being desirous to gain that by force, which he had been so near obtaining by surprise, the King intervened, and told the Duke, that he must expect him to be his Enemy, if he pushed on the matter any farther: Insomuch, that the Duke was obliged to defer his designs till another time. Geneva had implored succours of the Churches of France in this business, and had written to their Deputies General, to pray 'em to make a good Collection, to assist 'em in the War which they thought to have against this formidable Neighbour; and St. german did not fail to write concerning it throughout the whole Kingdom. But the Interposition of the King delivered Geneva of this Dread, and the Reformed of this Expense. Cotton the Jesuit not being able to comprehend, how Providence so openly had favoured this Heretic City, against the Pretensions of so Catholic a Prince, was desirous that the Doemon should unfold to him the Mysteries of the Council of God; and asked it, whence it came that this City did never fall under the Attempts of a Neighbour much more Powerful than she.  
All, or most part of these Questions were set down in half Words: But it was not hard to understand the meaning of every one of 'em, did a Man but never so little understand what was the State of the Court and Religion in that time; and that they were the Prospects and Intrigues of the Jesuits. The Jesuit was so indiscreet, as to Write all these Questions with his own hand upon a loose Leaf, and to put 'em in a Book which Gillot Counsellor of the Parliament of Paris had lent him in 1603. Some years after, returning the Book he forgot the Leaf, which the Precedent de Thou found there in Reading. The thing seemed too extraordinary to this Wise Magistrate, not to endeavour to discover the Author of this curious Interrogatory. It was plain enough; that the Jesuit had a part in it, because this Writing was found in a Book that came out of his Closet, but the suspicion turned into certainty, when this Paper was compared with his Writing, which it was not difficult to find. The King did not Relish this Piece of Curiosity but the Jesuit Reigned; there was no Noise to be made of it; and the King called for the Paper to suppress it. No Body could forbear Wondering at it, Murmuring at it, and fretting at it: Many diverted themselves with it, and found something very Comical in the design of questioning the Doemon, not only upon Affairs of State, but upon Religion, upon the State and Conversion of Hearts, and to take the Lights of this Doctor for Guides in understanding the Scripture. Others expected, that this Jesuit should have been Mortified at least by this Adventure: But he did not much trouble himself about it, because he was never the Worse for it at Court. The Tractableness of his Temper, his Complaisance, his Flattering and insinuating behaviour, maintained him in a Degree of Favor, whose Cheats and Rashness ought to have thrown him down, if the good Will of Kings were bestowed on Merit.  
They who have Written the Life of Cotton the Jesuit, 
The Disguising this Adventure in the Jesuits Writings.  not knowing, how to Reconcile this Adventure with all the Falsities which they put off in Honour of this Profligate Man, bethought themselves of altering the Recital by all ●orts of Disguises. Principally the Last of these Authors has gone beyond the Impudence of the other: And as he has well judged that those who should compare the manner by which he Writes the History of him, to that by which the Precedent of Thou relates it, would admire at this difference, and would make no difficulty to believe this Venerable Magistrate before the Jesuit; he endeavoured to render him suspected of Passion and Infidelity upon this occasion. But the Integrity and Exactness of this Wise Historian is so well Established, that his Testimony in things that have passed under his Eyes, and through his Hands, will always carry it in the Judgement of honest Men, upon that, from the whole Order of Jesuits. That which these Authors say then, that the Jesuit had not set down in this Writing, but that which was permitted him by the Canons to demand of a Doemon, is altogether a pure invention to Disguise the Truth. There are also great variety of Copies of it, which appeared in Public. 'Tis true, the Jesuits themselves might sow among the people Memoirs made at pleasure, to persuade those that will not ascend back again to the very source, that it was a piece of Malice that was intended against their Society; that every one mingling therein what came into his mind, thereupon arose this multitude of Writings differing from one another. But it was impossible, that the Precedent de Thou, and the Counsellor Gillot, Roni, and the King himself, who had seen the Original Piece, before the thing became Public, should suffer themselves to be Cheated by this Artifice.  
The Verification of the Writing which the Jesuit caused to be made by these who were most immediately at his Devotion, without Form of Justice, without having any party that took Notice of it, and upon such a Writing, that he pleased to produce to 'em, because the Original could no be found, by what his Historian says, is a Trick that ought not to prevail against the Testimony of those Magistrates, who had had the Original in their Hands, and who before they spoke of it were assured by their Eyes, that it was the Jesuits Writing. It is Remarkable, that the last Author of his Life, forgetting the Apology which he had made for the Conduct of his Hero upon this occasion, relates, in the Order of his History, the Answers which the Woman possessed had made him, upon some Questions contained in the Memoir. This accident belongs to the year 1605. But I have placed it here, as serving to make known the Character of Cotton the Jesuit, and upon what Qualities his Favour was founded. I return now to the Order that I had quitted.  
The Duchess of Bar died the beginning of this year, of a 
The Death of the Duchess of Bar.  Distemper which she thought proceeded from being with Child, and which her Physicians understood not. She was Persecuted with Conferences to her Death. Du Perron had acquired so much Reputation among the Catholics, by the success of Fontainbleau, that they believed he would succeed every where accordingly. But he had not so good an Opinion of himself as others; and he would not hazard an Honour so well established, upon uncertain hopes. When therefore there was any Conference ready, they never failed to break it off upon the Preliminary Conditions. They were proposed to the Reformed so unjust or so impossible, that they were obliged to refuse 'em: And the Bishop took an occasion from thence to give out that the Ministers were afraid of him, and fled from him every time he was ready to enter the List with 'em. They defended themselves against this Reproach, by the exact Relarions of what had passed at those Meetings; and the fruit of those Apologies was always, that the Catholics referred themselves to the Bishop, and that the Reformed believed, that their Ministers were in the Right. But these Relations were not Read at Rome, where the Bishop's Letters were received, as Testimonies of a perfect Victory. This was the Reason the King was at 
The Progress of d● Perron's Fortune.  no trouble, after the Death of Cardinal d'Ossat, to procure the Hat for him: And sometime after, he made him Grand Almoner, and Archbishop of Sens. Roni countenanced as much as he could the Fortune of this Prelate. But the Heart of du Perron was not to be gained or obliged by Gratitude, or by Friendship. His Fortune was his Idol. He crept before Roni while he was in Authority: But he did nothing to serve him, when the face of his Affairs was changed.  
The Spanish Cabal received this year a severe Check, and Villeroi, who was suspected to have been one of the Number, had 
The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France.  much ado to get off. The Council of Spain had Confidents in France, and in all the Provinces, in all the Orders of the State at Court among the King's intimates, in the Council itself. The Queen who was pushed forward by the Councils of Italy, and by the Italians which were in her Service, aspired to nothing but an Alliance with Spain; because she believed it necessary to assure the Succession of her Children. The Agents of Spain knew well how to scare her with the Disputes, that might one day arise on this Subject, and the Attempts that the Marchioness of Vernevil was capable of making against her Person. On the other side, the same Agents heightened the Courage of the Marchioness, who took for current Money the private assurances that were given her of protecting her against the Queen's Pretensions. She entered into several Conspiracies to strengthen herself; and she made herself unsupportable to the King, by a thousand Malicious Tricks, and to the Queen, by a thousand stinging Repartees. Insomuch, that the King, that to mortify her, was constrained to bring both Her, her Father, and the Count Auvergne her Brother to Justice. They had had so many Intrigues against the good of the State, that 'twas no hard matter to convict 'em; and that he had then enough to destroy 'em, if the King had not had a Soul too tender to suffer the Death of a Mistress. That of the Count de Soissons may be reckoned a Third Party; an unquiet Spirit, and who loved Change. He thought he was the nearest to the Crown of all the Legitimate Princes. In the times of Confusion, he would not (it may be) have given place, either to the Queen's Children, or to the Marchionesses, or to the Prince of Conde. He would have had the places held in Dauphine, to have been taken away from Lesdiguieres, that he might have had 'em himself. He did not like, that that Captain who was but his Subordinate in the Province, should be stronger there than he who was a Prince of the Blood, and had the Government of it. This Enterprise came to the Ears of Lesdiguieres, and put him in fear, that a Journey which the King talked of making into Provence, was intended to dispossess him. But though the design of this Journey was broken off, to remove the Jealousies he had entertained, his mind however was not perfectly healed, he began to close again with the Reformed for his security, whose Affairs had not much touched him till then. His suspicions however, were not apparently well founded. Since it is not credible, that the King would ruin him in Dauphine, to put a Man in his place, who if he became powerful there, might do him more mischief than he could.  
All the Council was divided amongst these several Cabals, and by consepuence the greater part engaged in the Intrigues of Spain, which had an influence in all these Factions. Villeroi took the Queen's side, and as he had a strict intelligence with Rome, by the means of Cardinal d'Ossat his Creature, it was impossible that he should not have likewise a little with the Italians Domestics of that Princess, and by their means with Spain which was their first mover. 'Twas hardly questioned, after the business of an Innkeeper, one of his Officers. 
The Treason of one of Villeroy's Officers.  This rascally fellow sent Advice to Spain, of all that passed in the Council of France. Insomuch, That the King's Ambassador at the Court of Spain, always found the Spaniards informed of all that he had to say to 'em, by the Orders of his Master. A Frenchman called Rasis, who was weary of Spain, where he had been ill rewarded for his past Services, because that the Ruin of the League hindered him from continuing 'em, promised the Ambassador to unfold this Mystery to him, if he might be pardoned what was past, and be permitted to return in safety, to end his days in his own Country. His good designs had like to have proved abortive, because the dispatches which were Granted him on this occasion, passed through the hands of Villeroy and his Officer: But he happily escaped after he had told the Ambassador the Treachery of the Innkeeper: and being arrived in France, he discovered himself to Villeroy, whom he found at a Countryhouse, ready to join in the King's Retinue at Fontainebleau. Villeroy, instead of securing his Officer, forbore to speak to the King of the matter, when he was with him. This gave time to a Courier who left Spain a few Hours after Rasis, to arrive in times, and Caution the Innkeeper to have a care of himself. So this miserable Wretch escaped, and he was found Drowned 20 or 30 Leagues from Paris, upon the Bank of the Marne, which he would have forded, in his way to Flanders. His Death seemed no less suspicious than his escape; and many believed, that Villeroy connived at the one, and procured the other. I was not rational to think, that a Man who had been above five and thirty years in the Ministry of State, should not know, that the first thing he ought to have done, was to have seized on the Officer: And the Neglect of so necessary a Precaution, gave occasion to suspect, that the Master had some Reason to desire, that the Servant should escape. But the King was willing to take the sorrow that Villeroy expressed, for a Proof of his Innocency: And he accepted of the bad Excuses of this Minister, as if they had been better. Insomuch, that he continued in the Ministry as before; and if (perhaps) he lost something of the King's Esteem and Condence, at least he lost nothing of his Dignity.  
The End of the Eight Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS. BOOK IX.  
The Argument of the 9th. Book.  
THE Reformed are afraid that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits. He Answers their Papers favourably. Gex. The Genius of La Trimoville, and his Death. The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow. The Pyramid pulled down. New Factions. An Assembly at Chatelleraud: Matters which were there to be treated on. St. Germains Letter to Marshal de Bovillon. Roni Commissioner for the King at the Assembly. His Instructions. What Reception he had. His Speech. Provincial Councils. Deputies General. General Assemblies. The Union renewed. Lesdiguieres comes into it. Roni Excuses this New Oath. Breviates for the Guard of Towns of Hostage. The Assembly suffers the places of Marshal Bovillon to be taken. Other advantages that Roni gained of the Assembly, with which the Pope is well contented. The Deputies of the Assembly caressed at the Court. An Assembly of the Clergy. The Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion. An Edict in favour of the Clergy. Roni Duke and Peer of France. The Marshal de Bovillon makes his Peace. The Treaty with those of Rochel in favour of the Catholics. Priests that did not Pray to God for the King. Gunpowder Treason. The Oath exacted of the Catholics of England. The Exercise permitted at Charenton for the Reformed of Paris; which the Lord of the place opposes in vain. Papers favourably Answered. The Attempt of Seguiran the Jesuit to Preach at Rochel. A Mortification of the Jesuits. The Synod at Rochel. General Deputies. The Question about Antichrist renewed. Deputies gained at the Court. The Quicksighted of the Church, and Fools of the Synod. The Question is deferred, and Vignier ordered to Treat largely on it. The Synod Names only two Deputies General. Affairs Treated on at the Synod. Foreign Ministers. Malwin called to Rochel. The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies. He permits a General Assembly at Gergeau. Sulli suspected by the Reformed Affairs of the Assembly. Places lost by the Reformed. Conferences and Changes of Religion. The Assembly Complies with the King's desire. An Assembly of the Clergy. The Resolute Answer of the King, and his disowning a promise made in his Name by his Attorneys in the Matter of Absolution. Cotton the Jesuit, the Dauphin's Master. A Fund for the Ministers that sh●ll change their Religion. The Treaty with the Moriscoes Persecuted in Spain is ●roke off by the Bigots. Lesdiguieres Marshal of France. The King's Domestic Vexations. Divers Sentiments on the Alliance of Spain. Fraud's to renew the Civil Wars. The Power of the Jesuits Established at Bearn. Papers Answered. The Synod at St. Maixant. The Theatre of Antichrist. A Blow given to Seignioral Rights. The Jurisdiction of the Chambers. A Book found at La Fleche. The Discourse of Jeannin upon Liberty of Conscience. The Edict in favour of the Moriscoes. The Escape of the Prince of Condé. War declared against the Archduke. The Formidable Power of the King. His Designs. His unexpected Death.  
THE Reformed had a great share in these particular 
1604.  Accidents, because they looked upon all those who held Intelligence with Spain as their Sworn Enemies, and they believed that all the Projects of that Court designed their Ruin at the bottom; insomuch, that they were always listening to discover the designs of that Cabal, and to hinder that it did not grow too powerful in France, where they had, if it may be so said, no Friend but the King. Besides, they were not so assured of him, as not to have some distrust of his Constancy; and the little Resolution they had observed in him upon the Account of Religion, made 'em fear that he had besides as little in Point of Acknowledgement and Friendship. They saw that 
The Reformed fear that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits.  he suffered himself to be too much possessed by the Jesuits; and they complained sometimes, alluding to the Name of his Confessor, that he heard his old Friends no more, since he had his Ears stopped with Cotton. They saw likewise in him, amidst his great Qualities, great Weaknesses: And that to have Peace at home, he was so far Patient and Compliant, that the meanest Citizen would have hardly done so much. There was besides great Reason to fear, that to Content the Queen, whose Intentions were no way favourable to 'em, he would break with 'em, and suffer himself to be led to an Alliance with Spain, of which they did not doubt but their Destruction was a necessary consequence, These apprehensions which were but too reasonable, as it appeared under another Reign, obliged 'em to Arm themselves every day with new precautions.  
The King, who believed that these Alarms might serve for a pretext to those who were not well affected to his Government, was very willing to dissipate 'em by the Testimonies of the constant Will that he had to maintain the Edicts; and whatsoever discontent he had of particulars, he favoured the General Cause as much as 'twas possible for him.  
And this about the time that I speak of, he made appear by 
He answers their Papers favourably.  his manner of answering the Papers which the Deputies General presented him. They complained among other things, of certain Monuments of the late Wars, which the Catholics preserved, as it were to render the Memory of those Troubles eternal. Thus in the Cathedral Church of Bazas, was to be seen an Inscription which called the Reformed Heretic Huguenots; and which imputes to 'em Profanations and Ruins. The King had often commanded the Bishop to erase those violent Terms, but the Bishop wae not willing to obey him. They complained again of the affronts which were done in some places to the Ministers and their Children; of the delay of Establishing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in many places where it should be, according to the Edict of 1577; of the trouble that they found, when the places designed by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise, fell by Succession, or otherwise, into the hands of Catholics; of which they alleged an Example in Baujol●is, where the Propriet of a Barn, that was designed 'em for their Assemblies, was upon the point of being sold. They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons, as they had done all the Lent long at Blois, at Orleans, at Angiers; and elsewhere, at Chalons upon Sacne, at Mortagne, at Chartres, the Judges to whom the Complaints were made never using their endeavours to repress 'em. They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that would take upon themselves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers. The King's Answers were all favourable; however they were forced to come again more than once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which preserved the Memory of the Civil Wars. Very near the same time, the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex solicited the 
Gex.  Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtained in the Matters of Religion, since their Country came under the power of the King. I have already observed, that they had there followed the Methods of the Edict, as in all the rest of the Kingdom, whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion, or for maintaining the Reformed in the possession where the King had found 'em. But to have a stronger Title than those Regulations made upon particular Accidents, they desired something more Authentic, that they might make 'em effectual; and they obtained it in the Month of June, by a Declaration for that purpose.  
In the mean time they prepared themselves to hold a General Assembly; and indeed, the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud. The King was much afrad lest some things should pass there against his Interest, because it was said that this Assembly would Grant their Protection to the Marshal de Bovillon. The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion, and when he writ to the King after his disgrace, he spoke more in the Style of an Accuser that threatened, then of a Criminal that humbled himself. It was dangerous in the Example, that that should be taken for a Cause of Religion, in an Assembly of Subjects, which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Sovereign. Moreover, the place was suspected, because it was 
The Genius of la Trimoville.  at Chatelleraud, from whence lafoy Trimoville and du Plessis were not far distant. For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liberty, and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero, if he had not been Born under a Monarchy, 'twas feared that he would have endeavoured to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Commonwealth; of which the Marshal de Bovillon was accused to have laid the Project. This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the King's Council to think, that they had (perhaps) already some prospects of oppressing the Public Liberty by an Absolute Power. 'Tis certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way; and little Papers ran among the people, that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority. The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds, because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council, if once they went about to set themselves above Promises and Laws. 'Twas therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude, because they saw it would be easy to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Established. But the Death of the Duke of Trimoville delivered the 
And his Death.  King of that pain. It happened so seasonably, that it might be said to have been procured. His Distemper began with Convulsions, which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lingered some months; and when there seemed some likelihood of his Cure, his Convulsions seized him again and carried him off. He had been invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began; and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly persuaded that his Death was not Natural. This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit, because the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trouble. 'Tis a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings; if he be Feared, he is Hated; if he be Peaceable, he is Despised; and when some part of their favour is obtained, 'tis not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul, to be more obliged to blind Compliance, or a servile Dependence, then to his Merit.  
There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise, 
The Process, of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow.  which was judged at the Chamber of the Edict. The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Married ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity▪ His Death happening some years after, his Widow agreed for his Inheritance with the Admiral; and after that, having been carried away by a Man who Robbed her of all that she had got, it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was published, to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made, and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband. She grounded her Suit upon the Edict, which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars, ordered a Toleration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side, the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her pretensions. She might have succeeded better, if the Dispute had been about any other than a Prelate; but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear, had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirmed, Bishop and Peer of France, who had presumed to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Purple. Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admiral and of d'Andelot, and his Marriage ('tis like) could not be confirmed without the Ruin of two Families, which descended from these Lords; one of which was half Catholic, to wit, that of d'Andelot, whose Son had embraced both the Roman Religion and the League. Servin, Advocate-General, made a long Speech in this Cause. He spoke not of this Marriage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction, and would never grant that there had been any Solemnisation of this Marriage, even in the Forms accustomed among the Reformed. As Servin inclined very much to their Doctrine, it may be judged that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome, where he was necessary to make it appear, that such a Marriage had not been approved of. His Evidences took from the Cardinal's Wise the Quality of his Widow, deprived her of all that she could pretend to in that Quality, and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children. The Court ordered the Advocates to put off the Cause to be heard before the Council, for other Reasons than those that appeared in the Decree; That is to say, That nothing might be pronounced in an Affair of this Nature, and to give place for an Accommodation. A very passionate Author, who has inserted Servin's Pleading in his Work, says, That the Decree was agreeable to the Evidence; but he does not relate the Terms of the Decree, whereas the Advocate General Talon relates 'em in his Reports such as I have said. In a word, this Affair was one of the principal Reasons of making the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars so as it is, and the opposite Interests of the Widow and the Defendants, gave room for greater Contests since the year 1600. The Cause of a Carthusian who had lest his Cloister before the Edict, and who demanded a share with his Brothers; and in 1605. that of a Capuchin, whose Case was the same, were Judged according to the Tenor of the Article. If they deviated a little in this Widow's Cause, 'tis easy to see that there was more regard had to the Quality of the Persons concerned, then to the Nature of the business.  
The Duke of Rohan this year likewise received a Check at the Court. He was not willing to live unprofitable to the World; and with a design to advance himself therein, he made some steps which did not please the King: But that was calmed by the submission of the Duke, who referred himself to the Discretion of his Master. But the following 
1605.  year the Reformed, and all good Frenchmen, with no small disgust beheld the Pyramid thrown down, which was reared to 
The Pyramid thrown down.  Eternize in a Plate of Brass, the Decree of the Banishment of the Jesuits, after the wicked attempt of Chatel. Those Assassins', who had the Credit to Re-establish themselves in spite of the Decree, had yet a greater Reputation to demolish that Monument of what they were capable to do; nor could the Parliament, who were troubled beyond imagination to see the noblest mark of their Zeal for the good of France destroyed, prevent it either by Oppositions or Remonstrances. All that they obtained was, That they were not constrained themselves to undo their own Work, and that it was Demolished without Formality of Justice. Discourses, Writings and Verses, were on this Subject; but the Jesuits, who had what they desired, took little notice of these slight storms, well knowing it to be a Liberty of no consequence, which may be Granted, for his Consolation, to an Enemy that can do no more mischief, then only evaporate his Anger in Satyrs and Pasquil's. After this, nothing but Favours were granted to this Society, nothing but Benefices united to the Colleges, but Houses built to Lodge their Novices more at their Ease.  
In the mean time the Kingdom was full of Alarms, and the King received from all parts Advice of the 
New Factions.  great designs that the Spaniards had upon several places. Several Parties of the Malcontents got together, of which the one had for pretence the Public Good; others designed to raise up the Nobility again, which had been too much humbled; others to pull down Roni, whose Fortune they compared to that which Sejanus had done under Tiberius, and wished that his end might be like to the downfall of that Favourite, as there had been a resemblance in the advancement of the one and of the other, and in the abuse which as they pretended the one in imitation of the other, made of his Master's favour. Others pretended to Revenge the Death of Byron, whose Relations they were, or else his Creatures. The greatest part of these Intrigues were Spun by the Marshal de Bovillon, who thought to render himself formidable, in hopes, perhaps, to be recalled; and who had every where such great Intelligences, that he seemed capable of putting all Europe in Combustion He Laboured above all things to engage the Reformed in some League, by insinuating a dread in 'em from the King's having promised the Legate to Ruin them. And he caused Propositions to be made them for Establishing fixed Counsels in all the Provinces, to Treat of the Affairs of the Common Cause; to exclude the King's Officers of all the Politic Debates of their Assemblies; to draw up Models for Raising Men and Money; and to make Alliances with Strangers for their Common Defence. But I know not how they could impute to him any other Projects Inconsistent with these; as to design to change the Religion; to conspire the Dismembering of the Kingdom; to desire the Dauphinate for his share; to disturb the Succession of the Dauphin; to make a League with the Spaniards; to make Peace between them and the United Provinces. It is impossible to join these Designs with the other; for his part he denied constantly ever to have had such thoughts; and it was so much the more easy for him to justify himself in, that it was not possible to find the least Proof against him in Writing. Some body deposed that Money brought from Spain was distributed by the Orders of the Marshal to some private Gentlemen of Querci, Guyenne, and Languedoc; and that they were promised at the same time, that they should be assisted with greater Succours; but the Sum, which did not exceed Ten or Twelve Thousand Crowns, was so little, that it could not be thought to come from Spain, which would never have confined her Profusions to so small a Matter. It was believed that the Marshal had drawn this Sum out of his own Purse, to keep his Friends in hope of a more considerable Profit.  
Nevertheless, every thing caused a Jealousy in a Kingdom 
The Assembly at Chatelleraud.  where the Remains of so many old Factions gave occasion to fear that new ones were forming; and the Assembly of Chattelleraud being come unlooked for in this state of Affairs, redoubled the perplexity of the Suspicious; they well knew at Court that great matters were there to be Debated They were to consult which way to preserve their places of Security, of which they knew that the Council would all at once take two Thirds away from them, by distinguishing those which belonged to particular Lords from those which were the Kings only. The Revolt of Gentlemen, of which already many Examples had been seen, made the consequence to be feared; in regard that if one Person of Estate happened to change his Religion, all his Places would be lost from the Party. Moreover, the King talked openly of making War against the Marshal de Bovillon, and of seizing his strong Holds; and nothing could divert him from it, but the Consideration of his Breeves which allowed the Reformed the keeping of the Places or Garrisons for a time, which was not yet expired. But the difficulty was removed, in case the Places belonging to particular Persons, were not included with those they called Places of Surety; from whence it followed, that when ever the King should think fit, he might dispossess the Reformed of all those Places one after another; and the Breach being thus made, it would be easy also to take the main Places from them. Moreover, those Garrisons belonging to privite Persons were properly those that were most likely to trouble the King, not only by reason of their number, but also by impowring their Lords to act sometimes against the King's Authority. It was a hardship upon the King, not to be able to deal with them without a formal Siege, and without waging a just War against them, even at the hazard of offending the whole Party, which was persuaded that their Safety depended on the keeping of those Places. Insomuch, that whenever the King expressed some displeasure to see so many Places in the hands of the Reformed, it was only in relation to those that were possessed by particular Persons; which were the whole Subject of Roni's Negotiation with the Assembly of Chatelleraud. The Marshal of Bovillon had Agents, who were not wanting to give advices upon that Subject, and to represent how much his particular case was interwoven with the General Safety. On the other hand, the Reformed were so far from being inclined to suffer their Places to be taken from them, that in order to secure themselves against the Conspiracies that were daily formed against them, they desired a Prolongation of the Time which was allowed them for the keeping of them. Moreover, they also pretended to keep those the King had given to some of the Reformed since the Edict, or such as did belong to Persons, who having lately embraced their Religion, had been assured that they should be maintained in the Possession of their Holds or Places. So that this Affair was interwoven with divers Difficulties, which no body knew how to unravel.  
St. german, one of the Deputies-General, was a Creature of the Marshals, and held a close Correspondence with him; and the Marshal by his means held a Communication with all the Churches. For that reason he was very desirous to have him continued in that Employment. The thing was to be debated in the Assembly; and therefore the King, who had only at first allowed Deputies to reside with him, about the Affairs of the Edict for a season, resolved to make it an Ordinary Commission, on conditition, that the Assembly should nominate Six Persons to him, out of which he should choose Two, that he might not be obliged to continue St. german, or to receive another of his Character. Before the meeting of the Assembly, St. german writ 
St. Germain's Letter to the Marshal de Bovillon.  to the Marshal to communicate his Sentiments to him about the present Conjuncture: And his Letter was either Intercepted or Copied by some of those who gave the Court an account of all that passed. There were several in every Province who drove that Trade, some to deserve the Pensions they had, or to obtain some, others out of a kind of simplicity, which induced them to believe that the Court-party was always the most Innocent because the King's Name was ever at the Head of it. By their means the Court was informed of divers Propositions that had been made in the Provincial Assembly, in order to be carried into the General.  
St. german in the said Letter pressed the Marshal to depute some body to the Assembly. He also urged divers Reasons, for which in his Opinion, the King ought to be mistrusted; his Submission to the Councils that came from Rome; the Authority he allowed the Jesuits; the great Charge he had been at for the Election of a New Pope to his mind, after the Death of Clement the 8th. The demolishing of the Pyramid, on the account of which so much severity had been used, that some People having caused the said Pyramid to be Engraved, representing all the Sides and Inscriptions of it, to preserve at least the Image of that Monument, the pulling down of which grieved all True Frenchmen; care had been taken to discover and suppress the Plate to please the Jesuits. Moreover St. german represented the mischief Roni was able to do. He added the reasons that should oblige him to quit the General Deputation, which he could no longer hold without exposing himself to displease the King, or the Reformed; because that on one side he would be accused of doing too much, and on the other of doing too little. He acquainted the Marshal that Roni was afraid of not holding a Rank suitable to his Dignity in the Assembly, by reason that the King refused to give him a particular Commission to preside in it. He said that it was impossible to foresee with certainty, the Inclinations of the Deputies that were to compose the Assembly: but however, that he would do well to write to them, which would be of some use. He was somewhat at a loss to find a proper Person, whom the Marshal might trust with his Deputation; and therefore advised him to give that Commission to the Deputies of Guienue, who might accept it as a dependency of their particular Charge; the Deputies of every Province commonly taking upon them the management of the Affairs of the particular Members thereof.  
This expedient was likely to break the Measures the Court took to hinder private Persons from sending Deputies in their own Name to the Assembly: For besides Marshal de Bovillon, they were diffident of Lesdiguieres, of the Duke of Rohan, of la Force, of Chatillon, of du Plessis, and several others. Therefore in order to apply a proper Remedy to all these Disorders, the King resolved to send Roni to Chatelleraud with large Instructions; 
Roni is sent the King's Commissary at the Assembly. His Instructions.  they were of two kinds, the first, General; the others, Secret, in form of Addition to the first. By the first, he was ordered to remonstrate to them, that the Assembly was not very necessary, since the only end of it was but to receive an Account from the Deputies-General of what they had done for three years' last passed, which might be done with less noise: However, that the King had freely granted it, in hopes that it would serve to congratulate the Peace which the last Edict had afforded: Upon which Subject he was ordered to declare that it had been punctually performed; that the King was resolved to maintain it; that care had been taken that it might be done to the satisfaction of both Parties, as it appeared by the Answer that had been made to the Petition presented by the Catholics and Reformed, by which, all Affairs of Consequence had been immediately regulated. He was further to say, That the King after having given so many Testimonies of his good Will, would be very much concerned, should they pitch upon another Protector, he having all along been so to them, and being resolved always to continue so. That such Assemblies for the future would become of ill Consequence, the Edicts allowing none but such as relate to Discipline, in which no Persons were to be admitted, but such as were to see it performed: That as to what related to Civil Government, they were to apply themselves to the Judges; and for favours, to the King, who is the Dispenser of them: That the reasons for holding Political Assemblies, only about Deputies-General, did not deserve so much show nor expense: That the Residence of Deputies at Court, was neither mentioned in the Edict, nor in the private Articles, nor in the Breeves: That it had been granted out of Toleration, until the Verification of the Edict: That nevertheless the King did grant the said Residence, and did consent to a certain Form for the Election of the said Deputies, viz. to name Six, out of which his Majesty would choose Two. He was also ordered to endeavour, that the said Assembly might Treat of nothing: but that Nomination; To declare, That that Assembly would serve instead of that which the Synod of Gap had desired leave to hold at Rochel. Not to promise any thing without the King's leave, in case they should persist in desiring another, especially if they desired to hold any contrary to the Edict. The King allowed him to give them assurances of his own Affection, and ordered him to excuse the Alteration that was making at Orange, the Government of which City was to be taken from Blacons, who was disliked by Philip of Nassau, to whom the City belonged; but to promise them withal, that his Majesty would put the said Place into the hands of a Person of the Reformed Religion. The King had a great deal of reason to excuse that Alteration, because the Reformed were extremely displeased at it, and looked upon that Affair, as being of a general consequence for their Safety.  
The Additions, after a short Preface, in which the King expressed, That relying on the Affection and Fidelity of the Reformed, he hoped that they had only ordered such things to their Deputies as were allowable, and not displeasing to him; obliged him to take care that the question about Antichrist might not be renewed; that they should receive no Letters from Marshal de Bovillon, or from Foreign Princes; that he should hinder it at first underhand; but that in case that would not do, he should oppose it openly, and make use of his Authority as Governor of 
1505.  the Province; That he should suffer no Deputies there from particular Persons; for example, as from Lesdiguieres, who being dissatisfied with the Court at that time, joined with the Party again for his own ends. He was commanded to mention some things the King had been informed of, as if he had learned them there himself; to give them hopes at first that the King should prolong the time prefixed for the keeping of the Places of Surety, without distinguishing those that belonged to particular Persons from the others; because the King was willing not to oblige them by halves, provided they behaved themselves as they should do. The Brief for that prolongation was delivered to him, but he was ordered not to produce it until he received a positive command so to do. The King also ordered him to refuse the Assembly the Re-establishment of certain Funds that had been retrenched, either for Marshal de Bouillon's Places, or upon the general Settlement of the other Cities of Surety, or upon the Arrears of certain particular Assignations. The Reason alleged for it was, That the King had made the same alterations in the Settlements of the Cities and Garrisons held by the Catholics, who should have had reason to complain, unless the Reformed had been used in the same manner. Moreover, that he thought that the Catholics being weakened, by the reducing of their Garrisons to a smaller number of Men, the Reformed could have no reason to complain at the reducing of the number of theirs, since they did not want so many to defend them, as when the Garrisons of those they suspected were stronger. But they did not relish those Reasons, because they did not think their Cities and Forces of the same Quality with those of the Catholics. The King only kept up these, because it was his pleasure; but there was a Treaty between him and the Reformed, which obliged him to leave them certain Places for a time, which he was to pay the Garrisons off; insomuch that those of the Catholics were revocable whenever he pleased; whereas it was a breach of Treaty to meddle with those of the Reformed before the time, for which the Cities of Surety were granted them: Nevertheless they could obtain nothing of Roni upon that subject, because he was as inflexible for them in point of Money, as he was to every body else. Finally, the King ordered Roni by those Instructions to refuse to interceded for the Marshal of Bovillon, alleging what he had already attempted in vain for his Reconciliation: To accept the Presidentship of the Assembly in case it were offered him: To behave himself towards du Plessis and others, according to the Affection he should observe in them for the King's Service, and to give an account of all Occurrences.  
Those Instructions were framed upon the knowledge the Court had of all that was to be proposed in the Assembly; there being Persons in all the Provinces that informed the Council, as I have already observed, with all the Propositions the particular Assemblies had Inserted in their Memoirs. But one of the main Points was the preservation of the Places of Surety: And whereas the Reformed grounded all the hopes of their safety on the keeping of those Fortresses, at a time when they plainly saw the Conspiracies that were hatching against them, the fear of losing them by surprise, kept them in perpetual agitations. This was the posture of Affairs when Roni came to the Assembly. Nothing can be more opposite than what most Memoirs relate about his reception there. Some Historians of great exactness and authority say that he presided there. The Compilers of Sulli's Memoirs say the contrary, and produce several of their Master's Letters to the King, in which he excuses himself for not having accepted the Presidentship, for reasons which he assures himself the King will relish, when he shall be at liberty to give him an account of them. They only say, that he might have presided there had he been so minded: Nevertheless he did not so much as sit among them, by reason that not presiding there, he could not hold a Rank suitable to the Dignity of Governor of the Province. Others say, That both the one and the other was refused to him in a disobliging manner; and they relate the Fact thus,  
The Court, say they, being desirous to have Persons devoted to them in the Assembly, in order to manage the Members according to their intentions, Roni and Parabere presented themselves there to that end, pretending that no body could refuse them to sit there, by reason of their Quality; but the Assembly without Ceremony desired them to leave them at liberty. Parabere was absolutely engaged in the Interest of the Court, excepting only that he would not believe the Marshal of Bovillon guilty of the Crimes he was accused of. Therefore when he alleged the Article made at S te. Foy, which allowed the Governors of Provinces to sit in the Assemblies, tho' they were not deputed, some answered him plainly, That the said Article had been altered upon his account. In effect, to secure themselves against false Brethren, and to avoid the Intrigues and Contestations that were commonly managed to create a division in the Assembly, the Precedent was Elected in this, before the reading of the Credentials, contrary to what had been practised in all the foregoing ones. Roni was looked upon as a Man sent on purpose to break off the Assembly handsomely, or to bring them to some Composition by his advice. For that end he brought Breeves and Promises, to mollify those who were to be moved that way. But his haughty humour, or his desire to serve the Court even to the prejudice of his own Religion, as he was wont to do, made him take another course. He commanded the Assembly, after having named Deputy's General, to break up the following day at Noon; and he expressed that command in a very rough manner, without ever mentioning the Breeves he had in his Pocket. He had flattered himself, that some Members of the Assembly would second him, and would help him to alarm the rest. But those from whom he expected that Complaisance, having declared to him that they would remain firm to the Assembly, and that they would stand by their Resolutions; he was forced to alter his note, and even to make some satisfaction to those he had offended in particular. He showed the Breeves he had endeavoured to conceal, and distributed the Pensions wherewith the Court desired to buy the Votes of the most considerable.  
These last Memoirs seem to agree best with certain Circumstances, that are taken out of that Lord's own Memoirs. The first Speech he made to the Assembly is to be seen in them, 
His Speech.  which had more of Threats than Modesty in it; the haughtiness of which displeased every body. He far exceeded the Instructions that had been given him in Writing; and whether he had received other Orders verbally, or that he thought fit to do more than he was ordered, his behaviour proved as harsh and disobliging, as his instructions were wise and moderate. It is true that he said many things that might be useful; but even Truth itself lost its force in such a Man's Mouth. Therefore he vainly employed all his Power to dissuade the Reformed from keeping of their Places. He endeavoured to persuade that every one being willing to keep his, the great numbers of them only served to destroy their Forces, which by that means were too much divided. He warned them not to trust Lesdiguieres, who would change his Religion as soon as he thought that step necessary to preserve his Authority and his Cities, etc. in Dauphine. As he had no such things to urge against du Plessis, whose Behaviour was untainted, and his Religion fixed, he endeavoured to turn him into Ridicule, together with his design of Fortifying Saumur; the circumference of which he designed to enlarge to that degree, that it would require 8000 Men in Garrison. He pressed them to Surrender Nine parts of their Places to the King, and only to keep the Tenth, which would be the more easy to defend; after which he forewarned them not to receive either in common or in particular, any Letters or Deputations from Foreigners, or suspected Persons, whom he named to them; because that in case those Persons had any Concerns, they might have sent them in the Petition of their Provinces: And finally, in case they refused, he threatened them with his Authority as Governor.  
This Behaviour probably occasioned the ill treatment those last Memoirs mention: But when he grew more affable, the Deputies became more gentle; and after several Negotiations, he obtained almost all what the King desired, because he had at last satisfied both the particular Members and the whole Assembly. He prevailed with them to desist from the thought of erecting Provincial Councils every where, which should have been different 
Provincial Councils.  from the Provincial Political Assemblies in several things; but especially in that they should always have been fixed, and in being, whereas those Assemblies were only upon occasion, and from time to time. Yet he had no express Orders to hinder that new Establishment, but only to do it if he could; or otherwise to endeavour that it might be composed of quiet people, well affected to the State, and of a proper Quality to apply themselves there in case of necessity: That is, they had no mind to have any Presbyters there, because they were a sort of People the Court did not care to negotiate with, which they looked upon to be more independent from them than the Gown or Sword men. That Affair cost Roni but little trouble, since there needed no more to hinder that new Institution, but to acquaint' them that the King disapproved it. Not but there were some erected already in some Provinces, according to the Regulations made at S te. Foy, but they hardly did any thing; and above all, they wanted Correspondencies one with another. Therefore in the following Reign people said, That the Reformed had made a modest use of that Institution under this. The Nomination of the Deputies cost him a great deal more. The Marshal de Bovillon was very earnest to have St. german continued. Lesdiguieres was for Bellujon, who was his Creature, and who under the 
Deputies General.  Name of Deputy▪ General, should have been his Spy and Confident at Court. The same Reasons which induced these two Lords to desire Deputies in whom they might confide, made the King refuse both. Moreover it had been proposed in some Provinces to augment the number of the Deputies General, and to join one to the two ordinary ones that should be chosen among the Ministers. Beraud, one of the Ministers of Montauban, seconded that Proposition, by reason that he pretended to that Nomination, and that he endeavoured to obtain it almost publicly. But the Court did not like that multiplication of Deputies; neither were they willing to consent to it in favour of a Minister. Roni ordered matters so, that they kept to the number of two; and that a Nomination of six Persons was made, among which the King Elected La Nove and du Cros. It is true, that the Nomination of six was only a Ceremony, since it was very well known that La Nove and du Cros would have the King's Approbation; the one by reason of his moderation, the other because he was deputed by the Province of Dauphine into the Assembly; and that in refusing Bellujon whom the King disliked, he had offered to accept a man who should have a dependency on Lesdiguieres, as being his Vassal, and living in a Country where he had a full power.  
Roni endeavoured according to his Instructions to make the 
General Assemblies.  Reformed consent to hold no more General Assemblies, because they always created some Jealousies in the Court. But that Proposition frightened the Reformed, who looked upon it as being Inspired by their Enemies, and as a snare tending to break the Union which had maintained them till then. Neither could the Promise of allowing them Conferences and Synods there, to treat about the Affairs of their Discipline, content them. There were other Affairs of as great moment, which those Ecclesiastical Assemblies took no cognizance of, which could not be neglected, without exposing the Reformed to an approaching Ruin. So that the Court was obliged to allow them Political Assemblies, upon condition that they should acquaint the King with the Reasons that should make them judge it necessary; and in that case, if the King found there was any occasion for it, he promised to give them satisfaction. The King remained Master by that Accommodation; and in granting out of hand what might have given occasion for an Assembly, he might easily stop the project thereof: And the Reformed on the other hand were sensible that they should daily meet sufficient occasions to desire leave to have them. And indeed they assembled several times again in that Reign, and in the following; until their Division and Weakness afforded the Court an occasion to suppress them quite. But what Roni 
Union renewed  granted them upon that Subject, did not hinder the Assembly from renewing the Union of Nantes, and to swear it anew. The Court was very much disturbed at it, looking upon that Oath as the Project of a Republic they designed to form in the State. The King was particularly displeased at Lesdiguieres having signed the 
Lesdiguieres enters into it.  Union, after having so lately received a particular Favour from him. He had given Crequi, his Son in Law, the command of the Guards, to make him forget the Count of Soisson's Enterprise, and the Journey of Provence. But though he was no great pretender to Religion, he thought his safety for that time would be more consistent with the union of the Churches, than in separating from their Interests.  
Roni who had not been able to ward that Blow, endeavoured 
Roni excuses that New Oath.  to excuse it, and to extenuate the consequence thereof. He wrote to the King, That the said Union did not proceed from any ill Intention in the Reformed, and that nothing but the fear of the Courts endeavouring to destroy them, in case any disunion should reign among them, had inspired them with it; That they should have no fears, were the King immortal; but that the remembrance of the 24th of August, 1572. stuck in their Stomaches: That the Duke of Mayenne's Proposition of only granting them an Edict of Toleration from time to time, obliged them to think on the future, so much the rather, because that Prince's Demand, expressed the Pretensions of the major part of the Catholickcs, and especially of the Court of Rome: That that was the end of their Union, which after all was nothing but a Chimaera which he laughed at; that it would destroy itself; that the Places they possessed were more chargeable to them by their number, than of use for their safety. However the Court would have been glad to prevail with the Reformed not to insist in desiring to continue the keeping of them beyond the eight Years the King had granted them at Nantes. Yet at last the Court consented to their keeping of them three years longer: And because that did not content them, another year was added to it; so that by a Brief of the 1ᵒ of August, the keeping of their Places was continued 
A Brief for the keeping of the Hostage Cities.  to them for four Years longer. Moreover they obtained a Year more upon other Terms, by a Brief of the same Day, which declared, That the eight Years granted at Nantes should only be reckoned from the day of the verification of the Edict in all the Parliaments. In the said Brief the Places belonging to private Persons were not distinguished from the others, by reason that it would have been difficult to obtain from every particular Person to consent to the retrenching of his, seeing that of another preserved. But to authorize Roni, and to make the world believe that he laboured heartily for the preservation of his Brethren, the King did as if he only granted those Favours at his solicitation.  
It was at this price, and by some promised or restored Pensions, 
The Assembly suffer the Marshal of Bouillon's Places to be taken.  that the King bought leave to take possession of the Places be longing to the Marshal of Roni's Intrigues were more prevailing than all the Endeavours of the Marshal and his Friends. The Assembly refused to interest itself for the preservation of his Places. The Argument they used for it, was, That in some preceding Assemblies, in which the Intrigues of the Cabinet had inclined him to thwart such particular Persons as were desirous to recommend their Affairs to the General, he had put a stop by his Example to such deliberations; and that he ought not to take it amiss, if he was now used according to his own Maxims, since he had been warned of it, whilst he was practising them against others. The Effect of that Negotiation was, that after the breaking up of the Assembly, the King took possession of the Places belonging to the said Marshal, though they were Places of surety as well as the others, none of the Reformed offering to defend them. The Marshal on his side behaved himself like a good Politician, ordering his Men to deliver them up to the King without compulsion; Whether it were that he thought it inconsistent with the Innocence he boasted of, to take up Arms against his Sovereign; or whether not judging himself strong enough to resist Royal Forces, he was willing to prevent the ruin of his Places, which he was in hopes to have restored to him by an Accommodation.  
Besides all these Advantages, Roni prevailed with the Assembly 
Other Advantages which Roni obtains of the Assembly.  not to urge the restoring of the Edict to its first extent: Insomuch that at that time the King was not importuned with a Proposition from which the Reformed never desisted till after the ruin of their Affairs under his Son's Reign. Neither was any thing moved about the matter of Antichrist, by reason that the Political Assembly referred the Affairs about Doctrine to the Synods The Grand Machine Roni set at work to gain people's minds, besides Gratifications and Promises, was, that of the King's grand Designs, in which the Protestant Princes entered upon certain Conditions, of which one was, the preservation of the Protestant and Reformed Religions. This was sufficient to dazzle people, who imagined that all the Promises that were made to them, would be accomplished as faithfully as they desired it earnestly.  
The Spaniards, according to their wont Custom, made a great deal of noise at Rome, about the King's having allowed the Reformed to keep the Places of surety four years longer: And some of the Speculators of that Court declared, that the King ought to have retaken them by open force, even at the hazard of renewieg the Civil War. But the Pope dreaded the League into which the Marshal of Bovillon endeavoured to draw all the Protestants of Europe, under the King of England, whose inclination for the Catholics were not yet known. He considered that the Roman Religion would have been endangered by so potent a Union, if the Protestants had received cause to arm in the heat of their first Zeal, before the Catholic States could have formed a sufficient League to resist them: Moreover, that the War would only serve to form closer Engagements between the Reformed of France, and Foreign Powers, whom they stood in need of for their preservation: Whereas in time of peace, and process of time, their ardour would certainly cool, many of their Chiefs would die, or be divided; their Discipline would slacken, and they would lose their Engagements and Intelligences. Insomuch that the Pope commended the King's prudence, and approved his having granted to the Reformed the keeping of all their Places for four years longer. Thus Roni's Deputation to Chatelleraud proved very 
The Pope is very well satisfied with it.  useful to the King; and at the same time his Negotiation was so agreeable at Rome, that Du Perron, who was there at that time, writ to him to congratulate his Success in the said Commission, and to let him know how much the Pope was pleased with it.  
Roni's Ambition was very singular; although he professed the Reformed Religion, he made it his study to acquire the Pope's favour. He valued himself upon having more Friends at Rome, 
The Deputies of the Assembly are caressed at Court.  and upon his receiving more Applauses there, than among those of his own Religion: Neither did it burden his Conscience to find that the Court of Rome was better satisfied than his Brethren with his way of managing their Liberties and Safeties. In the mean time the Deputies of the Assembly repaired to the Court, where they were very well received, and where neither fair Words nor Caresses were spared. The chief reason of that good Reception, was the secret Assurances they gave, that the Reformed would not take Arms for the Marshal of Bovillon; and that they would not hinder the King from taking his Places, and of disposing of them as of Cities taken in a just War. Besides these Civilities redounded to the advantage of Roni, whose Negotiations had been so prosperous: And the King had no better way to express how well he was pleased with the complaisance of that Assembly towards that Favourite, than by those marks of his Good Will.  
The Clergy assembled that Year, as well as the Reformed, and did not break up until the following Year. The Place of the Assembly 
Assembly of the Clergy.  was Paris, where Villars, Archbishop of Vienna, who made a Speech to the King, filled his Discourse with Allusions relating to the Reformed: But above all, he made very mournful Complaints about the Condition to which the Catholic Religion was reduced; and, he endeavoured to persuade that it laboured under great oppressions. 'Tis the common Style of their Harangues: They are all upon the same Tone; and it has been observed, that the Clergy in the greatest Lustre in which it has appeared these 500 Years, has still made as bitter Complaints, as if the Roman Church had been reduced to the utmost desolation However, the Archbishop's Complaints reduced themselves, in requiring the Publication of the Council of Trent, the Re-establishment of the Elections, and the abolishment of Laic Pensions. Moreover he accused the Reformed of several Infractions of the Edict of Nants, and of several Scandals committed against the Catholic Religion. Among the rest, he accused them of having profaned some Churches, and of having trampled upon the Sacrament which the Catholics adore at Milhau. The King's Answer received different Constructions; some thought it favourable, and others disobliging: But as to the Excesses that were laid to the Charge of the Reformed, he spoke like a Prince who was not persuaded that there was any truth in it. He desired that it might be proved, and then promised to do them justice. The Clergy had occasion to renew their Complaints under the next Reign, and finally they took vengeance on the whole Party for a pretended Outrage, the Resentment whereof, at most, should not have extended beyond those who should have been guilty thereof.  
At that time it was sincerely acknowledged, that the Edict allowed 
1606.  Liberty of Conscience to all the French, whether ecclesiastics, or Laics. Therefore Monks and Priests were often seen to embrace the Reformed Religion. Those Conversions were cruel 
Artifice to hinder the ecclesiastics from changing their Religion.  Mortifications to the Clergy, who looked upon the Custom of some of the Churches in the Meridional Provinces, as Affronts to them, they preserving the Habits of those Proselytes in their Vestries as Trophies erected with the Spoils of the Roman Religion, in honour of the Reformed. The Clergy not daring to desire the King to hinder those Conversions, by reason that the Law by which they were authorised, was as yet too new to be so soon violated in a Point of that importance, bethought itself of an Expedient which might have the same effect as a formal Defence. They made use of an Article in their Petitions, by which supposing that the ecclesiastics could never side with the Reformed, unless to avoid the Canonical Punishment of their Crimes, and disorderly Course, they desired leave to try them, before they could make profession of the Reformed Religion. This was an infallible way to hinder the ecclesiastics from changing, since it was an easy matter to frame an Accusation true or false against a suspected Person; after which they might have forced him by Menaces and ill usage to alter his Mind, or tyre him with long Imprisonments; or in case they had been obliged to release him, load him with ignominious Condemnations, which would have destroyed all the Fruit the Reformed hoped to reap by such Conversions. This Article was granted to the Clergy, who made use of it on some occasions, when they could lay hold on such as they thought wavering in the Catholic Doctrine. But they never derived all the Advantages they expected by it, by reason that those who were willing to quit the Roman Religion, for the most part found Means to escape the fury of those unmerciful Judges.  
The Clergy obtained, notwithstanding, several favourable Regulations, 
Edict in favour of the Clergy.  of which they composed an Edict which was long a drawing, and yet longer before they could get the Verification thereof. That which related to Religion, was, That the Reformed should not be allowed Burying Places, either in Churches, or Monasteries, nor in the Churchyards belonging to the Catholics, not even under pretence of Foundation, or Patronage: That no Temples should be built so near Churches, that the ecclesiastics in performing Divine Service might receive the least disturbance or scandal thereby: That the Regent's, or Teachers, Tutors, or Schoolmasters of Villages, should be approved of by the Curates, without prejudicing the Edict of Nantes.  
Roni found his Services rewarded that Year with the Dignity of 
Roni Duke and Peer of France.  Duke and Peer; and it was only to hinder the Pope from murmuring thereat, that he made so many steps to persuade the Court of Rome that he was not overmuch conceited with the Reformed Religion. The Marshal of Bovillon also made his Peace, 
The Marshal of Bovillon makes his Peace.  when the King advanced to lay a Siege before Sedan. Sulli, that was the Name Roni took after his new Dignity, had been a great promoter of that Siege, and had made vast Preparations for the taking of that Place. But the Marshal's submission broke all the Measures of that envious Person. He delivered up the Castle of Sedan to the King, who was to restore it to him at the end of four years; but the King only took it out of Ceremony, and returned it to the Marshal almost as soon as he had delivered it into his hands. This Reconciliation was made without the Duke of Sully's participation, which proved a great Mortification to him. Whether the King designedly concealed it from him, lest he should oppose it; or whether Velleroy, who was the manager thereof, would have the Marshal solely obliged to him for it; at least Sully complained, that Villeroy had sent him the King's Letter by an indirect way, whereby he was desired to share in that Treaty; insomuch that he was ignorant of the Project, till after it was concluded. However it is most certain, that the Marshal was a necessary Person for the King's Design, by reason of his credit among Foreign Protestants, who placed an entire confidence in him, and whose Friendship the King was resolved to preserve at any rate. Therefore the Marshal was observed the very next day after his Reconciliation, to be as far in the King's favour and Familiarity as ever he had been.  
During these Transactions, the Court continued to cause the 
Treaty with the Rochelois.  Edict to be put in execution where it was necessary. The Commissioners had re-established the Mass at Rochel, but that Worship had been so long interrupted there, that the People being no longer accustomed to it, the renewing thereof was very much thwarted. The Clergy applied itself to the King, to obtain greater Liberties. But the Court was at a great loss to Answer their Petition, not daring to do it favourably, for fear of occasioning some Commetion at Rochel; nor harshly, lest the ecclesiastics should thereby lose the hopes of returning thither. The thing was referred to an Arbitration, and Sully was chosen Mediator. The Rochelois had some confidence in him, perhaps because some among them received Pensions. Some Effects of that Confidence had appeared in the Affair of the Pancarte. The demands of the Clergy were reduced to Six Articles. Sully made them desist from the two first, which related to their Houses and Revenues. He obtained a grant for them upon the Third, for leave to visit the Sick in the Hospitals, and Criminals, and others in the Prisons, and to administer Confession, and the Communion to them, on condition that it should be performed secretly, and without Pomp; and he prevailed with the ecclesiastics not to accompany the Criminals to the Place of Executition. Upon the Fourth, he persuaded the Reformed to allow that the ecclesiastics should assist at Burials, provided it were not in the Form of a Procession, carrying the Cross on high; but that they should have leave to wear their Canonical Habits in the Streets, and that the People should be hindered from insulting, or abusing them. Upon the Fifth he advised the Catholics not to pretend to Places, unless called to them by the usual way of Suffrages; but at the same time, that no difficulty should be made to admit them to Arts and Trades, and that the Catholic Journeymen should not be turned out of the City, lest the Catholics should do the same in those Places where they were the strongest. Upon the Sixth, By which the Catholics desired a Place of Worship, pretending that the Commissioners had assigned them one, he gave his Opinion for leave to build a Church there, provided the Place were neither suspicious nor troublesome; that in that case it would be fit to prevail with them to accept another; that upon their refusal, it would be proper to offer a Petition to the King to obtain a Regulation, and to abstain from ways of Fact. These Advices, which had been agreed upon by the King and the Catholics, and which served partly as a Law, until the renewing of the Troubles, show that the grand Maxim that was observed in the Execution of the Edict, was to leave things in the same Condition into which the Edict had found them; and to preserve to the Reformed Religion the Privilege of Superiority in those Places where they enjoyed it at the time of the Edict; as the Roman Religion enjoyed it in those Places out of which they had not been dispossessed.  
One would have thought that the King's Reconciliation with the Pope, and all that he had done since to persuade that he 
Priests who refuse to pray for the King.  was a sincere Catholic, should have removed all the Scruples of the Bigots, and brought back every body to their Duty. However there still were some Clergymen so much disaffected to him, that they did not pray for his Person in the public Service. Moreover, there were several Churches under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse, where they made use of Mass-Books, in which that Prayer was omitted; and the said Books were so much in Vogue, that three Impressions of it had been sold during the Wars; one of Lions, another of Paris, and the third of Bourdeaux. The Parliament of Thoulouse was obliged to remedy it that year, by a Decree which they gave on the Month of June, whereby the use of the said Mass▪ Book was prohibited, and the Priests were commanded to mention the King in the Prayers of the Mass.  
But an Affair of far greater consequence occasioned a great deal 
Powder-Plot.  more noise. The Jesuits had of late embroiled all Europe by their Intrigues, and had promoted Bloody Tragedies in Sweden, Muscovy, Poland, Prussia, and Hungary. But that which they had designed for England, was far more worthy of them, had the Success answered their hopes. They had designed to blow up the King and Parliament with Powder, which they had laid to that purpose under the House where they Assemble, which was to have been fired at the King's coming in. The said Conspiracy was discovered upon the very point of Execution, and some Jesuits who had a hand in it, were punished, High-Treason being fully proved against them, which did not hinder their Order from placing them among the Martyrs. The King's Complaisance for the Court of Rome, could not hinder them from forming that horrid Conspiracy against him. Although he used his best endeavours to persuade the Court of Rome, that he inclined to their Sentiments; and that he expressed as much by his Public and Private Discourses; and that there was a kind of a Secret Negotiation between the Pope and him about Religion, which Henry the 4th was Mediator of, the Court of Rome did not confide in him; whether they had no good Opinion of his steadiness, or whether they thought his Complaisance was only an effect of Policy, to oblige the Catholics of his Kingdoms to remain quiet, in hopes of a better Condition. But he quite ruined his Reputation there by the Oath he exacted from 
Oath exacted from the Catholics in England.  the Catholics, by which he made them acknowledge, that they had no dependency on any Foreign Power; that he was Sovereign in his Kingdoms, even in Ecclesiastical Causes. This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years, and served to create Divisions among the Catholics of England, of which some maintained it lawful, and others contrary to their Consciences. The Pope joined with the last, which was the Party of the Jesuits. But there were some English Priests, who neither believed the Pope nor Jesuits in that point, and who exhorted the Catholics to take that Oath without scruple. The King himself writ in defence of his Oath, and his Book had the success I have expressed elsewhere.  
In France the Jesuits advanced their Affairs with a wonderful facility: And though several Cities refused to consent to their Establishment, they notwithstanding daily obtained new Favours. However, they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reformed a Boon. By the Treaty of the Reduction of Paris, the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allowed them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues. It had been allowed at Ablon, a place a little nearer than that Article mentioned. But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day, especially in the Winter time. It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christened, the Reformed at that time not allowing Baptism to be Administered out of their Assemblies. They alleged that several Children died by the way, which might have been Christened had the place of their Exercise been nearer: which reason was capable to move the Catholics upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism. Moreover, Foreigners, and the Lords of the Court complained, that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God, and to the King, in one and the same Day, by reason of the great distance to which they were obliged to go to make their Devotions; which at that time seemed more inconvenient than ever: The Duchess of Bar's Death having deprived them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court, which they had enjoyed whilst she was a live. Therefore the Reformed desired to have a place nearer, to remedy those inconveniences: 
The Reformed of Paris obtain the Exercise of their Religion to be performed at Charenton.  And the King being desirous to favour them, of two places which they had pitched upon, granted them one, which was the Village of Charenton, near the Abbey of St. Maur, within two short Leagues of Paris. They obtained his Letters. Patent for it, bearing date the 1st of August, by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days. The King by the same Letters reserved to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be formed upon that Subject, and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to meddle with it.  
That Affair did not pass without difficulty; though it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it; viz. the Parisians, who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction. It was the Lord of Charenton who opposed 
The Lord of the Manor opposes it in vain.  it, grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reformed in Manors belonging to Catholics, against the Will of the Lords thereof; but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council. Nevertheless, the Successors of the said Lord, have renewed them from time to time, as if they had been concerned at the improvement of their Manor; the Village, which of itself was one of the poorest in the Kingdom, being grown one of the most considerable and richest, by the incredible Trade it occasioned there every Sunday. But notwithstanding all those Oppositions, the Exercise of the Reformed Religion has been continued there until the Revocation of the Edict. The Rabble was not so easily suppressed as that Lord's endeavours. 
A Sedition in Paris.  Soon after that new Establishment, they excited a violent Sedition at St. Anthony's Gate, which is the nearest to Charenton, against the Reformed, at their coming back from their Temple. Tho the Magistrates immediately repaired thither, it was not in their power to remedy it: And the consequences might have proved of very ill consequence, had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there. His Presence restored Peace and Union into the City, and confirmed the Reformed in the possession of the favour he had granted them.  
About the same time the King received the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably, which were very large, and very material. The most considerable Articles were, That the Modifications of the Edict, made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions, might be cut out: That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet: That the Commissioners already nominated, might be obliged to execute the Edict in Burgundy, in Dauphine, and in other places where it had not been done yet: That the Charges of their Journey might be allowed them, to remove all pretence of delay: That the Ecclesiastical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be exempted: That the Restriction of the second might be removed, which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict; and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood, might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships: That the Poor might be received into Hospitals, and share in the Public Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants, and that they should not be molested upon the account of Religion; or otherwise, That the Reformed Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made, might not be obliged to contribute towards them: That in such Places where they had allowed no Churchyards to the Reformed, they might be allowed to bury their Dead in the Old Churchyards, and that the ecclesiastics should not be allowed to disturb them in the same, or to take up the Corpse, which the Official of Anger, the Bishop of Alby, and the Cardinal of Sourdis, were accused to have done to some that had been buried above Six, some even Eighteen Years: That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Reformed, either at their coming back from Divine Service, or when they held their Conferences or Synods: That Officers might not be allowed to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces: That the Ministers might be allowed to Visit the Sick, and such as were Condemned to Die, and that the Priest and other Catholics should not be allowed to divert them from their Belief: That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities, Casting of Bells, Reparation of Churches, and the like, conformably to the Second of the particular Articles, which the constraints imposed by the Judges, and the Precipitation of the Syndies rendered of no use; even forcing the Reformed to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins, Jesuits, and other ecclesiastics; whereupon they beseeched his Majesty, That whenever he should allow such Gatherings, an express Clause might be inserted in the Grant, declaring the Reformed exempt of such Taxes, the which might empower the Chambers of the Edict to take Cognizance of the Infractions thereof: That the Reformed might be allowed the peaceable Possession of the Employments they had; upon which several Examples were alleged of the Oppositions they had met with: That they might be received into the Offices of Receivers of the Tithes: That the Six Reformed Counsellors, or at least Three of them, might serve commonly at Paris in the Chamber of the Edict, to the end that there might be People enough to have an eye upon the observation of the Edicts, and that in case of Absence or Recusation, some body might constantly remain there to take care of it: That it might not be in the Power of Parliaments to judge the Affairs of the Reformed, unless they pleaded voluntary before them; and that the Counsellors of the Reformed Religion, who should be accused of Misdemeanours in their Offices, might only be summoned before the Chambers they were Members of: That no removal might be allowed from one Court to another without a just Cause: That in such a Case the Neighbouring Chamber might judge according to the Formalities, Use, and Customs of the Places where the Suits were depending, without obliging the Parties to appear Personally, unless at the Charge of those that summoned them there: That the Registers of the Parliaments of Burgundy, Provence, and others, might be obliged to send to the Register's Office of the Courts, where the Affairs of the Reformed of their Jurisdiction were referred, the Original of the Criminal Informations that lay before them, by reason that in several cases the Extracts were not sufficient: That the Reformed might not be obliged to appear in person to demand a removal, nor to surrender themselves Prisoners, unless to the Courts where the Removal should be desired. There were several others, some refused, or not answered, and others of less consequence.  
The King's Answer to all these Articles was as favourable and as just as could be expected from an Equitable Prince, who desired 
Favourable Answers to the Petitions.  the welfare of his Subjects. His Majesty ordered all the Modifications of the Edict to be cut out: That it should be Registered in such Places where it had not been done yet: That the Bailiffs, and Seneschals, or their Deputies, should execute the Edict at the first requiring, and take a Catholic or Reformed Assistant, according to the Religion they should be of themselves: That the Reformed should continue the Exercise of their Religion in such places as were allowed them by the Edict of 1577. belonging to the ecclesiastics; but that the Lands belonging to the Order of Maltha should have the same Privilege, for the performing of the Exercises granted by the new Edict, as the other Lands belonging to the Clergy: That the Poor should participate without distinction to the benefit of Hospitals and Alms: That Places should be provided for the Burying of the Reformed, and that no Prosecutions should be made against them for the Burials they had hitherto made in Catholic Churchyards: That his Majesty's Officers should prevent Popular Commotions and Injuries by Words or Fact: That they should not be allowed to disturb the Reformed in their Conferences and Synods, or to sit among them in the same; and that the Reformed should admit none but Ministers and Elders there, and should treat about nothing but the Affairs relating to their Discipline in the same; but that it should be free for them to hold other Assemblies by the King's leave, to Nominate Deputies-General to reside near him: That the fourth of the particular Articles, touching Liberty to assist the Sick and Condemned, should be observed: That the second should also be observed, which exempts from contributing towards Fraternities: That the Clause of Exemption should be put in favour of the Reformed in the Letters the King should grant, to make Collections applicable to the use of the Roman Church; and that the Infractions should only be Tried in the Chambers of the Edict, or Party Courts: That according to the 27th Article of the Edict, a stop should be put to all the Obstacles that were raised against the Reformed, who were provided with Employs: That no alteration should be made to the Order established for the Chamber of the Edict of Paris, but that in case of illness, recusation, or absence of the Person who was to serve in the Chamber, the Elder of the other five should serve in his room, while those Causes should be depending: That the Decrees of Parliament should only be put in execution against such as should plead voluntarily before them; and that such Reformed Officers as should be accused of Misdemeanours, should be summoned for the same only in the Chambers of the Edict: That no transferring of Causes should be allowed to the prejudice of the Edict: That the Registers who had Informations against the Reformed, should send the Originals to the Chambers, unless some Catholics were guilty of the same Crime, or concerned in the Dependencies thereof, and already Appeached by Catholic Judges, who should have ordered the entering of the Informations in their own Offices; in which case the Extract or Copies of the same should only be sent to the Register's Offices of the said Chambers: Finally, that the Reformed should be received to desire the Parliaments to grant them a removal by Attorney, without being obliged to appear there in Person.  
At the very beginning of the following year, the Jesuits undertook 
1607.  
The Jesuit Seguiran's Enterprise to Preach at Rochel.  a thing, which in any but themselves would have beer judged worthy of a severe punishment; whereby it is apparent, that as they feared nothing, they had found the way to make themselves feared. Seguiran, one of the boldest of that Order, being favoured by Varenne their Protector, obtained Letters from two Secretaries of State, without the King's knowledge, tho' in his Name, to those of Rochel, commanding them to allow him to Preach in their City. The Jesuit presented himself at the Gates, and boldly told his Name, his Profession, his Design, and his pretended Power from the King. The Rochellois refused to let him enter into their City, answering, That they were very well satisfied that Jesus had no Companion, nor he any Letters from the King. The Jesuit made a great deal of noise about their refusal; and the King, out of Policy, not to discredit the Letters subsigned by the Secretaries of State, or not to offend so daring a Society, seemed to be very angry at it. He gave Seguiran other 
Mortifications of the Jesuits.  Letters, and obliged Rochel to receive him for form sake; after which he ordered him to retire quietly. The King at the very time he seemed to be angry, whispered to his Confidents, that the Rochelois were not in the wrong. There were also Catholics, who did not use the Jesuits better than the Rochelois had done. Poitiers refused to allow them to establish a College there; and the Bishop was the most Zealous Opposer thereof. The Jesuit Cotton endeavoured to lay the blame of it upon the Duke of Sully, and to make the King believe, that he was the Person who had hindered them from entering into that Important City, accusing him to have written against them to the Bishop. That Prelate, who was not their Friend, cleared him from that Aspersion; and in order the better to convince the Jesuit of Calumny, he sent the King the Letters which Sully had written to him upon that subject. Those who have written Cotton the Jesuits Life, or rather the Romance which they have entitled his Life, have mentioned Sully's Accusation by that Jesuit, but did not think fit to mention his Justification by the Bishop. Nothing can evidence the esteem which the Catholics themselves, who were true Frenchmen, had of the probity of that Sect, better than what passed between some Jesuits, and a Canon of Notre dame, or our Lady of Paris. The Jesuits to honour their Church of La Fleche, daily solicited the King to grant them his Heart, to put it there after his Death. The Chapter of Notre dame pretended that it was an Ancient Privilege belonging to that Church, to have the keeping of the King's Hearts: Insomuch, that the Pretention of the Jesuits met with great oppositions in those Canons, who were unwilling to yield them so considerable an advantage. During those Contestations, a Canon being nettled at the Jesuits Impudence, asked them Cruelly, alluding to the Name of that City, for which they desired that Honour? which of the two they desired most earnestly to put the King's Heart in 
* Which signifies a Dart or Arrow.  La Fleche, or to put La Fleche into the King's Heart. They often received such Mortifications; but the success of their designs served to comfort them for all; and they despised the World, because they had the Chief of the Council at their Devotion, and that the King feared them.  
In the Month of February the King answered the particular Petition of the Province of Normandy. The Reformed complained in the same of several things in which they were disturbed, without regard to the Regulations that had already been made on their behalf. They remonstrated particularly, that by the absence, recusation, or illness of the Reformed Councillors who served in the Court of the Edict, it often happened that Suits were tried, and none of the Reformed present; whereupon they desired that one of the two others might take the room of him that was absent. They complained of the Summons the Council granted to people who obliged them to go to plead in suspected Parliaments: That the Lords in whose Manors Places were allowed them for the exercise of their Religion, disturbed them in the Possession of the said Places, to oblige the Communities to allow them a Vicar, Substitute, or Deputy, (which they desired to be free from by a Fine once paid:) That at Rouen on Solemn Festivals they only opened the Wicket of the Gates for them, which hindered them from assisting at Divine Service. That very inconvenient places were allowed them for Burial; the Judges only allowing them in Highways and Dunghills, or in Commons distant from all Habitations, even which they refused to do, unless paid for their pains. The King granted them upon all these Points favourable answers; he ordered that in the absence of the Councillor in waiting, in the Court of the Edict, the Eldest of the two others should officiate in his stead; that no farther Summons should be granted contrary to the Edict, and that those that had occasioned the complaint should be brought before the Council, there to be revoked unless conformable to the Regulations: That the Lords should content themselves with an lademnity once paid, to be referred to expert Persons by the consent of both Parties, or Persons nominated for such an Office: That the Gates of Rouen should be kept open on solemn Days for the convenience of the Reformed, at least those two that lead towards that place which was allowed them for Divine Service; and that the Judges should allow convenient places for Burial, in places belonging to the King, or Commonalties, or otherwise; that a place should be bought at the common Cost of the Reformed and Catholics, which the Judges should be obliged to do without Fees; and that within the Fortnight mentioned in the 28th and 29th Articles of the Edict of Nantes.  
Nothing of moment passed elsewhere, besides the National Synod 
Synod at Rochel.  that was held at Rochel. The Reformed had solicited to obtain it the year before; but the King who was afraid of scandalising the Legate, who was coming into France to Baptise the Dauphin, in case he should allow the Reformed to hold a Synod in that Conjuncture, they preparing again to speak about Antichrist, refused to grant it at that time, and they were forced to have patience, and to put off their Synod to the following year. Several things were done, or proposed in it, which displeased the Court; and the King omitted no means that Affairs might be determined in it to his liking. As soon as the Synod was assembled, they deputed three of their Members to the King according to their wont Custom. They were ordered chiefly to obtain three things of him. The one was to proceed to the Nomination of Two Deputies General in the room of those that had served ever since the Assembly of Chatelleraud. 2dly. That the time of 
Deputies General.  their Service might be limited to one year: And the third, That the Reformed should only Nominate Two Persons to the King, which he should do them the favour to accept. But the King was positive to the contrary: That the said Nomination should not be mentioned, the two last not having been long enough employed: That the Deputies should serve three years, in order not to allow Political Assemblies yearly, under pretence of Nominating others: That the Reformed should name Six Persons, to the end that he might be the better enabled to choose such as were agreeable to him. Sulli kept the Deputies at Paris as long as was necessary to work upon them; after which having disposed them to what the Court desired, he dismissed them for the Synod, and gave them Letters as written from himself, tho' it was really done by the King's Orders. In one of the said Letters he endeavoured to incline the Assembly not to insist upon the Affair of the Deputies General, by reason that they should not have time enough to think upon it, and that the number of the Members of the Synod was inconsiderable, illness having hindered some of the Deputies from repairing thither. By another Letter apart, tho' 
The Question about Antichrist renewed.  bearing the same date, he gave his Opinion about the Question concerning Antichrist, which was to be renewed in the Synod. There were some Provinces the Deputies of which had acquainted the King, that they carried Memoirs thither upon that subject. Sully advised them not to disturb the Peace they had so much desired, by unseasonable proceedings; assuring them that the then Pope would use none but mild ways to gain Consciences. In which this Lord, who was no more a Pretender to Divinity than Religion, reasoned, as if in deciding whether the Pope was Antichrist, the Synod should have considered the than Pope's Personal Qualifications, more than the Tyrannical Power the Roman See usurps.  
But the Reformed were not ignorant that the Spirit of Popery is always the same; That the Roman Church always thinks itself bound to persecute: That there was a general Conspiration in Europe against the Protestants: That it was no longer concealed: That it appeared in divers places by a thousand Injustices: That even the French Nation was excited against them: That the Spaniards had Agents who endeavoured to gain Priests, by their means to inspire Animosities and Hatred in the Catholics against the Reformed, which the Jesuits especially did almost barefaced. Therefore they did not think they wronged the Pope, whatever his particular Maxims were, to give him a Name which suited to the Character of his Dignity, and which is much more inherent to the See itself, than to the Qualifications of the Person who fills it. Therefore the Synod did not desist from 
Deputies gained at Court.  their Enterprise. They received their Deputies very well at their return from Court; but they were not moved by the Reasons they urged to persuade them, perhaps because the Gratifications, which were Sully's best Arguments, were not communicated to the whole Synod. There were also some Persons at Court full of Political Considerations, which they employed to make the Reformed fearful of offending the King; and their foresight ever extended itself to inconveniences the others did not see. Therefore the Synod called them Ironically, the Clear-sighted of the 
Clear-sighted of the Church; and Fools of the Synod.  Church; Sulli had the best Authority of any of them; yet neither his Letters, nor those of some others, could prevail any more than the Reasons of the Deputies. To be even with them, the Court called some of the Members of the Synod the Fools of the Synod, because they found them thick-skulled, and that they thought too much on their safety. Those pretended Fools proved the strongest; and though Montmartin used his utmost endeavours to strengthen the Court Party in the Assembly, his Cabal was not powerful enough to get the upper hand there.  
Nevertheless he obtained part of what he desired, concerning the Question about Antichrist. He had such positive Orders 
The Question is deferred.  from the King upon that subject, and he did so well represent to them, that they would offend him in persisting in their Resolution of Printing the Article of Gap in all the Confessions, that the Synod durst proceed no further in it; and so under pretence of adjourning that Affair, they laid it quite aside. They contented themselves with promising the protection of the Churches to such as should be troubled for having preached, confessed, or said, or written any thing about that Matter: That is, in a word, the Doctrine was stopped, and the Question held as decided. But Interests of State hindered it from being inserted as an Article of Faith among the rest. This is partly what the Synod writ about it to the Duke of Rohan, from whom they had received Letters upon that Subject, desiring them to pleasure the King, and not to carry that matter too far. An Impression of the Confession of Faith in which that Article was inserted, having been sold off already, the Synod made Applications to the King, to beg that no body might be prosecuted, either for having shared in the Impressions, or for keeping any Copies of that precipitated Edition. The King freely granted it, his Design being only to hinder it from ever being talked of. In the mean time the Synod being desirous to show more clearly that they did not disown the decided Doctrine, though they had so much complaisance for the King, as not to make it an express Article of their Faith; desired Vignier 
Vignier ordered to write at large about it.  to write at large about that matter; which he did in a manner that made a great noise in its time.  
The Affair of the Deputy's General did not end thus. La Nove and du Cros, who had received that Quality in the Assembly at Châtelleraud, brought a Brief to the King, dated in December, which authorised the Synod to nominate six persons, out of which the King was to choose two; but at the same time, that Business only excepted, forbade them to meddle with any thing but their Discipline. The Council had thought that they should get something in acquiescing so far, though by that permission granted to the Synod, they seemed to consent that the Deputies General should officiate but one Year, since La Nove and du Cros had not exercised their Deputation much longer. But they were in hopes that by granting this, they would deliver themselves for three years of the fear of these General Assemblies, because the King might refuse to allow one, under pretence that the Synod had provided for that time for the only thing that could render it necessary. The Synod had not the power to make that Nomination, because it exceeded the bounds of their Discipline; for which Reason the King had given them that Brief to authorize them. The Synod having examined it, did not find it sufficient, because it neither impower'd them to give a discharge to the Deputies, that were to lay down upon a new Nomination, or to give Instructions to those that were to succeed them, without which the Nomination was of no manner of use. They writ most humble Remonstrances to the Court about it. The King received them very graciously; and the bearers of them returned with very obliging Letters from him, and almost an entire satisfaction upon the Subject of their Message; though Sully by private Letters advised them not to make use of them. It is very probable that the Deputies had revealed the Secret of the Synod, which was not well disposed to satisfy the Court about the nomination of Six Persons. Therefore the new Brief renewing that Article, they would have been better pleased to have the Synod put off the Affair of the Deputies to another time, than to see it determined in a way that should not 
The Synod only names two Deputies General.  please them. Therefore the King allowed them to work about it, for fear of vexing them by a refusal; but at the same time his Favourite writ to them, to dissuade them from it if he could. The Synod neither believed him, nor those who were of his Opinion, nor yet the Deputies Sully had corrupted. They discharged Lafoy Nove and du Cros with a world of thanks and praises; after which they nominated only two persons, although the Brief obliged them expressly to nominate six. The Reason or Pretence of it was, That the Powers the Deputies had brought from their Provinces, did not allow them to exceed that number. But that to show that they did not design to offend his Majesty in refusing to answer his Intentions in that Point, they begged of him to allow a General Assembly to consider whether the nomination of six should be made for the future, according to the King's Desire, and to be pleased in the mean time to accept the two Deputies which were nominated to him by the Synod; they were Villarnoul, and Mirande, Persons of great credit amongst the Reformed, and very zealous for the Public Good.  
Tho the Synod had positive orders to treat about nothing but 
Affairs treated in the Synod.  what related to their Discipline, it did not hinder them from examining several things relating to the advantage of their Churches, which passed under the notion of the Instructions they were to give their Deputies, and the Articles of their Petitions. The deliverance of several Prisoners that were detained at Paris and elsewhere upon the account of Religion: The pursuit of the establishment of the Churches where the free liberty of the exercise of their Religion was either hindered or contested. The naturalisation of the Reformed Refugies of the Marquisate of Saluces: The care of restraining the insolence of the Monks, who often made seditious Erterprises; as it happened at Alencon, where a Capuchin had affixed injurious Libels; and at La Roche foucault, where the whitefriars had often insulted the Reformed: The Affair of one Mascla, who had a great Suit depending about his Mother's Burial, which had cost him 7 or 8000 Livers: Foreign Ministers who desired Letters of Naturalisation: The removing of Causes granted to the prejudice of the Jurisdiction of the Courts, notwithstanding the Regulations that had been often promised upon that Subject, were the main things the New Deputies took upon them. Above all, the exemption of the Ministers was recommended to them, for which Letters Patents had already been obtained, which the Court of Aids had already verified.  
The Synod allowed the Deputies of the City of Rochel to assist at their deliberation about the Affair of the Deputies, and their Instructions, by reason that it was a Political concern, and that 
Foreign Ministers.  Rochel held the Rank of a Province in the Assemblies in which they treated of Affairs of that nature. That Synod enjoyed the same Liberty others had had in relation to Strangers. They received Letters from Princes, and from Protestant Universities; and some Ministers either actually assisted at the Synod, or were invited to it by the Churches, though no Natives of France. But Rochel gave the Court some Discontents, by their calling one Malwin a Scotch Minister. He was a Prisoner in England upon the account of some Words or Writings he was accused of against King James and his Council. That Prince, to get rid of him, granted him to the Rochelois, declaring positively, that he only gave him his Liberty on condition that he should depart his Territories, 
Malwin called to Rochel.  and that he should go to exercise his Ministry in France. This was a happy kind of Banishment, in which Malwin would have found considerable advantage. But one Primrose, another Foreign Minister called to the Service of the Church of Bourdeaux, revealed that Secret to the King, in order the better to obtain leave to settle himself in that advantageous Post. He might well be positive in the Matter, since he was the person that had been employed to carry the Letters from Rochel to the King of England, and who had brought that Prince's answer back again. Thus Private Interest began to divide the Party; and even the best among them suffered themselves to be drawn into little Infidelities against the General Cause. The King found fault with two things in the proceeding of those of Rochel in the Case of Malwin. First, the manner, because they had called him without the King's leave. Secondly, The person, by reason that the man who was a Prisoner in England for an Offence against the Government, was not proper for France, where the disposition of Affairs did not permit to tolerate Persons of that Character; and yet less at Rochel than any where else, considering their inclination for Liberty, which they indulged more than they ought to have done, according to the Policy of Monarchies. Sulli writ to the Rochelois to come to justify themselves, in case they were accused wrongfully, or to beg pardon if they were guilty. But the Affair stopped there, without being attended with any ill consequences.  
During these Transactions, Chamier lost his time at the Court where he had been sent by the Synod, to offer the King the Nomination of Villarnoul and Mirande, and the Remonstrances of the Assembly upon the dependencies of that Affair. He had been there above six Months, and yet had not been able to obtain the honour to speak to the King. His Person was disliked, he being one of those Fools of the Synod the King had an aversion to; one of those hard Skulls that nothing works upon; of those hearts which neither threats or promises could move, though they are the strongest Machine's of Courts. Neither perhaps was he more acceptable to Cotton the Jesuit, with whom he had formerly had a conference at Nimes; in which both of them, as it is most usual, pretended to have the better of the other. The truth is, that the Jesuit had dazzled the Auditors by Eloquent Digressions, which made them lose every moment the Subject of the Dispute; and that Chamier, whose Arguments had much more solidity and Scholarship in them, had reduced the Jesuit to save himself by that Artifice. Those who have written the Life of that Jusuit, say enough to show us, that the sharpness of Chamier would have put that Hero to a stand, had he not warded the Blow by Eloquence and Discourses wide from the purpose, which he had at command. But the Affairs Chamier came about, were yet more disagreeable 
The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies.  than his Person. The King refused to accept the Nomination that had been made by the Synod, because it was not according to the Form prescribed in the Brief. The Council disapproved two things alike, one of which was of necessity to be allowed. They were obliged either to receive the Deputies the Synod presented, which could not be done handsomely, the King having so positively declared that he did not like that Nomination; or to allow a General Assembly, as the only way to accommodate that Affair, which was a thing the Council never did willingly. They would perhaps have been glad to tyre Chamier's patience by making him wait, and so oblige him to give over his Suit; but it was difficult to send him back without some satisfaction, by reason that the Reformed having no body at that time to mind their Affairs▪ they daily grew worse. La Nove and du Cros had no longer any power, being discharged by the Synod: Villarnoul and Mirande could not do it neither, because the King would not accept them. Thus the Complaints made by the Reformed remained unanswered: 
1608.  The Evils that required speedy remedy, received none. Therefore all things rightly considered, the Council thought it best to allow them to call an Assembly; but that Permission was accompanied with such Limitations, that no considerable Advantages could be expected from it. The Matters they were to treat of, were prescribed to them; they had not so much as the choice of the Place 
A General Assembly is allowed at Gergeau.  free, and Sully was given them as a Spy. Gergeau was pitched upon for the convenience of that Lord, that City being his, and the House he borrowed his Name from in the Neighbourhood thereof.  
He was received there, not like a man who interesed himself for the Reformed Religion; but like one who came to negotiate 
Sully suspected by the Reformed.  from the King. Moreover it was greatly suspected that he designed to change his Religion which he had given reason to believe by a very extraordinary conduct. The King had offered him one of his Natural Daughters for his Son, provided they would both turn Catholics: and he had obliged him to have some conferences with Cotton the Jesuit, who since his being at Court, had shared the Quality of Convertor with Cardinal Du Perron. Those Conferences commonly produced the Effect they desired, being commonly accepted by such as desired only a pretence to change. Nevertheless, whether it were a Blind contrived between the King and Sully, or whether it were real, Sully refused to change, but gave his Son leave to do it if he pleased. The King pressing him to oblige his Son to do it, he refused to command it him; but declared that he left it to his own free choice, which the King seemed not to be very well satisfied with. I would not affirm that this were any thing but a Juggle to re-establish Sully's Reputation among the Reformed, who looked no longer upon him as a Member of their Party. Indeed it was not very likely that Sully should refuse in earnest what the King proposed to him▪ to obtain an Alliance, which several Princes of Europe would not have disdained. It was also as easy for him, according to the Notions he had inspired into the King, to make a Religion to himself reduced to certain General Articles, as to persuade another to do it, or to believe that he might innocently authorise his Son to turn Roman Catholic. However it were, that Refusal is mentioned to his praise in his Memoirs; in which it is reported, that the King upbraided him with loving the Huguenots better than him; by reason that while he refused his alliance, he was treating about a Match between his Son and the Countess of Sa●x's Daughter, Granddaughter to Lesdiguieres. But that Reproach looks very like a Jest. It was very well known at Court, that neither Lesdiguieres, nor his Children were of the number of those who were zealous for Religion; Cotton the Jesuit knew it better than any body. And that Intriegue only served to persuade, that Sully was not over religious: He was used in the Assembly of Gergeau like a Catholic. Du Plessis had sent them good Memoirs upon that Subject, which were followed.  
Sulli notwithstanding proved very useful to the King in the Assembly, though he refused to take the Title of Envoy or Commissary 
Affairs of the Assembly.  there. Seven or eight considerable Articles were treated of there, which proved difficult, and might have occasioned the sitting of the Assembly a long while, which was a thing the King feared. The Chief related to the Places of Surety. Some of them belonged to Catholic Lords, or were fallen into their hands by succession, or otherwise. Those Lords put Catholic Governors in them. The Reformed had already lost Caumont in that 
Places lost by the Reformed.  manner; and were upon the point of losing Montandre and Tartas in the like manner: Besides they were afraid of losing many of their Places thus by degrees; especially because Conversions were then in fashion, and that several Lords expressed but little Zeal for their Religion. They had lately had the experience of some, who after having long sought a pretence to change, had at last taken that of an accidental Conference, which Cotton the Jesuit had fastened upon Gigord, a Minister of some Reputation. He found him at Court, in presence of some people that were ill disposed, and engaged him into a Dispute, which the Jesuit and his Adherents did 
Conference and Changes of Religion.  not fail to report to the disadvantage of the Minister; and because it was interrupted without being renewed, the Minister not caring to engage in those tumultuous Disputes, in which those that talk most and loudest seem always to be in the right, which those that were wavering among the Reformed took the advantage of to colour their Change: they pretended that he was sensible of his weakness, and confessed himself vanquished. This was sufficient to give Castelnau, and some others, a pretence to do what they had long resolved, and to embrace the Roman Religion. Gigord did not remain mute upon the Subject of that Conference which the Jesuits Friends published: But those who had a mind to believe that he had not maintained his Cause well, little mattered his Justification. The same Game was so often played at Court, that the Reformed had some reason to distrust all the Lords of their Religion, and especially such as had Places, whom they chiefly endeavoured to corrupt. Therefore Sulli seeing that that Affair, and the others, which were of consequence, might occasion long debate, writ to the King, that it would be convenient to put Reformed Governors in Places of that kind, being Friends or Relations to the Lords to whom they belonged; which would be a proper Expedient to remove all Jealousies on both sides. As to the other Articles, he advised him either to grant part of them, or to give them leave to incert them in the Instructions of their Deputies. The King pitched upon the last Expedient, because he was resolved not to treat about any thing with the Assembly; and that having only allowed it for the nomination of the Deputies General, he would not suffer them to treat of any thing else in it. He ordered them to break up immediately after the said Nomination. However his Answer to Sulli was very obliging for the Reformed. He assured them of his Protection, and acknowledged that they had deserved it by their perseverance in his Service.  
The Assembly submitted to the King's Will, and nominated Six Persons, of which Villarnoul and Mirande were Two, and sent the said Nomination to the King with very respectful Letters. The King expressed, that he did not like their writing so well, as if they had sent the Nomination the Assembly had made by Deputies: However he was plaesed to excuse it, and to say▪ That he would not declare his Choice until the Assembly was dissolved. As soon as they had obeyed him, he chose Villarnoul and Mirande, who had been presented to him by the Synod of Rochel; thereby showing, that his refusal of them the preceding year, did not proceed from Aversion to their Persons only, but because he disliked the manner of their Election.  
The same year the Clergy also Assembled at Paris, and their Deputies renewed their usual Complaints to the King against the * Concordat, and the Laic Pensions. That which was most remarkable 
The Solemn Act that passes between the Pope and the French King.  in it, was, that Fremiot, Archbishop of Bourges, who was Speaker, represented the Church to be under a Misery capable to move Compassion; though at the same time the Splendour in which he appeared before the King, did not suit with his Description of the said Desolation. Besides, a numerous Train of Bishops he was attended by, whose Air expressed no Misery, he had Five Cardinals in his Company; and this pompous Deputation resembled much more an excess of worldly Prosperity, than an afflicted Church, overwhelmed with great Adversities.  
The earnestness the Clergy expressed again that time, for the Publication of the Council of Trent, was not well received. The King answered with more Resolution than ever he had done; 
A resolute Answer of the Kings, disowning the promises made in his Name by his Attorneys.  and upon their alleging the Promises his Attorneys had made in his Name about it, he made no difficulty to disown them. He complained of their having promised it without his knowledge; and said, That that Publication would be a step for others afterwards to desire the Introduction of the Inquisition: He made them sensible, that if Francis I Henry II. and Charles IX. who had no such Solemn Engagements with the Reformed, as he had, and had not received such Services from them, had not approved that Counsel, he had much less reason to do it, for fear of renewing the Troubles of his Kingdom. This comforted the Reformed in some measure for the grief they received that year, in seeing the Dauphin's Education committed to the Care of Cotton 
Cotton the Jesuit made Tutor to the Dauphine.  the Jesuit; since they could oppose the assurances of the King's good Will, to the fear of his being succeeded one day by a Prince, who being fallen in such ill hands was not likely to prove favourable to them. The King put the Change agreeably upon the Clergy in another Affair. That rich Body had often solicited him to establish a Fund, out of which Pensions might be taken for the Ministers that should change their Religion; and whereas they had but inconsiderale Salaries at that time, the Clergy, whose overruling Passion is Interest, did not question, but that in bettering the Condition of those that should change, they would invite several to imitate them. But the King being desirous, That the said Fund should be taken out of the Pockets of the Clergy, and not out of his Exchequer, caused the Pope to write a Brief to the Clergy, to desire them to raise that Fund themselves. The Brief was presented to the Assembly by the Cardinal of Joyeuse. They agreed to make a Fund 
Fund for such Ministers as should change their Religion.  of 30000 Livers a year, out of which they should take Pensions for Ministers only; and made a Rule excluding all such as had not been Ministers or Professors, from those Recompenses; and all those who having embraced the Reformed Religion since the 6th of August, should return to the Catholic Church. By the said Rule, those who were to enjoy the benefit of those Pensions, were obliged to bring in yearly Attestations of their good Behaviour to the Agents of the Clergy; the manner also of paying them the Sums that were allotted them, was prescribed in the same. This Sum was inconsiderable, and yet the Clergy has never made a sufficient number of Conquests to exhaust it: And some years after it, they took out of the said Fund, the best part of which was not used, Salaries for certain Laic Missionaries, who troubled the Reformed in a thousand manners; and recompenses for People, whose Trade was to solicit the Common People to change their Religion.  
During those Transactions, the Council of Spain persecuted the Moors; whether it proceeded from the Councils own movement, or from the advice Taxis had given. Those Wretches offered to 
Treaty with the Moors who were persecuted in Spain.  submit to the King of France, if the King would take them under his Protection. But that Prince not confiding in those People that are naturally false and inconstant, thought fit first to send a Person among them to see what might be expected from that Overture. He made choice of Panissaut for his Envoy, a Gentleman of Gascony, and one of the Reformed. He repaired thither in the Habit of a Franciscan, with an Obedience that was given him by the Guardian of some House of that Order. He did negotiate with so much success, that some considerable Advantage might have been expected by it, had he been suffered to go on: But the Bigots told the King, That he inspired them with 
It is spoken by the Bigots.  the Doctrine of the Reformed, which might be true, and would certainly have been of great use, that Doctrine removing from the Mahometans the pretences of the Aversion which the Worship of the Roman Church has inspired in them against Christianity. Insomuch that Panissaut might have made them Christians, and good Frenchmen; but the Catholic Zeal thought it more reasonable that they should remain Mahometans, than turn Huguenots. Therefore Panissaut was recalled, and Claverie, a Gentleman of the Roman Persuasion, and of the same Country, sent in his room; but whereas he proceeded upon other Principles, which the Moors did not relish, his Negotiation met with no success.  
Lesdiguieres obtained that year the Staff of Marshal of France. 
Lesdiguieres Marshal of France.  His Services had sufficiently deserved it; but it was not granted so much in regard to his Merit, as to make him forget the Discontents he had received from the Court. In the mean time, the Spanish Faction was not a sleep, and lost no opportunities to sow Divisions in all parts to excite some Troubles in France. The Royal Family was very much embroiled. The King and Queen 
1609.  did not agree. That Princess crossed him continually; and that 
The King's Domestic Troubles.  which was most unaccountable, she adhered with the Spaniards, whose Interests were espoused by Five or Six Italians who served her. The Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta of Spain, and that of one of the Daughters of France with the Infant, had been proposed to her, as a means that would for ever secure the Succession to her Offspring. In order to draw her the sooner into that Project, they exasperated her mind by black Calumnies against the King; they persuaded her, that he designed to be rid of her; after which the Charms of the Marchioness of Verneviel, and the Promises of Marriage the King had made her, afforded reason to fear that he would raise her Children to the Throne, to the prejudice of hers. Those Jealousies proceeded so far, that Conchini and his Wife, dressed themselves in their own Chamber, what that Princess was to eat, as if she had been in danger of being poisoned. Sully sometimes advised the King to send back those pernicious Spirits into Italy, to stop the torrent of those Disorders, and to send the Marchioness and her Brother into England, to the end that the Queen's Jealousies, and her Evil Counsellors being removed, she might be the sooner reduced to live peaceably with the King. But that Prince neither being able to remove his Mistress, nor willing to exasperate the Queen by taking her Confidents from her, while her Rival still remained before her eyes, increased the Evil by his irresolution, and daily gave the Queen new Causes of Quarrel. On the other hand, he did not relish the Marriage proposed, the Project whereof did not agree with his designs. It was impossible for him to seek the Alliance of a House he designed to humble. Besides, the intentions of the Council of Spain did not look candid in that Proposition, since one of the Conditions of it was to make War against the Protestants, which the King was sensible tended to two things, of which Spain would receive the sole benefit, and he the disadvantage. The one was, to break the Alliance between the Protestants abroad, and France: The other, to renew the Civil Wars in the Kingdom. The King liked neither; and to satisfy his Subjects as to his good intentions, he promised that he would leave his Children such good Instructions, that they would take care not to renew past divisions, or to force the Reformed to look for a Foreign Protector. He designed to infuse into them as a principal Maxim, Never to reduce their Subjects to the necessity of wanting an Intercessor with their Prince: A Maxim equally of use to raise the happiness of the People, and the Authority of Kings to the highest degree. 'Tis a certain proof of the happiness of the People, not to stand in need of a Mediator to obtain favours from their King: And a King is never more powerful, than when no body shares the Honour of his Favours, and the acknowledgement of his People.  
There were also some Catholics in the Kingdom, who had a 
Divers Sentiments about the Alliance with Spain  great Aversion to those Marriages, especially the Princes, and those who dreaded, lest a Spanish Queen might bring along with her the despotic Maxims, of which all the Politics of that Nation was formed. They thought that the Power of the Nobility, and the Liberty of the People, would be much better preserved during a Foreign War, than in a time of Calm, which would afford favourable occasions to the Council to humble those who had a little too much Popularity and Credit: And they were sensible that the King daily aspired to that degree of Authority, to oblige Subjects to obey without reply. But then there were others, and particularly those, whose Souls were still inclined to Leagues, who fancied that the Grandeur of the House of Austria, and the Triumph of the Catholic Religion, were inseparable: That the Alliance with Spain was necessary to make France share in both; and that it was their true Interest to preserve themselves by a good Intelligence with that Potent House, by abandoning all the rest of Europe to them. Insomuch, that out of a Zeal to Religion they opposed the Glory of their Country, and omitted no means to engage the King against the Reformed. To that end 
Fraud's to renew the Civil War.  they daily made use of new Stratagems. They scattered Seditious Letters in the Streets of Rochel to alarm the People, as if the King were ready to declare War: The effect of which was, that they hastened their Fortifications, and took measures to avoid being surprised. At the same time false Letters were cenveyed to the King, in which the Erterprises of the Rochelois were exaggerated, to oblige him to express some Resentment.  
In the mean time the Jesuits, who made it their business to embroil 
Power of the Jesuits.  all Europe, left no means unattempted to reduce Fance into its former disorders again. Some of them trespassed upon the King's patience at Court with a surprising boldness. Cotton the Jesuit was convicted of having revealed the Secrets the King had confided to him; but no manner of notice was taken of it. Gontier the Jesuit, was a Man of an impetuous, violent Spirit, who loved nothing but Trouble and Broils. Ignatius Armand, was subtle and cunning, and so much the more dangerous, because his Intrigues were covered with the Veil of Modesty and Simplicity. Their Enterprises disturbed the King exceedingly, by reason that he had much ado to suppress them. But he had prepossessed himself that he should tame them by his kindnesses; and that at least they would attempt nothing against his Life, while they had reason to expect new favours from him; insomuch, that he seldom refused any thing they desired of him. He had settled them in Bearn, notwithstanding the Opposition of the Estates, and the Deputies of Provence, who protested that the 
Settled in Bearn.  said Settlement was contrary to the good of his Service, and the repose of the Country; and showed a Decree of the Parliament of Pau, made in the year 1598. which prohibited the receiving of them there. The Bishop of Oleron's Entreaties prevailed over those Remonstrances; and Jesuits were sent to him with an Edict, which ordered them only to submit to the Laws of the Country, and to the Discipline of other ecclesiastics; which conditions they kept no longer than till they were strong enough to lay them aside. This year they erected a Noviciat at Paris, and began to build their College of Clermont.  
During these Transactions, the Court examined the last Petitions 
Petitions answered.  of the Assembly. They granted the Abolishment of some Solemnities which the Catholics had Established, in Commemoration of the good Successes they had had over the Reformed: As the Festival they had decicated at Chartres, to our Lady of the Breach, for a pretended Vision of the Blessed Virgin, who defended the Breach against the Reformed, that had besieged that City in 1568. The Procession of Dreux, which was performed yearly there, on the day the Duke of Guise had won a Battle against the Prince of Conde. And that which was made at Thoulouse, for some other event of the first Wars. It was also granted them, that in the Disputes of Jurisdiction, the Chambers should be Judges of their own Competency. The Judges Royal of Britain were forbidden to exact from the Reformed, who had any Affairs before them, a Renunciation of the benefit of the Edict, which allowed their to Appeal from the Sentences of those Judges, to the Chambers of the Edict, or to the Great Council. They promised that the Creation of the Offices of Assistants of Inquisitors in all Royal Tribunals, which was an Invention of Sullies to get Money, should not derogate from the Privileges the Edict granted them, of taking a Reformed Adjunct in certain Cases; and they promised that all those of the Marquisate of Saluces, who should come to settle in France, both Reformed and Catholics, should be used as Natives.  
A National Synod was held soon after at St. Maixant, in which 
Synod at St. Maixant.  they hardly treated about any thing besides their Discipline. Among the rest, maimed Soldiers were allowed by them to receive a Pension the King had founded for their maintenance; and whereas those that enjoyed it, were obliged to wear the figure of a Cross upon their Cloaks, they declared to them that they might do it without wounding their Consciences. It was observed also in the said Synod, that Sully had given such ill Assignments to the Reformed, for the payment of the Sums the King was to pay them for the Years 1605, and 1606. that they could hardly make any thing of them. But the principal Affair that was treated of there, was that of Antichrist. They received the Book which Vignier had composed upon that matter, according to the desire of the preceding Synod, and committed it to the Examination of the Academy of Saumur, in order to have it Printed with the Name of the Author. The said Book appeared soon after Entitled, The Theatre of Antichrist: Among the other effects it produced, 
Theatre of Antichrist.  it induced Gontier, a Jesuit, to Preach against the Thirty first Article of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed; which he did before the King in so seditious and so insolent a manner, that the King reprimanded him severely for it: but lest the Catholics should accuse him upon that account of favouring the Reformed, and of suffering their Writings to pass unregarded, he also suppressed Vignier's Book.  
The first Encroachment that was made upon the Royalty's 
Encroachment upon the Rights of Royalty.  belonging to Reformed Lords was made that Year by a Decree from the Chamber of the Edict of Paris. That Decree maintained against the Widow of a Lord de Vieille-vigne, to whom those Rights belonged in a certain Parish of which she had the Presentation, a Gentleman who usurped them for this reason only, That he was the only Catholic Gentleman in that Parish; and that this Lady professing the Reformed Religion, came never at Church. The Advocate General maintained the Cause of the Catholic, and pretended that no wrong was done to the Lady by the Sentence of which she was appellant; because she was only deprived of her Rights, for the Time being; which preserved them to her when she should be in a condition to reassume them. This Decree was confirmed by the Opinions of the King's Council; and imported that the enjoyment thereof by the Catholic, should in no wise prejudice the Lady, nor her Successors, being qualified for the said Privileges; that is, being Roman Catholics.  
The Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers was also encroached upon 
Jurisdiction of the Chambers.  that Year, upon pretence that it was abused. Boards, an Augustine Monk, and Giraud a Councillor of Thoulouse, were accused of an Assassination, the Circumstances of which were very odious. The Monk sought a shelter in the principal Cities of the Reformed, at Tonsceins, Milhau, and Nimes; and having embraced their Religion, he desired leave to be tried before the Party-Chamber of Languedoc. He affirmed, that the only reason of his being persecuted at Thoulouse, was because they had observed Sentiments in him contrary to the Catholic Doctrine: He alleged the usual Cruelty of that Parliament, who in abhorrence to his change of Religion, would sacrifice him without mercy. The thing being heard before the Council of State, the King sent back the cognizance thereof to the Parliament of Thoulouse. The Reformed complained of that Encroachment upon their Privileges, believing themselves wronged every way by the said Decree. In case the Monk was accused wrongfully, it was a piece of Injustice to hinder equitable Judges from taking cognizance of it, to refer it to implacable Enemies: And if he were guilty, they wronged the Integrity of the Reformed Judges, to think that they would favour an execrable Assassinate, on pretence of his having embraced their Doctrine for a Protection. But whether the Crime were too well known, and the Hypocrisy of the Monk too notorious; or whether the Clergy had credit enough to carry it from the Reformed, their Complaints did not hinder the Parliament from having the Case tried before them, and from condemning the Accused rigorously.  
But a thing happened that Year at La Fleche, which comforted 
A Book found at La Fleche.  them for that small Disgrace, the which gave a Lustre to their Fidelity, and showed how much the Catholics were inclined to conspire against the State. A Book well bound and guilt was found in the House of an Inhabitant of La Fleche, a City where the Jesuits had their chief Residence, at one Medor, who taught some Children of Quality, whose House was situated near an Inn, which had for Sign the Four Winds, in a Street of the same Name. Half the said Book was written, part of it with Blood, and abundance of Subscriptions to it written in the same manner. The Book was discovered by a Woman who gave notice of it; but that was not a proper time to see every thing: And though the Circumstances might probably have given great suspicion against those that were concerned in the Book, the Inquiries that were made about it were soon stopped.  
I cannot forget neither that Jeannin, formerly passicnately in 
Discourse of Jeannin about Liberty of Conscience.  love with Leagues, but a man of great sense, who was greatly concerned in Public Affairs, being sent into Holland, where the King of France had for a time sent Reformed Ambassadors, he proposed to the States, from the King, to have a Toleration for the Catholics, the number of which was considerable in their Provinces. He made a very fine Discourse to prove the Justice thereof; and it is likely that he spoke his thoughts, since we find in his Memoirs a Discourse like it in favour of the Reformed, under the Reign of Lewis the XIII. He said that the Catholics had concurred with them for the service of the State, at that very time when they were deprived both of Liberty and Religion, the restitution of which they expected by means of the Peace: That no Servitude was so intolerable as that of Conscience: That the Provinces had shown it by their Example, having had recourse to Arms to free themselves from that Slavery: That the same had been done in other parts of Europe, and even in France: That God seemed to have allowed the happy success of that War, to show that Religion was to be taught and persuaded by the Movements which proceed from the Holy Ghost, not by force, or constraint: That the King having found by experience that the means used by his Predecessors, had only served to augment the Troubles in Religion, and in the State, endeavoured to extinguish the Animosities which arise from diversity of Religion, by Peace: That he had derived considerable Advantages by his moderation for the Reformed Religion, which he allowed in his Territories, and by the observation of his Edicts, whereas before they were only granted to be violated; that having found the benefit of that Counsel, he gave it freely to his Friends: That the United Provinces had found the Catholics in their State, when they formed it; for which reason they ought to suffer them there: That such Sovereigns as have not found the Two Religious in their Country, might well refuse to admit that which is not received there; but that it would argue no wisdom to oppose it, in case they endangered their state by it: That the rigour of the Provinces against the Catholics that were there, would be a dangerous Example, and would prejudice the Reformed in such Places where they were weakest; that there would be no danger in giving them some Liberty; since that if they had been faithful during the War without it, they would be so much the more so, after having obtained it again.  
He afterwards answered divers Objections, which were partly the same that had been made in France against a Toleration for the Reformed, only changing the Names. He denied that the State of the United Provinces was grounded upon the profession of the Reformed Religion; By reason, said he, that the Catholics had also concurred towards the maintaining of it. He denied that it was a means to oblige the Catholics to embrace the Doctrine of the Reformed; by reason, said he, that constraint would rather serve to confirm them the more; that even their Death would not entinguish their belief; that they would commit it as by Cabal or Tradition to their Children; or that they would fall into Irreligion: And that it was better to tolerate Superstition than Impiety. He said as to the permission of retiring, which might have been granted them, that it would be unjust to condemn people that had done no harm, to a kind of Exile, which made them renounce all the delights which the love one has for one's Country includes in itself: That they had contributed to the conquest of the Country they should be obliged to quit: That thereby they should depopulate the State, which would be attended with other great Inconveniences. He concluded, declaring that he did not desire the Liberty of a Public Worship for them, but only that they might not be prosecuted for what they did in their own Houses; and he proposed precautions to prevent the evil that might be feared by it. That Negotiation had the success of which we see the fruits to this day. No Edict of Liberty was granted to the Catholics; but they were tolerated in some Provinces without being disturbed. They have carried their Advantages in several places farther than was designed, and no great efforts have been made to hinder it: And though they are maintained by no Public Law, they enjoy a Tranquillity which others have been deprived of, though their Sovereigns had promised it them by solemn Edicts.  
During these Translactions, the Affairs of the Moors grew worse in Spain, and finally they were ordered to retire in a short space of time, and upon hard conditions, which were not well kept neither. The King resolved to grant a Free Passage through his Kingdom to such as would accept it: And in order to derive a double Advantage by their misfortune, in strengthening his Kingdom, while their retreat weakened Spain, he invited them by an express Edict to come to live in France; but the Conditions of it were so little to their advantage, that few of them resolved to tarry there. It obliged them to settle on this side the Dordorgna, to keep them at a distance from the Frontiers of Spain; to turn Catholics, and to persevere in the Roman Faith, on pain of death. Perhaps a greater number of them would have preferred the sweet Climate of France to the Scorching of the Coasts of Asrick, had better Conditions been given them; and as they were for the most part good Merchants, expert Tradesmen, diligent Labourers, they would have been of great advantage to the State, by their Industry; besides their carrying great Riches along with them, though they had been forced to leave the best part of them in Spain. Even in France they were forced to pay their passage by a thousand violences and injustices that were exercised against them. Those who were entrusted with the care of their Conduct and Embarkment, plundered them, and reduced them to great Extremities. The Deputies who brought their Complaints to the Court, returned back with a shadow of satisfaction, which came to nothing: The Bigots who thought all things lawful against Infidels, protecting those highly who prostituted the Faith of France by their Injustices, in an occasion of that importance. Thus those Wretches carried away nothing from Europe besides their Arts and Cunning, together with an implacable hatred against the Christians, whom they have ever since looked upon as People without Faith or Probity: And their Children to this day by their Infidelities and Piracies, revenge the Injustices the Christians did to their Families at that time, by plundering of their Forefathers.  
The King did not see that Passage; for as he was noble and just, he would perhaps have hindered those miserable Wretches from being used so barbarously. But an unexpected Death broke all his Measures and Designs, deprived the Kingdom of its Deliverer, the Reformed of their Defender, and all Europe of its Hopes. The Prince of Conde had lately married the Daughter of the late Constable. Before that Marriage the King had hardly taken notice of her being the most beautiful Lady of the Court; but all of a sudden he fell in love with her, to that degree, that he could not conceal his Passion. The Prince being jealous, and 
The Prince of Conde ': Flight.  dreading the Power of his Rival, fled with his Wife, who was willing to avoid the Snare that was laid for her Virtue, and got into Flanders with her, without Attendance or Equipage. The King either transported with his Passion, which he was no longer 
War declared against the Archduke.  Master of, or being willing to embrace that occasion to attack the House of Austria, as he had long designed it, desired the Archduke, who had received them very kindly, to send them back; and upon his refusal declared War against him. Some of his Councillors thought that Declaration a little too rash, being of opinion that the Prince who had neither Estate, Places of strength, nor Creatures, could not be formidable enough to oblige the King to make so much noise about his Flight: Besides that, without making use of that Pretence to wage a War, a very favourable one offered itself in the overture of the succession of Cleves to begin it, by reason of the King's alliance with some of the Pretenders. Moreover the Preparations of War were not ready, some of the Allies not being yet in a condition to act. But the King had his private Ends, and his Will decided the Question.  
It was high time for Spain to look to itself. Never had such 
The King's Formidable Power.  great Preparatives been seen in France. The Civil Wars had almost made all the French good Soldiers. There was an incredible number of old Officers, signalised by a long experience. They wanted no experienced Generals; and the King was acknowledged throughout Europe for the boldest and best Captain of his time. The Blood boiled in the veins of the Reformed, who expected the end of their fears, by the downfall of the House of Austria, and only desired an occasion to revenge themselves by a just War, of the Massacres and Violences they thought the Council of Spain had inspired to that of France. The Catholics hoped to advance, and to set a value upon themselves by the War. The oeconomy and vigilancy of Sully had put the King's Affairs in such an order, that the like had never been known. The Arsenal had never been so full of Arms: And that which was most to be wondered at, France had never had so much ready Money, nor so many recourses for several years. They had great and powerful Alliances: Besides that of the Unite Provinces, which had been renewed, another had lately been concluded at Hall in Suabia, notwithstanding all the Emperor's opposition, with about 15 Protestant Princes. These Preparations made Rome tremble for its Religion, and Spain for its Greatness: And their Interests appeared so much interwoven, that they seemed to run the same hazards, and to stand in need of the same success.  
The truth is, that the King's Design was not positively known: And whereas he had not time enough to pursue the Project of it long, nothing happened whereby one might penetrate into the secret of his Intentions. Such different Projects were proposed to him, that it was impossible to divine his justly. Moreover, it is very well known that though Princes begin War upon a certain Plan, they soon forsake it, according as Occurrences more or less favourable inspire them with new thoughts. But there were two things that might be looked upon as certain, or at least very probable. The one is, that Sully being his Confident, the Project that has been inserted in his Memoirs, which he had imparted to several people, was not altogether Chimerical: that according to that it was to be feared, that the King had a design to found the Equilibrium of the Powers of Europe upon the Equilibrium of the Religious: That consequently he would never consent to the exterminating of the Protestants, therefore he was not looked upon at Rome as a good Catholic, and they did not doubt but he had retained from his first Religion the design of humbling that haughty See: A remainder of Heresy, which is more odious in that Country than the most detestable Errors. Moreover this fear was all grounded upon his having made almost all his Alliances with Protestants: From whence it followed naturally, that in case he should succeed in his Erterprises, none but Protestants would enjoy the benefit of his Victories: The Damages whereof would consequently fall upon the Catholic Religion. It is true that the Pope was offered the reunion of the Kingdom of Naples, to the demean of the Church: But the Religion got nothing by it, since all the Inhabitants of that Kingdom were Catholics; whereas it would lose whatever should fall under the Power of the Protestants. The other was, That the King designed to humble the House of Austria, and that he only engaged divers Powers into his Interests, by promising to enrich them with the Spoils of Spain: Which was looked upon in the Council of that Court as a Crime less to be forgiven than Heresy.  
But while all Europe was attentive on the Revolutions that were preparing and that all People were in suspense, between curiosity, hope, and terror, the Scene was changed by a fatal Catastrophe. The King had had the Complaisance to have the Queen crowned before his departure. He omitted nothing to live peaceably with her: And whereas the War he was entering upon broke all the Queen's Measures, for the double Marriage of the Dauphin with the Infanta, and of the eldest Daughter of France with the Infant, he was willing to remove that Vexation by a Ceremony, which seemed material to that jealous mind, in order to secure the Crown to her Children. Some Persons of known wisdom had endeavoured to disuade the King from that Pomp, which engaged him to Expenses no wise suitable to the beginnings of a War, the event of which was doubtful. Moreover Roni had prevailed to break the Project of that Ceremony; which ruin'd him quite in the Queen's mind, who was already animated against him for other Reasons. But finally, the King resolved to give his Wife that satisfaction at any rate whatever. The Ceremony of the Coronation was performed at St. Denis with great magnificence: But while a sumptuous Entry was preparing for the Queen, after which the King was to repair to the head of his Army which drew near the Frontiers, and execrable Assassinate killed him in his Coach, on the 10th of May, as he was going to the Arsenal, there to give some orders relating to his Enterprise. The Histories of the Time relate the Circumstances of his Death at large; several Relations being ordered to be written about it, to dissipate the Suspicions people had throughout the Kingdom, that some people at Court were privy to the Secret of that Parricide. But no other Victims were offered to the Shrine of that great Prince, but the Monster who had struck the blow: And those who were most obliged to discover and prosecute the Authors of that Crime, took no more care to revenge him, than he had done to revenge the Death of Henry the III. his Predecessor. That which proved most honourable for his memory, was, that all his good Subjects lamented him as their Father, foreseeing that it would be long before any King should ascend the Throne, deserving to be compared to him.  
It is a very surprising thing, that those who laboured to destroy the Reformed, should have pitched upon the time of that great King's death, for the Epact of a ridiculous Enterprise, which they have imputed to the City of Rochel. Not being certain at what time they invented that Calumny, I think I cannot choose a more proper place to relate the Story of it, than the moment in which they pretend the thing happened. That Potent City is accused of a design to extend their Power farther, in making themselves Masters of Brovage. The design, they say, was to convey two Ships filled with Soldiers, disguised like Merchants, into the Port at break of day, who under pretence of unlading their Merchandise, were to possess themselves of the Port-gate. It was usual for the convenience of Trade, to open it sooner than any of the rest; and those People were to make use of that advantage, to enter the City without hindrance. They were to kill all such as should make any resistance; and Rochel had promised to send them, as soon as they were Masters of the Place, a sufficient Reinforcement to maintain themselves there. Those Ships, they say, arrived at that appointed hour, but the little Gate was not opened all that Morning, by reason that the Governor had received the news of the King's fatal Death in the Night by an Express. Insomuch, that the Ships were obliged to retire. Never 
Calumny against Rochel, and its Refutation.  was Calumny so ill invented; and I am at a loss which to wonder at most, the Impudence of the Inventor, or the Credulity of Deagean who has reported it. I appeal to all Persons of sense, whether it be not improbable, that during the King's greatest Prosperity, at a time when he was Potent enough to prescribe Laws to all Europe, such a City as Rochel, without Intestine Leagues, without Foreign Intelligence, should have been capable to declare a War to him, and to undertake Conquests upon him? I say, without Intelligence at home, or abroad; because, that if there had been any such thing, it were impossible but that some Tracts of it would have been found at least sufficient to ground Suspicion upon; or that some mention of such a Treaty would have been made in some Memoirs or other. It is also certain, that the rest of the Reformed could not at that time have entered into so shameful a Conspiration; and that, had it been true, Rochel would certainly have been disowned by all the Party. The King was engaging into a War, which extremely pleased the Reformed, from the success of which they expected, as it were, to indemnify themselves for all their Miseries past. They imagined themselves upon the point of Triumphing over their Ancient Enemies. They had used the utmost of their skill to put the King upon that Enterprise. The Alliances of that Prince were partly contrived by them. It is natural to conclude from thence, that it was very unlikely they should share in any Designs capable to cross that of the War, whichthey were so much set upon; and that had Rochel dared to form the Project imputed to it, all the Reformed would have abandoned it to the King's Indignation; and perhaps, would have thought themselves obliged in honour to assist his Revenge. Those who governed that City, sufficiently understood the Interest of the Reformed, to expect any thing else; and it is very unlikely, that knowing it, they should engage themselves in Erterprises of such dangerous Consequence. It seems as unaccountable to me, that those who made Rochel form so ridiculous a Design, at such a time, should make them abandon it, when the King's unexpected Death, and the Confusion which followed it, might not only contribute to the Success of it, but also to the impunity of the Enterprise. People commonly choose times of Disorder and Trouble to take the advantage of others Misfortunes. And yet they make Rochel pitch upon a time for an Enterprise of the utmost Impudence, where the King they were to offend, was most in a condition to punish them for it; and they make them desist from their Design at a time, when the misfortune of the State would have obliged it to wink at that insolence. It must needs be acknowledged, that this Calumny is very ill contrived. One Witness only appears to reveal that secret, and that very Witness carries his Reproach about him. It was a Man, as Deagean relates it in his Memoirs, who abandons his Religion, and betrays his Country, even so far as to give Intelligences to surprise Rochel, and those Intelligences so certain, that they could not have failed of Success, had they been made use of. That Man, in imitation of all those who embrace the Roman Religion out of interest, was desirous to signalise himself by an important discovery; and he had found nothing so proper to advance himself, as to impute scandalous, opprobrious Designs to the Rochelois; by reason that such Accusations were very well received at Court, where they impatiently endured the Power of that City. Let the Reader judge, whether it is possible that a design, which must needs have been communicated to so many, which must have been known throughout so large a City, the Preparations whereof must have been made by degrees, and at leisure, should notwithstanding have remained so secret for so many Years, that not one Man should have been found capable to reveal it. The Court had Creatures in all the Councils of Rochel. There were Persons of Honour who loved the King, whose good Intentions often frustrated the Designs that City formed for its own lawful Preservation. And yet it is neither those Creatures, nor those well-affected Persons, who reveal a Secret of that consequenc. It is a Man, who changes his Religion, that gives the first knowledge of it; and a Man, who being ready to sell his Country to make his Fortune, might very well lay a false Accusation to its charge. Moreover, it is a Man of no consideration, to be believed in an affair of that consequence; Deagean, who says, That this Ruffian was concerned in that undertaking, and that he was on board one of those Ships, would not have forgot his Quality, had he had any Command there; and as he says nothing of it, it implies, that he was only a private Soldier, or Seaman. I have insisted on the Refutation of this Calumny, a little at large, for two Reasons. The First is, That the Catholics have laid a stress upon it, as if there had been truth in it. The Second is, That by the nature of this Accusation, it is easy to judge of several others, by which they endeavoured to animate Princes, either in particular, against that Important City; or in general, against the whole Party of the Reformed. They daily invented some or other, but seldom observed the Rules of likelihood any better.  
The End of the First Volume.   

A CATALOGUE of the BOOKS and AUTHORS, out of which the Matter of the First Volume of this History has been extracted.  

THe History of James Augustus de * Thou. 
* Thuanus'.   
History of Mezerai.  
Chronological Abridgement of the same.  
History of Matthieu.  
— of Du Pleix.  
— D' Aubigne.  
— Novenaire.  
— de la Paix.  
— of the Progress and Decay of Heresy.  
Latin History of Grammont.  
Memory recondite di Vittorio Siri.  
Memoirs of the Duke of Nevers.  
— of Du Plessis.  
— of Jeannin.  
— of Villeroi.  
— of Sulli.  
— of the Clergy.  
— of Cardinal d' Ossat, or Letters.  
— of Cardinal du Perron, or Embassies, etc.  
— of Bassampierre.  
— of Deagean.  
— of Du Maurier.  
Life of Admiral Chatillon.  
— of James Augustus de Thou.  
— of Henry the 4th.  
— of the Duke d'Epernon.  
— of the Duke de Rohan.  
— of du Plessis.  
— of Lesdiguieres.  
— of Francis de la None.  
— of Peter du Moulin.  
— of Cotton the Jesuit, by Peter Joseph d'Orleans.  
— Another of the same in Latin, by ........  
Acts of the General Assemblies.  
Acts of the National Synods.  
Conference of the Edicts of Pacification.  
Royal Decisions of Filleau.  
Maldonat's Letters to the Duke de Monpansier.  
Letter of P. Paul Scarpi.  
French Mercury.   
I do not add the Names of those I refute, in this Place. No body can question, but I have read those I have undertaken to Answer. Neither do I mention those I have made use of for the first Book of this History in particular, because they are Authors known by every body.  
I say nothing of the Memoirs I have read in Manuscripts, which I have had from private Persons. I could only mark them with the Name of their Authors, who do not desire it.  
All the Pieces and Titles, I cite in this Work, as Edicts, Declarations, Decrees, Breefs, etc. of which I do not give a Catalogue here, because I do not think it material; or which I do not set down among the Proofs, for fear of disgusting the Reader by the bulk of this Work, are still, or have been in my hands in due form; several of them Originals; the most part in Authentic Copies, either Manuscripts, or in Print.  
Those I have not in my hands at present, have been returned to those who had communicated them to me.   

A COLLECTION OF EDICTS, CONFERENCES, AND Other PIECES; To serve in order to prove the FIRST PART of the History of the EDICT of NANTES.  

EDICT of Charles IX. about the most effectual means to appease the Troubles and Seditions in point of Religion, of the Month of January, 1561. Published in the Parliament of Paris, on the 6th. of March of the said Year.  
CHarles, by the Grace of God, King of France, to all those who these Presents shall see, Greeting. It is sufficiently known what Troubles and Seditions have been, and are daily kindled, multiplied and augmented in this Kingdom, by the Malice of the Times, and the diversity of Opinions which reign in Religion; and that whatever Remedies our Predecessors have tried to put a stop thereunto, either by the Rigour and severity of Punishments, or by Mildness, according to their usual and natural Benignity and Clemency; the thing has penetrated so far into our said Kingdom, and in the minds of our Subjects of all Sexes, Estates, Qualities and Conditions, that we have found ourselves in a great perplexity at our new coming to this Crown, to advise and resolve what means we should use to apply good and wholesome Remedies thereunto. After long and mature consultation about the same, with the Queen our most honoured, and most beloved Lady and Mother, our most dear and most beloved. Uncle, the King of Navarre, our Lieutenant General, representing our Person throughout all our Kingdoms and Territories, and other Princes of our Blood, together with our Privy-Council: We caused our said Uncle to assemble in our Court of Parliament, together with the Princes▪ of our Blood, the Peers of France, and other Princes and Lords of our said Privy-Council.  
All which, with the Members of our said Court, after several Conferences and deliberations, did resolve on the Edict of the Month of July last passed; whereby we did forbid, among other things, on pain of confiscation of Body and Goods, all Public Conventicles and Assemblies with Arms: As well as all Private ones, in which any body should preach, or administer the Sacrament in any form contrary to the Practice observed in the Catholic Church, from the first beginning, and ever since the propagation of the Christian Faith, received by the Kings of France our Predecessors, by the Bishops, and Prelates, Curates their Vicars and Deputies: Being persuaded at that time, that the prohibition of the said Assemblies was the best way, until we could have the determination of a General Council, to put a stop to the diversity of the said Opinions: And by keeping our Subjects by that means in union and concord, to put an end to the Troubles and Seditions. The which on the contrary, through the disobedience, obstinacy, and evil Intentions of the People, the execution of the said Edict proving difficult and dangerous, have been much more increased, and Cruelly practised, to our great grief and trouble, than they had been before. Therefore in order to remedy the same, and in consideration that our said Edict was only provisional: We have been advised to summon another Assembly in this Place, composed of our said Uncle, the Princes of our Blood, and the Members of our Privy-Council; there to advise with a considerable number of our Precedents, and chief Counsellors of our Sovereign Courts by Us summoned to that end, who are able to give us a faithful account of the State and Necessities of their Provinces, in relation to the said Religion, Tumults and Seditions; about such means as may be most proper, useful and convenient, to appease and put an end to the said Seditions:  
Which has been done: And all things having been duly and maturely digested and deliberated in our Presence, and in that of our said Lady and Mother, by so great and so notable an Assembly, We have by their advice and mature deliberation said and ordained, do say and ordain what followeth.  
I. That all those of the New Religion, or others that have taken possession of Temples, shall be obliged after the Publication of these Presents, to quit and depart from the same; as well as from all Houses, Estates and Revenues belonging to ecclesiastics, where ever they are cituated or seated; leaving them the full and entire possession and enjoyment of the same, to enjoy them with the same liberty and safety they did before their being dispossessed thereof. That they shall return and restore what they have taken of the Shrines and Ornaments of the said Temples and Churches; and that it shall not be lawful for those of the said New Religion to take or build any other Temples either within or without the Cities, Towns, etc. nor to occasion the least Trouble, Let, or Molestation to the said ecclesiastics, in the enjoyment or gathering of their Tithes and Revenues, and other Rights and Estates whatever, at present, or for the future. Which we have inhibited and forbidden them to do, and do by these Presents inhibit and forbid; as also to beat down and demolish Crosses, Images, or the committing other seandalous and seditious acts: On pain of death, and without the least hope of pardon or remission.  
II. Likewise not to assemble in the said Cities, there to preach either publicly or privately, either by Day or Night.  
III. However, in order to keep our Subjects in peace and quietness, until it be God Almighty's pleasure to enable us to reunite them, and put them all into the same Fold again, which is our earnest desire, and chief intention: We have by Provision, until the Determination of the said General Council, or New Orders from us; Surceased, suspended, and superseded; do surcease, suspend, and supersede the Inhibitions and Punishments appointed, both in the Edict of July, and others that have preceded it, in relation to the Assemblies that shall be made in the daytime without the said Cities, in order to their Preaching, Praying, and performing other Exercises of their Religion.  
IV. Forbidding on the same Penalties and Punishments, all Judges, Magistrates, and other persons, however qualified or distinguished, to hinder, disturb, molest, or fall upon those of the said New Religion, in any wise, whenever they shall go, come and assemble without the said Cities, to exercise their said Religion. But on the contrary, in case any persons should attempt to abuse them, We do command our said Magistrates and Officers in order to prevent all Troubles and Seditions, to hinder the same, and summarily, and severely to punish all the Seditious, whatever Religion professed by them, according to the Contents of our said precedent Edicts and Ordinances, even in that which is made against the said seditious Persons, and for the bearing of Arms; which we will and expect to have fulfilled in all Points, and to remain in full force and virtue.  
V. Enjoining a new, according to the same, all our said Subjects, of what Religion, Estate, Quality and Condition soever, not to make any Assemblies whatever in Arms, or to abuse, reproach, or provoke each other upon the account of Religion, or to make, stir, procure, or favour the least Sedition; but on the contrary to live and behave themselves one towards another, gently and quietly, without making use of Pistols great or small, or other Fire-Arms, either in going to the said Assemblies, or elsewhere; or any other prohibited or forbidden Weapons, excepting only Swords and Daggers for▪ Gentlemen, which are the Arms they commonly wear.  
VI Moreover, forbidding the Ministers and Chiefs of those of the said Religion, to receive any Persons in their said Assemblies, without being first informed of their Qualities, Lives and Conversations; to the end that in case they should be condemned for non-appearance, or Contempt upon the account of Crimes deserving punishment, they should deliver them into the hands of our Officers, to receive a condign Punishment.  
¶ That whenever our said Officers shall be willing to go into the said Assemblies to assist at their Predications, and to hear what Doctrines they teach there, they shall be received and respected according to the dignity of their Places and Offices. And in case it be to take or apprehend any Malefactor, that they shall obey, favour and assist them in the same, as need shall require.  
VII. That they shall make no Synods or Consistories, unless with leave, and in presence of one of our said Officers; nor likewise any creation of Magistrates among themselves, Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances, that belonging to us only. But that in case they shall think it necessary to constitute some Regulations among them, for the exercise of their said Religion, they shall show them to our said Officers, to have their approbation, provided they be things they ought and can reasonably do; otherwise to give us notice of the same, to obtain our leave, or to know our Intentions therein.  
VIII. That they shall list no men, either to fortify and assist one another, or to offend others; nor make any Impositions, Gatherings, and Raising of Money among themselves. ¶ And that as to their Charities and Alms, they shall neither be made by Assessments or Impositions, but voluntarily.  
IX. Those of the said New Religion shall be obliged to keep our Political Laws, even those that are received in our Catholic Church, as to holiday, Days of rest, and Marriage; for degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity; in order to avoid all Debates and Law-Suits that might ensue to the ruin of several of the best Families of our Kingdom, and the dissolving of the Bonds of Friendship, which are acquired by Marriage and Alliances among our Subjects.  
X. The Ministers shall be obliged to repair before our Officers to swear the observance of these Presents, and to promise to preach no Doctrine contrary to the pure Word of God, according as it is contained in the Nicene Creed, and in the Canonical Books of the Old and New-Testament, lest they should fill our Subjects with new Heresies. Forbidding them most expressly, and on the Penalties above mentioned, not to use reproachful or scoffing Expressions in their Sermons against the Mass, and Ceremonies received and kept in our said Catholic Church; or to go from place to place, there to preach by force, against the will and consent of the Lords, Curates, Vicars and Churchwardens of Parishes.  
XI. In the same manner forbidding all Preachers to use in their Sermons or Predications, injurious or reproachful Expressions against the said Ministers, or their Sectators; by reason that such proceedings have hitherto contributed much more to excite the people to Sedition, than to provoke them to Devotion.  
XII. And all Persons, of what Estate, Quality and Condition soever, from receiving, concealing, or harbouring in their Houses, any person accused, prosecuted, or condemned for Sedition: under the penalty of 1000 Crowns applicable to the Poor: And in case of not being solvable, on pain of being wiped and banished.  
XIII. Furthermore it is our Will and Pleasure, that all Printers, Dispersers. and such as sell Defamatory Libels and Satyrs, shall be Whipped for the first fault of that kind, and lose their lives for the second.  
XIV. And whereas all the effect and observance of this present Ordinance, which is made for the preservation of the general and universal quiet of our Kingdom, and to prevent all Troubles and Seditions, depends on the duty, care and diligence of our Officers. We have ordained, and do ordain, that the Edicts by us made about Residence, shall be inviolably observed, and the Offices of such as shall be wanting therein, vacant and forfeited; and that they shall neither be restored or kept in the same, either by Letters Patents, or otherwise.  
XV. That all Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and other our Magistrates and Officers shall be obliged, without bidding or requiring, to repair forthwith to the Place where they shall be informed that any Misdemeanour has been committed; in order to inform, or cause to be informed against Delinquents and Malefactors, and to secure their persons in order to their Trial, on pain of forfeiting their Places, without hopes of restitution, and of all cost and damages towards the Parties. And in the case of Sedition shall punish the Seditious, without deferring to an Appeal according (calling to their assistance such a number of our other Officers, or famous Advocats) as it is ordered by our Edict of July, and in the same manner, as if it were by a Decree from one of our Sovereign Courts.  
XVI. Forbidding our dearly beloved and trusty Chancellor, and our belov'd and trusty the Masters of Request. quest in Ordinary of our Palace, keeping the Seals of our Chanceries, to grant any Relief of Appeal; and our Courts of Parliament to relieve them, or otherwise to hinder our said Inferior Officers from taking cognizance of the same, in case of Sedition: By reason of the dangerous consequence thereof, and that it is necessary to proceed with speed against the same by exemplary Punishment.  
Therefore we will and require by these Presents, our Beloved and Trusty, the Persons holding our said Courts of Parliament, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, or their Lieutenants, and all our other Justicers and Officers, and every one of them, as unto them shall appertain; To cause our present Ordinances, Will and Intention, to be read, published and registered, kept, preserved, and inviolably observed, without any infringement; and to constrain, and cause to be constrained; this to do and suffer, all such to whom it shall belong, and shall want to be constrained for the same: And to proceed against the Transgressor's in the manner aforesaid. And that the said Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and other our Officers, shall give us notice within a Month after the Publication of these Presents, of their proceeding in the execution and observation thereof. For such is our Pleasure. All Edicts, Ordinances, Commands, or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding. To which we have in respect to the Contents of these Presents, and without prejudice to them in others, derogated, and do derogate. In witness whereof, we have caused our Seal to be affixed to these Presents.  
Given at St. german en Layc, the 17th Day of January, in the Year of our Lord, 1561: and of our Reign the Second. Thus signed by the King, being in his Council, Bourdin, and sealed upon a double Label with Yellow Wax.   

The King's Declaration and Interpretation upon some Words and Articles, 6 and 7 contained in the present Edict of the 17th of January, 1561.  
CHarles, by the Grace of God King of France, to our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament, Bailiffs, Senechals, Provosts, or their Lieutenants, and to all our other Justices and Officers, and to every one of them, according as it may concern them, Greeting.  
By our Ordinance of the 17th of January last past, joined hereunto under the Counter Seal of our Chancery, made for the repose and Pacification of our Subjects, and to appease and put an end to the Troubles and Seditions occasioned in this our Kingdom, by the diversity of Opinions that reign in our Religion: It is said among other things, [Article 6.] That whenever our Officers shall be desirous to go into the Assemblies of those of the New Religion, to assist at their Sermons, and to hear what Doctrine is taught there, they shall be received in the same, and respected according to the Dignity of their Places and Offices: And in case it be to take and apprehend some Malefactors, they shall be obeyed, and assisted; according as it is contained more at large, in the Article of the said Ordinance, which mentions it.  
And whereas some difficulty might arise about the Interpretation of this Word Officers, thus couched in general, in the said Article, to know whether all our Officers of Judicature are indifferently meant and included under the same, we in order to make our said Ordinance as clear and intelligible as can be, and to leave nothing dubious or difficult, have said and declared for the interpretation thereof, do say and declare, that by the said Word Officers, and the permission we have granted them to go into the said Assemblies, for the Reasons contained in our said Ordinance, we only intent, as we do still intend to give the said Power to our Ordinary Officers, to whom the cognizance of the Policy of Civil Government belongs; as Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, or their Lieutenants, and not to those of our Sovereign Courts, nor to our other Officers of Judicature, which we expect to live in the Faith of us, and of our Predecessors. And the said Power shall extend no farther than when occasion shall offer itself to inspect and remedy what is mentioned in the said Ordinance.  
¶ Moreover, We have ordained, and do ordain, in relation to what is said afterwards [Article 7.] in the said Ordinance, That those of the New Religion shall hold neither Synods, nor Consistories, unless by leave, or in presence of one of our said Officers. That if their said Assemblies which they call Synods and Consistories, are General of the whole Government and Province, they shall not be allowed to hold them, unless by leave, or in presence of the Governor, or our Lieutenant General of the Province, of his Lieutenant General, or others by them appointed: And in case the said Assembly is Particular, by leave, or in presence of one of our Magistrate Officers, who shall be elected and deputed by the said Governor, or his said Lieutenant General. ¶ Provided always that the said Assemblies which they call Synods and Consistories, shall only be held for the regulation of Religion, and upon no other account. ¶ And all this by way of Provision, until the determination of the General Council, or till new Orders from us. Neither have we by our said Ordinance, and the present Declaration, designed, or do design, to approve two Religions in our Kingdom, but only one, which is that of our Holy Church, in which the Kings our Predecessors have lived.  
Therefore we will and require you, that in proceeding to the reading, publishing, and registering of our said Ordinance, you shall at the same time, and in like manner cause this our present Declaration and Interpretation to be read, published, and registered, and the same inviolably to maintain, keep and observe, without the least Infraction: For such is our Pleasure, the Contents of our said Ordinance, and all other Edicts, Mandates, or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding.  
Given at St. german en Say, on the 14th of February, in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second. Thus Signed by the King, being in his Council; with the Queen his Mother, the Duke of Orleans, the King of Navarre, the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Prince De la Roche Sur-Yon; the Cardinals of Tournon, and Chatillon, You the Sieurs de St. Andre, and de Montmorency Marshals, and de Chastillon, Admiral of France, du Mortier, and the Bishop of Orleans, d' Avanson, and the Bishop of Valence, de Selve, de Gonnor, and Dandelot, and several others were present. Bourdin.   

First Mandamus from the King to the Court of Parliament at Paris, for the publishing of the Edict of the Month of January.  
CHarles, by the Grace of God, King of France, to our Trusty and wellbeloved the persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting. We have seen the Remonstrances you have sent us by our Trusty and well beloved Christopher de Thou, Precedent, and William Violle, Councillor in our said Court, your Brethren, about the Ordinance we have given on the 17th. of January last past, for the peace and tranquillity of our Subjects, and to put a stop to the Troubles and Seditions occasioned in this Kingdom by the diversity of the Opinions that reign in Religion. And after having caused the said Remonstrances to be read, Article after Article, and word for word, in presence of us, and of the Queen our most dear, and most beloved Lady and Mother, of our most dear and most beloved Brother, the Duke of Orleans, of our most dearly beloved Uncle, the King of N. our Lieutenant General, representing our Person throughout all our Kingdoms and Territories, of the other Princes of our Blood, and our Privy Council: We by their Advice, and in consideration of the great, reasonable and necessary Causes and Occasions which have been our Motives for making the said Ordinance, do hereby desire, command, and expressly enjoin you to proceed to the reading, publishing, and registering of the said Ordinance, and the Declaration by Us made, affixed to the same. And that you shall cause both the one and the other to be received, kept, and inviolably observed, without the least infringement: The whole by way of Provision, until the determination of the General Council, or New Orders from us: And according as it is more at large directed by the said Ordinance and Declaration, without any farther delay or difficulty, not to oblige us to send you any other. or more express Command than these Presents, which you shall take for second, third; and all other Mandates, which you might require from us in this case; for such is our Pleasure. What is above said, all Edicts, Ordinances, Mandates, and Prohibitions thereunto contrary, Notwithstanding.  
Given at St. german en Say, the 14th Day of February, in the Year of our Lord, 1561. and of our Reign the Second. Thus signed by the King being in his Council. Bourdin.   

The Second MANDAMUS.  
CHarles, by the Grace of God, King of France, To our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris, Greeting. Whereas we did heretofore send you, our Ordinance of the 17th. of Jannary last passed, upon which several good Remonstrances have been made to us by you, which we have imparted to our Privy Council, we being there in Person: and whereas several great and urgent Occasions have anew occurred since, and daily do occur concerning the Tranquillity of the State of our Kingdom, which induce us more and more to desire the reading, publishing and registering of the said Ordinance: We have again referred the deliberation of the said Affair to our Privy-Council; in presence of our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother, our most dear and most beloved Uncle, the King of Navarre, our Lieutenant-General, representing our Person in all our Kingdoms and Territories, and several other Princes of our Blood, and Members of our said Council, by the common advice of which, it has been thought fit, and resolved, that it is more than necessary for our service, and for the peace and quietness of our Subjects, that the reading, publishing and registering of the said Ordinance should be performed in our said Court.  
Therefore in pursuance of the said Advice, and in consideration of the necessity of the Time, and the consequenee of the Affair, We require, command, and expressly enjoin you, that laying aside all Delays and Difficulties, you should cause the said Ordinance and Declaration to be read, published registered from Point to Point, according to their Form and Tenor and the same to receive, keep and observe: The whole provisionally until the determination of the General-Council, and new Orders from Us. All Ordinances, Mandates, or Prohibitions thereunto contrary, Notwithstanding.  
Given at St. german en Say, the 1st of March, in the Year of the Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second. Thus signed by the King being in his Council, with the Queen Mother, and the King of Navarre his Lieutenant-General, representing his Person in all Kingdoms▪ and Territories, the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Prince of Conde, and the Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon, the Cardinals of Tournon, and de Chatillon. You le sieur, de St. André Marshal of France, le sieur du Mortier, and the Bishop of Orleans, le Sieur d' Avanson, and the Bishop of Valence, and les Sieurs de Selve, de Gonnor, and de Cypierre, all Counsellors in the said Council, and several others were present. Bourdin.   

Publication of the Edict of January, and of the Declaration, and Interpretation of the same.  
LEcta, Publicata & Registrata, audito, Procuratore Generali Regis, respectu habito literis patentibus Rgis, primae diei hujus mensis, urgenti necessitati temporis, & obtemperando voluntati dicti Domini Regis, absque tamen approbatione novae Religionis: & id totum per modum provisionis, & donec aliter per dictum Dominum Regem fuerit ordinatum.  
Parisis in Parlamento Sexta die Martii Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo primo. Sic signatum, Du Tillēt.   

The Edict of King Chares the IX. of the Year 1570. about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom.  
CHarles, by the Grace of God, King of France, to all those present and hereafter to come, Greeting. Considering the great Evils and Calamities occasioned by the Troubles and Wars wherewith our Kingdom has been long, and is still afflicted; and soreseeing the desolation that might ensue, unless by the grace and mercy of God the said Troubles were speedily pacified. We in order to put an end to the same, to remedy the Afflictions that proceed from thence, to restore and make our Subjects live in Peace, Union, Quiet and Tranquillity, as it has always been our intention. Let it be known, that after having taken the good and prudent Advice of the Queen our most dear and most honoured Lady and Mother, of our most dear and most beloved the Duke of Anjou, our Lieutenant General, and the Duke d' Alencon, Princes of car Blood, and other great and notable Persons of our Privy-Council; We have by their good Counsel and Advice, and for the Causes and Reasons abovesaid, and other good and great Considerations Us thereunto moving, by this our present Edict, perpetual, and irrevocable, said, declared, enacted, and do ordain, will and resolve what followeth.  
I. That the remembrance of all things passed on both sides, from the very beginning of, and since the Troubles happened in our said Kingdom, and on the account of the same, shall be extinguished and laid aside, as of matters happened that had never; and that it shall not be lawful for our Atorney-General, neither for any Public or Private Persons, whatever at any time, nor on any occasion soever to mention the same, or to commence any Process, or suit thereof in any Court or Jurisdiction.  
II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Estate or Quality soever, to revive the remembrance thereof; to injure or provoke each other by Reproaches for what is past. To dispute, contest, quarrel, wrong or offend one another in Word or Deed, but to forbear, and live peaceably together like Brethren, Friends, and Fellow-Citizens; on pain, for the Delinquents, of being punished as Infractors of the Peace, and Perturbators of the Public quiet.  
III. It is our Will and Pleasure that the Roman Catholic Religion shall be restored in all parts and places of this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience, where the exercise of the same has interrupted, there to be freely and peaceably exercised, without the least trouble or hindrance, on the Penalties above mentioned. And that all those who during the present War have seized on Houses, Goods or Revenues belonging to ecclesiastics, or other Catholics, who detain and possess the same, shall surrender them the entire possession, and peaceable enjoyment thereof, with the same freedom and safety they enjoyed them before their being dispossessed of the same.  
IU. And that there may remain no occasion of difference and contention among our Subjects, We have and do allow those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, To live and inhabit in all the Cities and parts of this our Kingdom, and Territories under our Obedience, without being urged, vexed, or molested, or constrained to do any thing against their Conscience, in point of Religion: Nor examined in their Houses, or places where they shall inhabit upon the said account, provided they behave themselves according to what is contained in the present Edict.  
V. We have also given leave to all Gentlemen, and other persons, actual Inhabitants, and others possessing in our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience, High Jurisdiction, or Full * Fief d' Haubert, as in 
An Inheritance held immediately and in Capite of the King.  Normandy, whether in Proper, or Vse-Frint, in the whole, or in a part, to have in such their Houses of the said High-Jurisdiction, or Fief which they shall nominate for their Principal abode to our Bailiffs and Seneschals, every one in his Precinct the Exercis of the Religion they call Reformed, as long as they reside there; and in their absence their Wives or Children, whom they shall answer for; and they shall be obliged to name the said Houses to our Bailiffs and Seneschals, before they shall enjoy the benefit thereof: They shall also enjoy the same in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction, or of the said Fief de Haubert, as long as they shall be actually there, and no otherwise, the whole as well for themselves as their Families, Subjects and others, who shall be willing to go there.  
VI In Houses of Fief, where the said Reformed shall have no High Jurisdiction, and Fief de Haubert, they shall only be allowed the said Exercise of Religion for their Families: Yet in case any of their Friends should chance to come there to the number of Ten, or some Christening happen in haste, the Company not exceeding the said Number of Ten, they shall not be prosecuted or troubled for the same.  
VII. And to gratify our most dear and most beloved Aunt the Queen of Navarre, we have allowed her, besides what has been above granted to the said Lord's High Justicers, over and above in every one of her Dutchys d' Albert, County's d' Armagnac Foix & Biggore, in a House belonging to her, in which she shall have High-Jurisdiction, which House shall be by us chosen and nominated, there to have the said Exercise performed for all such as shall desire to assist thereat, even in her absence.  
VIII. Those of the said Religion shall also be allowed the Exercise thereof in the following Places, viz. For the Government of the Isle of France, in the Suburbs of Clermont and Beauvois●s, and in those of Cr●spi in Laonnois. For the Government of Champagne and Brie, besides Vezelai which they possess at this time, in the Suburbs of Villenece. For the Government of Burgundy, in the Suburbs of Arnai-le-Due, and in those of Mailli la ville. For the Government of Picardy, in the Suburbs of Mondidier, and in those of Riblemont. For the Government of Normandy, in the Suburbs of Ponteau de Mer, and in those of Carentan. For the Government of Lyonnois, in the Suburbs of Charlieu, and in those of St. Geni de Laval. For the Government of Bretagne, in the Suburbs of Becherel, and in those of Kerhez. For the Government of Dauphine, in the Suburbs of Crest, and in those of Chorges. For the Government of Provence, in the Suburbs of Merindol, and in those of Forcalquier. For the Government of Languedoc, besides Aubenas, which they are in possession of, in the Suburbs of Montaignac, for the Government of Guienne, at Bergerac, besides S. Sever which they are also in possession of. And for that of Orleans, Le Maine, and the Country of Chartrain, besides Sencerre which they have, in the Town of Mailli.  
IX. Moreover, We have also granted them to continue the exercise of the said Religion in all the Cities in which it shall be publicly performed on the first Day of this present Month of August.  
X. Forbidding them most expressly to make any Exercise of the said Religion, either as to the Ministry, Regulation, Discipline, or public intiitution of Children or others, in any Places besides those above granted and allowed.  
XI. Neither shall any exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion be performed, in our Court, or within two Leagues round about it.  
XII. Neither do we allow the Exercise of the said Religion, within the City, Provostship and Vicecomty of Paris, nor within Ten Leagues of the said City, which ten Leagues we have and do limit to the following Places, viz. Senlis and the Suburbs; Meaux and the Suburbs; Melun and the Suburbs, a League beyond Chartres, under Mount-le-Heri, Dourdan and the Suburbs; Rembovillet Houdan and the Suburbs; a long League beyond Melun, Vigni, Meru, S. Leu de Serens; in all which abovesaid places we do not allow any exercise of the said Religion: Nevertheless those of the said Religion shall not be disturbed in their Houses, provided they behave themselves as abovesaid.  
XIII. We do enjoin our Bailiffs, Seneschals or ordinary Judges, each in their Precincts, to appoint Places for them of their own, either such as they have heretofore acquired, or such as they shall purchase, there to bury their Dead; and that at the time of their decease, one of the House or Family shall go to acquaint the Captain of the Watch therewith, who shall send for the Grave-Digger of the Parish; and order him to go with such a number of Sergeants of the Watch as he shall think fit to allow to accompany him, and to prevent Scandal, to remove the Corpse in the Night, and so carry it to the place appointed for that purpose, only allowing Ten persons to accompany it: And in such Towns as have no Captain of the Watch, the Judges of the Place shall appoint some other Ministers of Justice.  
XIV. Those of the said Religion shall not be allowed to marry, in such degrees of Consanguinity or Affinity as are prohibited by the Laws received in this Kingdom.  
XV. All Scholars, the sick and Poor shall be received in the Universities, Schools, Hospitals, &c, without difference or distinction upon the account of Religion.  
XVI And to the end that no question may be made of the good Intention of our said Aunt, the Queen of Navarre, of our most dear and most beloved Brother and Cousins, the Princes of Navarre and of Conde, Father and Son, we have said and declared, do say and declare, That we hold and repute them our good Relations, faithful Subjects and Servants.  
XVII. As also all Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Officers and other Inhabitants of the Cities, Corporations, Villages and Hamlets, and other Places of our said Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience, who have followed and assisted them in any part whatever, for our good loyal Subjects and Servants.  
XVIII. And likewise the Duke of Deux-Ponts, and his Children, the P. of Orange, Count Ludovic and his Brothers, Count Wolrat of Mansfeld, and other Foreign Lords, who have aided and assisted them, for our good Neighbours, Relations, and Friends.  
XIX. And our said Aunt, as well as our said Brother and Cousin, Lords, Gentlemen, Officers, Corporations of Cities, Communities, and others who have aided and assisted them, their Heirs and Successors, shall remain acquitted and discharged, as we do acquit and discharge them by these presents for all Sums of Money by them or their Order taken and raised out of our Offices of Receipt and Treasures, whatever Sums they may amount to, as well as out of Cities, Communities, or from particular persons, Rents, Revenues, Plate, Sale of Goods, both Ecclesiastical and others, Forests belonging to us or others; Fines, Booties, Ransoms, or other kind of Sums taken by them, upon the account of the present as well as precedent Wars: Neither shall they, or those by them appointed for the raising of the said Sums, or those that have given and furnished the same, be any ways troubled or called to an account for the same either now or hereafter; and both they and the said Clarks shall be discharged for all the Management and Administration thereof, only producing for a full discharge, Acquittances from our said Aunt, or from our said Brother and Cousin, or from those that shall have been appointed by them, for the examination and passing of the same. They shall also be acquitted and discharged for all Acts of Hostility, Levies, Marching of Soldiers, Coining, Casting and Taking of Artilleries and Ammunitions, either out of our Magazines, or from particular persons; making of Powder and Saltpetre; Taking, Fortifying, Dismantling, and Demolishing of Cities and Towns; Erterprises upon the same; Burning and Demolishing of Temples and Houses; Establishing of Courts of Justice, Judgements and Executions by them; Voyages, Intelligences, Treaties, Negotiations, and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities; introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of our Kingdom. And generally, For all that has been done, managed, and negotiated during and since the present, first, and second Troubles, though neither particularly expressed nor specified.  
XX. And those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, shall depart and desist from all Associations they have made either at home or abroad; and henceforward shall raise no Money without our Leave, or list any Men; neither shall they hold Congregations or Assemblies, otherwise than abovesaid, and without Arms; all which we prohibit and forbid them, on pain of being rigorously punished, as Contemners and Infractors of our Commands and Ordinances.  
XXI. All Places, Cities, and Provinces, shall remain and enjoy the same Privileges, Immunities, Liberties, Franchises, Jurisdictions, and Seats of Justice, they had before the Troubles.  
XXII. And to remove all Cause of Complaint for the future, we have declared and do declare, Those of the said Religion capable to hold and exercise all Estates, Dignities, and Public Employments, both Seignorial, and of the Cities belonging to this Kingdom; and to be admitted and received without distinction into all Councils, Deliberations, Assemblies, Estates, and Functions, depending on the things abovesaid, without being any ways rejected or hindered from enjoying the same immediately after the Publication of this present Edict.  
XXIII. Neither shall the said of the Pretended Reformed Religion be overcharged or burdened with any ordinary or extraordinary Taxes, more than the Catholics, and according to their Estates and Substance. Moreover, in consideration of the great Charges those of the said Religion take upon themselves, they shall be free from all other Taxations the Cities shall impose for the Expenses past; but they shall contribute to all such as shall be imposed by us; as also for the future to all those of Cities, like the Catholics.  
XXIV. All Prisoners that are detained either by the Authority of Justice or otherwise, even in the Galleys, on the account of the present Troubles, shall be released and put at liberty on both sides, without paying any Ransom: But yet the Ransoms that have been paid already, shall not be redemanded or recovered of those that have received them.  
XXV. And as to the Differences that might arise upon the account of the foresaid Sales of Lands, or other Immovables: Bonds or Mortgages given on the account of the said Ransoms; as also, for all other Disputes belonging to the case of Arms that might occur, the Parties concerned shall repair to our said most Dear and most Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou, to summon the Marshals of France, and he shall decide and determine the same.  
XXVI. We Order, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that all those of the said Religion, as well in general as in particular, shall be restored, preserved, maintained, and kept under our Protection and Authority, into all and every their Estates, Rights, and Actions, Honours, estates, Places, Pensions, and Dignities, of what quality soever they be, except the Bailiffs and Seneschals of the long Gown, and their Lieutenant-Generals; in the room of which others have been placed by us during the present War; to whom, Assignations shall be given to reimburse them of the true value of their said Offices, out of the clearest Money of our Revenue; unless they had rather be Counsellors in our Courts of Parliament, within their Precinct, or of the Great Council, at our Choice; in which case, they shall only be reimbursed of the Overplus of the Value thereof, in case it fall out so; as they shall also pay the Surplus, if their Offices were of less Value.  
XXVII. The Movables that shall be found in being, not having been taken by way of Hostility, shall be restored to the Owners, however returning the Purchasers the Price they have been sold at by Authority of Justice, or by other Commission, or public Order, as well belonging to Catholics, as to those of the said Religion. And for the Performance of the same, the Detainers of the said Movables shall be constrained to make immediate restitution thereof without delay, all oppositions or exceptions notwithstanding; and to return and restore them to the Owners for the Price they have cost them.  
XXVIII. And as for the Fruits or Revenues of the Immovables, every one shall re-enter into his house, and shall reciprocally enjoy the Income of the gathering of the present year. All Seizures or oppositions made to the contrary during the Troubles notwithstanding. As also every one shall enjoy the Arrears of Rent that shall not have been taken by us, or our Order, Permission, or Ordinance from us or our Justice.  
XXIX. Also the Forces and Garrisons that are or shall be in Houses, Places, Cities, and Castles, belonging to our said Subjects of whatever Religion, shall immediately retire out of the same, after the Publication of the present Edict, to leave them the free and entire Possession thereof, as they enjoyed it before their being dispossessed.  
XXX. It is also our Will and Pleasure, That our Dear and Wellbeloved Cousins the Prince of Orange, and Count Ludowic of Nassau his Brother, shall be actually restored and re-established into all the Lands, Lordships, and Jurisdictions they have in our said Kingdoms and Territories under our Obedience; as also to the Principality of Orange, the Rights, Titles, Papers, Informations, and Dependencies of the same, taken by our Lieutenant-Generals, and other Ministers by us employed to that end; the which shall be to said Prince of Orange, and the Count his Brother, restored in the same condition they enjoyed them before the Troubles; and shall enjoy the same henceforward, according to the Letters Patent, Decrees, and Declarations granted by the late King Henry of most laudable Memory, our most Honoured Lord and Father, whom God absolve, and other Kings our Predecessors, as they did before the Troubles.  
XXXI. We also Will and Require, That all Titles, Papers, Instructions, and Informations, that have been taken, shall be restored and returned on both sides to the true owners.  
XXXII. And in order to extinguish and lay aside as much as can be the Remembrance of all Troubles and Divisions past; we have declared and do declare, All Sentences, Judgements, Decrees, and Proceedings, Seizures, Sales, and Statutes, made and given against the said of the pretended Reformed Religion, as well dead as alive, since the Death of our said most honoured Lord and Father, King Henry, on the account of the said Religion, Tumults, and Troubles happened since, together with the Execution of the said Judgements and Orders, from this moment Void, Revoked, and Annulled; and therefore order the same to be razed and taken out of the Registers of our Courts both Sovereign and Inferior, as also all Marks, Tracts, and Monuments of the said Executions, defamatory Books and Acts against their Persons, Memories, and Posterities; and order the whole to be razed out. And the Places that have been demolished and razed on that account, restored to the owners thereof, to be used and disposed of according to their pleasure.  
XXXIII. And as for the Procedures made, Judgements and Decrees given, against those of the said Religion upon other accounts than the said Religion and Troubles; together with Prescriptions, and Feodal Seizures accrueing during the present, last, and precedent Troubles, beginning the Year 1567. they shall be void, as never having been made, given, nor happened; neither shall the Parties derive any advantages by them, but shall be put again into the same condition in which they were before the same.  
XXXIV. We also ordain, That those of the said Religion shall keep to the Political Laws of our Kingdom, in observing Festivals; neither shall they labour, or sell in open Shops on the said days; nor yet open their Shambles to sell meat on such days in which the use of meat is prohibited by the Roman-Catholick Church.  
XXXV. And to the end that Justice may be rendered and ministered to all our Subjects, without Partiality, Hatred, or Favour, we have and do Ordain, Will, and it is our Pleasure, That Suits and Differences moved or to be commenced among Parties being of contrary Religion, as well in being Plaintiffs as Defendants in any Civil or Criminal Causes whatever, shall be heard in the first place before the Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other our ordinary Judges, according to our Ordinances: And where Appeals shall lie in any of our Courts of Parliament, in relation to that of Paris, which is composed of Seven Chambers, The great Chamber, La Tournelle, and five Chambers of the Inquests, it shall be lawful for those of the pretended Reformed Religion, if they please, in the Causes they shall have depending in each of the said Chambers, to demand that four, either Precedents or Counsellors, may abstain from the Judgement of their Processes, who without alleging any Cause, shall be bound in this case to abstain, notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Precedents and Counsellors cannot be excepted against without just Cause. And besides that, all Refusals of Right shall be allowed them against all others Precedents and Counsellors according to the Ordinances or Statutes.  
XXXVI. As for the Suits they shall have depending in the Parliament of Thoulouse, if the Parties cannot agree about another Parliament, they shall be returned before the Masters of Request of our Hostel, in their Court in the Palace at Paris; who shall judge their Suits Impartially and Sovereignly, without Appeal, as if they had been judged in our said Parliaments  
XXXVII. And as to what relates to those of Rouen, Dijon, Provence, Bretagne, and Grenoble, they shall be allowed to challenge Six Precedents or Counsellors to abstain from the Judgement of their Suits, that is three out of each Chamber. And in that of Bourdeaux four out of every Chamber.  
XXXVIII. The Catholics shall also be allowed to challenge, if they think fit, all such Members of the said Courts as have been discharged of their Offices upon the account of Religion by the said Parliaments, ●o abstain from the Judgement of their Suits; also peremptorily; and they shall be obliged to abstain from the same. They shall also be allowed all usual Recusations against all other Precedents and Counsellors, according as they are of Right allowed by the Statutes.  
XXX●X. And whereas several persons have received and suffer such Injuries and Damages in their Estates and Persons, that it will be difficult for them to lose the remembrance thereof, so soon as it should be requisite for the execution of our Intention, being desirous to avoid all Inconveniences that might arise from people's being disturbed in their Houses, until all Grudges and Animosities are allayed, we have given in keeping to those of the said Religion, the Cities of Rochel, Montauban, Coignac, and La Charité, in which all such as shall be unwilling to repair so soon to their own Houses, shall be free to retire, and to inhabit. And for the surety of the same, our said Brother and Cousin the Princes of Navarre and Condé, together with Twenty Gentlemen of the said Religion, who shall be by us nominated, shall swear and promise one and for the whole, for themselves, and for those of their said Religion, to preserve the said Cities for us; and at the end of two years to deliver them again into the hands of such a one as we shall think fit to depute, in the same condition they now are in, without innovating or altering any thing in the same; and that without any delay or difficulty, upon any account or occasion whatever: At the expiration of which term, the exercise of the said Religion shall be continued there, as while they held them. It being nevertheless our Will and Pleasure, that in the same, all ecclesiastics shall freely re-enter and perform Divine Service in all Liberty, and enjoy their Estates as well as all the Catholic Inhabitants of the said Cities; which said ecclesiastics and other Inhabitants, shall be taken into the Protection and Safeguard of our said Brother and Cousin, and other Lords, to the end that they may not be hindered from performing the said Divine Service, molested nor disturbed in their Persons, or in the enjoyment of their Estates; but on the contrary restored and reintegrated into the full possession of the same. Willing moreover, that in the said four Cities our Judges shall be re-established, and the exercise of Justice restored, as it used to be before the Troubles.  
XL. It is also our Will and Pleasure, That immediately after the Publication of this Edict made in the Two Camps, Arms shall straight be laid down every where; the which shall only remain in our hands, and those of our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou.  
XLI. A Free Commerce and Passage shall be reestablished through all Cities, Towns, Villages, Bridges, and Passages of our said Kingdom, in the same condition as they were before the present and last Troubles.  
XLII. And in order to avoid the Violences and Transgressions that might be committed in several of our Cities, those who shall be by us appointed for the Execution of the present Edict, in the absence of one another, shall make the chief Inhabitants of the said Cities of both Religions, whom they shall choose, swear to keep and observe our said Edict; shall make them guard each other, charging them respectively and by public Act, to answer for the Transgressions that shall be made to the said Edict in the said City, by the Inhabitants thereof respectively, or else to secure and deliver up the said Transgressor's into the hands of Justice.  
XLIII. And to the end that our Justices and Officers, as well as all other our Subjects, may be clearly and with all certainty informed of our Will and Intention, and to remove all Doubts and Ambiguities and Cavillings that might be made in relation to the precedent Edicts, We have and do declare all other Edicts, Letters, Declarations, Modifications, Restrictions, and Interpretations, Decrees, and Registers, as well secret as all other Deliberations heretofore made in our Courts of Parliament, and others that might hereafter be made to the prejudice of our said present Edict, concerning the case of Religion, and the Troubles occasioned in this our Kingdom, to be void and of no effect. To all which and the Derogatories therein contained, we have by this our Edict derogated, and do derogate, and from this very time as for then, do cancel, revoke, and annul them: Declaring expressly, That it is our Pleasure, that this our said Edict should be sure, firm, and inviolable, kept, and observed by our said Justices, Officers, and Subjects, without respecting or having the least regard to whatever might be contrary and derogating to this.  
XLIV. And for the greater assurance of the maintenance and observation we desire of this, it is our Will, Command, and Pleasure, That all Governors of our Provinces, our Lieutenant-Generals, Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of this our Kingdom, immediately upon receipt of this our said Edict, shall swear, The same to keep and observe, cause to be kept, and observed, and maintained, every one in their Precinct; as also the Mayors. Sheriffs, Capitouls, and other Officers Annual or Temporal, as well the present, after the reception of the said Edict, as their Successors, in taking the Oath they are used to take when they are admitted into the said Places and Offices; of which Oaths, public Acts shall be expedited to all such as shall require it.  
We also require our Trusty and Wellbeloved, the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament, immediately upon receipt of this present Edict, to cease all their Proceedings; and on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should pass otherwise, to take the like Oath, and to cause our said Edict to be Published and Registered in our said Courts, according to the Form and Tenor thereof, purely and plainly, without any Modifications, Restrictions, Declaration, or secret Register; and without expecting any Mandamus or Order from us: And our Attornies-General to require and pursue the immediate Publication thereof, without any delay; the which we will have performed in the Two Camps and Armies, within six Days after the said Publication made in our Court of Parliament of Paris, in order to send back the Strangers forthwith. Enjoining likewise our Lieutenants-General, and Governors, speedily to Publish, and to cause this our said Edict to be published by the Bailiffs, Seneschals, Mayor, Sheriffs, Capitouls, and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of their said Government wherever it will be necessary: As also the same to keep, observe, and maintain every one in his Precinct, in order to put a speedy stop to all Acts of Hostility, and to all Impositions made, or to be made upon the account of the said Troubles after the Publication of our present Edict. Which from the Moment of the said Publication we declare liable to Punishment and Reparation; viz. against such as shall use Arms, Force, and Violence, in the Transgression and Infraction of this our present Edict, hindering the Effect, Execution, or Enjoyment thereof, with Death without hope of Pardon or Remission. And as for the other Infractions that shall not be made by way of Arms, Force, or Violence, they shall be punished by other Corporal Inflictions, as Banishments, Amende Honourable, and other Pecuniary Punishments, according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offences, at the Will and Pleasure of the Judges to whom we have assigned the Cognizance thereof: Engaging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with all the Justice and Equality the Cause shall require, without respect or exception of Persons or Religion.  
Therefore we command the said Persons holding our Courts of Parliament, Chambers of our Accounts, Courts of Aids, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and other our Justices and Officers whom it may concern, or their Lieutenants, this our present Edict and Ordinance to cause to be Read, Published, and Registered in their Courts and Jurisdictions, and the same to maintain, keep, and observe in all Points, and all whom it may concern, the same fully and peaceably to use, and to enjoy; ceasing, and causing all Troubles and Hindrances thereunto contrary to cease For such is our pleasure. In witness whereof we have signed these presents with our own hand; and to the same, to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever, we have caused our Seal to be affixed.  
Given at St. german en Lay, in the Month of August, in the Year of our Lord, 1570. and of our Reign the Tenth. Signed▪ Charles. And beneath it, by the King being in his Council. Signed De Neufville. And on the side, Visa, and Sealed with the great Seal with green Wax, upon Knots of red and green Silk. Read, Published, and Registered, at the request and desire of the King's Attorney-General, at Paris in Parliament on the 11th of August 1570. Signed▪ Tu Tillet.   

Edict of Pacification made by King Henry the 3d, in order to put an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom, and to make all his Subjects thenceforward live in Peace and Quietness, Union, and Concord, under his Obedience; Read and Published in the Court of Parliament, the 8th of October, 1577.  
HEnry by the Grace of God, King of France and Poland, to all present and to come, Greeting. God. who is the Searcher of the hearts of Men, and sees the bottom of their thoughts, shall always be Judge for us, that our Intention has never been other than to Reign according to his Holy Commandments, and to govern our Subjects in all uprightness and Justice; approving ourselves a Common Father to all, who has no other end but their welfare and quiet. In order thereunto, we have always used our utmost endeavours to do whatever we judged most proper according to the occasions and times; even with a design to establish a certain Peace in this our Kingdom, and to provide against the Disorders and Abuses that have crept in to the same through the Licence of such long Troubles; and to restore it to its Pristine Dignity and Splendour. To which end we did convene our Estates General in our City of Blois, where several things were treated of, and particularly upon matter of Religion; it being proposed by some, that one of the best Remedies was, to forbid the Exercise of all Religion besides the Catholic. However, it has not been God Almighty's Pleasure to let us reap the fruit we desired thereby; but as it is sometimes his pleasure to visit Kingdoms and Princes, with his Rod of Rigour for the Offences and Sins of Men, the Troubles were kindled a new in our Kingdom more than ever, to our great Grief and Sorrow. And that which troubled us more, was that the Innocent, that is, our poor People endured the greatest Hardships, Oppression, and Injuries. All which things having considered day and night; and experience in our majority of twenty five years, having convinced us that the Continuation of Arms and War could not afford us the advantage we have so much desired and endeavoured; and being fully persuaded that God Almighty will finally convert his Rigour into Mercy; and that his said Visitations are salutary Admonishments to acknowledge him, and to return into the right way of our Duty: After having implored his Aid and Assistance, to inspire us with means to find the most necessary and most proper Remedies for the good of our State: And thereupon taken the Advice of the Queen, our most Honoured Lady and Mother, of our most dearly Beloved Brother, the Duke of Anjou, of the Princes of our Blood, and others; of the Officers of our Crown, and other Lords and Notable Persons of our Council: We have, until it please God, by means of a good, free, and lawful General Council, to reunite all our Subjects to our Catholic Church, by this our present Edict perpetual and irrevocable, said, declared, enacted, and ordained: Say, declare, enact, and ordain what followeth,  
I. First, That the Remembrance of all things passed on either side, from the beginning of the Troubles happened in our Kingdom to this present time, and upon the account of the same, shall be extinguished and laid aside, as of things that had never been. Neither shall it be lawful for our Attornies-General, or any other Persons, public or private, at any time, or on any occasion whatever to mention, or make any Prosecution of the same, in any Court or Jurisdiction whatever.  
II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Condition or Quality soever, to renew the Remembrance thereof, to affront or provoke each other by Reproaches of what is past, upon any account or pretence whatever: To dispute, contend, quarrel, abuse, or offend one another by Word or Deed, but to forbear and live peaceably together as Brethren, Friends, and Fellow-Citizens, on pain for the Delinquents of being punished as Infractors of the Peace, and Disturbers of the Public Good.  
III. It is our Will and Pleasure, that the Catholic Religion shall be restored and re-established in all Places and Parts of this our Kingdom, and Territories under our Obedience, where the Exercise thereof has been interrupted, there to be freely and peaceably performed without the least Trouble and Molestation. Forbidding most expressly all Persons of what State, Quality, or Condition soever, on the pains abovementioned, to trouble, molest, or disturb the ecclesiastics in the Celebration of Divine Service, enjoyment and gathering of their Tithes, Fruits, and Revenues of their Benefices, and all other Rights and Immunities to them appertaining. And that all such, who during the present and precedent Troubles have taken Possession of Churches, Houses, Estates, and Revenues belonging to the said ecclesiastics; and who detain and occupy the same, shall yield them the entire Possession, and peaceable Enjoyment thereof, with such Rights, Liberties, and Immunities, as they enjoyed before their being dispossessed of the same.  
IU. And to remove all occasion of Contentions and Differences among our Subjects, We have allowed and do permit those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, to live and inhabit in all the Cities and Places of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience, without being troubled, vexed, molested, or constrained to do any thing against their Conscience, or disturbed in the Houses and Places where they shall think ●it to inhabit, they behaving themselves according to the Contents of this our present Edict.  
V. We have also given leave to all Lords, Gentlemen, and others, as well actual Inhabitants, as others professing the pretended Reformed Religion, possessing in our said Kingdom, high Jurisdiction, or full Fief de Haubert, as in Normandy, either in proper, or 
* Use and Profit.  Vse-Fruit, in the whole, or half, or third part, to have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction, or abovesaid Fiefs, which they shall be obliged to name to our Bailiffs and Seneschals, every one in his Precinct, for their chief Abode, the Exercise of the said Religion, as long as they shall be resident there; and in their absence their Wives or Families which they shall answer for. We also allow them the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction, or abovesaid Fiefs of Haubert, as long as they shall be present there; the whole as well for themselves, their Families, Subjects, as others, who shall be desirous to go to it.  
VI In such Houses of Fief, where those of the said Religion shall not possess the said High-Jurisdiction of Fief de Haubert; they shall only be allowed the said Exercise for their Families. Yet, in case any of their Friends should chance to come there to the number of Ten, or any Baptism happen in haste, the Company not exceeding the said number of Ten, they shall not be disquieted or prosecuted for the same. Provided also, That the said Houses are neither situated within Cities, Towns, or Villages belonging to Catholic Lords, High-Justicers▪ other than us, in which the said Catholic Lords have their Houses. In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allowed to perform the said Exercise in the said Cities, Towns, and Villages, without leave and permission of the said Lords High-Justicers, and no otherwise.  
VII. We also allow those of the said Religion to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Towns, where it shall be publicly performed on the 17th day of the present Month of September. However, excepting such Towns as belong to Catholics, possessed at present by those of the said Religion, in which those Exercises were not performed before the last taking up of Arms, even in the time of the former Peace.  
VIII. Moreover, in every one of the Ancient Bailiwicks, Seneschalships and Governments, holding the Place of a Bailiwick, referring directly, and without mediation to the Courts of Parliament; we ordain, That in the Suburbs of one City, there being several Cities in the Bailiwick, or for want of Cities, in a Town or Village, the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed for all comers.  
IX. Forbidding all those of the said Religion, most expressly to perform any Exercise thereof, either as to Ministry, Regulation, Discipline, or public Institution of Children, and others, in this our said Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience, in whatever relates to Religion, excepting in the places above granted and allowed.  
X As also to perform any Exercise of the said Religion in our Court and Attendance, nor within Ten Leagues about it, nor in our Lands and Countries beyond the Mounts, nor also in our City, Provostship, and Vice-County of Paris, nor within Ten Leagues round about the same; the which Ten Leagues we have limited, and do limit to the following Places, Meaux, and the Suburbs; Meulun, and the Suburbs; a League beyond Charters, under Montlehery; Dourdan, and the Suburbs; Rambovillet, Houdan, and the Suburbs; a long League beyond Meulun, Vigni, Meru, and S. Leu de Saraus. In all which places we do not allow any exercise of the said Religion. Nevertheless those of the said Religion, living in the said Lands and Countries beyond the Mounts, and in our said City, Provostship, and Vice-County of Paris, extended as abovesaid, shall neither be disturbed in their Houses, nor constrained to do any thing on the account of Religion contrary to their Consciences, provided always they behave themselves according to the Rules prescribed in our present Edict.  
XI. We do enjoin all Preachers, Readers, and others, who speak in Public, not to use any Words, Discourses, and Expressions, tending to excite the People to Sedition; but on the contrary to content and behave themselves modestly, saying nothing but what may tend to the Instruction and Edification of the Hearers, and to maintain the Peace and Tranquillity by us established in our said Kingdom, on the pains mentioned in our precedent Edicts. Commanding our Attorney's General, and other our Officers most expressly to see the same performed.  
XII. Those of the said Religion shall no wise be constrained, neither shall they remain bound upon the account of the Abjurations, Promises, and Oaths, heretofore made or taken by them or security by them given upon the account of the said Religion; and shall never be molested or troubled for the same in any kind whatever.  
XIII. They shall be obliged to keep and observe the Festivals established in the Catholic Apostolic, and Roman Church: Neither shall they be allowed on such days to Labour, Work, Sell, or expose Goods to sale in open Shop: Neither shall the Shambles be opened on such days, in which the use of Flesh is forbidden.  
XIV. No Books shall be allowed to be sold in our Kingdom, Countries, Territories, and Lordship under our Obedience, without being first examined by our Officers residing there; and such as are written in Relation to the said pretended Reformed Religion, by the Chambers hereafter by us ordained in every Parliament, to judge of the Causes and Differences of those of the said Religion. Prohibiting most expressly the Impression, Publication, and Sale of all Defamatory Books, Libels, and Writings, on the pains contained in our Ordinances: ●njoyning all our Judes and Officers to have an eye upon the same.  
XV. We also order, That no Difference or Distinction shall be made upon the account of Religion: To receive Scholars to be instructed in the Universities, Colleges, and Schools: And the Sick and Poor into the Hospitals, etc. and public Alms.  
XVI. Those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, shall be obliged to observe the Laws of the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Church, received in this our Kingdom, in respect to Marriages contracted, or to be contracted, as to the Degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity, to avoid the Debates and Suits that might be thereby occasioned, to the ruin of most of the best Families of the same, and the dissolution of the Bonds of Friendship that are acquired by Marriage, and alliance among our Subjects.  
XVII. Those of the said Religion shall be obliged to pay the Rights of Entrance, as is usual for the Places and Offices they shall be admitted into, without being obliged to assist at any Ceremonies contrary to their said Religion. And being called to their Oath, they shall only be obliged to hold up their Hand to swear, and promise to God that they will speak the Truth, without being bound to take a dispensation of the Oath by them taken, in passing the Contracts and Bonds.  
XIX. It is also our Will and Pleasure, that all those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, of what Degree, Quality or Condition soever, shall be bound and constrained by all due and reasonable Ways, and under the Penalties contained in our precedent Edicts made upon this Subject, to pay and acquit the Tithes due to Curates and other ecclesiastics, and to all others to whom they may belong, according to the Use and Custom of Places.  
XIX. And in order the better to reunite the Wills of our Subjects, which is our Intention, and to remove all cause of complaint for the future, we do declare all those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others our aforesaid Subjects that have been engaged in their Party, Capable to hold and exercise all Estates, Dignities, Offices, and Public Employments whatever, Royalties and Lordships, and such as belong to the Cities of our said Kingdoms, Countries, Territories and Lordships under our Obedience, and to be admitted and received into the same without distinction, and without being obliged to take any Oath, or lie under any Obligation, but well and faithfully to discharge their Employments, Dignities, Places and Offices, and to observe the Ordinances. And when any vacancy of the Employments, Places, and Offices within our disposal shall happen, they shall be by us reimplaced without distinction of Religion, by able persons, as we shall think proper for the good of our Service. We also allow those of the said Religion to be admitted and received in all Councils, Deliberations, Assemblies and Functions depending on the abovesaid things, and that they shall neither be rejected, or debarred the enjoyment thereof on the account of the said Religion.  
XX. We also order, that for the interring of the Dead of those of the said Religion, within all the Cities and places of this Realm, our Officers and Magistrates shall speedily provide a convenient Place in every place for that end. The which we enjoin our said Officers to do; and to take care that no Scandals may be committed at the said Burials.  
XXI. And to the end that Justice may be done and ministered to all our Subjects, without partiality, hatred or favour, which is one of the principal means to maintain them in peace and concord; We have and do ordain, that in every one of our Courts of Parliament of Paris, Rouen, Dijon and Rennes, there shall be a Chamber established, composed for that of the Parliament of Paris, of a Precedent and 16 Councillors: For that of Rouen of a Precedent and twelve Councillors, and for those of Dijon, and Rennes, of one Precedent, and ten Councillors: Which said Precedents and Councillors shall be selected and taken by us out of the number of those of the said Courts.  
XXII. And as for the Courts of Parliament of Bourdeaux, Grenoble and Aix, a Chamber shall also be established in every one of them, composed of two Precedents, the one a Catholic, and the other of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and 12 Councillors, of which eight shall be Catholics, and the other four of the said Religion. Which Catholic Presidents and Councillors shall be by us selected, and nominated out of the number of the Precedents and Councillors of the said Courts. And as to those of the said Religion, such shall be employed, as shall be found at this very time in possession of the said Offices in the said Courts. And in such places where their number shall not be sufficient, we shall erect other Offices, as much as shall be necessary to accomplish the aforesaid number, with the same Salaries, Honours, Authorities and Prerogatives as the others of our said Courts, for persons of the said Religion.  
XXIII. A Chamber shall also be established for the Jurisdiction of our Court of Parliament of Thoulouse, composed as the others of two Precedents, the one a Catholic, and the other of the said Religion; and of twelve Councillors, eight Catholics, and the other four of the said Religion. Which Catholics shall be by us chosen out of our other Courts of Parliament, and out of the Great Council: And as for those of the said Religion, such shall be employed there as shall be found still at this present time provided with Offices in the said Parliament of Thoulouse, besides which a sufficient number shall be created to supply the said Chamber, as is above said, for the others. Which Chamber being thus composed, shall by us be sent into the City of— And as for that of Dauphine, it shall sit six Months in our City of Grenoble, and the other six Months in such another City as we shall hereafter order.  
XXIV. The said Chambers composed as abovesaid, and established in all our said Parliaments, shall take cognisance, and judge sovereignly, and definitively, by Decree, exclusively to all others, of Suits and Differences moved or to be moved: In which Suits those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others that have been engaged in their Party, shall be Principals, or warranties, either Plaintiffs or Defendants in all Causes, Civil or Criminal, whether the said Processes be by Writ, or Verbal Appeals, in case the said Parties like it so, and one of them requires it before any Plea in the Cause, in respect to Suits to be commenced.  
XXV. It is also our Pleasure by way of Care and Circumspection, until we have otherwise ordained it, that in all Processes moved, or to be moved, in which those of the said Religion shall stand as Plaintiffs or Defendants, Principals or warranties in Civil Causes, in which our Officers of Presidial Seats have power to judge Sovereignly and definitively; they shall be allowed to demand that two of those of the Chamber, where the said Cause is to be tried, shall abstain from the Judgement of the same: Who without alleging any cause, shall be obliged to abstain in this case: Notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Judges cannot be excepted against without a just cause, besides their still retaining the Refusals of Right against the others. And in Criminal matters in which they also judge Sovereignly, the accused of the said Religion shall be allowed to demand, that three of the Judges may abstain from the Judgement of their process, without showing cause. And the Provosts of the Marshals of France, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Seneschals, Lieutenants of the Short Robe, and other Officers of the like Quality shall judge according to the Ordinances and Rules heretofore given in respect to Vagabonds. And as for Householders charged and accused of Provostal or Criminal cases, if they be of the said Religion, they shall be allowed to demand that three of the Presidial Judges, before whom the said Cases are to be tried by the Statutes, may abstain from the Judgement of their Process: And they shall be obliged to abstain from the same without showing cause; except when in the Chamber of the said Presidial Seats, where the said Processes are to be judged, there be to the number of Two in Civil Cases, and Three in Criminal matters of the said Religion: In which Case it shall not be allowed to refuse without showing cause. But yet we do not mean that the said Presidial Tribunals, Provosts Marshals, Vice-Bailiffs, and Vice-Seneschals, by virtue hereof should take cognisance of the Troubles past.  
XXVI. It is farther our Will and Pleasure, that our most Dear Beloved Brother the King of Navarre, our most Dear Beloved Cousin the Prince of Conde, as well as all other Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and others, of what Quality and Condition soever of the said Religion, and others that have been engaged in their Party, shall be restored, and effectually preserved in the possession of their Governments, Places, Estates, and Royal Offices, which they enjoyed before the 24th of August, 1572. the said to hold and to use in the said form and manner, as other Governors and Officers of this our same Kingdom, without being obliged to take new Letters Patents; all Decrees and Judgements given against them, and Letters Patent obtained by others for the said Employments notwithstanding. As also that they shall re-enter inpossession of all and singular their Estates, Rights, Names, Deuce and Actions, all Judgements and Sentences given upon the account of the said Troubles notwithstanding. The which Decrees, Judgements, Letters Patent, and all that may have followed, we have to that end declared, and do declare null, and of no effect and value.  
XXVII. Not intending however that those of the said Religion, and others that have been engaged in their Party, who have resigned their Employments and Offices by virtue of our Letters Patent, or of the Late King our most honoured Lord and Brother, whom God absolve, should recover the same, and re-enter into the possession thereof; reserving to them however, all Actions against the Possessors and Titularies of the said Offices, for the payment of the price agreed on between them, upon the account of the said Resignations. And as for those who have been constrained by particular persons by Fact and Force to resign their said Employments and Offices, we do permit them and their Heirs to sue for the same by Law, in a civil manner, both against those that have used the said Force, and against their Heirs and Successors.  
XXVIII. And as for those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, and had the grant of the said Offices before the 24th of August, 1572. and were not yet received into the same: It is our will and pleasure that they be received into the said Employments, and that all necessary Patents be expedited them to that End.  
XXIX. It is also our will and pleasure, That in case any Commanderships of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, belonging to those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, shall be found seized by Authority of Justice, or otherwise, barely upon the account and pretence of the Troubles, and they any wise dispossessed of the same, they shall be immediately restored to the said Commanders, and they again put into the same possessions of the said Commanderships, as they were before the 24th of August, 1572.  
XXX. The Outcries, and Public Sales of Inheritances, against which a Decree is prosecuted, shall be performed in, and at the usual hours and places, if possible, according to our Ordinances, or in the Public Market-places, in case there be a Market in the place where the said Heritage's lie: And in case there be none, it shall be done in the next Marketplace belonging to the Jurisdiction of the Court, where the Judgement is to be passed. And the Paper of Notice shall be affixed to the Post of the said Market-places, and at the Entrance of the Auditory of the said place. And in so doing the said Publications shall be good and valuable, and they shall proceed to the Interposition of a Decree, without regard to the Nullities that might be alleged in that respect.  
XXXI. The Acquisitions of Church-lands made by those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, without our Authority, shall be void, and of no effect: And therefore we ordain, and it is our will and pleasure, that the said ecclesiastics shall be restored without delay, and confirmed into the real and actual possession and enjoyment of the Estates thus alienated, without being obliged to pay back the Price of the said Sales: The said Contracts of Sale notwithstanding. The which to that end we have cancelled and revoked as null, saving a Redress to the Purchasers, against such as it may concern. And in order to the Reimbursement of the Purchasers of the said Lands, for the Money by them really and truly disbursed, we will grant our Letters Patent for leave to those of the said Religion, to impose and equal upon themselves the Sums to which the said Sales may amount, without the Purchasers being allowed to pretend any Action of Damage or Interest, for want of enjoyment, but shall rest satisfied with the reimbursement of the Money laid out by them, for the price of the said Acquisitions, abating upon the said price, the Fruits gathered and received by them, in case the said Sale be adjudged to have been made at an unreasonable and too low Rate.  
XXXII. All Disinheritations, or Privations, either by way of disposing among Living Persons, or by Wills, barely out of hatred, or upon the account of Religion, shall not be allowed, neither for the time past, nor for the future, among our Subjects. Yet notwithstanding all Military Wills made during the said present and precedent Troubles on either side, shall be valid, and shall hold according to the Disposition of Right.  
XXXIII. The Disorders and Excesses committed on the 24th of August. and the following Days in consequence of the said Day, in our good City of Paris, and other Cities and parts of our said Kingdom, were done to our great regret and displeasure. And therefore as a singular Demonstration of out goodness and kindness towards our Subjects, we do declare the Widows and Children of those that were killed on the said Days, in any part of our said Kingdom, free from contributing towards the Impositions that shall be laid for the Ban and Arriereban, if their Husbands or Fathers were Nobles: Or if their said Husbands or Fathers were not Gentlemen, and consequently liable to pay the 
* A heavy Tax upon such as are not Gentle men.  Taille; We for the same Considerations discharge the said Widows and Children of all Tailles and Impositions, the whole, for and during the term of six Years next coming: Forbidding all our Officers, every one in his Precinct, to comprehend them in the same, contrary to our present Will and Intention.  
XXXIV. We likewise declare all Sentences, Judgements, Decrees, Proceedings, Seizures, Sales and Orders made and given against those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, whether alive or dead, since the Death of the late King Henry, our most honoured Lord and Father, upon the account of the said Religion; Tumults, and Troubles happened since, together with the execution of the said Judgements and Sentences from this very time to be razed, void and null, as we do hereby raze, revoke and annul the same. And order the same to be razed and taken out of the Registers of the Registries of the Courts, as well Sovereign as Inferior: As also our pleasure is, that all Marks, Signs and Monuments of the said Executions, Books and Acts, defamatory to their Persons, Memories and Posterities, should be removed and defaced. And that all Places where Demolishments or Raising have been made on that account, shall be restored, such as they are, to the true owners thereof, to enjoy the same, and dispose of them as they shall think fit. And we have generally cancelled, revoked and annulled all Proceedings and Informations made for any Erterprises, pretended Crimes of Leze Majesty, or others; the said Proceedings, Decrees and Judgements containing Reunion, Incorporation, and Confiscation notwithstanding, willing that those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, should be restored to the real and actual possession of all and every their Estates.  
XXXV. And whereas by virtue of our aforesaid Deciaration, all Decrees and Judgements given against the late Sieur de Chatillon, Admiral of France, and the execution of the same, remain void and of no effect, as things never done nor happened: We in consequence of the said Declaration, Order that all the said Decrees, Judgements, Proceedings, and Acts made against the said Sieur de Chatillon, be razed, and taken out of the Register of the Registries as well of our Courts of Parliament, as of all other Jurisdictions: And that the memory of the said Admiral shall be untainted; and that his Children shall remain in full possession of their Honours and Estates, in that respect, notwithstanding the said Decrees, importing reunion and incorporation of the said Estates, to the demean of our Crown, of which we will cause a larger and more particular Declaration to be given to the said Children, if necessary.  
XXXVI. We will have the same done in relation to the Sieurs de Montgommery, Montbrun, Briquemaut, and Cavaignes.  
XXXVII. We forbid the making of any Processions, either for the Death of our late Cousin the Prince of Conde, or for what happened on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1572. and all other Acts that might refresh the memory of the Troubles.  
XXXVIII. All Proceedings made, Judgements and Decrees given against those of the said Religion bearing Arms, either absent from our said Kingdom, or retired into any Cities and Countries of the same, held by them, but not upon the account of Religion and the Troubles; together with all Nonsuits, Prescriptions as well Legal, Conventional, as Customary; all Feodal Seizures accrued during the present or precedent Troubles, shall be esteemed as not performed, happened, nor granted, and as such we have and do declare them to be; have and do annihilate them, without any redress to the Parties, but they shall be restored to the same condition in which they were before, notwithstanding the said Decrees, and the execution thereof; and the possession of the same, shall be restored to them as they had it on the said 24th of August, 1572. What is above written shall also hold good for others who have been engaged in the Party of those of the said Religion, since the last taking up of Arms, or that have absented from our said Kingdom upon the account of the Troubles, and for the Minor Children of those of the Quality abovesaid, who died during the said Troubles. Restoring the Parties to the same Condition in which they were before, without paying Charges, or being obliged to consign the Fines.  
XXXIX. All Prisoners that are detained, whether by Authority of Justice, or otherwise, even upon the Galleys, on the account of the present or precedent Troubles, shall be freed and set at liberty on both sides, without paying any Ransom. Cancelling and anulling all past Obligations on that subject, discharging the securities thereof; inhibiting and forbidding most expressly all such, in whose keeping the said Prisoners are, to use any force or violence against them, to abuse or misuse them any wise in their Persons, on pain of being severely punished and chastised. However not meaning that the Ransoms that have already been disbursed and paid by those who were Prisoners of War only, should be redemanded of those that have received them. And as to what relates to the Differences concerning the said Ransoms of those that have been made Prisoners on both sides during the said Troubles, the Cognizance and Judgement thereof is reserved, as we do reserve it to us, and to our Person, forbidding the Parties to sue for the same any where but before us: And all our Officers and Magistrates to take the least cognizance thereof.  
XL. And as to what has been done or taken, without hostility, or in an hostile manner, contrary to the public or particular Regulations of the Chiefs, and of the Commonalties and Provinces that had a Command; it shall be lawful to sue for it, according to the common Practice of the Law.  
XLI. It is also our Will and Pleasure, that all Crimes and Offences committed between persons of the same Party in times of Troubles, Truces and Suspensions of Arms, shall be punished, unless in Actions commanded by the Chiefs of either part, according to the Necessity, Law, and Order of War: And as for all Raising and Exactions of Money, bearing of Arms, and other Warlike Exploits, done by private Authority, and without being warranted so to do; the persons having so done, shall be prosecuted according to Law.  
XLII. The Goods that shall be found in being, and that shall have been taken by way of hostility, shall be restored to the Right Owners, in case they be, and are found to be at the time of the publication of the present Edict, in the possession of those that have taken them, or of their Heirs, without paying any thing for the Restitution thereof. And where the said Goods shall have been sold or alienated by Authority of Justice, or by Commission or Public Order, belonging either to Catholics, or to those of the said Religion, they shall have leave to redeem them, returning the price thereof to the purchasers; declaring that what was committed at Paris and elsewhere, on the 24th of August, 1572. and the following Days in consequence of that, was no Act of Hostility.  
XLIII. As to what relates to the Fruits of the Immovables, every one shall retake possession of his Houses and Estates, and shall reciprocally enjoy the fruits or products of the present Year, that shall not have been taken or gathered on the 17th Day of this present Month of September. Even the ecclesiastics. All Seizures and hindrances made to the contrary, during the said present and precedent Troubles notwithstanding: As also every one shall enjoy the Arrears of the Rents that shall not have been taken by us, or by our Orders and permissions, or by order of Justice, or by command of our said Brother and Cousin, the King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, or by others authorised by them.  
XLIV. All Titles, Papers, Listructions, and Informations that have been taken, shall be returned on both sides, to the right owners, although the said Papers, or the Castles and Houses in which they were kept, have been taken and seized, either by our special Commissions, or by order of the Governors, and Lieutenants-General of our Provinces, or by the authority of the Chiefs of the other Party, or under any pretence whatever.  
XLV. Those of the said Religion shall not be overcharged for the future, nor oppressed with any ordinary or extraordinary Charges, more than the Catholics, and according to the proportion of their Estates and Substance; and it shall be lawful for such as shall think themselves overburthen'd, to seek for a Redress before the Judges to whom those Matters shall be referred. And all our Subjects of what Religion or Quality soever, shall be indifferently discharged of the Charges that have been imposed on both sides, on those who were absent, and did not enjoy their Estates by reason of the Troubles, but still without restitution of the Fruits that shall have been employed for the payment of the said Charges.  
XLVI. Neither shall those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, nor the Catholics, who inhabited in the Cities and places by them detained and occupied, and who have paid Contritributions to them, be liable to be sued for the payment of the Taxes, Subsidies, Grants, Increases, Assessments, Wastes, Reparations, and other Impositions and Subsidies accrueing and imposed since the 24th of August, 1572. until now, either by our Orders, or by the advice and deliberations of the Governors and Estates of the Provinces, Courts of Parliament, and others, which we have and do discharge them of, commanding the Treasurers of France, Generals of our Revenues, Receivers General and Particular, their Clerks and Deputies, and other Intendants and Commissioners of our said Revenues, neither to sue, molest or disquiet them for the same, directly or indirectly, in any wise whatever.  
XLVII. The Forces and Garrisons that are or shall be in Houses, Places, Cities and Castles belonging to our Subjects, shall march out of them immediately after the publication of the present Edict, and leave the free and absolute enjoyment thereof to the true owners, as they enjoyed them formerly; notwithstanding all the pretensions of right that might be alleged by those that detain them; which pretensions they shall be free to prosecute according to the Common Course of Law, after having quitted the said possession, which we will have effected, especially in respect to the Benefices the Titularies shall have been dispossessed of.  
XLVIII. Free Commerce and Passage shall be restored through all the Cities, Towns, Villages, Bridges and Passages of our Kingdom, Countries, Lands and Lordships under our command and protection, both by Sea and Land, Rivers and Fresh-waters, as they were before the present and precedent Troubles; and all new Tolls and Subsidies imposed by any Authority but our own, during the said Troubles, shall be removed.  
XLIX. All Places, Cities and Provinces of our said Kingdom, Territories, Lands and Lordships under our Obedience, shall use and enjoy the same Privileges, Immunities, Liberties, Franchises, Fairs, Markets, Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice, as they did before the present and precedent Troubles, all Letters to the contrary, and the removing of any of the said Tribunals notwithstanding; provided those things have only been done upon the account of the Troubles, the which Tribunals shall be restored and re established into the Cities and Places where they were before.  
L. In such Cities as have been dismantled, during the passed and present Troubles, it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants to rebuild and repair the Ruins and Dismantlings of the same with our leave, at their own cost and charges.  
LI. Such of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, which had taken to Farm before the present Troubles, any Registries, or other Demean and Rights to us belonging, which they have not been able to enjoy, by reason of the said Troubles, shall remain discharged, as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not received of the said Farms, since the 24th of August 1572. as also of what they have paid without fraud in places not belonging to the Receipt of our Revenues; all Obligations passed by them upon the same notwithstanding.  
LII. And to the end that no body may doubt of the good Intention of our said Brother the King of Navarre, and of our said Cousin, the Prince of Conde; We have said and declared, do say and declare, that we hold and repute them our good Kinsmen, faithful Subjects and Servants.  
LIII. As also all the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Officers, and other Inhabitants of Cities, Corporations, Villages and other places of our said Kingdom and Countries under our command, who have followed, succoured and favoured them in any part whatever for our good and loyal Subjects, declaring all Decrees, Informations, and proceedings made and given against them upon the account of the said Troubles, void and of no effect, as things never done nor happened; willing the same to be razed out of the Registers of the Chief Clerk's Offices, both of our Courts of Parliament, and other Jurisdictions, where they have been recorded.  
LIV. We also declare, that we hold and repute our Cousin Duke John Cazimir for our good Neighbour, Kinsman and Friend.  
LV. We do also acquit and discharge our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, as well as all the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Officers, Corporations of Cities and Communities, and all others that have abetted and succoured them, their Heirs and Successors, for all Sums taken and raised by them or their Orders, out of our Offices of Receipt and Revenues, to whatever sum or sums they may amount, as well as out of Cities, Corporations, and from particular persons, Rents, Revenues, Plate, Sales of Estates, Goods, both Ecclesiastical and others: Forests belonging to us or others: Fines, Booties, Ransoms, or other Sums taken by them, upon the account of the present and precedent Troubles; and that neither they, nor any that have been employed by them for the raising of the said Sums, or that have given and furnished them by their Ordinances, shall any wise be liable to be called to an account for the same, either at present, or for the future: And that both they and their Clerks shall remain acquitted for all the management and Administration of the said Sums, only producing for a full Discharge within four Months after the publication of our present Edict, given in our Court of Parliament at Paris, acquittances duly expedited by our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, or by such as shall have been by them committed for the audit and closing of their Accounts, or from the Corporations of the Cities that have been employed and entrusted during the said Troubles. They shall also remain acquitted and discharged for all Acts of Hostility, Levies, and marching of Soldiers, Coining and Rating of Species made according to the order of the said Chiefs, Casting and taking of Artillery and Stores, both out of our Magazine, and from particular persons; making of Powder and Saltpetre; taking, fortifying, dismantling and demolishing of Cities, Castles, Towns; Enterprises upon the same, Burning and demolishing of Churches and Houses, establishing of Courts of Justice, Judgements and Executions of the same, either in Civil or Criminal Causes, Civil Government and Regulations made among themselves, Voyages, Intelligences, Negotiations, Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities, introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of this our Kingdom, and generally for all that has been done, managed and negotiated during the present or past troubles, since the Death of our late Lord and Father, by those of the pretended Reformed Religion, and others that have been engaged in their Party, although it be not particularly expressed and specified.  
LVI. And those of the said Religion, and others that have adhered to them, shall give over, and desist from this time forward, from all Practices, Leagues and Intelligences they hold out of our said Kingdom; as also all other our Subjects that might have held any. And all Leagues, Associations, Fellowships contracted, or to be contracted, under any pretence whatever, to the prejudice of our present Edict, shall be cancelled and annulled, as we do cancel and annul them, forbidding our Subjects most expressly to make any Assessments, or raise Money without our leave, Fortifications, listing of men, Congregations, and Assemblies, other than such as are allowed them by our said present Edict, and without Arms: Which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of severe punishment, as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Orders.  
LVII. All Prizes taken both by Sea and Land, by virtue of the Licenses and Warrants given, which have been judged by the Judges of the Admiralty, and other Commissioners deputed to that end by those of the said Religion, shall remain dormant under the benefit of our present Edict, for which no prosecution shall be made, neither shall the Captains, their Securities, and the said Judges, Officers and others, be called to an account for the same, nor molested in any kind whatever: All Letters of Mark and Seizures depending, and not judged, notwithstanding; of which we will have them absolutely discharged and released.  
LVIII. It is also our will and pleasure, That the Children of such as have retired out of our said Kingdom, since the Death of the late King Henry, our most honoured Lord and Father, upon the account of Religion and the Troubles although the said Children are born out of our said Kingdom, shall be acknowledged as true Natives of France, and actual Inhabitants thereof; and such we have and do declare them to be, without their being obliged to take any Letters of Naturalisation, or other provisions from us besides the present Edict: All Ordinances thereunto contrary notwithstanding, the which we have and do derogate from.  
LIX. We also order, that immediately after the publication of this our Edict, all Forces and Armies both by Sea and Land, shall disband and retire. Those of the said Religion, and such as have been engaged in their Party, shall be obliged to remove all Garrisons out of the Cities, Places, Castles and Houses they are possessed of, belonging either to us, to the Clergy, or other private persons; to quit, restore, and surrender them in full liberty, as they were in full peace before the present and precedent Troubles. ¶ Nevertheless, whereas several private persons have received and suffered during the Troubles, so many Injuries and Damages in their Estates and Persons, that it will be difficult for them to lose the remembrance thereof so soon as it should be requisite for the execution of our Intentions; we being desirous to avoid all inconveniencies that might arise from thence, until the Heart-burnings and Animosities are allayed, have thought fit to give in keeping to those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, for the time and Term of six years, the Cities following, viz. In Languedoc, those of Montpelier and Aiguesmortes: In Dauphine, Nyons and Serre, City and Castle: In Provence, Seine, La Grandtour, and the Circuit thereof: In Gulenne, Perigueux, La Reolle, and the Master of Verdun; which Cities our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, and twenty Gentlemen of the said Religion, or others that have been engaged in their Party, who shall be by us nominated; Besides such as shall be committed for the Guard of the said Cities and Castles, shall swear and promise, one and for the whole, for themselves, and for those of the said Religion, and others of their Party, well and faithfully for us to keep them; and at the expiration of the aforesaid Term of Six Years, to reckon from the day and date of the present Edict, to redeliver them into the hands of such as shall be by us deputed, in the same condition they now are in, without the least Innovation or Alteration, and without the least delay or difficulty, upon any pretence whatever; at the end of which Term, the exercise of the said Religion shall be continued there, as while in their Possession: Nevertheless it is our Will and Pleasure, That in them all Clergymen shall freely return, perform Divine Service in all Liberty, and enjoy their Estates; and likewise all the Catholic Inhabitants of the said Cities. The which Clergymen and other Inhabitants, our said Brother and Cousin, and other Lords, together with the Governors of the said Cities and Garrisons, shall take into their Protection and Safeguard, to the end that they may not be disturbed in the said Divine Service, molested nor disquieted in their Persons, and in the enjoyment of their Estates; but on the contrary, restored and reestablished into the full Possession of the same: Willing moreover, that our Judges shall be also re-established into the said Cities, and the exercise of Justice restored, as it used to be before.  
LX. Forbidding strictly all our Subjects, of what Quality or Condition soever, to form any Erterprises or private Conspiracies to surprise the said Cities given in keeping to those of the said Religion, or to take or seize any other Cities, Castles, and Places of our said Kingdom, and Territories thereunto belonging, on pain of being punished and chastised as Infractors of the Peace, and Disturbers of the Public Quiet.  
LXI. No Governors or Garrisons shall be put by us into the Cities at present in Possession of those of the said Religion, which are to be quitted by them, unless they have always had such, and even in the Reign of the late King Henry our said Lord and Father. Likewise, desiring to ease our Subjects in all our Cities, as much as in us lies, it is our Will and Pleasure, That the Governors, Captains, and Soldiers, that have been put in Garrison there, shall be removed out of the same, excepting out of such as are Frontiers of our said Kingdom, which are fit to be kept there for the Defence and Safety thereof. Neither shall any other Garrisons be kept in the Cities, Castles, Houses, and Estates, belonging particularly to our Subjects, than such as used to be kept there in time of Peace.  
LXII. And to the end that our Justices, Officers, and other our Subjects, may be clearly, and with all certainty, informed of our Will and Intention; and to remove all Ambiguities and Doubts that might arise on the account of the precedent Edicts, by reason of the diversity of the same, we have and do hereby declare all other Precedent Edicts, secret Articles, Letters, Declarations, Modifications, Requisitions, Restrictions, Interpretations, Decrees, Registers, as well such as are secret, as other Deliberations by us made in our Courts of Parliament, and elsewhere, concerning the Case of Religion, and the Troubles happened in our said Kingdom, to be void, and of no effect and value: To which, and to the derogatories therein contained, we have by this our Edict derogated, and do derogate, and from this time as well as then, cancel, revoke, and annual the same; declaring expressly, That this our Edict shall be firm and inviolable, kept and observed by our said Justicers and Officers, as well as by our other Subjects, without minding or regarding whatever may be contrary or derogating to the same.  
LXIII. And for the better Assurance of the maintaining and observation we desire to have of the same, it is our Will and Pleasure, That all our Governors, and Lieutenant-Generals of our Provinces, Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other common Judges of the Cities of this our said Kingdom, immediately upon receipt of this our said Edict, shall swear to cause it to be observed in their several Precincts; as also the Mayors, Sheriffs, Capitouls, Consuls, and Jurats of Cities, Annual or Perpetual. Enjoining also our said Bailiffs, Seneschals, or their Lieutenants, or other Judges, to swear the chief Inhabitants of the said Cities, of either Religion, to the keeping and maintaining of the present Edict, immediately after the Publication of the same, putting all the Inhabitants of the said Cities under our Protection and Safeguard, to guard each other; charging them respectively and by Public Acts, to be responsible for the opposition that shall be made to our said Edict in the said Cities by the Inhabitants thereof, or to represent and deliver the said Opposers into the hands of Justice.  
LXIV. We also charge our Trusty and Wellbeloved the Members of our Courts of Parliament, immediately upon receipt of the present Edict, to forbear all manner of Proceedings, on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should otherwise pass, and to take the Oath abovementioned; to cause our said Edict to be Published and Recorded in our said Courts, according to the Form and Tenor thereof, purely and barely, without using any other Modifications, Restrictions, Declarations, or secret Registers, and without staying for any other Order or Command from us; and our Attorneys-General from them to require and prosecute forthwith, without the least delay, the said Proclamation. Likewise enjoining the said Governors and Lieutenants-General of our said Provinces, to cause it immediately to be published in their several Districts, through all the places in which it is usual in those cases: To cause it to be kept and observed, without tarrying for the publication of out said Courts of Parliament, to the end that no persons may plead ignorance. And that all Acts of Hostility, Raisings of Money, Payments and Contributions due, and drawing on, Take, Demolishing, Fortifying of Cities, Places, and Castles, may the sooner cease on both sides. Declaring all such raisings of Money, Fortifications, Demolishing, Contributions, Take, and Forcing of Goods, and other Acts of Hostility, that shall be made or done after the said Publication and Verification, made by the said Governors and Lieutenants-General of our said Provinces, liable to Restitution, Punishment, and Reparation. To wit, against such as shall make use of Arms, Force, and Violence, to oppose our said Edict, hindering the Effect and Execution thereof, with Death, without hopes of Pardon or Remission. And as for other Oppositions, that shall be made without Arms, Force, or Violence, they shall be punished with other Corporal Inflictions, as Banishments, and the like; according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offence, which shall be left to the Arbitration and Moderation of the Judges, to which we refer the taking the Cognizance thereof. In this place, charging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with the Justice and Equality that is requisite, without any regard to the difference of Persons or Religion.  
Therefore we charge and require the said Persons holding our said Courts of Parliament, Chambers of Accounts, or Exchequers, Courts of Aids, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and others our Justices and Officers whom it may concern, or their Deputies to cause our present Edict and Ordinance to be Read, Published, and Recorded in their Courts and Jurisdictions, and the same to maintain, keep, and observe in every particular, to the end that all those that are concern may fully and peaceably enjoy and use the Contents thereof; ceasing, and causing all Troubles and Hindrances to the contrary to cease. For such is our Will and Pleasure. In witness whereof we have signed these Presents with our own hand; and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever, we have caused our Seal to be affixed to the same.  
Given at Poitiers in the Month of September, in the Year of our Lord, 1577. and of our Reign the Fourth. Signed Henry.  
And Lower, by the King be being in his Council. Signed De Neufville.  
And on the side, Visa.  
And Sealed upon Knots of red and green Silk, with green Wax, with the Broad Seal. Read, Published, and Recorded, Herd, the same being required and approved of by the King's Attorney-General, at Paris in Parliament on the 8th of October, in the year 1577. Signed De Hivez.  
Read likewise, Published and Recorded in the Chamber of Accounts, or Exchequer, heard, the same being required and approved by the King's Attorney-General in the same, on the 11th of October, 1577. Signed, Danes.  
Read and Published by Sound of Trumpet, and Public Cry through the Streets of the City of Paris, Places, and Parts appointed for Cries and Publication, by me Paquier Rossignol, his Majesty's Crier in the City, Provostship, and Vice County of Paris; accompanied by Michael Noiret, Sworn Trumpeter to the said Lord in the said Places, and four other Trumpeters, on the 8th of October, 1577. Signed, Rossignol.   

Secret Articles of the 17th of September, 1577.  
I. HIS Majesty to gratify the King of Navarre, shall allow him, besides what is granted by the General Articles to the Sieurs high Justicers of the said Religion, to cause Divine Service to be performed for all such as shall be willing to assist at it, although he be absent himself, in the Houses belonging to him in the following places; viz. in the Duchy of Vendemois, in the City of M●ntoire.  
II. His said Majesty shall likewise allow the Prince of Conde to have the said exercise performed in his house of la Ferte, upon the River Loire and Anguien, though absent from thence himself.  
III. Upon the Article which mentions Baliwicks, has been declared and granted what follows. First, That under the Denomination of Ancient Bailiwicks, his Majesty means such as were held under the Reign of the late King Henry, for Bailiwicks, Seneschalships, and Governments, referring directly, and without Mediation to the Courts of Parliament.  
Secondly, That in Bailiwicks, and Seneschalships, in which those of the said Religion possess at this present two Cities or Towns, belonging to his said Majesty, or to Catholic Lords, High Justicers, in which they are allowed to continue the Exercise, of their Religion, no other Place shall be provided for them to perform the said Exercise in, as in the other Bailiwicks of this Kingdom.  
Thirdly, That his Majesty shall only provide two Cities in the Government of Piccardy, in the Suburbs of which, those of the said Religion shall be allowed the exercise of their said Religion, for all the Bailiwicks, Seneschalships, and Governments belonging thereunto; and in default of Cities, they shall be allowed two convenient Towns or Villages.  
Fourthly, In consideration of the large Extent of the Seneschalships of Provence and Poictou, those of the said Religion are allowed another City in every one of them, in the Suburbs of which, or in default of a City, a convenient Town or Village, they shall have the exercise of the said Religion, besides those that shall be allowed them by the said Article.  
IV. It has also been agreed, That no place shall be allowed by virtue of the said Article, on the Territories belonging in proper to the Queen Mother to his Majesty, for the public Exercise of the said Religion: Nevertheless, such Gentlemen as have high Judicatures, or Fiefs de Haubert in the said Territories, shall be free to enjoy and make use of the permission that shall be allowed them by the Edict, as elsewhere.  
V. Neither shall any place be provided in the Bailiwick of Beaujolois, belonging to the Duke of Montpencier; but the said High Justicers shall enjoy the Privilege of the Edict there as elsewhere.  
VI A place shall be appointed for all the Isles of Marennes, and another for the Isle of Oleron, in which two places those of the said Religion shall be allowed the exercise thereof, for all such Inhabitants of the two Isles, as shall desire to assist at it.  
VII. Provision shall also be made for the County of Messin, and others that are under the King's Protection, as it was done by the secret Articles made with the Edict of the Year 1570.  
VIII. As for the Marriage of Priests and Religious Persons that have been contracted heretofore, his Majesty for divers good Reasons and Considerations him thereunto moving, will not allow them to be prosecuted or troubled for the same; upon which subject silence shall be imposed to his said Attorneys-general and other Officers. His Majesty declaring however, that the Children proceeding from the said Marriages, shall only succeed to the Movables, Acquisitions, and Purchased Estates of their Fathers and Mothers; not willing that the said Professed Religious Persons should be capable of a direct or collateral Succession. Neither will his Majesty allow, that those of the said Religion having heretofore contracted Marriages in the third or fourth degree, should be molested for the same, or the Validity thereof called to question, nor likewise the Succession taken from, or disputed against the Children born or to be born, descending from the said Marriages: And in order to judge of the Validity of the said Marriages made and contracted by those of the said Religion, and to decide whether they are lawful or not, if the person of the said Religion is Defendant, in that case the Judges Royal shall take cognizance of the Fact of the said Marriage; and he being Plaintiff, and the Defendant a Catholic, the Cognizance thereof shall belong to the Official and Ecclesiastical Judge; for which Letters-Patent shall be granted by his said Majesty, to be verified in his Courts of Parliament.  
IX. And as to Marriages already treated of, either of second or others, among those of the said Religion, those that shall have contracted Marriages in such a degree, in that kind applying themselves to his Majesty, such Letters-Patent shall be granted them, as shall be necessary to hinder them or their Children from being prosecuted or molested for the same.  
X. Upon what has been granted by the General Articles, That in each of the Parliaments of Paris, Roa●, Dijon, and Rennes, a Chamber shall be established, composed of a Precedent and a certain number of Counsellors, taken and chosen out of the said Courts; it has been thought fit and agreed upon, in order to remove all cause of Jealousy from those of the said Religion, and therein to gratify the most humble Petition they have made to his Majesty about it; That the Precedents and Counsellors shall be chosen by his said Majesty upon the Register of the Officers of the said Parliaments, among the most equitable, most peaceable, and most moderate; the List whereof shall be communicated to the Deputies of the said King of Navarre, and to those of the said Religion who shall be near his Majesty, before their being ordained to serve in the said Chambers; and that in case they shall suspect any of them, it shall be lawful for them to acquaint his Majesty therewith, who shall choose others in their stead.  
XI. The same shall be observed in the Election of the Catholic Officers that are to serve in the Chambers, that shall be established in the Countries of Guienne, Languedoc, Dauphine, and Provence.  
XII. As to what relates to the Election of those of the said Religion, for the Offices of Precedents, and Counsellors that shall be erected by the said Edict to serve in the said Chambers, it has been agreed, That it shall be made by his Majesty upon the Attestation of the said King of Navarre, for the first time, and without taking any Money for the same; and that upon any Vacation, his said Majesty shall provide other capable persons in their room, being of the said Religion.  
XIII. And whereas those of the said Religion have alleged several reasons for which they suspect those of the Court of Parliament of Rouen, which made them very solicitous to have a Chamber established there, as in the Parliaments of Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and Dauphine; in order not to make that Parliament differ from those of Paris, Dijon, and Rennes, it has been granted to those of the said Religion, having any Suits depending in the said Parliament, in case they will not receive those of the Chamber that shall be erected there for Judges, to apply themselves to his said Majesty, and Letters of Transferation shall be allowed them by him, in the Chamber of the Parliament of Paris, ordained for the Administration of Justice to those of the said Religion, or to the Great Council, for Processes moved, or to be moved, before any Plea in the Cause; bringing good and due Attestations along with them, of their being of the said pretended Reformed Religion.  
XIV. His said Majesty also wills and means, That the said Chambers, composed and established in the said Parliaments, for the distribution of Justice to those of the said Religion, shall be reunited and incorporated in the said Parliaments, when need shall require; and when the Causes which have moved his said Majesty to establish them shall cease, and shall no longer subsist among his subjects.  
XV. To those ends, the Precedents and Counsellors who shall be invested with the Offices newly created into the said Chambers, shall be named Precedents and Counsellors of the Courts of Parliament, each in that into which they shall be established, and reckoned in the number of the Precedents and Counsellors of the said Courts; and shall enjoy the same Salaries, Authorities, Prerogatives as the Precedents and Counsellors of the other Courts.  
XVI. The Examination of which Precedents and Counsellors newly chosen, shall be made by his Majesty's Privy Council or by the said Chambers, each one within its Precinct, when there shall be a sufficient Number of them; and yet the accustomed Oath shall be taken by them in the Courts where the said Chambers shall be established; except those of the said Chamber of Languedoc, who shall take it before the Lord Chancellor, or in the said Chamber when it shall be established.  
XVII. In the said Chamber of Languedoc, there shall be two Substitutes of his Majesty's Attorney and Advocate. The Attorney's shall be a Catholic, and the other of the aforesaid Religion, who shall have sufficient Salaries from his said Majesty.  
XVIII. There shall also be two Committees of the Parliament of Thoulouse; the one Civil, the other Criminal, which the Registers shall be responsible for.  
XIX. Moreover some Messengers shall be appointed, who shall be taken out of the said Court, or elsewhere, according to the King's pleasure, as many as shall be necessary for the Service of the said Chamber.  
XX. The Session of which shall be appointed by his Majesty, and removed to such Cities and Parts of the said Country of Languedoc, as his said Majesty shall think fit, for the convenience of his Subjects.  
XXI. Whereas those of the said Religion have made complaints, that from the Publication of the Edict made in the year 1572. to the day of the Publication of this that shall be now, there have been several Prescriptions, Nonsuits, or Judgements, given against those of the said Religion, in places where the Suits have neither been heard, nor defended; and that though they have desired a removal to the Party-Chambers, it has been denied them: It is granted them, that in case they can give sufficient proof of the same, they shall be received in their first Condition again.  
XXII. Likewise upon the Remonstrances that have been made by the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, that they are sued by several of those, who during the Troubles, have bought Temporal Estates belonging to the Church, requesting that no Actions may be allowed the Purchasers against them, or any of those, who by their Command have made the Contracts of the said Sales. It is granted to them in his said Majesty's Name, that all necessary Letters Patent, to discharge and indemnify them for the said Sales, shall be particularly expedited for them; on condition that the money shall be reimbursed, as it is specified in the General Articles of the Edict.  
XXIII. His Majesty shall promise and swear to observe and maintain the Edict that shall be made upon the said General Articles, and to let those of the said Religion, and others that have been engaged in their Party, enjoy the benefit of the same: He shall also oblige the Queen his Mother, and the Duke of Anjou his Brother, to promise and swear to keep and observe the said Edict.  
XXIV. The same shall be done by the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde.  
XXV. All which Promises and Oaths shall be made in writing, signed by the Hands, and sealed with the Arms of those that shall make them, the which shall be reciprocally put and delivered into the hands of his Majesty, and of the said King of Navarre, or such as shall be by them deputed to receive them.  
XXVI. The said King of Navarre shall be allowed, after the Conclusion of the Peace, to send to the Queen of England, and to Duke John Casimir, to acquaint them therewith, and Passes and Convoys shall be given by his Majesty to those that shall be sent thither by the King of Navar.  
XXVII. All such of the said Religion as are still in possession of Benefices, shall be obliged to resign them within the space of Six Months to Catholics; and those who have promises of Pensions upon the said Benefices, dated before the 24th of August, 1572. shall be henceforward paid for the same, and the payment of the said Pensions continued; and those who owe the said Pensions, shall be obliged to pay the Arrears, in case any are due, provided they have actually enjoyed the Fruits of the said Benefices, excepting the Arrears due in the time of the Troubles.  
XXVIII. And as for those who are not of the said Religion, yet have followed them during the time of the Troubles, they shall re-enter into the same Possession and Enjoyment of their Benefices, as they had before the 24th of August, 1572. And those who by private Authority, without order, or gift from his Majesty, have enjoyed and received the Fruits of the said Benefices belonging to the abovementioned, shall be obliged to return it to them, and to resettle them into the same.  
XXIX. Upon the Request of those of the said Religion, and others, who have been engaged in their Party, to annihilate all the Bonds, Notes, and Promises made by them, together with all Judgements given upon the same against them, upon the account of the Employments, Places, and Offices resigned unto them before the last Troubles, or since; for which they have not been able to obtain Letters Patents, by reason of the said Troubles, the which said Employments and Offices have in the mean while been granted to others; they also requesting the reimbursement of the Money paid by them for the same, either into his Majesty's Exchequer, or to the Resigners. It has been declared, That upon their giving his Majesty an account of the particulars of the Cases in question, his said Majesty will remedy the same, and cause Justice to be done unto them.  
XXX. The Officers of Justice shall also decide the particular Debate and Request of the Parties, about the Annihilation desired by those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party of the Leases, made by them of their Estates and Inheritances, since the said 24th of August, in order to re-enter into the Premises, returning the Fines by them received.  
XXXI. His Majesty's Officers in the City of Rochel, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Consuls, Common-Council, and other Inhabitants of the said City shall be continued and maintained in their Ancient Rights and Privileges; and shall neither be prosecuted, molested, or troubled for their Orders, Decrees, Imprisonments, both within and without the City, the Execution of their Judgements afterwards, as well upon the account of some pretended Erterprises attempted against the said City, in December 1573. as by a Ship, called the Swallow, and the Execution of the Judgements given against those that were on Board of her, or for any other Acts whatever, of all which they shall be absolutely discharged. They shall have no other Governor but the Seneschal, neither shall any Garrison be put into the said City and Government.  
Neither shall any be put into the Cities and Places belonging to the Government of Languedoc, except such as had Garrisons in the time of the late King Henry.  
XXXII. His Majesty shall confirm the Declaration granted by the late King to the Inhabitants of Pamiers, professing the said Religion, for the Annihilation of the Decrees given for some Excesses committed in the said City, in the Month of June, 1566. and the said Declaration shall be presented to that end to his said Majesty.  
XXXIII. The keeping of Eight hundred men, to be paid by his said Majesty, has been granted to the said King of Navarre, and others of the said Religion, to put into the Cities that are allowed them for their safety; in which his said Majesty shall not be allowed to put any Governor, or other Garrison. And he shall also Charge the Governors and Lieutenant-Generals of his Provinces, that whenever they shall pass through the same to visit them, they shall avoid all occasion of dispute with those of the said Religion.  
XXXIV. The said King of Navarre shall present unto his said Majesty, those he shall design to employ for the guarding of the said Cities, the which shall be employed there accordingly by him: And in case any of the said persons so employed, should behave themselves insolently there, and abuse their said Office, not observing the said Edict of Pacification, the said King of Navarre shall be obliged to turn them out, and to present others to his said Majesty, to be put in their place.  
XXXV. The City of St. John d' Angeli shall be left to the Prince of Condé for his Abode, during the Time and Term of Six Years, until he may effectually enjoy his Government of Picardy, in which his Majesty will have him continued.  
XXXVI. The said Prince shall promise unto his said Majesty, well and faithfully to keep the said City of St. John; and at the end of the time abovesaid, the same to redeliver, together with the Castle, into the hands of the person deputed by his Majesty to that end, in the same condition it now is, without any innovation or alteration, and without the least delay or difficulty, upon any account whatever. Moreover, it is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure, That all the ecclesiastics shall freely return into the said City, perform Divine Service freely, and enjoy their Estates, together with all the Catholic Inhabitants; and the said Prince shall take all the said ecclesiastics and other Inhabitants under his Protection and Safeguard, to the end that they may not be hindered from performing the said Divine Service, molested or troubled in their Persons, or in the enjoyment of their Estates, but on the contrary, restored to the full possession of the same.  
XXXVII. The said Prince of Condé shall present and nominate unto his said Majesty, the Person to whom he shall trust the keeping of the said City, to the end that Letters-Patent may be granted him for the same by his said Majesty, as it has been done heretofore.  
XXXVIII. For the Guard and Safety of the said City, shall be allowed to the said Prince 50 men, maintained at his Majesty's Charge, besides the Dividend the said King of Navarre shall allow him out of the 800 men that are left to him for the Guard of the other Cities; his said Majesty willing that the 850 men allowed as aforesaid to the said King of Navarre, and Prince of Condé, shall be employed for the Garrison of the said Cities, as it has been agreed; and that they shall be employed no where else, without express Command from his said Majesty, to avoid oppressing of his people, and to remove all cause of Jealousy from among his Subjects: His said Majesty also meaning, that the said 850 men shall be disbanded at the expiration of the Term allowed, and the time of the Restitution of the said Cities.  
XXXIX. By the General Articles, the City of Montpellier is left in keeping to those of the said Religion, for the Retreat and Safety of those of the County of Languedoc; but his said Majesty means it, in case the said City be still in the hands and in the power of those of the said Religion, on the day these Articles shall be granted and signed in this City of Bergerac, and not otherwise; in which case, instead of the said City, his Majesty shall allow them another, of those that are at present within their Power in the said Country of Languedoc, at their Choice.  
XL. His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors, to require and desire for all his Subjects of whatever Religion they be, That they may not be troubled as to their Constience, nor be liable to the Inquisition, in going and coming, Negotiating and Trading throughout all Spain, Italy, and other Foreign Countries, Allies, and Confederates of this Crown, provided they do not offend the Civil Government.  
XLI. All Pieces of Ordinance belonging to his said Majesty, that have been taken during the present or precedent Troubles, shall be immediately restored, and put into his said Majesty's Magazines; except such as are in the Cities given for Surety, which shall remain in them; an Inventory being made of the same, in order to their being restored at the Expiration of the aforesaid Term of Six Years.  
XLII. Whereas, if all that has been done against the Regulations on both sides, were indifferently excepted out of the General Pardon, there is no man in the Army but might be prosecuted and troubled, which might occasion new Troubles; it has been thought fit to grant, that none but execrable Crimes shall be excepted out of the said General Pardon; viz. Ravishments of Women, Incendiaries, Murders, Robberies committed treacherously, and out of private Revenge, against the Laws of War, Infraction of Passports and Safeguards, together with Murders and Plunders without Command; out of consideration to those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in the Party of the King of Navarre, or the Prince of Condé, grounded upon particular occasions that have obliged them to command and order it.  
XLIII. It shall be ordained, That whatever shall be taken on either side by way of Hostility or otherwise, upon any acconnt whatever, proceeding from the present Troubles, from and upon the 17th. of the present month, on which the Articles have been granted, agreed upon, and signed, in this City of Bergerac, shall be liable to Restitution and Civil Reparation.  
XLIV. As for the City of Avignon, and Venaissin County, his Majesty desiring that the Inhabitants thereof may share and enjoy the fruit of the Peace he hopes to settle in his Kingdom by the assistance of God, both out of consideration to our Holy Father the Pope, and because the said City and County have always been under the Protection of the Kings his Predecessors, and that it is a thing very material towards the establishing of the said Peace in the adjacent Provinces; his said Majesty will entreat his said Holiness to allow the Subjects of this Kingdom, who have Estates in the said City of Avignon, and County, as also to the Subjects of the said City and County, who are of the said Religion, to be restored and reestablished into the entire and peaceable Enjoyments of their Estates, which they have been deprived of upon the account of the Troubles past, and of the said Religion, without their being liable to be troubled in the said Possession upon the said account. Which being done, those who occupy and detain at present in the said Country, Cities, and Places, belonging either to his Holiness, or his Subjects, shall be obliged to deliver them forthwith, and without delay, into the hands of such as shall be nominated by his said Holiniess for that purpose: For the effecting of which the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde shall dispatch a Gentleman on purpose to those that are detainers of the said places, to signify the same unto them, and to require and order them to obey; which in case they refuse to do, the said King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, do promise both in their Names, and in the Names of those of the said Religion, and others, who have been engaged in their Party, neither to Aid, Comfort, or Assist them. His Majesty also promises, That in case after the Restitution and delivery of the said Places in the hands of such as shall be ordered by his said Holiness, any of his Majesty's Subjects having Estates in the said Cities and County, or of his Holiness' Subjects professing the said Religion, should be disturbed in the enjoyment of their said Estates upon the account of the said Religion, he will grant them Letters of Mart and Reprisal upon the Estates that are possessed by the Subjects of the said City and County of Avign●n, in the Countries under his Obedience, which Letters shall be directed to that end to the Judges to whom of Right the Cognizance of such things appertains.  
XLV. The Sums that are necessary to be raised for the payment of what is due to the * Reisters', both for the present and precedent Troubles, shall be imposed equally upon all his Majesty's Subjects. And whereas those of the said Religion pretend that the main part of the Money destined for the payment of the said Reisters' for the precedent Troubles was raised before the 24th of August, 1572. and was taken from them and remitted, and that his Majesty might by surprise have made a Gift of the said Money to some particular Persons; It is his Majesty's Pleasure, that those who have had the said Money on any account, and under any pretence, shall be obliged by lawful and reasonable means to restore the same: And that whatever Receivers, and others, who have still Money of that kind in their hands, shall also be obliged to deliver it forthwith into the hands of his Majesty's Receivers-General, and that by Imprisoning of them if necessary: Upon the account of which his said Majesty has, and does discharge those of the said Religion, of all Obligations and Promises made and given by them upon that account, both to his said Majesty, the Reisters', and all others.  
XLVI. The said King of Navarre, and those of the said Religion having made Application to his said Majesty for the payment of the Reisters' due to the said John Casimir, his Colonels and Rent-masters: His said Majesty has declared, That he will endeavour to do it as soon as ever the necessity of his Affairs will permit him.  
XLVII. And as to the Six hundred thousand Livers which those of the said Religion say were allowed them 
* german Horse.  by the last Peace, to impose upon, and raise among themselves, in order to pay some Sum due by them; It has been granted them, That in case they can produce the said permission, and make it appear, that nothing has been raised by them by Virtue thereof, and that the Sums for which it had been granted are still due, the said permission shall be confirmed by his said Majesty.  
XLVIII. The Prince of Orange shall be restored to all the Lands, Jurisdictions, and Lordships he has in this said Kingdom and Territories, under his said Majesty's Obedience. In like manner shall be restored to him all Titles, Instructions, and other Papers concerning his Principality of Orange; in case any have been taken and removed by the Governors, and Lieutenants-General, and others his said Majesty's Officers, if what is aabovesaid has not been done already.  
The present Articles have been made and granted by express Command from the King, in his Majesty's Name, and by his pleasure, by the Duke of Montpensier, and the Sieurs de Byron, Descars, S. Sulpice, de la Mothe-Fenelon, by virtue of the power given unto them by his said Majesty, to conclude and agree about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom on the one part. And by the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, the said King of Navarre, Prince of Conde, and Deputies answering for all those of the Provinces of this Kingdom, Countries, Territories and Lordships under the obedience of his said Majesty, who profess the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party on the other Part.  
In Witness whereof the said Articles have been signed with their own hands, in the City of Bergerac, the 17th Day of September, 1577. Thus signed in the Original, Henry de Bourbon, Lewis de Bourbon, Byron, Descars, S. Sulpiae, de la Mothe-Fenelon, La Nove, L. Dufaur, Chancellor to the King of Navarre; S. Genis Chauvin, Dufaur, Clausone Deputy of Languedoc, Morin Deputy of Guyenne, Scorbion Deputy of Montauban, Payan Deputy of Languedoc, and according to his power Thore for the Isle of France, De Signo Deputy of Dauphine, Durand Deputy of Guienne, Guyet and St. Beignon for Rochel, Courtois, Deputy of Vendomois, Roux, Deputy of Provence, T. Davaux for La Rovergue. Thus signed, compared the Neufville, and is written, extracted from the Registers of Parliament. Signed. De Pontac.  
Compared with the Manuscript which is in the King's Library by Me. Counsellor and Secretary of the King, House and Crown of France, and of its Exchequer, of the Ancient College. Signed. Gon.   

The Articles of the Conference made at Nerac by the Queen Mother, with the King of Navarre, and the Deputies of the Pretended Reformed Religion.  
IN order to facilitate the last Edict of pacification made in the month of September, 1577. and to clear and resolve the Difficulties that have interposed, and that might still retard the good Effect of the said Edict; It has been resolved at the Request, Supplication and Articles presented by those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and agreed upon as followeth, in the Conference held at Nerac, in this present Month of February, 1579. between the Queen Mother, assisted by some Princes and Lords of the King's Privy-Council, and the King of Navarre, also assisted by the Deputy of the Prince of Conde, Lords and Gentlemen, and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reformed Religion.  
I. That the High Justicers, or those that hold full Fief d' Haubert, either in Proper, or Vse-Fruit, in the whole, Moiety, or third, shall be allowed to continue the Exercise of the said pretended Reformed Religion, in the places by them named for their principal abode, although they and their Wives are absent from the same, provided part of their Families remain in the said places, and though the Right of Justice, or full Fief d' Haubert, be in Controversy, yet the Exercise of the said Religion shall be continued there, provided the above▪ said persons are still in actual possession of the said Justice. And as for the Public Exercise of the said pretended Reformed Religion, in the places ordained by the King, in case any of ihe said places prove inconvenient, they petitioning the King to have it removed elsewhere, his Majesty shall provide them another that shall be convenient for them.  
II. That according to certain Letters-Patent granted by the King, given at Paris on the 13th of Nou. 1677. conformably to the eleventh Article of what was agreed on at Bergerac on the 16th of September of the said year, 1577. which through inadvertency had been omitted in the last Edict of pacification: those of the said pretended Reformed Religion are allowed to buy, build, or construct places to perform the said Exercise of Religion, in the Suburbs of Cities, or in Towns and Villages that are or shall be allowed them in every Baliwick and Seneschalship, or Government, and in the places where the Exercise of the said Religion is allowed them by the Edict. And such as shall be found in the said places, that have been built by them, shall be restored to them in the same condition they now are.  
III. Those of the said pretended Reformed Religion are allowed to assemble before the Judge Royal, and by his Authority to equal and raise among themselves such sums as shall be thought necessary to be employed for the maintenance of those who are employed to perform the Exercises of their said Religion, of which an account shall be given to the said Judge-Royal for him to keep.  
IV. That according to the 20th Article of the Edict of pacification, the Judges and Magistrates of Cities shall forthwith provide convenient places for the interment of the Dead, of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion. And the said Officers and others are forbidden to ask any thing for the Transportation of the said Corpse, on pain of Extortion.  
V. And to prevent all Differences that might arise between the Courts of Parliament, and the Chambers of the said Courts ordained by the said Edict, the King shall speedily make a good and large Regulation between the said Courts of Parliament, and the said Chambers: Insomuch that those of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall fully enjoy the benefit of the said Edict: The establishment of the Chamber of Languedoc shall also speedily be performed in pursuance of the said Edict. And in case at any time hereafter the Number of Judges should not be sufficient in the same, by reason of the affluency of Causes, those of the said Religion shall apply themselves to his said Majesty, who will make sufficient provision for it. As to what relates to the King's Council, the secret Articles of the Year 1577, shall be observed, both as to what relates to the Chamber of Languedoc, and that of Guienne. Nevertheless, the said King's Council shall be continued in their Places, without being liable to revocation, unless in the cases of the Ordinance, although they bear the Title of Substitutes, of Advocates and Attorneys-General in the said Courts of Parliament. The Commits of the Registers Civil and Criminal in the said Chamber, shall exercise their places by the King's Commission, and shall be called Commits of the * Registry 
In French Gr●ffe.  Civil and Criminal, and therefore shall not be liable to be turned out, or to be revoked by the said Registers of Parliament, and that they shall be bound to yield the emolument or profit of the said Registries to the said Registers; and the said Committees shall receive Salaries from the said Registers, according as it shall be thought fit, and agreed upon by the said Chambers. And as for the Messengers, besides those that shall be taken out of the said Parliament, who shall be Catholics, two more shall be erected in every Chamber, who shall be of the said Religion. And the said Messengers shall be directed by the said Chambers, both as to the execution of their Places, their District, and the Fees they shall take. In the Cities where the said Chambers shall be erected, there shall also be two Offices of Sergeants, to be kept by those of the said Religion. And as to Attorneys, the Attorneys of the said Parliament shall be allowed to plead in the said Chambers. And in case their number should not be sufficient, the King shall create some without paying of Fees, who shall be nominated by the said Chambers, in such a number as they shall think fit, provided it does not exceed ten; of which they shall send a Roll, according to which their Patents shall be made and sealed. The Expeditions of the Chanceries, or Seal-Offices shall be made in presence of two Counsellors of the said Chambers, of which the one shall be a Catholic, and the other one of the aforesaid Religion: In the absence of one of the Masters of Requests belonging to the King's Hostel, one of the Notaries and Secretaries of the said Courts of Parliament shall reside in the places where the said Chambers shall be established, or one of the Secretaries in ordinary of the Chancery, to sign the Expeditions of the said Chancery. And it has been agreed that the Chamber of Languedoc shall be settled in the City of L'Isle in Albigeois.  
VI As to the Decrees given in the Court of Parliaments since the said Edict, in which Courts the Parties have not proceeded voluntarily, that is, have alleged and propounded ends declinatory; or that have been denounced through default, both in matters civil and criminal, notwithstanding which the said Parties have been constrained to go forward, they shall be deemed and reputed as those that have been given before the Edict, and revoked by the same. The same is ordained for the presidial Judgements given since the Edict, and for the Cases abolished by the said Edict, and by the present Conference. And as for the Decrees given against those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, who have proceeded voluntarily, without proposing ends Declinatory, the said Decrees shall remain in force. Yet nevertheless without prejudice to the execution of the same, they shall be allowed, if they think fit, to take some course by way of Civil Request before the said Chambers. And until the said Chambers and their Chanceries are established, Verbal Appeals, and those in Writing interposed by those of the said Religion, before Judges, Registers or Committees, Executors of Judgements and Decrees, shall have the same effect as if they had been sued out by Letters-Patent. And as for Processes not yet determined, depending in the said Courts of Parliament, of the Quality▪ abovesaid, they shall be returned, whatever condition they are in, into the said Chambers to which they have their reference, if required by one of the Parties, and according to the Edict, within four Months, in such Provinces where the Chambers are established, after the Registering of these present Articles: And as for the other Provinces in which they are not yet established, four Months after the establishment thereof, before the Registers of the said Courts of Parliament, and that for Suits that are ready for trial. And as for such as shall be discontinued, and are not in a state to be judged, the abovementioned of the pretended Reformed Religion shall be obliged to make the said Declaration, at the first intimation and signification that shall be made unto them of the pursuit; and the said term being expired, they shall no more be admitted to demand the said Returns. And as for the Suits removed either in the Courts of Parliament, Great Council, or elsewhere, those of the said Religion giving a particular account of the said Suits, provision shall be made for the same.  
VII. All Sovereign Courts, and others within this Kingdom, are prohibited and forbidden, (before the installation or setting of the said Chambers) to take cognisance of, and to judge the Processes either Civil or Criminal of those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, the cognisance whereof by the last Edict of Peace is referred to the said Chambers. The Prohibitions contained in the 26th Article of the said Edict of pacification about the cognizance of matters relating to the Troubles until now, shall also be reiterated: And generally all Judgements and Decrees given contrary, and to the prejudice of the Edict, shall be annihilated and revoked, together with all that has followed thereupon.  
VIII. That henceforward in all Instructions other than Informations of criminal processes in the Seneschalships of Thoulouse, Carcassonne, Rovergue, Lauragais, Beziers, Montpellier and Nimes, the Magistrate, or Commissary deputed for the said Instruction, if he be a Catholic, shall be obliged to take an Associate of the said pretended Reformed Religion, which the Parties shall approve of: And in case they cannot agree about it, the abovenamed Magistrate or Commissary, shakebag take one of the said Religion out of the Office; as in like manner if the said Magistrate or Commissary be of the said Religion, he shall be obliged in the form abovesaid, to take a Catholic Assistant. And when any occasion of Criminal Trial shall occur before the Provost Marshals, or their Lieutenantsagainst any one of the said Religion, being an Housholder, who shall be charged and accused of any public Crime, the said Provosts, or their Lieutenants, if they be Catholics, shall be bound, to call to the hearing of such a matter an Assistant of the said Religion: The which Associate shall assist also at the Judgement of the Competency, or Validity of the Indictment, as well as at the Definitive Judgement of the process. The Validity of which Indictment, shall only be judged at the nearest presidial Seat or Tribunal, in an Assembly, before the principal Officers of the said Tribunal, who shall be found there, on pain of Nullity.  
IX. In putting the said Edict of pacification in execution, the Seats of Justice shall be re-established at Montauban, Montpellier, Nimes, and in all other places where they used to be before the Troubles.  
X. The Mint shall be re-established in the City of Montpellier, as it used to be before the Troubles.  
XI. The King in order to remove all occasion of Dissensions that might create the least Division among his Subjects, ordains that whatever has happened since the publication of the said last Edict, until now, against, and to the prejudice of the said Edict, on either side, shall remain extinguished and be forgotten as if no such thing had been. And that no body shall be prosecuted upon the account of the Assembly of Soldiers, made in Cities, or in the open Fields, establishment and maintaining of Garrisons, Erterprises and Seizures of Cities, Places, Castles and Houses, Murders, Imprisonments, Ransoms, or any other Excess; neither for destroying of Churches, Houses, and Buildings belonging to ecclesiastics and others; of all which, the said Subjects on both sides shall be and remain acquitted and discharged: Neither shall his Majesty's Attorney-General, or any other persons public or private, at any time, or on any occasion, be allowed to make any prosecutions of the same in any Court of Jurisdiction, nor in any wise whatever. The whole in the same form and manner as it is expressed by the 55th Article of the last Edict of Pacification; excepting Ravishments of Women, etc. Incendiaries, Robberies, Murders committed treacherously, and with premeditation, and not by way of Hostility, upon the account of private revenge, and other Crimes and Misdemeanours reserved by the last Edict of pacification, which shall be prosecuted according to Law, and punished according to the nature of the same. And as to what relates to the Money that has been taken, either out of his Majesty's Exchequers, or out of Cities and Commonalties, and from other private persons; and the Sums that have been imposed and raised of any kind whatever, and howsoever raised by those of the said Religion, and other who have been engaged in their Party since the said Edict of pacification, they are and shall remain absolutely discharged for the same, without their being any wise liable to be prosecuted upon the said account; nor those who shall have ordered it, Corporations of Cities and Commonalties, nor yet their Clerks. Nevertheless those of the said Religion shall be obliged to assemble with the Corporations of those Cities; to make a true estimate among them, on the last Day of April next at farthest, both of their Receipts and Expenses: The which Estimate they shall be obliged to sign, and jointly to affirm, and to deliver the same within the said time of two Months, into the hands of those that are appointed to execute the said Edict of Pacification in Languedoc, to the end that upon the said Estimate the Chamber of accounts may pass into receipt, and allow in expense what shall be contained in the said Estimate, and no more. And in order to check the insolence of several, and to prevent those Evils for the future, the King declares that hereafter he will no more grant any Pardons for the abovesaid, or the like Transgressions of the Edict: And forbids his Chancellor or Lord Keeper to seal any such, and his Judges to have the least regard for the same. And in case any of those to whom this Pardon is granted, should relapse into the same Fault, they shall not only be punished for the new Fault, but shall also be deprived of the fruit and benefit which is granted them by this Article.  
XII. That all the processes and causes concerning the case of the said Troubles that have been returned by the Commissioners, Executors of the preceding Edict of pacification, before the presidial Judges, or other Judges, shall be returned in the State they now stand to the said Chambers of the Edict. The King not intending that any of his Subjects should be prosecuted for what has been done since the last Troubles, according to the 55th Article of the said last Edict: And in case any of the said processes should already be judged, the Parties shall be allowed to apply themselves for redress, by the ways of Right to the said Chambers of the Edict.  
XIII. Whereas at the beginning of the 42d Article of the said last Edict of pacification, in several Common Impressions that have been made of the same, these Words are found: And that shall have been taken by way of hostility, by way of affirmation; although it should be conceived negatively, and in this manner: And that shall not have been taken by way of hostility: As it is written in the Original agreed on, and signed at Bergerac on the 17th of September, 1577. It is ordained, that it shall be corrected by the said Original; And all Judges are enjoined to judge conformably to this present Correction.  
XIV. That all Assessments, Impositions, Gatherings, raising of Money and new Subsidies, by whomsoever, and on any account whatever, unless by the King's express Commission, shall cease, and that none shall be made otherwise hereafter, on the Penalties mentioned in the Ordinances.  
XV. The General Assemblies of Cities and Corporations, shall be made according to the Ancient Customs, and such Inhabitants as used to come to the same, shall be summoned thither, without distinction of Religion, according to the last Edict of pacification, Article 19  
XVI. That the Edict of pacification, and what has been resolved in this Conference, shall be executed in every Article, according to its Form and Tenor, and that the said Execution thereof shall begin on the 1st Day of March next coming at farthest, and shall be continued in Guyenne without interruption on either side. And as for Languedoc, the said Execution or Performance shall begin on the 1st Day of April next coming at farthest: But that in the mean time all Prisoners of War shall be put at liberty without paying any Ransom: And all Acts of Hostility, and other Transgressions of the Edict in general shall cease, according to the Commissions that have been issued out to that end, which shall be sent every where in the Governments of Guyenne, Languedoc, and other Provinces when it shall be necessary.  
XVII. It has also been agreed by the said Lady Queen, Mother to his Majesty, the King of Navarre, and all the above-mentiond, that all the Cities and Places kept by those of the said Religion, shall be restored in the Governments of Guyenne, and Languedoc, at the time declared by the preceding Article: And the Edict of pacification shall be put entirely in execution in the same, as also, and by the same means, in the other Cities where the Catholics are more numerous, neither Parties being allowed to put Garrisons into them: And thus the Inhabitants of the same, of both Religions shall remain under the special safeguard of the King our Sovereign Lord, it being forbidden on pain of Death, to wrong them, or to undertake any thing against the Liberty and Safety of the said Cities. Nevertheless, for surety of what is above written, and for an assurance of the execution of the said Edict, the King leaves and gives in keeping to the said King of Navarre the following Cities; In the Government of Guyenne, Bazas, Puymerol and Figeac, until the last Day of August next ensuing, and no longer: And in the Government of Languedoc, Ravel, Briateste, Aleth, Santei, Agreve, Baiz sur Baiz, Baignols, Alletz, Lunel, Sommieres, Aymargues and Gignac, until the first Day of October also next ensuing, and no longer: On condition, and no otherwise, that they shall make no Fortifications there, nor demolish Churches and other places, nor act any thing else contrary to the Edict.  
XVIII. That the ecclesiastics, and other Catholic Inhabitants shall be received again into the said Cities without any difficulty, and shall fully enjoy all their Estates, and the Fruits, or the Revenues of the same: That they shall perform Divine Service in the same, according to the use of the Catholic Church: That Justice shall also be freely administered there; That the King's Money as well ordinary as extraordinary, shall be raised and received there: And that the Edict shall be entirely kept and observed there. And the same shall be done, according to the said Edict, in relation to those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, in the other Cities where the Catholics are more in number. It is also resolved, That the Magistrates and Officers of the Cities, shall take care to see it performed, on pain of being suspended of their Officers for the first times, and on forfeit of them for the second.  
XIX. That the said Cities during the time heretofore declared, shall be governed by Persons of Integrity, Lovers of the Peace and Public Good, who shall be nominated by the King of Navarre, and approved by the said Lady, Queen Mother to the King; who shall engage, and be bound with Six in the chief, and Four in the other of the said Towns, the same well to preserve in their Obedience to the King, and to cause the Edict to be well maintained, and what has been now resolved between the said Lady Queen Mother to the King, and the said King of Navarre, to maintain all the Inhabitants thereof in Safety, according to the said Edict, and namely to restore the said Cities, viz. those of the Government of Guyenne on the First day of September next coming; and those of the Government of Languedoc, on the First day of October also next coming, into the Hands of the Person the King shall be pleased to Depute to go to the said Cities, to see them forthwith-restored in the Condition set down in the said Edict of Pacification, without putting any Governor, or Garrison into the same, and without removing the Ammunitions and Artillery that is in the said Cities, belonging either to the King, or to the Commonalties of the said Cities.  
XX. The said King of Navarre has also remitted the Mur de Barais, to the said Lady Queen, who upon his Nomination has agreed to Trust the keeping thereof to Monsieur d'Arpajon, to have it in Charge until the said First day of August next. At which time the said Monsieur d'Arpagon shall be obliged to Surrender it into the hands of the Commissary, who shall repair to the other Cities, to leave them in the Condition mentioned by the Edict, as the other Fourteen Cities aforementioned.  
XXI. And to avoid all manner of Burdened and Oppressing of the Inhabitants of the said Cities, and Adjacent Parts, the said Lady has and does promise to the said King of Navarre, and to the said of the pretended Reformed Religion to furnish Thirty six thousand Livers Tournois, which shall be delivered into the hands of those the sail King of Navarre shall nominate at the beginning of every one of the said Months, pro Rata, and by equal Portions, according to the Division they shall make of it.  
XXII. And therefore it has been expressly resolved, That the said of the pretended Reformed Religion; those who shall Command in the said Cities, and those who shall be committed for the Guard thereof, shall not be allowed to Quarter in the Houses of Catholics, as least as few as possible can be, neither shall they raise, or exact any thing from the Inhabitants thereof, or others, nor from the Adjacent Places, under any colour and pretence whatsoever, without the King's leave. The Consuls of the said Cities shall be obliged during the said Term of Six Months to furnish the Candles for the Guard, and the Wood for Corpse de Guard; which cannot amount to much, considering the Summer season: Allowing them however ●at the first Sessions to impose and raise upon the Dioceses and Seneschalships, the Sums to which the said Candles and Wood shall amount, without consequence. And as for the Garrisons lying at present in the Cities of the said Country of Languedoc, held by those of the said Religion, they are allowed to raise, if it has not been done already, what is barely necessary for their Maintenance until the last day of March next, and no more. In order to which, they shall give the Commissaries who are now going to put an end to all Acts of Hostility, the true estimate of what the Payment of the said Garrisons will amount to. And the said Estimate shall be drawn without Fraud, upon the old Rolls: In which shall not be included in the upper Country of Languedoc, Dornhe, S. Germa, Pechaudie, Pierreficte, Carlus, Frigerolles, Myeules, and Postrims, which shall be speedily dismantled and quitted. And to that end, those who detain them, shall forthwith deliver them into the hands of those who are sent to cause the Acts of Hostility to cease, if they design to enjoy the benefit of the General Pardon, granted to those who have been Infractors of the Edict of Pacification, since the Publication thereof. And in case they do not obey what is abovesaid, they shall be deprived of the benefit of the said Pardon, and punished like Disturbers of the Common Peace, without hope of any Favour. And a Nomination shall also be made to the Executors of the Edict, both in Guienne, and in Lower Languedoc, of the Cities, Towns, and Castles, it will be fit to dismantle, according to the Advice of the Inhabitants of the Country of both Religions; and what the King shall afterwards be pleased to order upon the said Advice, without including the Places belonging to private Lords. And as for the Upper Languedoc, according as abovesaid, the said Executors shall consult, whether there are any Places of those that are possessed by the Catholics, requisite, and fit to be dismantled, according as abovesaid, to the Advice of those of the Country of both Religions; and also according to what the King shall be pleased to order about it.  
XXIII. And for a good, firm, true, and sincere Assurance of what is abovementioned, the said King of Navarre, together with the Prince of Conde, and Twenty of the Principal Gentlemen of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, such as the Queen Mother shall be pleased to nominate, together with the Deputies that are here, in the Name of the Provinces that have sent them; besides those who are to Command in the said Cities, that are left in their hands for the said Six Months, shall promise and swear upon their Faith and Honour, and engage their Estates, to cause all the Garrisons to march out of the said Fourteen Cities, and Citadels thereof, and to deliver the said Cities and Citadels, without delay, excuse, evasion, or any other pretence whatever, on the abovesaid 1st days of September and October next coming, into the hands of the abovesaid Commissary, to leave them in the Condition specified by the said Edict of Pacification, as is aforesaid.  
XXIV. It has been resolved, That in case any Attempt should be made on either side, to the prejudice of the last Edict of Pacification, and of all that is abovesaid, The Complaint and Prosecution thereof shall be made before the King's Governors and Lieutenants-General, and by way of Justice in the Courts of Parliament, or Chambers Established, in regard of both, according to the Edict. And what shall be ordained by them, shall forthwith be put in execution, at farthest, within a Month after it, by the diligence of the King's Council, in relation to the Judgements that shall intervene, without using any Connivance or Dissimulation. And the said Governors and Lieutenants-General are expressly ordered, together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals, to further, give Aid and Comfort, and to employ all the King's Forces for the execution of what shall have been advised and ordered for the reparation of the said Attempt. Thus the Attempts on either side shall neither be taken, or reputed as Infractions of the Edict in respect to the King, and the King of Navarre, the General of the Catholics, and the General of those of the said Religion. It being his Majesty's true and firm Intention, at the request of the said King of Navarre▪ to have them immediately redressed, and the Guilty severely and exemplarily punished.  
XXV. And to that end, the Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Towns, of both Religions, shall be obliged to accompany the Governors, and the King's Lieutenants-General, to aid them with their Persons and Means, if necessary and required so to do, in order forthwith to repair the said Attempts. The said Governors and Lieutenants-General, together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals, shall be obliged to apply themselves about it, without delay or excuse, and to use their utmost Endeavours and Diligence for the Reparation of the said Attempts, and to punish the Guilty according to the Pains specified in the Edict. Moreover, it has been resolved, That such as shall make any Attempts upon Cities, Places, or Castles, or that shall Abet, Assist, or Favour them, or give them Counsel, or that shall commit any Attempt against, and to the prejudice of the Edict, and all that is abovesaid: Also such as shall refuse to obey, or shall oppose themselves, or by others, directly or indirectly, the Effect and Execution of the said Edict of Pacification, and of all that is abovesaid, are from this moment declared guilty of High-Treason, both they and their Posterity, Infamous, and for ever incapable of enjoying any Honours, Employments, Dignities, and Successions; and liable to all the Punishments inflicted by the Law against those that are guilty of High-Treason in the highest degree: His Majesty declaring moreover, That he will grant no Pardon for it; forbidding his Secretaries to sign them, and his Chancellor, or Lord-Keeper to pass them: And the Courts of Parliament to respect them for the future, whatever express or reiterated Commands they might receive about it.  
XXVI. It has also been resolved, That the Lords deputed for the Execution of the said Edict of Pacification, together with the Secret Articles made at the time of the said last Edict of Pacification, and of all that is abovesaid, proceeding to the said Execution, shall restore the Houses and Castles of the said King of Navarre, as they pass along the Seneschalships, where the said Castles and Houses of the said King of Navarre are Situate; which shall be left without Garrisons on either part, and put into the Condition mentioned by the Edict of Pacification, and according to the Ancient Privileges.  
XXVII. That all that is above specified, and what is contained in the last Edict of Pacification, shall be inviolably kept and observed on both sides, under the Penalties set down in the said Edict. That the Courts of Parliament, and Chambers ordained for Justice, according to this said Edict; the Chambers of Accounts, Courts of Aids, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and all other Officers, to whom it may concern, shall cause to Register the Letters-Patent, that shall be issued out for all that is abovesaid, and the Contents thereof to follow, keep, and observe in every particular, according to their Form and Tenor. And the Governors and Lietenants-General of all the Provinces of this Kingdom shall be enjoined, in the mean time, forthwith to publish, every one within his District, the said Letters-Patent, to the end that no body may pretend to plead ignorance, and the Contents of the same also inviolably to keep and observe, under the Penalties specified by the said last Edict of Pacification, and others here above declared.  
Done at Nerac on the last day of February, 1579. Thus Signed Katherine. Henry. Bouchart, Deputy from the Prince of Conde, Byron, Joyeuse, Jansac, Pybrac, de la moth Fenelon, Clairmont, Duranti, Turrenne, Guitry, Du Faur, Chancellor to the King of Navarre; Scorbiac, deputed by the Generality of Bourdeaux; Yolet, and de Vaux, Deputies for Rovergue.  
The King having seen, and maturely considered word by word, the entire Contents of these present Articles, agree on in the Conference which the Queen his Mother has held at Nerac▪ with the King of Navarre, and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, who were assembled there, to facilitate the Execution of the last Edict of Pacification: The said Articles agreed on, and signed on both sides at the said place of Nerac, on the last day of the Month of February last passed: His Majesty has approved, confirmed and ratified the same; wills and requires that they shall be put in execution according to their Form and Tenor, and to that end that the Letters-Patent, and all necessary Dispatches of the same shall be forthwith made and sent.  
Done at Paris on the 14th Day of March, 1519. Signed, Henry. And lower, De Neufville.   

The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles, containing a Confirmation, Amplification, and Declaration, as well of the precedent Edicts made upon the same Subjecct, even in the Year 1577. as of the Articles agreed on at the Conference held at Nerac, published at Paris in Parliament, on the 26th of January, 1577.  
HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland, to all those present, and hereafter to come, Greeting.  
Notwithstanding that since the Agreement and publication of our Edict of pacification, made in the year 1577. we have used our utmost endeavours for the putting of the same in execution, and to oblige our Subjects to follow and observe it, even so far as to put the Queen our most honoured Lady and Mother, to the trouble of repairing to the principal Provinces of our Kingdom, to remedy and provide against, according to her usual prudence, the Difficulties and Obstacles which deprived our said Subjects of the benefit of our said Edict, whereupon followed the Articles of the Conferance at Nerac, between the said Lady accompanied with some of the principal Princes of our Blood, and Lords of our Privy-Council; and our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the King of Navarre, assisted by the Deputies of our Subjects, who profess the pretended Reformed Religion. Yet not having been able, to our great regret, to avoid the Troubles, being renewed in our Kingdom, we have endeavoured and used all the most proper and most agreeable means we have been able to devise, to extinguish them, and to deliver our said Subjects from the evils of War; having to that end by our Letters Patent impowed our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother, the Duke of Anjou, to cause our said Edict of pacification to be entirely executed, together with the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac: Who being since, according to our Intention, gone into our Country and Duchy of Guyenne, and there having, upon the said Subject, conferred at large with our said Brother the King of Navarre, and the Deputies of our said Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion there convened and assembled▪ The Articles annexed to these Presents under the Counter Seal of our Chancery, were there proposed: Which said Articles being sent to us by our said Brother, we having examined and considered the same, out of a singular desire to banish out of our Kingdom, the Impieties, Extortions, and other Accidents occasioned by the said Troubles; to re-establish the Honour and Service of God, make way for Justice, and to relieve our poor people: Have out of our own Inclination, full Power and Authority Royal, approved and ratified the said Articles: The same do approve and ratify by these Presents signed by our own Hand: And it is our will and pleasure that the same shall be followed, kept, executed, and inviolably observed, according to their Form and Tenor in the same manner as our said Edict of pacification.  
Therefore we command and require our Trusty and wellbeloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament, Chambers of our Accounts, Courts of our Aids, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and other our Justices and Officers to whom it may concern, or their Lieutenants, to cause the said Articles hereunto, as aforesaid, annexed, to be read, published, registered, kept, executed, and inviolably observed in the same manner as our said Edict of Pacification, and the Articles granted in the said Conference of Nerac, making all those that are concerned, fully and peaceably enjoy and receive the benefit of what is contained therein, putting a stop to all Troubles and Impediments to the contrary. For such is our pleasure; and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever, we have caused our Seal to be affixed to these Presents.  
Given at Blois in the Month of December, in the Year of our Lord, 1580. and of our Reign the 7th. Signed. Henry. And upon the Fold, by the King, Pinart.  
And sealed upon Knots of Red and Green Silk, with the Great Seal, and Green Wax. And it is also written upon the Fold of the said Letters, Visa.   

Articles propounded, and set forth in the Assembly and Conference held at Flex, near the City of Saintefoy, between the Duke of Anjou the King's only Brother, by virtue of the power given unto him by his Majesty, and the King of Navarre, assisted by the Deputies of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, he answering for all the King's Subjects of the said Religion, to be presented to his Majesty, to be by him, if such be his pleasure, granted and approved. And in so doing to put an end to the Troubles and Disorders happened in this Kingdom since the last Edict of Pacification made in the Month of September, 1577. and the Conference held at Nerac on the last day of February, 1579. and to restore the King's Subjects in Peace and Union under his Obedience, and so to provide by a good and speedy execution, that henceforward nothing may happen among them to the prejudice of the said Pacification.  

Article I. THAT the said last Edict of Pacification, and secret and particular Articles granted with the same; together with the Articles of the aforesaid Conference held at Nerac, shall be really, and in effect, observed and put in execution▪ in all and every particular; which shall hold and stand good, not only for the things happened during the preceding Troubles, but also for such as shall or have happened from the time of the said Conference, until now; and that all the King's Subjects of both Religions, shall enjoy the benefit of the Declarations, Grants, Discharges, and General Pardons contained in the said Articles, Edicts and Conferences, for what has been done and committed, taken and raised on either side, during the present Troubles, and upon the account thereof, as they should have done for what had happened during the precedent Troubles, excepting what is expressly derogated by the present Articles.  
II. The Articles of the said Edict concerning the re▪establishment of the Catholic Apostolic and Roman Religion, for the celebration of Divine Service, in such places where it has been discontinued, together with the enjoyment and gathering of the Tithes, Fruits, and Ecclesiastical Revenues, shall be entirely executed, followed and observed, and those who shall transgress the same, shall be rigorously punished.  
III. In putting the 1st, 2d, and 11th Articles of the Edict in execution, the King's Attorneys General shall be enjoined, as well as their Substitutes in bailiwicks, Seneschalships, and other Royal Jurisdictions, to inform against, and make prosecution in the King's Name against all such who shall move Seditions, etc. and in public shall utter Scandalous Expressions or any wise transgress the said Edicts, Articles and Conferences, in order to have them punished according to the Penalties inflicted by the same: The which being omitted, the said Attorneys and Substitutes shall be responsible for the said Infractions, in their own particular Names, and deprived of their Places, without ever being restored or re-established to the same. And the Bishops and other ecclesiastics, shall be required to keep and to oblige the Preachers instituted by them, to keep and observe the Contents of the said Articles; and his Majesty commands the same most expressly to all others who speak in public, on the Penalties contained in the Edict.  
IV. In consequence of the 4th, 9th, and 13th Articles of the said Edict, all those of the said pretended Reformed Religion of what condition or quality soeverare allowed to be and safely to inhabit in all the Cities and pars of this Kingdom, without being disturbed or prosecuted upon the account of the said Religion, under any pretence whatever, they behaving themselves according as it is ordered by the aforesaid Articles of the said Edict. They shall not be obliged to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on the Festival Days on which it is ordered; but only shall suffer them to be hung and adorned by the Authority of the Officers who belong to those places. Neither shall they be obliged to contribute towards the Charges for the Reparations of Churches, or to admit Exhortations when sick, or at the point of Death, either by Condemnation of Justice, or otherwise, from any but those of the said Religion.  
V. The 1st Article of the Conference shall hold and remain in force, although the King's Atorny-General be a Party against the High-Justicers, who were in actual possession of the said Justice, at the time of the publication of the said Edict.  
VI In executing the 8 Article of the said Edict, those of the said Religion shall nominate unto the King four or five places in every Bayliwick or Seneschalship of the Quality mentioned by the Edict, to the end that being informed of the convenience or inconvenience thereof, his Majesty may choose one of them there to establish the Exercise of their said Religion, or they not proving convenient, to provide another for them within a month after the said Nomination, which shall be as convenient for them as can be, and according to the Tenor of the Edict.  
VII. And as to the Burying places of those of the said Religion, the Officers belonging to those parts, shall be obliged within a Fortnight after their being required so to do, to provide them convenient places for the said Interments, without delays, on the penalty of Five Hundred Crowns, in their proper and private Names.  
VIII. Letters Patent shall be passed, directed to the Courts of Parliament for the registering and observing of the secret and particular Articles made with the said Edict. And as for Marriages, and the Differences that shall arise upon the same, the Judges Ecclesiastical and Royal, together with the aforesaid Chambers, shall take cognizance of the same respectively, according to the said Articles.  
IX. The Taxes and Impositions that shall be laid upon those of the said Religion, according as it is expressed in the 3d Article of the said Conference, shall be executed, all Oppositions or Appeals whatever, notwithstanding.  
X. Those of the said Religion shall be allowed the Exercise thereof, in the Cities and places in which it was performed on the 17th of September, 1577. according to the 7th Article of the said Edict.  
XI. The King shall send a Chamber of Justice in the County and Duchy of Guyenne, consisting of two Precedents, 14 Councillors, a King's Attorney and Advocate, persons of worth, lovers of peace, of Integrity and proper Abilities, which shall be chosen by his Majesty, and taken out of the Parliaments of this Kingdom and Great Council, the List of which shall be communicated to the King of Navarre, to the end that any of them being suspected Persons, it may be lawful to acquaint his Majesty therewith, who shall elect others in their room. The said Precedents and Counsellors thus ordained, shall take cognizance of, and judge all Causes, Processes, Differences and Transgressions of the Edict of Pacification, the Cognizance and Jurisdiction of which, has been by the said Edict referred to the Chamber composed by the same: They shall serve two whole Years in the said Country, and shall remove their place and Sessions through the Seneschalships of the same every six Months, in order to purge the Provinces, and to administer Justice to every one upon the spot. Nevertheless it has been agreed, that by the establishment of the said Chamber, those of the said pretended reformed Religion shall not be deprived of the privilege and benefit which is granted them by the said Edict, by the establishment of the Tripartite Chamber, ordained by the same. The Precedents and Councillors of which being of the said Religion, shall remain united and incorporate in the Court of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, according to their erection, there to serve, to hold a Rank, and sit from the very day they have been received there, and shall enjoy all the Honours, Authorities, Preeminences, Rights, Profits and Prerogatives, as the other Precedents and Counsellors of the said Court. And as for the Provinces of Languedoc and Dauphine, the Chambers that have been appointed for them by the Edict, shall be established and constituted there according, as it is specified in the same, and by the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac. And the next sitting of that of Languedoc shall be in the City of——— And that of Dauphine shall be established, according to what has been heretofore ordained.  
XII. The said Precedents, Counsellors and Officers of the said Chamber shall be obliged to repair forthwith to the places appointed for their Sessions, there to exercise their Office, on pain of losing their said Offices, and to serve actually, and reside in the said Chambers, without departing or absenting from thence without leave, registered from the said Chambers, which shall be judge in the Assembly, upon the Causes of the Ordinance. And the said Catholic Precedents, Counsellors and Officers shall be continued there as long as can be, and as the King shall judge it necessary for his Service, and for the Public Good: And in licensing the one, others shall be put in their places before their departure.  
XIII. All Sovereign and other Courts of this Kingdom are forbidden to take cognizance, and judge Processes, either civil or criminal, in which those of the said Religion are concerned, until the Day on which the said Chambers shall sit, or afterwards, on pain of nullity, Charges, Damages, and interest of the Parties, unless they shall proceed voluntarily in the said Courts, according to the 26 Article of the said Edict, and the 6th and 7th of the said Conference.  
XIV. The King shall provide valuable assignations to furnish towards the charges of Justice of the said Chambers, and shall reimburse himself upon the Estates of the Condemned.  
XV. The King shall as soon as possible can be, make a Regulation between the said Courts of Parliament, and the said Chambers, according to the Edict, and the 5th Article of the said Conference, and consult some Precedents and Counsellors of the said Parliaments and Chambers about it. Which said Regulation shall be kept and observed, without regard to those that have preceded it.  
XVI. Neither shall the said Courts of Parliament, or other Sovereign and Inferior Courts, take cognizance of what shall be depending and introduced into the said Chambers, which they ought to determine according to the Edict, on pain of nullity of the Proceedings.  
XVII. In such Chambers where there shall be Judges of both Religions, the proportion of Judges and Judgements shall be observed according to their establishment, unless the Parties consent to the contrary.  
XVIII. The Recusations or Refusals proposed against the Precedents and Counsellors of the said Chambers of Guyenne, and Languedoc, and Dauphine, shall be allowed to the number of six, to which number the Parties shall be restrained, otherwise they shall go forward without any regard to the said Refusals.  
XIX. The Precedents and Counsellors of the said Chambers shall hold no private Councils out of their Assembly; in which also the Propositions, Deliberations and Resolutions relating to the Public Good shall be made, as well as those relating to the particular State and Policy of the said Cities where the said Chambers shall be.  
XX. All the Judges to whom the Execution of Decrees and other Commissions of the said Chambers shall be directed, together with all Messengers and Sergeants, shall be obliged to put them in execution. And the said Messengers and Sergeants shall serve all Warrants throughout the Kingdom, without requiring Placet, Visa, nor Pareatis, on pain of being suspended, and of paying the lost Damages and Interests of the Parties, of which the Cognisance shall appertain to the said Chambers.  
21. No Evocation or removal of Causes, the trial of which is referred to the said Chambers, shall be allowed, unless in the case of the Ordinances, the return whereof shall be made to the nearest Chamber established according to the Edict. And upon the Revocation of the Removal, and the annihilation of the Proceedings made upon the same, Justice shall be done by the King, at the request of the Parties: and the issues of Suits of the said Chambers shall be tried in the next Chamber, observing the proportion and form of the said Chambers whence the Processes proceed.  
XXII. The Subaltern Officers of the Provinces of Guyenne, Languedoc and Dauphine, the reception of which belongs to the Courts of Parliament, if they be of the said pretended Reformed Religion, may be examined and received in the Chamber of the Edict, and none but the King's Attorneys General, and those placed in the said Offices, shall be allowed to oppose and make themselves Parties against their reception: And upon the refusal of the said Parliaments, the Officers shall take the said Oaths in the said Chambers.  
XXIII. Such of the said Religion as have resigned their Places and Offices out of fear of the Troubles, since the 24th of August, 1572. to whom by reason thereof, some Promises have been made: The said Promises being verified by them, Provision shall be made for them by Law according to reason.  
XXIV. The 46th Article of the said Edict shall be entirely executed, and shall be of force for the discharge of Arrears and Contributions, and all other Sums imposed during the Troubles.  
XXV. All Deliberations made in the Courts of Parliament, Letters, Remonstrances, and other things contrary to the said Edict of Pacification and Conference, shall be razed out of the Registers.  
XXVI. The Processes of Vagabonds shall be tried by Presidial Judges, Provost, Marshal, and Vice-Seneschals, according to the 25d Article of the said Edict, and the 8th of the said Conference. And as for the Householders in the Provinces of Guienne, Languedoc and Dauphine, the Substitutes of the King's Attorneys General in the said Chambers shall at the request of the said Householders, cause the Inditements and Informrtions made against them, to be brought into the same, to know and determine whether the Cases are liable to Provost Courts, or not, that afterwards according to the nature of the Crimes, they may be returned by the said Chambers, to be tried by the ordinary Judges, or by the Provostal Judges, as they shall find it reasonable. And the said Presidial Judges, Provosts Marshal, and Vice-Seneschals shall be obliged to respect▪ obey and fulfil the Commands they shall receive from the said Chambers, as they use to do those of the said Parliaments, on pain of forfeiture of their Places.  
XXVII. The Ruins and dismantlings of all Cities that have been demolished during the Troubles, may be by the King's leave rebuilt ●nd repaired by the Inhabitants, at their own charge and expense, according to the Fiftieth Article of the Edict.  
XXVIII. The like Discharges and Pardons shall be granted in respect to the things done and happened on both sides since the said Conference until now, as are contained in the said Edict, in the 55th Article, all Proceedings, Sentences and Decrees, and whatever has followed thereupon notwithstanding, which shall be declared null, and os no effect, as things never happened, derogating in respect to that to what is contained in the 25th Article of the said Conference; the which notwithstanding shall remain in full force and virtue for the future. In which Pardons shall be included the taking of Bazaz and Langon: The first taken during the War in the Year 1576, and the other after the said Conference of Nerac, and what has ensued thereupon, all Judgements and Decrees to the contrary notwithstanding.  
XXIX. After the publications of the said Edict, in that part where the said Duke of Anjou shall be, all Forces and Armies on both sides shall separate and retire; and after their being retired, that is, after the French Forces are disbanded and dismissed, and the Foreigners gone out of the Government of Guienne in order to march out of the Kingdom: ¶ After the Cities hereafter mentioned shall be delivered into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou, the said King of Navarre, and those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, shall be obliged to deliver into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou the Cities of Manned, Cahors, Monsegus, S. Million, and Mont aigu: Which Montaigu shall be dismantled as soon as it is delivered to the said Duke of Anjou.  
XXX. Immediately after the delivery of the said Cities, the said Duke of Anjou shall cause to be delivered unto the said King of Navarre, the Houses, Cities and Castles belonging unto him, which he shall leave in the condition ordained by the Edict, and the Articles of the said Conference.  
XXXI. And the King shall at the same time order the City and Castle de la Reolle to be delivered into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou, who shall be responsible to his said Majesty for the same, and shall give it in keeping to the Vice-com●e of Turenne who shall enter into such Obligations, and make such promises as the said Duke of Anjou shall require to return, and redeliver it into his hands in order to his restoring it to his Majesty, in case within two months after the said publication, the Cities yielded in the said Conference, seated in Guyenne, should not be delivered by those of the said Religion, in the condition mentioned by the Articles of the said Conference: In respect to which Cities at present, still in possession of those of the said Religion, and left to them by the said Conference, the said King of Navarre, and those of the said Religion, shall promise the said Duke of Anjou, who will engage his word to the King for it, to march the Garrisons out of them, and to restore them in the condition they ought to be by the said Edict and Conference, viz. Those of the Country of Guienne within the said Two Months after the publication of the said present Articles made in those parts where the said Duke of Anjou shall be, and those of Languedoc, within three Months after the said publication made by the Governor, or Lieutenant-General of the Province, without any Delays, Put-offs, or Difficulties, upon any account or pretence whatever. And as to the Liberty and Guard of the said Cities, they shall observe what is enjoined them by the said Article of the said Conference. And they shall do the same for those that have been given them in keeping for their surety by the said Edict, and they shall nominate unto his Majesty persons whose Manners, Qualifications, and Conditions are answerable to what is required by the Edict, to command in the same, and they shall be obliged and bound to leave and to restore them in the condition mentioned by the said Edict, immediately after the expiration of the remainder of the term of time that was granted them by the same, according to the form, and under the Penalties therein contained.  
XXXII. All other Cities, Places, Castles and Houses belonging to the King, and to ecclesiastics, Lords, and Gentlemen, and other his Majesty's Subjects of both Religions; together with their Titles, Papers, Instructions, and other things whatever, shall be restored in the condition ordained by the Edict and Articles of the Conference, into the hands of the owners thereof, immediately after the said publication of the said present Articles, to leave them the free enjoyment and possession thereof, as they had it before their being dispossessed, on the penalties contained in the said Edict and Articles, notwithstanding the right of propriety were disputed. And shall clear the said Cities, Places and Castles of all Garrisons, to which end the Articles of the Edict and Conference concerning the Governments and Garrisons of the Forts and Castles of the Provinces, Cities and Castles shall be executed according to their Form and Tenor.  
XXXIII. For the effecting of which, the said Duke of Anjou has promised to remain into the said Country of Guyenne, during the said time of two months, to execute and cause the said Edict and Articles to be put in execution, according to the power given unto him by his said Majesty, the which shall be published to that end, and a Council of capable and fit persons established about his person.  
XXXIV. The 48th Article of the said Edict concerning the liberty of Commerce, and the abolishing of all New Tolls and Subsidies imposed by any Authority but the King's, shall be observed and effected: And in consideration of the Abuses and Infractions made to the Edict since the publication thereof, in relation to the Salt of Pecquaiz, Prohibitions shall be made to all persons, of what quality or condition soever, directly to hinder the Draggage of Salt of Pecquaiz, to impose, exact, or raise any Subsidies, either upon Marches, upon the River Rone, or elsewhere, in any place or kind soever, without express leave from his Majesty, on pain of Death.  
XXXV. All pieces of Ordnance belonging to his Majesty, that have been taken during the present and precedent Troubles, shall be restored immediately, according to the 43d of the secret Articles.  
XXXVI. The 30th Article of the said Edict, concerning Prisoners and Ransoms, shall be followed and observed in relation to those who have been made Prisoners since the renewing of the War, and have not been yet delivered.  
XXXVII. The King of Navarre and Prince of Conde shall effectually enjoy their Governments, according to what is specified by the said Edict, and secret Articles.  
XXXVIII. The raising of 600000 Livers, which was granted and allowed by the said Articles, shall be continued, according to the Commissions that have been issued out since by virtue thereof, to which his Majesty shall be entreated to add the Sums of 45000 Livers, furnished and advanced by the Sieur de la Nove.  
XXXIX. The 22d, 23d, and 24th of the Secret Articles agreed on at Bergerac, concerning the Oaths and Promises to be made by the King, the Queen his Mother, the Duke of Anjou his Brother, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, shall be reiterated and accomplished.  
XL. The Princes of the Blood, Officers of the Crown, Governors and Lieutenant's General, Bailiffs, Seneschals of the Provinces, and principal Magistrates of this Kingdom, shall swear and promise to cause the said Edicts, and present Articles, to be kept and observed, to employ themselves, and use their endeavours, every one in their Station, for the punishing of the Infractors.  
XLI. The Courts of Parliament in bodies shall take the same Oath, which shall be reiterated at every new entry, which shall be made once a year on the Festival of St. Martin, at which they shall cause the said Edict to be read and republished.  
XLII. The Seneschals and Officers of the Seneschalships and presidial Tribunals, shall also take the same Oath in a body, and shall reiterate it, and cause the said Edict to be read and published again on every First Day of Jurisdiction after Epiphany or Twelfth Day.  
XLIII. The Provosts, Majors, Jurors, Consuls, Capitouls and Sheriffs of Cities, shall take the like Oath in a public place, to which they shall summon the principal Inhabitants of both Religions, and shall reiterate the same at every new Election of the said Offices.  
XLIV. All the above mentioned, and all other Subjects whatever of this Kingdom, of what Quality soever, shall depart from, and renounce all Leagues, Associations, Fraternities and Intelligences, both within and without the Kingdom: And shall swear to make none hereafter, or adhere to any▪ nor otherwise to transgress, directly, or indirectly, the said Edict, Articles and Conferences, on the Penalties therein mentioned.  
XLV. All Officers Royal, and others, Majors, Jurats, Capitouls, Consuls and Sheriffs, shall answer in their own and private Names, for all the Infractions that shall be made of the said Edict, for want of punishing of the Infractors, both in a Civil and Corporal manner, according to the nature of the Offence.  
XLVI. And for the remainder of what is contained and ordained by the said Edicts, Conferences, and Articles, it shall be executed and observed in every particular, according to its Form and Tenor.  
Done at Flex, near Sancte Foy, the 26th Day of November, 1580. Thus signed by the Duke of Anjou the King's Brother, with his own hand, Francis.  
And by the King of Navar's own hand, Henry.   

XLVII. Since the signing of the Articles at Flex, on the 26th of the last Month, it has been agreed between the said Duke of Anjou, and the King of Navarre, and those of the pretended Reformed Religion, that instead of the City and Castle of La Reolle, mentioned in the 31st of the said Articles, the Cities of Figeac, in Quercy, and Monsegur in Bazadois, shall be left to the King of Navarre, and those of the said Religion, for the surety of their Persons; and shall keep them during the time that is remaining of six years granted by the Edict of Peace, on the same account as the other Cities have been left to them. And for the surety of the said Cities, the King shall maintain for the said King of Navarre, two Companies of Foot, each consisting of fifty men, over and above the number of the other Garrisons, granted by the Secret Articles. And good and valuable assignations shall be given for the maintenance of the said Garrisons, and the said City and Castles of La Reolle restored in the same condition as the other Cities not given in guard. The whole according to the King's pleasure.  
Dene at Coutras on the 16th Day of December, 1580. Thus signed with the own hand of the Duke of Anjou, Brother to the King. Francis.  
And the said own hand of the King of Navar. Henry.   

The King having seen, and maturely considered word by word the entire Contents in these present Articles, proposed in the Conference held between the Duke of Anjou his only Brother, at Flex and Coutrax, the King of Navarre, and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, who were assembled there to facilitate the execution of the last Edict of Pacification, the said Articles agreed on and signed on both sides in the said places of Flex and Courtras, his Majesty has approved, confirmed, and ratified them, wills and requires them to be observed and executed according to their Form and Tenor, and that the Patents and Dispatches that are necessary be immediately made and sent.  
Done at Blois the 25th Day of December, 1580. Thus Signed, Henry.  
And underneath, Pinart.  
Read, Published, and Registered, Herd by, and thereunto Consenting, the King's Attorney-general in consequence of the other Letters concerning the Case of the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom, heretofore Published and Registered at Paris in Parliament, the 26th day of January, in the year 1581. Thus Signed, Du Tillet.    

The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom. Given at Nantes, in the Month of April, 1598. and Published in Parliament the 15th of February, 1599 Together with the Particular Articles intervened upon the same, also verified in Parliament.  
HENRY by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all those present, and others to come, Greeting. Among those infinite Graces, it has pleased Almighty God to impart unto us, the greatest and most remarkable is, To have given us the Constancy, Virtue, and Force, not to sink under the horrible Troubles, Confusions, and Disorders, which were on foot at our coming to the Crown of this Kingdom, which was divided into so many Parts and Factions, that that which was the most lawful, was almost the least; and yet, nevertheless, to have born up so stiffly against that Storm, as in the end to have overcome it, and to be now entered into the Haven of Safety and Repose of this State. The absolute Glory whereof be ascribed to him▪ alone, and to us the Favour and Obligation, in that he was pleased to make use of our Labour for the performance of so good a Work, in which it has been visible to the whole World, that we have over and above the discharge of our Duty and Power, done something further, which perhaps at another time would not have been so agreeable to our Dignity, which we have not been scrupulous to expose to that end, since we have so often and so freely exposed our own Life for the same. And in this great Concurrency of such Weighty, and such Perilous Affairs, which could not be composed at one and the same time, We have been obliged to follow this order, first, to undertake such as could not be determined otherwise than by Force, and to defer and suspend for a time such as were, and could be treated by Reason and Justice. Such as the General Differences among our good Subjects, and the Particular Grievances of the soundest part of the State, which in our Opinion will be more easily cured after having removed the principal Cause thereof, which was the Continuation of the Civil War. Which having, by the Grace of God, successfully ended, and Arms, and Hostilities being quite laid aside throughout our Kingdom; We hope for as favourable a Success in the other Affairs that still remain uncomposed, and that thereby we shall obtain the Establishment of a good Peace, and quiet Repose, which has ever been the aim of all our Wishes and Intentions, and the only Prize we look for, after so many Toils and Hardships wherein we have passed the course of our Life. Among those Affairs we were obliged to delay, one of the chief has been the Complaints we have received from several of our Catholic Provinces and Cities, in that the Exercise of the Catholic Religion was not universally re-established there, according to the Edicts heretofore made for the Pacification of the Troubles upon the account of Religion. As also the Supplications and Remonstraces that have been made to us by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, both upon the unperformance of what is granted them by the said Edicts, and their desire of having some Additions made thereunto for the Exercise of their said Religion, the Liberty of their Consciences, and the Surety of their Persons and Fortunes; pretending just Causes of new and greater Apprehensions, by reason of the last Troubles and Commotions, the chief Pretence and Foundation of which was their Ruin. All which, not to overcharge ourselves with too much business at one instant; as also because the Terror of Arms does not suit with establishing of Laws, though never so good, we have still deferred from time to time to make provision for, and take care of. But now, since it has pleased God to give a beginning to our enjoying of some Repose and Tranquillity, We esteem that we cannot employ it better, than in applying ourselves to what may concern the Glory of his Holy Name and Service, and in procuring his being adored and prayed unto by all our Subjects: And that since it is not his pleasure as yet, to grant that it may be done in one and the same Form of Religion, it may be done at least with one and the same Intention, and with such Rules, that it may occasion no Troubles or Tumults among them: And that both we, and all this Kingdom, may always deserve the Glorious Title of Most Christian, which has been so long, and so deservedly acquired: And by the same means to remove the Cause of the Grievances and Troubles which might arise hereafter upon the point of Religion, which has always been the most prevailing and most dangerous of all others; Therefore observing, that this Affair is of very great Importance, and worthy of weighty Consideration, after a resolving of all the Petitions and Complaints of our Catholic Subjects; and having also permitted our said Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion, to Assemble by Deputies to draw theirs, and to put all their Remonstrances together, and having conferred several times with them upon this Subject, and reviewed the precedent Edicts; We have thought fit at this time, upon the whole, to give our said Subjects a Universal, Clear, Intelligible, and Absolute Law, by which they shall be limited and governed in all differences that have heretofore happened▪ among them upon that Subject, or that may hereafter happen, whereby both Parties may remain satisfied, according as the nature of the time can allow it. We being entered into this Deliberation for no other end, but the Zeal we have for the Service of God, in order that henceforward it may be performed by all our said Subjects, and to establish a firm and perpetual Peace among them. Wherein we implore, and expect from his Divine Goodness the same Protection and Favour, which he has ever visibly conferred upon this Kingdom, from the first Erection thereof, and during the many Ages it has continued; and that he would bestow the Grace upon our said Subjects, truly to apprehend, that in the Observation of this our Ordinance (next to their Duty towards God, and towards all Men) consists the main foundation of their Union, Concord, Tranquillity, and Quiet, and the Restauration of this State to its Pristine Splendour, Wealth, and Power. As we on our part do promise to have it exactly performed without permitting it to be any wise transgressed. For these reasons having by the Advice of the Princes of our Blood, other Princes and Officers of our Crown, and other Great and Notable Persons of our Council of State about us, maturely and diligently weighed and considered the whole business; We have by this Edict perpetual and irrevocable, denounced, declared, and ordained, and do denounce, declare, and ordain,  
I. First, That the Remembrance of all things passed on both sides, from the beginning of March 1585. until our coming to the Crown, and during the other precedent Troubles, or upon the account thereof, shall remain extinguished and razed out, as matters that never had happened. And it shall not be lawful for our Attorneys-General, or other Persons whatever, public or private, at any time, or upon any occasion soever, to make mention of, or to Commence any Process or Suit thereupon in any Courts or Jurisdictions whatsoever.  
II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Estate or Quality soever theybe, To renew the Remembrance thereof; To assail, urge, injure, or provoke one another by way of Reproach of what is past, upon any cause or pretence whatever; To Dispute, Contest, Quarrel, or Outrage, or Offend each other about it by Word or Deed; but to contain themselves, and live peaceably together as Brethren, Friends, and Fellow-Citizens; on pain for the Delinquents, of being punished as Infractors of the Peace, and Disturbers of the public Quiet.  
III. We ordain, That the Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion shall be re-established and restored in all Places and Parts of this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience, where the Exercise thereof has been interrupted, there to be peaceably and freely put in practice without any hindrance or disturbance. Forbidding most expressly all Persons of what Estate, Quality, or Condition soever, on the Penalties abovementioned, To trouble, molest, or disturb the ecclesiastics in the Celebration of Divine Service, the enjoying and taking of Tithes, the Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices, with all other Rights and Immunities appertaining unto them; and that all those, who during the Troubles, have seized the Churches, Houses, Goods, and Revenues belonging to the said ecclesiastics, detain and possess them, shall surrender unto them the entire Possession, and peaceable Enjoyment thereof, with such Titles, Liberties, and Security, as they enjoyed before their being dispossessed of the same. Also expressly forbidding those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, to Preach or perform any other Exercise of the said Religion in the Churches▪ Houses, and Habitations of the said ecclesiastics.  
IV. It shall remain at the choice of the said ecclesiastics to buy the Houses and Buildings erected in profane Places, whereof they were dispossessed during the Troubles, or else to constrain the Possessors of the said Buildings to buy the Ground, the whole according to the Estimation that shall be made thereof by experienced Men, agreed upon by the Parties; and in case they should not agree, the Judges of the Place shall appoint some, reserving ever to the said Possessors their recourse against whomsoever it shall belong. And where the said ecclesiastics shall constrain the Possessors to purchase the Ground, the Money it shall be valued at, shall not be put into their hands, but shall remain in the hands of the said Possessors, to be improved at the rate of 5 per Cent. until it be employed for the benefit of the Church, which shall be done within the space of a year. And the said Term being passed, in case the Purchaser will no longer continue the said Rent, he shall be discharged thereof, consigning the said Money into the hands of salvable Persons, by Authority and Order of Justice. And as for Sacred Places, Information thereof shall be given by the Commissaries, who shall be ordained for the Execution of the present Edict, in order to our taking a course for the same.  
V. Nevertheless, no Grounds and Places employed for the Reparations and Fortifications of Cities, and other Places within our Kingdom, or the materials therein used, shall be claimed, or recovered by the said ecclesiastics, or other Persons, public or private, until the said Reparations and Fortifications are demolished by our Ordinances.  
VI And to remove all occasions of Contention and Trouble from among our Subjects, we have and do permit those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, to live and reside in all the Cities and Places within this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience, without being examined, molested, troubled, or constrained to do any thing in matter of Religion against their Conscience; or examined in their Houses, or Places where they shall Inhabit; in all other things behaving themselves according to what is specified in our present Edict.  
VII. We have also permitted all Lords, Gentlemen, and other Persons, as well Inhabitants as others, who make Profession of the Pretended Reformed Religion, enjoying within our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience, High Jurisdiction, or full Fief d'Haubert, (as 
* An Inheritance held directly in Capite of the King.  in Normandy) either in Proper, in the Vse-fruit thereof, in the whole, or Moiety, or for a third Part, To have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction, or Fiefs abovesaid, which they shall be obliged to nominate before to our Bailiffs and Seneschals, every one within his Limits, for their principal Abode, the Exercise of the said Religion, while they reside there; and in their Absence their Wives or Families, or part thereof. And though the Right of Jurisdiction, or full Fief d'Haubert be in Controversy; nevertheless the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed there, provided the abovesaid be in actual Possession of the said High Jurisdiction, although our Attorney-General be a Party. We also allow them to perform the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction, or abovesaid Fief d'Haubert, while they are there present, and no otherwise; both for themselves, their Families, Subjects, and others, who shall desire to repair thither.  
VIII. In Houses of Fiefs, where those of the said Religion shall not have the said High Jurisdiction or Fief d'Haubert, they shall only be allowed the said Exercise for their Families. Nevertheless, we do not mean, that in case other Persons should chance to come in, to the number of Thirty, besides their Family, either upon the account of Baptism, Visitation of their Friends, or otherwise, they should be troubled for the same: Provided also the said Houses are neither within Cities, Towns or Villages, belonging to Catholic Lords, High-Justicers, besides ourselves, wherein the said Catholic Lords have their Mansions. In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allowed to perform their said Exercise in the said Cities, Towns or Villages, except by permission and leave of the said Lords High-Justicers, and no otherwise.  
IX. We also permit those of the said Religion, to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Places under our Obedience, where it was established, and by them publicly performed at sundry and divers times in the Year 1596. and in the Year 1597. until the end of August, all Decrees and Judgements to the contrary notwithstanding.  
X. The said Exercise in like manner shall be established and Restored in all Cities and Places where it has or should have been established by the Edict of Pacification, made in the Year Seventy Seven, Particular Articles and Conferences of Nerac and Flex: Neither shall the said Establishment be obstructed in the Parts and Places within the Demean granted by the said Edict, Articles and Conferences, for Places of bailiwicks, or that shall be granted hereafter, though they have been since alienated to Catholic Persons, or hereafter shall be. And yet we do not intend that the said Exercise shall be re-established in the Parts and Places of the said Demean, which have been heretofore possessed by those of the the said pretended Reformed Religion, in which it had been allowed out of respect to their persons, or upon the account of the Privileges of the Fiefs, in case the said Fiefs be at present possessed by persons of the said Catholic, Apostolic Religion.  
XI. Moreover, in every one of the Ancient Bayliwikes, Seneschalships and Governments, holding the Place of a Bayliwike, having direct reference, without mediation to the Courts of Parliament, We ordain, That in the Suburbs of a City, besides those that have been granted them by the said Edict, Particular Articles and Conferences: And where there are no Cities, in a Borough or Village, the Exercise of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall be publicly performed for all such as will repair thither; although the said Exercise were already established in divers places of the said bailiwicks, Seneschalships and Governments; excepting out of the said place of Bayliwike newly granted by the present Edict, the Cities in which there are Archbishops or Bishops; in which case those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion shall be allowed to demand, and to nominate for the said Place of the said Exercise, the Boroughs and Villages near the said Cities. Excepted also Places and Lordships belonging to ecclesiastics, in which we do not allow the said second Place of Bayliwike to be established, we having by special grace and favour excepted them. Under the name of Ancient bailiwicks, we mean such as were in the Times of the late King Henry our most honoured Lord and Father-in-law, held for bailiwicks, Seneschalships and Governments, having immediate reference to our said Courts.  
XII. We do not mean by this present Edict to derogate from the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the reducing of some Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Catholic Cities under our Obedience, in what relates to the Exercise of the said Religion; the which Edicts and Agreements shall be maintained and observed for this respect, according as shall be specified by the Instructions of the Commissioners that shall be appointed for the execution of this present Edict.  
XIII. We expressly forbid all those of the said Religion to perform any Exercise thereof, either as to the Ministry, Government, Discipline, or Public Instruction of Children, and others, in this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience, in what relates to Religion, in any places, but those that are allowed and granted by the Edict.  
XIV. As also to perform any Exercise of the said Religion in our Court or Attendance, nor likewise in our Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts, nor yet in our City of Paris, nor within five Leagues of the said City. Nevertheless, those of the said Religion who live in the said Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts, and in our said City, and within five Leagues round about it, shall not be examined in their Houses, nor constrained to do any thing in respect of their Religion against their Conscience, behaving themselves, in other matters, according as it is specified in our present Edict.  
XV. Neither shall the Public Exercise of the said Religion be performed in the Armies, unless in the Quarters of the Chief Officers who profess the same; nevertheless it shall not be done in the Quarter where we lodge.  
XVI. According to the Second Article of the Conference at Nerac, We give leave to those of the same Religion to build Places for the exercise thereof, in the Cities and Places where it is allowed them; and those they have built heretofore, shall be restored to them, or the Ground thereof, in the Condition it is at present, even in those places where the said Exercise is not allowed them, unless they have been converted into other Buildings. In which case the Possessors of the said Buildings shall give them other places of the same Price and Value they were of, before their building upon them, or the true estimation of them by the judgement of experienced men; always reserving to the said Owners and Possessors a remedy against whomsoever it shall concern.  
XVII. We forbid all Preachers, and Lecturers, and others who speak in public, to use any Words, Speeches, or Discourse, that may tend to excite the People to Sedition; but on the contrary we have, and do enjoin them, to contain and behave themselves modestly, and to utter nothing but what may tend to the instruction and edification of the Auditors; and to maintain the Peace and Tranquillity by us established in our said Kingdom, on the Penalties specified in the precedent Edicts. Injoining most expressly our Attorney's General▪ and their Substitutes, to inform out of their Office against such as shall transgress the same, on pain of answering for it in their proper and peculiar Persons, and Forfeitures of their Offices.  
XVIII. We also forbid all our Subjects, of what Quality and Condition soever, to take away by force or induction, against the Will of their Parents, the Children of those of the said Religion, to Baptism, or confirm them in the Catholic, Apostolic Roman Church: The same Prohibitions are made to those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, the whole on pain of exemplary Punishment.  
XIX. Those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, shall be no wise constrained, nor remain bound by reason of the Abjurations, Promises and Oaths they have heretofore made, or Cautions by them given, upon the account of the said Religion, neither shall they be any-wise troubled or molested for the same.  
XX. They shall also be bound to observe all Festivals ordained in the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Church; neither shall they work, or sell, in open Shops, on the said days; neither shall Handicrafts▪ men work out of their Shops, or in close Houses, or Chambers, on the said Festival days, and other prohibited days, in any Profession, the noise whereof may be heard without by Neighbours, or persons passing along: which nevertheless shall only be sought after by Officers of Justice.  
XXI. The Books touching the said pretended Reformed Religion, shall neither be printed nor sold publicly, unless in such Cities and Places in which the Public Exercise of the said Religion is allowed. And as for other Books which shall be printed in other places, they shall be seen and examined, both by our Officers and Divines, as it is specefyed by our Ordinances. We forbid most expressly the Impression, publication, and sale of all Defamatory Books, Libels and Pamphlets, under the Penalties contained in our Ordinances: Injoining all our Judges and Officers to keep a strict hand over it.  
XXII. We ordain that no difference or distinction shall be made on the account of the said Religion, for the receiving of Scholars to be instructed in Universities, Colleges and Schools, and the Sick and Poor in Hospitals and Public Alms.  
XXIII. Those of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall be obliged to keep the Laws of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Church, received in this our Kingdom, in respect to Marriages contracted, or to be contracted as to the degrees of Consanguinity and Affinity.  
XXIV. Those of the said Religion shall also pay the Fees of Entrance, as is customary, for the Places and Offices they shall be provided with, without being obliged to assist at any Ceremonies contrary to their said Religion: And being called to their Oath, they shall only be obliged to hold up their hand, swear, and promise to God, that they will speak the truth: Neither shall they be obliged to take a dispensation for the Oath by them taken, at the passing of the Contracts and Obligations.  
XXV. It is our Will and Pleasure, that all those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, of what State, Quality, or Condition soever, shall be obliged and constrained by fair and reasonable means, and under the Penalties contained in the Edicts upon that subject, to pay and acquit the Tithes of Curates, and other ecclesiastics, and to all other to whom they shall belong, according to the use and custom of the places.  
XXVI. The Disinheritations, or Privations, either by disposing among the Living, or by way of Testament, made only out of hatred, or upon the account of Religion, shall neither be valable for the time past, or time to come, among our Subjects.  
XXVII. In order the better to reunite the Wills of our Subjects, according to our Intention, and to remove all Complaints for the future. We do declare all those who do, or shall profess the said pretended Reformed Religion, capable of holding or performing all Estates, Dignities, Offices, and public Places whatever, either Royal, Signorial, or of the Cities of our Kingdom, Countries, Territories and Lordships, under our Obedience, all Oaths to the contrary notwithstanding, and to be indifferently received into the same; and our Courts of Parliament and other Judges shall only make inquiry, and inform themselves about the Life and Conversation, Religion and honest Conversation of those who are, or shall be provided with Offices, as well of the one, as of the other Religion, without exacting any other Oath from them, but well and faithfully to serve the King in the discharge of their Offices, and to observe the Ordinances, as it has been observed at all times. And in case any Vacancy shall happen of the said Estates, Places and Offices, as for those that shall be in our gift, they shall be disposed of indifferently, and without distinction, to capable Persons, as things that concern the union of our subjects. We intent also that those of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall be admitted and received into all Councils, Deliberations, Assemblies and Functions depending on the abovesaid Matters; and that they shall not be ejected or hindered from enjoying them upon the account of the said Religion.  
XXVIII. We order for interring of the Dead of those of the said Religion, within all the Cities and parts of our Kingdom, that in each place, a convenient place shall be provided for them forthwith by our Officers and Magistrates, and by the Commissioners who shall be by us deputed for the putting of this present Edict in execution. And such Churchyards as they had heretofore, which they have been deprived of by reason of the Troubles, shall be restored to them, except they be at present built upon, in which case others shall be provided for them at free cost.  
XXIX. We most expressly enjoin our Officers to take care that no Scandal be committed at the said Interments; and they shall be bound within a Fortnight after request made, to provide commodious places for the said Burials of those of the said Religion, without the least protraction, or delays, under penalty of 500 Crowns, to be 'sessed on their proper Names and Persons. The said Officers and others are also forbidden to exact any thing for the conveyance of the said Dead Bodies on pain of Extortion.  
XXX. To the end that Justice may be done and ministered to our Subjects without partiality, hatred, or favour, which is one of the principal means to keep peace and concord among them, we have and do ordain that a Chamber shall be established in our Court of Parliament of Paris, consisting of a Precedent and 16 Councillors of the said Parliament, the which shall be called and entitled, The Chamber of the Edict, which shall not only judge the Causes and Processes of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, within the Jurisdiction of the said Court, but also those of the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of Normandy and Brittany, according to the Jurisdiction hereafter conferred upon it by this present Edict, and that until a Chamber be established in each of the said Parliaments, to minister Justice upon the place. We also ordain that the four Offices of Councillors in our said Parliament of Paris, remaining of the last election by us made, shall be forthwith bestowed on four of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, fitly qualified, and capable to serve in the said Parliament, who shall be distributed, viz. The first shall be received into the Chamber of the Edict, and the other three in order as they shall be received into three of the Chambers of the Inquests. Moreover the two first Offices of * Laiz Councillors, that shall become vacant by Death, shall also be given to two of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion; and the persons thus received, shall be distributed into the two other Chambers of Inquests.  
XXXI. Besides the Chamber heretofore established at Castres', for the Jurisdiction of our Court of Parliament of Thoulouse, which shall be continued in the state it now stands; we have for the same considerations ordained, and do ordain, that in each of our Courts of Parliament of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, shall also be established a Chamber, consisting of two Precedents, the one Catholic, and the other of the said pretended Reformed Religion; and of twelve Councillors, six of which shall be Catholics, and the other six of the said Religion; which Catholic Presidents and Councillors shall be by us selected and chosen out of the body of our said Courts. And as to those of the said Religion, a new Creation shall be made of a Precedent and six Councillors for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and of a Precedent and three Councillors for that of Grenoble, the which with the three Councillors of the said Religion, that are at present of the said Parliament, shall be employed in the said Chamber of Dauphine. And the said Offices of new creation, shall be allowed the same Salaries, Honours, Authorities, and Preeminencies as the others of the said Courts. And the said Sessions of the said Chamber of Bourdeaux shall be held at Bourdeaux, or at Nerac, and that of Dauphine at Grenoble.  
XXXII. The said Chamber of 
* The word signifies Legacies.  Dauphine shall determine the Causes of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, of the Jurisdiction of our Parliament of Provence, without being obliged to take Letters of Summons, or other Citations, any where but in our Chancery of Dauphine: Neither shall those of the said Religion of Normandy or Brittany be obliged to take out Summons, or other Citations any where but in our Chancery of Paris.  
XXXIII. Our Subjects of the said Religion of the Parliament of Burgundy, shall have the choice and election to plead in the Chamber ordained in the Parliament of Paris, or in that of Dauphine, neither shall they be obliged to take out Letters of Summons, or any other Citations, but in the said Chanceries of Paris, and of Dauphine, according to their own choice.  
XXXIV. All the said Chambers composed as abovesaid, shall determine and judge in sovereignty by Sentence Definitive, by Decrees excluding all others of Suits and Differences moved and to be moved; in which those of the said pretended Reformed Religion are concerned as Principals, or Warranties, either as Plaintiffs, or Defendants, in all matters, as well Civil as Criminal, whether the said Processes be by Writ, or Verbal Appeal, if the said Parties like it so, and one of them requires it, before any Plea in the Cause, in relation to Suits to be moved: always excepting all matters of Benefices, and the Possessors of Tithes not enfeoffed, Ecclesiastical Patronages, and Causes wherein the Demean of the Church shall be concerned, which shall all be tried and judged in the Courts of Parliament; and the said Chambers of the Edict shall not be allowed to take cognizance of the same. It is also our Will and Pleasure, that in order to judge and decide Criminal Causes, that shall happen among the said ecclesiastics, and those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, if the Ecclesistick is Defendant, the Judgement of the Criminal Cause shall belong to our Sovereign Courts, exclusively to the said Chambers; and the Ecclesiastic being Plaintiff, and he of the said Religion Defendant, the Cognizance and Judgement of the Criminal Cause shall belong by Appeal, and in last reference, to the said Established Chambers. The said Chambers also in Vacation-times shall determine of Matters referred by the Edicts and Ordinances to the Chambers established in times of Vacation, each one in their Jurisdiction.  
XXXV. The Chambers of Grenoble shall from this present be united and incorporated to the Body of the said Court of Parliament, and the Precedents and Councillors of the said pretended Reformed Religion, entitled Precedents and Councillors of the said Court, and held in the number and rank of them. To this end they shall be first disposed of in the other Chambers, and then called and drawn out of them, to be employed, and to serve in that which we institute anew; yet they shall assist, and have a Voice and Session in all the Deliberations that shall be made when the Chambers are assembled, and shall enjoy the same Salaries, Authorities and Preeminencies, as the oath Presidents and Councillors do.  
XXXVI. It is also our Will and Pleasure, that the said Chambers of Castres' and Bourdeaux shall be reunited, and incorporated into the said Parliaments, in the same manner as the others, when it shall be needful, and the Causes that have moved us to establish them shall cease, and subsist no longer among our Subjects: And therefore the Precedents and Councillors of the said Chambers, being of the same Religion, shall be called and held for Precedents and Counsellors of the said Courts.  
XXXVII. There shall be also newly created and erected in the Chamber ordained for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, two Substitutes of our Attorney and Advocate General, of which the Attorney's Substitutes shall be a Catholic, and the other of the said Religion, who shall be invested with the said Offices, with competent Pensions.  
XXXVIII. All the said Substitutes shall take no other quality than that of Substitutes; and when the Chambers ordained for the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse shall be united and incorporated into the said Parliaments, the said Substitutes shall be provided with Councillor's Places in the same.  
XXXIX. The Expeditions of the Chancery of the Chamber of Bourdeaux shall be performed in the presence of two Councillors of the said Chamber, of which the one shall be a Catholic, and the other of the said pretended Reformed Religion, in the absence of one of the Masters of Request of our Hôtell, or Household; And one of the Notaries and Secretaries of the said Court of Parliament of Bourdeaux, shall reside in the place where the said Chamber shall be established, or else one of the Secretaries in ordinary of the Chancery, to sign the Expeditions of the said Chancery.  
XL. We will and command, That in the said Chamber of Bourdeaux there be two Committees of the Register of the said Parliament, the one Civil, the other Criminal, who shall officiate by our Commissions, and shall be called Committees of the Registry Civil and Criminal; and therefore shall neither be displaced nor revoked by the said Registers, or chief Clerks of Parliament: yet they shall be obliged to yield the Profit of the said Registries to the said Register; the which Committees shall receive Salaries from the said Registers, according as it shall be thought ●t, and ordered by the said Chamber. Moreover, Catholic Messengers shall be appointed there, who shall be taken out of the said Court, or elsewhere, according to our Pleasure; besides which, two new ones shall be erected, being of the said Religion, without their paying any Fees: All the said Messengers shall be governed by the said Chamber both as to the execution, and precinct of their Office, as well as the Fees they shall receive. A Commission shall also be dispatched for a Paymaster of Salaries, and a Receiver of the Fines levied by the Chamber, who shall be chosen by us, in case the said Chamber be established in any place but the said City; and the Commission heretofore granted to the Paymaster of the Salaries of the Chamber of Castres', shall remain in full force, and the Commission of Receiver of the Fines levied by the said Chamber shall be annexed to the said Office.  
XLI. Sufficient Assignations shall be provided for the Pensions or Salaries of the Officers of the Chambers ordained by this Edict.  
XLII. The Precedents, Counsellors, and other Catholic Officers of the said Chambers, shall be continued as long as possible may be, and as we shall find it most expedient for our Service, and the good of our Subjects: And in dismissing some, others shall be appointed in their room, before their departure; and they shall not, during the time of their waiting, absent themselves, or depart from the said Chambers, without their leave, which shall be judged by the Proceedings of the Ordinance.  
XLIII. The said Chambers shall be established within six Months, during which, (if the Establishment continue so long a settling) the Suits moved, or to be moved, in which those of the said Religion shall be Parties, within the Jurisdiction of our Parliaments of Paris, Rouen, Dijon, and Rennes, shall be removed, or summoned to the Chamber at present established at Paris, by virtue of the Edict of the Year 1577. or else to the great Council, at the Election and Choice of those of the said Religion, if they require it: Those that are of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, into the Chamber of Castres', or to the said Great Council, at their choice: And those that are of Provence, to the Parliament of Grenoble. And in case the said Chambers be not established within three months after the Presentation there made of this our present Edict, such of our Parliaments as shall have made refusal thereof, shall be prohibited to take cognizance, or judge the Causes of those of the said Religion.  
XLIV. Suits not yet determined, depending in the said Courts of Parliament, and Grand Council, of the nature abovesaid, shall be returned, in what state soever they stand, into the said Chambers, each Cause to its Court of Reference, in case one of the Parties of the said Religion requires it, within four months after the establishment thereof; and as for such as shall be discontinued, and are not in a state to come to trial, the abovementioned of the said Religion shall be obliged to make a Declaration at the first intimation and signification they shall receive of the pursuit; and the said Term being expired, they shall no longer be received to demand the said Returns.  
XLV. The said Chambers of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, as well as that of Chartres, shall observe the Style and Forms of the Parliaments, within the Jurisdictions of which they shall be established, and shall judge in equal numbers both of the one, and other Religion, unless the Parties agree to the contrary.  
XLVI. All the Judges, to whom the Executions, Decrees, Commissions of the said Chambers, and Letters, obtained out of their Chanceries, shall be directed; as also all Messengers and Sergeants shall be bound to put them in execution; and the Messengers and Sergeants shall also be obliged to serve all their Warrants in all parts of the Kingdom, without demanding Placet, Visa, nor Pareatis, on pein of suspension of their Places, and paying the Damages, Charges and Interests of the Parties: the Censure whereof shall belong to the said Chambers.  
XLVII. No removal of Causes shall be allowed, the trial of which is referred to the said Chambers, unless in the case of the Ordinances, the return whereof shall be made to the nearest Chamber established according to our Edict: And the Issues of Suits of the said Chambers shall be tried in the next Chamber, observing the proportion and Forms of the said Chamber, from whence the Processes shall proceed, except for the Chambers of the Edict in our Parliament of Paris; where the said Party Suits shall be disposed of in the said Chamber, by Judges that shall be by us nominated by our particular Letters to this end, unless the Parties had rather attend the Renovation of the said Chamber. And if it should happen that one and the same Suit should pass through all the Party Chambers, the issue thereof shall be returned to the said Chamber of Paris.  
XLVIII. Refusals proposed against the Precedents and Counsellors of the Party-Chambers shall be allowed to the number of six, to which number the Parties shall be restrained, otherwise they shall go forward without any regard to the said Refusals.  
XLIX. The Examination of Precedents and Counsellors newly erected in the said Party Camber's shall be performed by our Privy Council, or by the said Chambers, each one within its Precinct, when their number shall be sufficient: Nevertheless, the usual Oath shall by them be taken in the Courts where the said Chamber shall be established, and upon their refusal, in our Privy Council; except those of the Chamber of Languedoc, who shall take their Oath before our Chancellor, or in the said Chamber.  
L. We will and ordain, That the reception of our Officers of the said Religion, shall be judged in the said Party Chambers by the plurality of Voices; as it is usual in other Judgements, it not being requisite that the Voices should surpass two thirds, according to the Ordinance, the which in this respect is abrogated.  
LI. All Propositions, Deliberations and Resolutions, relating to the Public Peace, and for the particular Estate and Policy of the Cities, where the Party-Chambers shall reside, shall be made in the said Chambers.  
LII. The Article of the Jurisdiction of the said Chambers, ordained by the present Edict, shall be followed and observed according to its Form and Tenor, even in what relates to the Execution, Omission, or Infraction of our Edicts, when those of the said Religion shall be Parties.  
LIII. The Subaltern Officers Royal, or others, the reception of which belongs to our Courts of Parliament, if they be of the said pretended Reformed Religion may be examined and received in the said Chambers: viz. Those of the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of Paris, Normandy and Brittany, in the said Chambers of Paris; those of Dauphine and Provence, in the Chamber of Grenoble; those of Burgundy, in the said Chamber of Paris, or of Dauphine, at their choice; those of the Jurisdiction of Thoulouse, in the Chamber of Castres'; and those of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, in the Chamber of Guienne; and no other to oppose their receptions, or make themselves Parties, but our Attorneys. General, and their Substitutes, and those placed in the said Offices. Nevertheless the accustomed Oath shall by them be taken in the Courts of Parliament, which shall not be allowed to take cognizance of their reception; and upon the refusal of the said Parliament, the said Officers shall take the Oath in the said Chambers; which being thus taken, they shall be obliged to present the Act of their reception, by a Messenger or Notary to the Registers of the said Courts of Parliament, and to leave a compared Copy thereof, with the said Registers; who are enjoined to register the said Acts, on pain of paying all the Charges, Damages and Interests of the Parties; and in case the Registers should refuse to do it; it shall be sufficient for the said Officers to bring back the Act of the said Summons, drawn by the said Messengers, or Notaries, and to cause the same to be recorded in the Registers of their said Jurisdictions, there to be viewed when need shall require, on pain of nullity of their Proceedings and Judgements. And as for those Officers, whose reception is not to be made in our said Parliaments; in case those by whom it ought to be made, should refuse to proceed to the said Examination and Reception, the said Officers shall repair to the said Chambers, where care shall be taken for their said reception.  
LIV. The Officers of the said pretended Reformed Religion, who shall be chosen hereafter, to serve in the Body of our said Court of Parliament, Grand Council, Chambers of Accounts, Courts of Aids, and in the Offices of the Treasurer-General of France, and other Officers of the Exchequers, shall be examined and received in the places where it was usually performed; and in case of refusal, or denial of Justice, they shall be constituted in our Privy Council.  
LV. The reception of our Officers made in the Chamber established heretofore at Castres', shall remain in force, all Decrees and Ordinances thereunto contrary notwithstanding. The reception of our Judges, Councillors, and other Officers of the said Religion, made in our Privy-Councel, or by Commissioners by us nominated upon the refusal of our Courts of Parliament, of Aids, and Chambers of Account, shall also be as valid, as if they had been made in the said Courts and Chambers, and by other Judges, to whom those Receptions appertain. And their Salaries shall be allowed by the Chambers of Accounts, without difficulty: and if any have been dismissed, they shall be re-established without any farther Mandamus than this present Edict; and the said Officers shall not be obliged to show any other reception; all Decrees given to the contrary notwithstanding; the which shall remain void, and of no effect.  
LVI. Until means be procured to defray the Expenses of Justice of our said Chambers out of the Moneys of Fines and Con●iscations, we will assign a valuable and sufficient Fund to discharge the said Expenses, which Money shall be returned out of the Estates of the persons condemned.  
LVII. The Precedents and Councillors of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, heretofore received into our Courts of Parliament of Dauphine, and in the Chamber of the Edict incorporated into the same shall continue and hold their Place and Order there, Viz. The Precedents as they did and do enjoy them at present; and the Councillors according to the Decrees and Patents they have obtained about it in our Privy Council.  
LVIII. We declare all Sentences, Judgements, Decrees, Proceedings, Seizures, Sales, and Orders made and given against those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, whether dead, or alive, since the Death of the late King Heury the 2d. our most honoured Lord and Father-in-Law, by reason of the said Religion, Tumults and Troubles happened since, together with the execution of the said Judgements and Decrees from this present, canceled, revoked, and nullified, and the same do cancel, revoke and nullify. We order the same to be razed and wiped out of the Records of the Registers of Courts as well Sovereign as Inferior. As it is likewise our pleasure, that all Marks. Tracts and Monuments of the said Executions, Books and Acts defamatory to their Persons, Memory and Posterity, shall be removed and defaced: And that the places in which have been made upon that account, Demolishments or Razing, shall be restored to the Owners in such a condition as they are, the same to enjoy and to dispose of as they shall think fit. And we have generally revoked, cancelled and nullified all Proceedings and Informations made for any Enterprises whatever, Pretended Crimes of Leze-Majesty and others. Notwithstanding which Proceedings, Decrees and Judgements, comprehending reunion, incorporation, and confiscation, it is our pleasure that those of the said Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, and their Heirs, shall re-enter into the real and actual possession of all and every their Estates.  
LIX. All Proceedings made, Judgements and Decrees given during the Troubles, against those of the said Religion, who have born Arms, or withdrawn themselves out of our Realm or within the same, into Cities and Countries held by them upon another account than that of Religion and the Troubles, together with all Nonsuits, Prescriptions, either Legal, Conventional, or Customary, and Feodal Seizures, befallen during the Troubles, or by lawful Impediments proceeding from them, the cognizance whereof shall remain in our Judges, shall be esteemed as not performed, granted, or happened; and such we have and do declare them to be, and have and do annihilate them; for all which the said Parties shall have no redress: but they shall be restored to the same state in which they were before, the said Decrees and Execution thereof notwithstanding; and the possession they had formerly, shall be restored to them in this respect. What is above mentioned shall also take place, in relation to others who have been engaged in the Party of those of the said Religion, or that have absented themselves out of our Kingdom, by reason of the Troubles. And as for the Children under Age of those of the Quality abovesaid, who died during the Troubles, we restore the Parties to the same Estate in which they were before, without refunding the Charges, or being bound to consign the Fines or Amerciaments; but yet we do not mean that Judgements given by Presidial or other Inferior Judges, against those of the said Religion, or those who have been engaged in their Party, should remain void, if given by Judges, holding Sessions in Cities held by them, to which they had a free access.  
LX. The Decrees given in our Courts of Parliament, in matters, the Cognizance whereof belongs to the Chambers ordained by the Edict in the year 1577. and the Articles of Nerac and Flex, in which Courts the Parties have not proceeded voluntarily, that is, they have alleged and proposed ends declinatory, or that have been given by default or Exclusion, either in matters Civil or Criminal, notwithstanding which ends, the said Parties have been constrained to go forward, shall likewise be annihilated, and of no value. And as for the Decrees given against those of the said Religion, who have proceeded voluntarily, without proposing declinatory Ends, the said Decrees shall remain in force; yet nevertheless without prejudice to the Execution thereof, they shall be allowed, if they think good, to take some course by Civil Request, before the Chambers ordained by the present Edict; and the time run on, mentioned by the Ordinances, shall be no prejudice to them; and until the said Chambers, and their Chanceries are established, the Verbal Appeals, or those by Writ brought in by those of the said Religion, before the Judges, Registers, or Committees, Executors of Decrees and Judgements, shall take the same Effect, as if they had been sued out by Letters Patent.  
LXI. In all Inquiries that shall be made upon any occasion whatsoever, in Civil Matters, if the Inquisitor or Commissary is a Catholic, the Parties shall be obliged to agree about an Associate; and in case they cannot agree about one, the said Inquisitor or Commissary shall take one out of the Office, being of the said pretended Reformed Religion; and the same shall be practised when the Commissary or Inquisitor shall be of the said Religion, for a Catholic Adjunct.  
LXII. We Will and Ordain, That our Judges shall determine the Validity of Testaments, in which those of the said Religion shall be concerned, if they require it; and the Appeals of the said Judgements may be sued out by those of the said Religion, notwithstanding all Customs contrary thereunto, even those of Britain.  
LXIII. To prevent all differences that might happen between our Courts of Parliament, and the Chambers of the said Courts, ordained by our present Edict; We will set down an ample and plain Order between the said Courts and Chambers, by which those of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall fully enjoy the benefit of the said Edict: Which Order shall be verified in our Courts of Parliament, which shall be kept and observed, without having a respect to those that have been made before.  
LXIV. We prohibit and forbid all our Sovereign Courts, and others of this Kingdom, to take Cognizance, and judge the Processes, Civil and Criminal, of those of the said Religion, the Trial whereof, by our Edict, is referred to the said Chambers, provided the return be demanded, as it is specified by the 40 Articles abovewriten.  
LXV. Our Will also is by way of Provision, until we have otherwise ordained it, that in all Suits moved, or to be moved, in which those of the said Religion shall stand as Plaintiffs, or Defendants, principal Parties, or warranties in Civil Causes, in which our Officers and Presidial Tribunals, have power to Judge definitively, they be permitted to demand that two of the Chamber, where the Cause is to be tried, abstain from the Judgement of them, who without alleging any cause, shall be bound in this case to abstain, notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Judges cannot be excepted against without just cause; there remaining to them besides refusals of Right against the others. And in Criminal Cases in which the said Presidial Judges, and other Subaltern or Inferior Judges Royal, judge definitively, the Persons impeached being of the said Religion, shall also be allowed to challenge three of the Judges peremptorily. The Provosts of the Marshals of France, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Seneschals, Lieutenants of the Short Robe, and other Officers of the like Quality, shall also judge according to the Ordinance and Rules heretofore given in relation to Vagabonds. And as for Householders charged and impeached with any Provostal or Public Crime, if they be of the said Religion, they shall also be allowed to demand that three of the said Judges, who may take Cognizance thereof, abstain from the Judgement of their Causes, which the said Judges shall be obliged to do, without any expression of Cause, except when in the Assembly where the said Causes shall be judged, there happen to be to the number of two in Civil matters, and three in Criminal Cases of those of the said Religion, in which Case they shall not be allowed to challenge peremptorily, without showing cause; the which shall be common and reciprocal to Catholics in manner and form abovementioned in respect to the Refusal of Judges, where those of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall exceed the others in number Nevertheless, we do not mean that the said Presidial Tribunals, Provosts-Marshals, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Seneschals, and others, who judge definitively, should by virtue of what is abovesaid, take Cognizance of the Troubles past. And as for Crimes and Excesses committed upon other occasions, than that of the Troubles past, from the beginning of March 1585. to the end of the year 1597. in case they do take Cognizance of them: It is our Will that Appeals may be had from their Judgements before the Chambers ordained by the present Edict; as shall in the like manner be practised for Catholic Accomplices, where some of those of the pretended Reformed Religion shall be Parties.  
LXVI. We also will and ordain, That henceforward in all Instructions, except Informations of Criminal Causes, in the Seneschalships of Thoulouse, Carcassonne, Rovergue, Loragais, Beziers, Montpelier, and Nimes, the Magistrate, or Commissary, deputed for the said Instruction, if he be a Catholic, shall be bound to take an Associate of the pretended Reformed Religion, which the Parties shall agree about; and in case they cannot agree, one of the said Religion shall be taken out of the Office, by the aforesaid Magistrate, or Commissary: As in like manner, If the Magistrate, or Commissary, be of the said Religion, he shall be obliged in the manner and form aforesaid to take a Catholic Assistant.  
LXVII. When any Housholder of the said Religion, being charged and accused of any public Crime, shall be tried before the Provosts Marshals, or their Lieutenants, the said Provosts, or their Lieutenants, being Catholics shall be obliged to call to the Proceedings of such a matter an Assistant of the said Religion; who shall also assist at the Trial of the competency of the Indictment, and at the Judgement definitive of the matter; which Competency shall only be tried at the next Presidial Tribunal, in open Assembly, by the chief Officers of the said Court, being actually there on pain of Nullity, unless the Persons accused, desire to have the said Competency tried in the Chambers ordained by the present Edict. In which case in respect to the Householders of the Provinces of Guyenne, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, the Substitutes of our Attornys-General in the said Chambers, shall at the request of the said Householders, cause the said Charges and Informations against them, to be brought before them, to know, and determine, whether the Causes are liable to Provosts-Courts or not, in order, according to the nature of the Crimes, to be returned by the said Chambers to the Ordinary Judge, or else to be tried by the Provostal Judges, according as they shall judge it reasonable, and suitable to the Contents of this our present Edict: And all the said Presidial-Judges, Provosts-Marshals, Vice-Bailiffs, Vice-Seneschals, and others, who judge definitively, shall be obliged respectively to obey and observe the Commands they shall receive from the said Chambers, as they use to respect the Orders of the said Parliaments, on forfeiture of their Places.  
LXVIII. The Publications of Sale, and Seizures, Outcries, and Vendition of Inheritances by the * Spear, in pursuance of a Decree, shall be performed at the usual Places and Houses, if possible, according to our Ordinances, or else in public Market-places, in case there be any Market-places in the Place where the said Inheritances are seated; and where there are none, it shall be done in the next Marketplace within the Precinct of the Session where the Adjudication is to be made, and the Paper of notice shall be fastened on a Post in the said Market; and at the entrance of the Auditories, or Sessions-house of the said Place, and in so doing, the said Publications shall be good and valid, and they shall proceed to the passing of the Order for the Sale of the Goods, without minding the Nulities that might be alleged in that respect.  
LXIX. All Titles, Papers, Instruments, and Informations, that have been taken, shall be restored on both sides to the owners, although the said Papers, or the Castles, or Houses, in which they were kept, were taken and seized, either by Special Commissions from the late King, our most honoured Lord and Father-in-Law; or from Us, or by the Command of the Governors and Lieutenants-General of our Provinces, or by the Authority of the Chiefs of the other side, or under any other pretence whatever.  
LXX. The Children of such as have withdrawn themselves out of our Kingdom, since the Death of the late King Henry II. our most honoured Lord and Father-in-Law, on the account of Religion, and the Troubles, though the said Children be born out of this Kingdom, shall be held for true Frenchmen and Natives, and as such we have, and do declare them to be, without their being obliged to take Letters of Naturalisation, or other Warrants from us, but the present Edicts: All Ordinances thereunto contrary notwithstanding; to which we have and do derogate, upon condition, that the said Children born in Foreign Countries, shall be obliged within Ten Years after the said Publication of these presents, to come and Reside in this Kingdom.  
LXXI. Those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others, who have been engaged in their Party, who shall have taken to Farm before the Troubles any Offices, or other Demeans, Customs, Foreign Impositions, or other Duties to us belonging, the which they have not been able to enjoy, by reason of the Troubles, shall remain discharged, as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not received of the said Farms, or what they have paid without fraud, any where out of our Exchequer. All Obligations entered into by them upon this account, notwithstanding.  
LXXII. All Places, Cities, and Provinces of our Kingdom, Countries, Lands, and Lordships under our Obedience, shall have and enjoy the same Privileges, Immunities, Liberties, Franchises, Fairs, Markets, Jurisdictions, and Seats of Justice, as they did before the Troubles, begun in the Month of March 1585. And others preceding, all Letters Patents thereunto contrary, and the Translation of some of the said Seats notwithstanding; provided it was only done upon the account of the Troubles; which Seats shall be re-established in the Cities and Places where they were before.  
LXXIII. In case there be yet any Prisoners detained by Authority of Justice, or otherwise, even in the Galleys, by reason of the Troubles, or of the said Religion, they shall be set at Liberty.  
LXXIV. Those of the said Religion shall not hereafter be surcharged or oppressed with any ordinary or extraordinary Imposition, more than the Catholics, and according to the proportion of their Estates and Substance; and the Parties that think themselves overburthen'd, may have recourse, and shall be redressed by the Judges appointed for that Subject: And all our Subjects, whether Catholics, or of the said pretended Reformed Religion, shall be equally discharged of all Charges that have been imposed on both sides during the Troubles, on those that were of a contrary Party, and not consenting; as also of Debts created and not paid, Expenses made without their Approbation; but yet there shall be no returns made of the Fruits that shall have been employed for the payment of the said Charges.  
LXXV. Neither do we allow that those of the said Religion, and others, who have been engaged in their Party; nor the Catholics, who dwell in the Cities, Towns, and Places, held and detained by them, and who have contributed to them, should be prosecuted for the payment of Taxes, Aids, Grants, Increase, Assessments, Wastes▪ and Reparations, and other Impositions and Subsidies due, and imposed during the Troubles happened before, and since our coming to the Crown, either by Edicts, Orders from the late Kings our Predecessors, or by Advice and Deliberation of the Governors and Estates of the Provinces, Courts of Parliament, and others, whereof we have and do discharge them; forbidding our Treasurers-General of France, and of our Exchequers, Receivers-General and Particular, their Clerks, Intermedlers, and other Intendants and Commissaries of our Exchequer, to prosecute, molest, or trouble them for the same directly or indirectly, in any way whatever.  
LXXVI. All Commanders, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, Officers, Corporations of Cities, Towns, and Commonalties, and all others, who have aided and assisted them, their Widows, Heirs, and Successors, shall be acquitted and discharged of all Sums that have been taken and raised by them, or their Orders, as well belonging to the Crown, to whatever Sums they may amount, as out of Cities, Towns, and Commonalties, and from particular Persons, Rents, Revenues, Plate, Sale of Movables belonging to ecclesiastics, and others, High Forests belonging to the Demean, or to other Persons, Fines, Booties, Ransoms, or Sums of other natures by them taken, by reason of the Troubles begun in March 1585. and other precedent Troubles, until our coming to the Crown; for which neither they, nor those by them employed for the raising of the said Sums, or such as have given or furnished them by their Order, shall be any wise prosecuted either for the time being, or to come; and both they and their Committees, or Clarks shall remain acquitted and discharged for all the Management and Administration of the said Money, bringing in for a full discharge, within four Months after the Publication of the present Edict made in our Court of Parliament of Paris, Acquittances duly expedited by the Chiefs of the said Religion, or from those who were employed by them for the Audit and clearing of Accounts, or from the Commonalties of Cities, which had Authority and Command during the said Troubles. They shall in like manner remain acquitted and discharged of all Acts of Hostility, Levies, and Conduct of Soldiers, Coining and Rating of Money, done by order of the said Chiefs; Casting and Taking of Artillery and Munitions, Making of Powder and Saltpetre; the Taking, Fortifying, Difmantling, and Demolishing of Cities, Castles, Towns, and Villages, Erterprises upon the same; the Burning and Demolishing of Churches and Houses, Establishing of Courts of Justice, Judgements and Executions from the same, whether in matters Civil or Criminal, of any Policy or Government established among them, of Voyages and Intelligences, Negotiations, Treaties, and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes, and Commonalties, and the Introduction of the said Foreigners into the Cities, and other Places of our Kingdom, and generally of all that has been done, or negotiated during the said Troubles, since the Death of the late King Henry II. our most honoured Lord and Brother-in-Law, by those of the said Religion, and others, who have been engaged in their Party, though it be not particularly specified nor expressed.  
LXXVII. Those of the said Religion shall also be discharged for all General and Provincial Assemblies, made and held by them, both at Nantes, and elsewhere since, until this present time; likewise for the Councils by them Established and Ordained in the Provinces, Deliberations, Ordinances, and Regulations made by the said Assemblies, and Councils, Establishment and Augmentation of Garrisons, Assembling of Soldiers, Raising and Taking of Money either from the Receivers-General, or from particular Persons, Collectors of Parishes, or others, in any kind whatever; seizing of Salt, Continuation or new Erection of Impositions, and Tolls, and Receipts of the same, even at Royan, and upon the Rivers Charante, Garonne, Rone, and Dordogne, equiping of Ships and Sea-Fights, and all Accidents and Excesses occasioned by obliging People to pay the said Impositions, Tolls, and other moneys, Fortifications of Cities, Castles, and Places, Impositions of Money, and Labour, Receipts of the said Money, turning out of our Receivers and Farmers, and other Officers, establishing of others in their Room, and for all Unions, Dispatches, and Negotiations, made either within or without the Kingdom: And generally for all that has been done deliberated, written, and ordained by the said Assemblies and Councils, for which neither those who have given their Advice, Signed, Executed, and caused the said Ordinances, Regulations, and Deliberations to be signed and executed, shall neither be prosecuted or troubled, nor their Widows, Heirs, or Successors, either at present, or for the future, although the Particulars are not specified here. And upon the whole, perpetual silence shall be imposed to our Attorneys-General and their Substitutes, and to all such as could have any pretence to it in any kind, or manner whatever; all Sentences, Judgements, Informations, and Proceedings to the contrary notwithstanding.  
LXXVIII. Moreover we Approve, Confirm, and Authorise the Accounts that have been heard, allowed, and examined by the Deputies of the said Assembly. And order the same, together with the Acquittances and Fragments that have been returned by the Accountants, to be carried into our Chamber of Accounts at Paris, within three Months after the Publication of the present Edict, and delivered into the hands of our Attorney-General, to be delivered to the Keeper of the Books and Registers of our Chamber, there to be viewed as often as shall be necessary; neither shall the said Accounts be examined anew, or the Accountants be obliged to appear, or to correct any thing, unless in the case of Omissions of Receipts, or false Acquittances: Imposing silence to our Attorney-General, to whatever else might be thought defective, or the Formalities omitted. Forbidding those that keep our Courts of Accounts, either at Paris, or in other Provinces where they are established, to take any cognizance thereof in any kind whatever.  
LXXIX. As for the Accounts that have not been delivered yet, they shall be heard, passed, and examined ' by Commissioners appointed by us, who shall without difficulty pass, and allow all the Accounts paid by the said Accountants, by virtue of the Ordinances of the said Assembly, or others, who were in Power.  
LXXX. All Collectors, Receivers, Farmers, and others, shall be well and duly discharged for all the Sums by them paid to the Committees of the said Assembly, whatever nature they were of, until the last day of this Month. We order the whole to be passed and allowed in the Accounts that shall be given thereof in our Chambers of Accounts, merely by virtue of the Acquittances they shall bring along with them; and in case any should be expedited or delivered hereafter, they shall be void; and those who shall accept or diliver them, shall be Fined as Falsificators. And in case any of the Accounts already delivered should be blotted, or razed, and excepted against, we do in that respect remove the said Scruples, and allow the said Accounts to be good, by virtue of these Presents, and there shall be no need for all that is abovesaid of any particular Letters, nor any thing else, for all which the Extract of the present Article will suffice.  
LXXXI. The Governors, Captains, Consuls, and other Persons employed for the Collection of the Money to pay the Garrisons of the Places held by those of the said Religion, to whom our Receivers and Collectors of Parishes shall have furnished by way of Loan upon their Notes and Bonds, either by force, or to obey the Commands made to them by the Treasurers-General, such Sums of Money as were necessary to pay off the said Garrisons to the value of what was specified in the settlement we caused to be made in the beginning of the Year 1596; and the Additions that have been since by us granted, are hereby acquitted and discharged of what has been paid for the abovesaid use, although it is not expressly mentioned in the said Notes and Bonds, the which shall be restored to them as annihilated. And in order thereunto, the Treasurers-General in every Generality, shall order the particular Receivers of our 
* A heavy Imposition.  Tailles to give the said Collectors their Acquittances, and the Receivers General their Acquittances to the said particular Receivers: For the discharge of which Receivers General, the Sums they shall have accounted for, as above said, shall be endorsed upon the Orders given to the Treasurer of the Exchequer, signed by the Treasurer's General of the extraordinary expenses of our Wars, for the payment of the said Garrisons. And in case the said Orders do not amount to as much as is specified by our said settlement of the Year 1596. and the Additions, it is our pleasure in order to supply the same, that new orders shall be given for as much as may be wanting for the discharge of our Accomptants, and the restitution of the said Promises and Bonds, to the end that nothing may be required hereafter from those that have given them; and that all necessary Letters of Enforcement and Ratification for the discharge of the said Accomptants be issued out by virtue of this present Article.  
LXXXII. And therefore those of the said Religion shall give over and desist, from this very time, all Practices, Negotiations and Intelligences, both at home and abroad; and the said Assemblies and Councils established in the Provinces shall strait break up; and all Leagues and Associations made or to be made, under any pretence whatever, to the prejudice of our present Edict, shall be cancelled and annulled, as we do hereby cancel and annul them; forbidding all our Subjects most expressly henceforward to make any Assessments and raisings of Money, without our leave, Fortifications, Listing of Men, Congregations and Assemblies, besides those that are allowed them by the present Edicts, and without Arms; which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of rigorous punishments, and as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Ordinances.  
LXXXIII. All Prizes taken at Sea, during the Troubles, by virtue of the permissions given, and all such as have been taken by Land, upon those of the contrary Party, which have been judged by the Judges and Commissioners of the Admiralty, or by the Chiefs of those of the said Religion, or their Council, shall lie dormant under the benefit of our present Edicts, and no manner of prosecution shall be made for the same; neither shall the Captains and others who have taken the said Prizes, and the said Judges, Officers, their Widows and Heirs be any wise prosecuted or molested upon that account; notwithstanding all Decrees of our Privy-Council and Parliaments, and all Letters of Marque, and Seizures depending and engaged, for all which we do release and discharge them.  
LXXXIV. Neither shall those of the said Religion be called to an account for their having heretofore, and even since the troubles, opposed and hindered the execution of the Decrees and Judgements given for the re-establishment of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, in divers places of this Kingdom.  
LXXXV. As for what has been taken or done during the Troubles, otherwise than by way of Hostility, or by Hostility contrary to the Public or particular Regulations of the Chiefs, or of the Commonalties of the Provinces who were impower'd, they shall be prosecuted according to Law.  
LXXXVI. Nevertheless, whereas if what has been done against the Regulations on both sides were indifferently excepted from the General Pardon granted by this our present Edict, and liable to be prosecuted, there are few men in the Armies, who might not be put to trouble, which might occasion a renovation of Troubles; it is our will and pleasure that none but execrable Crimes should be excepted out of the said General Pardon: Viz. Ravishments, Incendiaries, Murders and Robberies committed with a design and premeditation, not in the way of Hostility, but out of private ends and revenge against the Law of Arms; infraction of Passports and Safeguards, together with Murders and Plunderings without Orders, in relation to those of the said Religion, and others who have followed the Party of the Chiefs that had Authority over them, grounded upon particular occasions that may have moved them to command or order it.  
LXXXVII. We also order, That the Crimes and Offences against persons of the same Party shall be punished, unless in Acts commanded by the Chiefs of either side, according to the Necessity, Law and Orders of War. And as for the raisings and exactions of Money, Bearing of Arms, and other Exploits of War committed by Private Authority, and without command, they shall be prosecuted according to Law.  
LXXXVIII. The Ruins and Demolishments that have been made in Cities and Towns during the Troubles, may be rebuilt and repaired, with our leave, by the Inhabitants at their proper cost and charges, and the Letters Patents allowed heretofore to that end shall remain in force.  
LXXXIX. It is our will and pleasure, and positive Command, That all the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and others, of what Quality soever, of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, shall re-enter, and be effectually restored to the enjoyment of all and every their Estates, Titles, Names, Reasons and Actions, notwithstanding the Judgements given against them during the Troubles, and by reason thereof; which Decrees, Seizures, Judgements, and all that followed thereupon, we have declared to that end, and do declare null, and of no effect and value.  
XC. The Acquisitions which those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and others who have been engaged in their Party, have made by other Authority than that of the late Kings our Predecessors, about the Immovables belonging to the Church, shall be void and of no effect; and therefore we order, and it is our will and pleasure that the ecclesiastics shall be restored immediately, and without delay, and shall be preserved in the possession, and real and actual enjoyments of the Estates thus alienated, and without being obliged to return the price of the said Sales; the said Contracts of Sale notwithstanding, the which therefore we have and do revoke: Nevertheless, allowing the Purchasers their recourse at Law against the Chiefs, by whose Authority the said Estates should have been sold. However for the reimbursement of the Sums by them really and without fraud disbursed, we will grant our Letters Patent to those of the said Religion, to impose and equal upon themselves the Sums to which the said Sales will amount; and the said Purchasers shall have no Actions against them for Damages and Interests for want of enjoyment, but shall rest satisfied with the restitution of the Money by them disbursed for the said Acquisitions; including upon the said Price the Fruits by them received, in case the said sales are found to be made at a low unjust Price.  
XCI. And to the end that our Justicers, Officers and other Subjects, may be clearly and with certainty acquainted with our Intentions; and to remove all ambiguities and doubts that might arise upon the account of the precedent Edicts, by reason of the diversity thereof; we have and do declare all other preceding Edicts, secret Articles, Letters, Declarations, Modifications, Ratifications, Interpretations, Decrees and Registers, as well secret, as other Deliberations heretofore by us, or by the Kings our Predecessors made in our Courts of Parliament, or elsewhere, relating to the case of the said Religion, and the troubles happened in our said Kingdom, to be null and of no effect; to all which, and the Derogatories therein contained, we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate from this time forward, as well as for that time, do cancel, revoke and annul them: Declaring expressly, that we will have this our Edict to be firm and inviolable, kept and observed as well by our said Justicers, Officers, as by other Subjects, without any regard to any thing that might be contrary, or derogating to it.  
XCII. And for the better assurance of the maintenance and observance we desire to have thereof, we will and ordain, and it is our pleasure, that all the Governors and Lieutenant's General of our Provinces, Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other Judges in ordinary of the Cities of this our Kingdom, immediately after the receipts of this our Edict, shall swear to have it kept and observed, every one in their several Precincts; as also the Mayors, Sheriffs, Capitouls, Consuls, and Jurats of Cities, annual and perpetual: enjoining also our said Bailiffs, Seneschals, or their Lieutenants and other Judges, to make the principal Inhabitants of the said Cities of both Religions swear to observe and maintain the same, immediately after the publication thereof. Putting all those of the Cities under our protection, and under the guard of one another; charging them respectively, and by public Acts, to answer at the Civil Law for the transgressions that shall be made of this our said Edicts in the said Cities by the Inhabitants thereof, or to represent and deliver the said Infractors into the hands of Justice.  
We command our Trusty and Well Beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament, Chambers of Accounts, and Courts of Aids, immediately upon receipt of the present Edict, to put a stop to all their proceedings, on pain of nullity of all the Acts they should pass, and to take the Oath abovementioned; and this our Edict to publish and register in our said Courts, according to the form and tenor thereof, exactly as it is, without any Modification, Restrictions, secret Registers, or Declarations, and without expecting any farther order or command from us; and our Attorneys General to require and prosecute the said immediate Publication thereof.  
We also order our said persons holding our said Courts of Parliament, Chambers of our Accounts, and Courts of Aids, Bailiffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and others our Justicers and Officers to whom it may belong, and to their Lieutenants, to cause this our present Edict and Ordinance to be read, published and registered in their Courts and Jurisdictions, and the same to maintain, keep and observe in every particular; and to make all such whom it may concern, enjoy and use the benefit thereof; putting a stop to all Troubles and Hindrances thereunto contrary. For such is our pleasure. For witness whereof we have signed these Presents with our own hand; and to the same, in order to its being firm and lasting for ever, we have caused our Seal to be affixed.  
Given at Nantes in the Month of April, in the Year of our Lord 1598. and of our Reign the Ninth. Signed, Henry.  
And underneath, By the King being in his Council, Forget.  
And on the side, Visa.  
And sealed with the Great Seal of Green Wax, upon Knots of Red and Green Silk. Read, published and registered, heard, with the approbation of the King's Attorney General at Paris in Parliament, on the 25th of February, 1599 Signed, Voysin.  
Read, published and registered in the Chamber of Accounts, heard and approved by the King's-Attorney General, on the last day of March, 1599 Signed, De la Fontaine.  
Read, published and registered, heard and approved by the King's Attorney General at Paris, in the Court of Aids, the 30th of April, 1599 Signed, Bernard.   

Particular Articles, extracted from the General ones, that have been granted by the King to those of the Pretended Reformed Religion the which His Majesty would not have comprehended into the said General Articles, nor in the Edict that has been made and drawn upon the same given at Nantes in the Month of April last; and yet nevertherless His Majesty has granted that they shall be fully accomplished and observed, in the same manner as the Contents of the said Edict. To which end they shall be Registered in his Courts of Parliament, and elsewhere, where it shall be necessary; and all necessary Declarations and Letters Patent to that end shall be forthwith expedited.  
I. THe 6th Article of the said Edict, about Liberty of Conscience, and leave for all his Majesty's Subjects to live and inhabit in this Kingdom, and Countries under his Obedience, shall remain in force, and shall be observed according to the Form and Tenor thereof: Even for Ministers and Teachers, and all others that are, or shall turn of the said Religion, whether actual Inhabitants or others, behaving themselves in all other things conformably to what is specified by the said Edict.  
II. Those of the said Religion shall not be obliged to contribute towards the Reparations, and Building of Churches, Chapels, Parsonages, nor towards the buying of Sacerdotal Ornaments, Lights, Casting of Bells, Holy Bread, Rights of Fraternity, and other like things, unless obliged thereunto by Foundations, Gifts, or other Dispositions made by them or their Predecessors.  
3. Neither shall they be obliged to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on Festival-days, on which it is ordered; but only to suffer them to be hung and adorned by the Authority of the Magistrates, without contributing any thing towards it.  
IU. Neither shall those of the said Religion be obliged to receive Exhortations, being Sick, or near Death, either by Condemnation of Justice, or otherwise, from any but those of the said Religion; and their Ministers shall be allowed to Visit and Comfort them without any disturbance: And as for such as shall be condemned by Justice, it shall also be lawful for the said Ministers to visit and prepare them for Death, without making Public Prayers, unless in such Places as are allowed by the said Edict for the said Public Exercise.  
V. It shall be lawful for those of the said Religion, to perform the Public Exercise thereof at Pimpoul; and for deep in the Suburb du Paulet; and the said Places of Pimpoul and du Paulet, shall be ordained for Places of Baliwicks. The said Exercise shall be continued at Sancerre, as it is at present. The said free and public Exercise shall also be re-established in the City of Montagnac in Languedoc.  
VI In respect to the Article which relates to Bailiwicks, it has been declared and granted, as followeth. First, For the Establishing of the Exercise of the said Religion, in the two Places granted in every Baliwick, Seneschalship, and Government, those of the said Religion shall nominate Two Cities, in the Suburbs of which the said Exercise shall be established by the Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of the Edict. And in case the said Commissioners should not approve of them, those of the said Religion shall nominate two or three Towns or Villages in the Neighbourhood of the said Cities, for every one of them, out of which the said Commissioners shall choose one. And if through Hostility, Contagion, or any other lawful Impediment, it cannot be continued in the said Places, others shall be allowed while the said Impediment shall continue. Secondly, That only two Cities shall be provided in the Government of Piccardy, into the Suburbs of which, those of the said Religion shall be allowed the Exercise thereof for all the Bailiwicks, Seneschalships, and Governments depending of the same; and where it shall not be thought fit to establish it in the said Cities, they shall be allowed two convenient Towns or Villages. Thirdly, By reason of the great Extent of the Seneschalship of Provence, and Bailiwicks of Viennois, his Majesty does grant a third Place in each of the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships, the Choice and Nomination of which shall be made as abovesaid, there to establish the Exercise of the said Religion, besides the other Places in which it is already established.  
VII. What has been granted by the said Article for the Exercise of the said Religion in Bailiwicks, shall also serve for the Territories which did belong to the Late Queen Mother-in-Law to his Majesty, and for the Bailiwick of Beaujolois.  
VIII. Besides the Two Places granted for the Exercise of the said Religion, by the Particular Articles of the year 1577. in the Isles of Marrennes and Oleron, two more shall be allowed them, for the convenience of the said Inhabitants; viz. one for all the Isles of Marennes, and another for the Isle of Oleron.  
IX. The Letters Patent granted by his Majesty, for the Exercise of the said Religion in the City of Mentz shall remain in full Force and Virtue.  
X. It is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure, That the 27th Article of his Edict, relating to the Admission of those of the said pretended Reformed Religion into Offices and Dignities, shall be observed and maintained according to its Form and Tenor, the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the Reduction of some Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Catholic Cities notwithstanding; the which shall not be in force to the prejudice of those of the said Religion, only in what relates to the Exercise thereof. And the said Exercise shall be regulated according as it is specified by the following Articles, according to which shall be drawn the Instructions of the Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of his Edict, according as it is ordained by the same.  
XI. According to the Edict made by his Majesty for the Reduction of the Duke of Guise, the Exercise of the said pretended Reformed Religion shall neither be allowed, nor established in the Cities and Suburbs of Rheims, Rocroy, St Disier, Guise, Joinville, Fimes, and Moncornet in the Ardennes.  
XII. Neither shall it be allowed in the other Placs adjacent to the said Cities, and Places forbidden by the Edict of the year 1577.  
XIII. And to remove the Ambiguity that might arise upon the word Adjacent, his Majesty declares, that he means the Places that are within the Circuit of a League of the said Cities, being the Precinct, or Liberties thereof, in which places the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allowed, unless it were permitted by the Edict of 1577.  
XIV. And forasmuch as by the same, the said Exercise was allowed generally in the Fiefs possessed by those of the said Religion, without any exception of the said League's Circuit; his Majesty declares, That the said allowance shall remain in force, even for Fiefs within the said Circuit, possessed by those of the said Religion, as it is specified by his Edict, given at Nantes.  
XV. Likewise according to the Edict made for the Reduction of the Marshal de la Chartres, in each of the Bailiwicks of Orleans and Bourges, shall only be ordained one Place of Bailiwick for the Exercise of the said Religion, the which however may be continued in such places where the Continuation thereof is allowed by the said Edict of Nantes.  
XVI. The Concession of Preaching in Fiefs, shall also extend to the said Bailiwicks, in the manner specified by the said Edict of Nantes.  
XVII. The Edict made for the Reduction of the Marshal of Boisdauphin shall also be observed; and the said Exercise shall not be allowed in the Cities, Suburbs, and Places brought over by him to his Majesty's Service; and as for the Circuit, or Liberties thereof, the Edict of 77. shall be observed there, even in the Houses of Fiefs, according as it is specified by the Edict of Nantes.  
XVIII. No Exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed in the City, Suburbs, and Castle of Morlais, according to the Edicts made for the Reduction of the said City, and the Edict of 77. shall be observed for the Precinct thereof according to the Edict of Nantes.  
XIX. In Consequence of the Edict for the Reduction of Quinpercorantin, no Exercise of the said Religion shall be allowed in all the Bishopric of Cornovaille.  
XX. Also according to the Edict made for the Reduction of Beauvais, the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allowed in the said City of Beauvais, nor within three Leagues round about it. Nevertheless the establishing thereof shall be allowed in the remainder of the Extent of the Bailiwick, in the Places allowed of by the Edict of 77. Even in Houses of Fiefs, according to the Edict of Nantes.  
XXI. And whereas the Edict made for the Reduction of the late Admiral de Villars, is only Provisional, and until the King's farther Pleasure, It is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure, the said Edict notwithstanding, that his Edict of Nantes shall remain in force for the Cities and Jurisdictions reduced to his Majesty's Obedience by the said Admiral, as well as for the other parts of his Kingdom.  
XXII. By the Edict made for the Reduction of the Duke of Joyeuse, the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allowed in the City or Suburbs of Thoulouse, nor within four Leagues about it, nor nearer than the Cities of Villemur, Carmain, and the Isle of Jourdan.  
XXIII. Neither shall it be restored into the Cities of Alet, Fiat, Auriac, and Mont●squiou: Nevertheless, in case any of the said Religion in the said City should be desirous to have a place for the Exercise thereof, the Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of his Edict, shall assign them for every one of the said Cities a convenient Place and of easy Access, within a League of the said Cities.  
XXIV. It shall be lawful to establish the said Exercise, according as it is specified by the said Edict of Nantes, within the Jurisdiction of the Court of Parliament of Thoulouse, excepted always in such Bailiwicks, Seneschalships, and other Precincts, of which the principal Seats shall have been restored to his Majesty's Obedience by the said Duke of Joycuse, in which the Edict of 77 shall take place. Nevertheless his Majesty means that the said Exercise shall be continued in such places of the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships, where it was performed at the time of the said Reduction; and that the Concession thereof in Houses of Fiefs shall remain in Force in the said bailiwicks and Seneschalships, according as it is specified by the said Edict.  
XXV. The Edict made for the Reduction of the City of Dijon shall be observed, according to which no other Exercise of Religion shall be allowed in the said City than that of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church, nor yet within the Suburbs thereof, nor within four Leagues round about it.  
XXVI. The Edict made for the Reduction of the Duke of Mayenne, shall in like manner be observed; according to which the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion shall not be allowed in the City of Châlons, nor within two Leagues round about Soissons during the term of six Years, to begin from the month of January 1596. after which the Edict of Nantes shall be observed there, as in the other parts of the Kingdom.  
XXVII. It shall be lawful for those of the said Religion, of what Quality soever, to inhabit, and to have free Egress and Regress into the City of Lions, and other Towns and Places of the Government of Lyonnois, all Prohibitions made to the contrary by the Syndics, and Sheriffs of the said City of Lions, though confirmed by his Majesty, notwithstanding.  
XXVIII. Only one place of Bayliwick shall be allowed for the Exercise of the said Religion in the whole Seneschalship of Poitiers, besides those where it is already established; and as to the Fiefs, the Edict of Nantes shall be observed. The said Exercise shall also be continued in the City of Chauvigny: But it shall not be restored in the Cities of Again and Perigueux, although it was allowed by the Edict of 77.  
XXIX. Only two places of bailiwicks shall be allowed for the Exercise of the said Religion in all the Government of Picardy, as abovesaid, neither shall the said two places be allowed within the Precincts of the Bailiwicks and Governments reserved by the Edicts made for the Reduction of Amiens, P●ronne and Abbeville. Nevertheless the said Exercise shall be allowed in Houses of Fiefs throughout the whole Government of Picardy, according to what is specified by the said Edict of Nantes.  
XXX. The Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allowed in the Cities and Suburbs of Sens; and only one place of Bayliwick shall be granted in the whole Precinct of the Bayliwick, but still without prejudice to the Permission granted for Houses of Fiefs, which shall remain in Force according to the Edict of Nantes.  
XXXI. Neither shall the said Exercise be allowed in the City nor Suburbs of Nantes, nor any place of bailiwicks be granted for the said Exercise within three Leagues round about the said City: Nevertheless it shall be allowed in Houses of Fiefs, according to the said Edict of Nantes.  
XXXII. It is his said Majesty's Will and Pleasure, that his said Edict of Nantes shall be observed from this very time, in what relates to the Exercise of the said Religion, in such places where by the Edicts and Agreements made for the Reduction of some Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Catholic Cities, it was prohibited only provisionally, and until it was otherwise ordained. And as for such where the said Prohibition is limited to a certain time, that time being expired it shall be no longer in Force.  
XXXIII. A Place shall be allowed to those of the said Religion for the City, Provostship, and Vicecomty of Paris, within five Leagues at farthest from the said City, in which they shall be allowed the Exercise of the said Religion.  
XXXIV. In all such places where the Exercise of the said Religion shall be performed publicly, it shall be lawful to assemble the People, even by the sound of Bells, and to perform all Acts and Functions belonging either to the Exercise of the said Religion, or to the Regulation of their Discipline, as to hold Consistories, Conferences, and Provincial and National Synods by his Majesty's leave.  
XXXV. The Ministers, Elders, and Deacons of the said Religion, shall not be obliged to appear as Witnesses, and to answer in Justice, for things that shall have been revealed in their Consistories, in the case of Censures, unless it were about Matters relating to the King's Person, or towards the Preservation of the State.  
XXXVI. Such of the said Religion as live in the Country shall be allowed to assist at the Exercise thereof in the Cities and Suburbs, and other places where it shall be publicly established.  
XXXVII. Those of the said Religion shall not be allowed to keep public Schools, unless in such Towns and Places where the public Exercise thereof is allowed: And the Patents that have been granted them heretofore for the erecting and maintaining of Colleges, shall be Verified if necessary, and shall remain in full Force and Vigour.  
XXXVIII. It shall be lawful for Fathers professing the said Religion, to provide such Educators for their Children as they shall think fit, and to substitute one, or several by Will, or other Declaration passed before a Notary, or written or signed by their own Hands, the Laws received in this Kingdom, Ordinances and Customs of Places remaining in full Force and Virtue, as to the Gifts and Provisions of Tutors and Guardians.  
XXXIX. As for the Marriage of Priests, and other Religious Persons, that have been heretofore contracted, his Majesty, for divers good Considerations, will not allow their being prosecuted or molested for the same; upon which Subject silence shall be imposed to his Attorney's General and other Officers. Nevertheless his Majesty declares, That the Children proceeding from the said Marriages shall only succeed to the Personal Estates, and Acquisitions made by their Fathers and Mothers, and in default of the said Children, the nearest Relations at Law: And the Wills, Gifts, and other Dispositions made, or to be made, by Persons of the said Quality, of the said Personal Estates and Acquisitions by them made, are hereby declared Good and Lawful. Nevertheless his said Majesty will not allow that the said Persons having been admitted into Religious Orders, should be capable of any direct or collateral Succession; but only shall be allowed to take such Estates as shall be left them by Will, or Gift, or other Dispositions, still excepting those of the said Direct and collateral Successions: And as to those who shall have taken Religious Orders before the Age mentioned by the Ordinances of Orleans or Blois, shall be followed and observed, in what relates to the said Succession, the Tenor of the said Ordinances, every one for the time they have been in Force.  
XL. Neither will his said Majesty allow those of the said Religion, who have heretofore, or shall hereafter contract Marriages in the third or fourth Degree, to be prosecuted or molested for the same; neither shall the Validity of the said Marriages be questioned, nor the Succession taken from, or disputed against the Children, born, or to be born of the same: And as to the Marriages that might already be contracted in the second Degree, or from the second to the third, between those of the said Religion, the said Persons applying themselves to his said Majesty, such Letters Patent as shall be necessary shall be granted them, to the end that they may neither be prosecuted nor molested for the same, nor the Succession disputed with their Children.  
XLI. The Validity and Lawfulness of the said Marriages thus made and contracted, shall be Judged, the Defendant being of the said Religion, before the Judge Royal; but in case of his being Plaintiff, and the Defendant a Catholic, the Cognizance thereof shall belong to the Official and Ecclesiastical Judge; and both Parties being of the said Religion, the Case shall be tried before the Judges Royal: His Majesty willing that the said Marriages, and the Differences arising from the same, should be judged respectively by the Judges Ecclesiastical and Royal, and by the Chambers established by his Edicts.  
XLII. The Gifts and Legacies made, or to be made, whether by Will, in case of death, or among the living, for the maintenance of Ministers, Doctors, Scholars, and Poor of the said pretended Reformed Religion, and upon other pious Accounts, shall be of full force and power, all Judgements and Decrees to the contrary notwithstanding; but yet without prejudice to his Majesty's Rights, and others, in case the said Legacies and gifts should fall into mortmain: And all necessary Actions and Prosecutions for the recovery of the said Legacies. Pious Gifts, and other Rights of all kinds, shall be allowed to be made by Attorney in the name of the Body and Community of those of the said Religion who shall be concerned; and in case it happens that any of the said Gifts and Legacies have been heretofore disposed of, otherwise than is specified by the said Article, no other restitution shall be demanded, but what shall be found in being.  
XLIII. His said Majesty permits those of the said Religion to assemble before the Judge Royal, and by his Authority to equal and raise among themselves such Sums as shall be judged necessary to be employed towards the Charges of their Synods, and for the maintenance of those who are employed for the exercise of their said Religion, of which the true estimate shall be given to the said Judge Royal, to be kept by him: The Copy of which shall be sent every six months by the said Judges Royal to his Majesty, or to his Chancellor, and the said Taxes and Impositions shall be liable to execution, all Oppositions or Appeals to the contrary notwithstanding.  
XLIV. The Ministers of the said Religion shall be exempted from Watching, and from Quartering of Soldiers; assessing and collecting of Tailles, or Subsidies; as also from Wardships and Guardianships, and Commissions for the keeping of Estates seized by Authority of Justice.  
XLV. Those of the said Religion shall be neither prosecuted nor disturbed for the Burials heretofore made by them in the Churchyards of the said Catholics, in any place or City whatever, and his Majesty shall order his Officers to take care of the same. As to the City of Paris, over and above the two Churchyards, those of the same Religion possess there already, viz. that of Trinity, and that of St. Germane, a third convenient place shall be allowed them for the said Interments in the Suburbs of St. Honore, or St. Denis.  
XLVI. The Catholic Precedents and Counsellors that shall serve in the Chamber ordained in the Parliament of Paris, shall be chosen by his Majesty upon the Roll of the Officers of the Parliament.  
XLVII. The Counsellors of the said pretended Reformed Religion, who shall serve in the said Chamber, shall assist, if they think fit, at such Processes as shall be decided by Commissioners, and shall have a deliberative voice in the same, but shall have no share of the Consigned Money, unless they ought to assist at them by the order and prerogative of their reception.  
XLVIII. The Signior Precedent of the Party-Chambers shall preside at the Audience, and in his absence the second; and the distribution of Suits shall be made by the two Precedents jointly, or alternately, monthly, or weekly.  
XLIX. A vacation of Offices happening, in possession of, or to be possessed by those of the said Religion in the said Chambers of the Edict, they shall be given to capable Persons, having Attestations from the Synod, or Assembly, to which they do belong, of their being of the said Religion and Persons of Integrity.  
L. The Pardon granted to those of the said pretended Reformed Religion by the 74th Article of the said Edict, shall stand good for the taking of the Money belonging to the Crown, either by breaking of Coffers, or otherwise, even in respect to that as was raised upon the River Charante, though assigned to particular persons.  
LI. The 49th of the Secret Articles, made in the Year 1577. concerning the City and Archbishopric of Avignon, and County thereof, together with the Treaty made at Nimes, shall be observed according to their Form and Tenor; and no Letters of Mart shall be granted by virtue of the said Articles and Treaty, unless by Letters-Patent from the King under the Great Seal. Nevertheless, such as shall be desirous to obtain the same, shall be allowed, by virtue of this present Article, without any other Commission, to make their application to the Judges Royal, who shall examine the Transgressions, Denial of Justice, and Iniquity of the Judgements, proposed by those who shall be desirous to obtain the said Letters, and shall send the same, together with their Opinions, sealed up close, to his Majesty, in order to his ordering the said matter according to reason.  
LII. His Majesty grants and wills, that Nicholas Grimoult shall be re-established and maintained in the Title and Possession of the Offices of Ancient Lieutenant General Civil, and Lieutenant-General Criminal, in the Bailywike of Aleneon, notwithstanding the Resignation by him made to John Marguerite, his Reception, and the Patent obtained by William Barnard of the Office of Lieutenant-General, Civil and Criminal, in the tribunal of Exmes: The Decrees given against the said Marguerit, Resignee during the Troubles in the Privy Council, in the Year 1586, 1587., and 1588. by which Nicholas Barbier is settled in the Rights and Prerogatives of Ancient Lieutenant-General in the said Bailywike, and the said Bernard in the Office of Lieutenant at Exmes, the which his Majesty has nullifyed, and all others hereunto contrary. Moreover, his Majesty, for certain good Considerations, has granted and ordained, That the said Grimoult shall within the space of three months re-imburse the said Barbier of the Money by him furnished or disbursed for the said Office of Lieutenant-General, Civil and Criminal, in the Vice-county of Alencon, and 50 Crowns for the Charges: And the said Reimbursement being made, or the said Barbier refusing, or delaying to receive it; his Majesty forbids the said Barbier, as also the said Bernard, after the signification of this present Article, any more to exercise the said Offices, on pein of the Crime of Falsity, and sends the said Grimoult to the enjoyment of the said Offices and Rights thereunto belonging: And in so doing, the Processes which were depending between the said Grimoult, Barbier and Bernard, in his Majesty's Privy Council, shall remain determined, and lie dormant, his said Majesty forbidding the Parliaments, and all others to take cognizance thereof, and the said Parties to make any prosecutions for the same. Moreover, his said Majesty has taken upon himself to reimburse the said Bernard of the Sum of a thousand Crowns paid for the said Office, and 60 Crowns for the Mark of Gold and Charges: Having to that end already ordered a good and sufficient assignation, the recovery of which shall be made at the Suit and Charge of the said Grimoult.  
LIII. His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors to obtain for all his Subjects, even for those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, that they may not be disturbed as to their Consciences, nor subject to the Inquisition, going or coming, sojourning and trading throughout all Foreign Countries, in Alliance and Confederacy with this Crown, provided they do not offend the Civil Government of the Countries where they shall be.  
LIV. His Majesty forbids any prosecution for the gathering and receiving of the Impositions that have been levied at Royan, by virtue of the Contract made with the Sieur de Candelay, and others, made in continuation of the same; making the said Contract valid, and approving it for the time it has been in force in the whole extent of it, until the 8th of May next coming.  
LV. The Excesses committed against Armand Courtiers, in the City of Millant, in the Year 1587. and John Reins, and Peter Seigneuret; together with the Proceedings made among them by the Consuls of the said Millant, shall remain abolished, and shall lie dormant by the Benefice of the Edict; and it shall not be lawful for their Widows and Heirs, nor his Majesty's Attornies-General, their Substitutes, or other Persons whatever, to mention the same, or to make any inquiry or prosecution about it: Notwithstanding, and without regard to the Decree given in the Chamber of Castres' on the 10th of March last, the which shall remain null, and without effect, together with all Proceedings and Informations made on either side.  
LVI. All Prosecutions, Proceedings, Sentences, Judgements and Decrees, given either against the late Sieur de La Nove, or against his Son Odet de la Nove, since their detention and imprisonment in Flanders happened in the Month of May, 1580. and November, 1584. and during their continual Occupation in the Wars and Service of his Majesty, shall remain annihilated and nullifyed, and whatever has followed in consequence thereof: And the said De la Nove shall be admitted to make their defence, and shall be restored to the same condition they were in before the said Judgements and Decrees; without their being obliged to refund Costs, nor to consign the Fines, in case they had incurred any; neither shall it be allowed to allege Non-suits or Prescription against them, during the said time.  
Done by the King, being in his Council at Nantes, the 2d of May, 1598. Signed, Henry. And lower, Forget. And Sealed with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax.   

HEnry, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre, To our Trusty and Wellbeloved the Persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris, Greeting.  
In the Month of April last passed, we caused our Letters of Edict to be expedited, for the establishment of a good Order and Repose among our Catholic Subjects, and those of the said pretended Reformed Religion: And we have moreover granted to those of the said Religion certain secret and particular Articles, which we will have to be of equal force and virtue, and to be observed and accomplished in the same manner as our said Edict. To this end, We will, and most expressly order and command you by these Presents, To cause the said Articles, signed by our hand, joined hereunto under the Counter-seal of our Chancery, to be registered in the Registers of our said Court; and the Contents thereof to keep, maintain and observe from point to point, like unto our said Edict: Ceasing, and cau●ing all Troubles and Impediments thereunto contrary, to cease. For such is our Pleasure.  
Given at Nantes, the 2d day of May, in the Year of Our Lord, 1598. And of our Reign the Ninth. Signed by the King, Forget. And sealed upon single Labels of Yellow Wax.   

Brief granted by Henry the Great, to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion on the 30th of April, 1589.  
THis present 3d of April, 1598. The King being at Nantes, and being willing to gratify his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, and to help them to supply many great Expenses they are obliged to undergo, has ordained, That for the future, to begin from the first day of this present month, shall be put into the hands of Mr. de Vierse, commissioned by his Majesty to that end, by the Treasurers of his Exchequer, every one in his year, Rescriptions to the Sum of 45000 Crowns to be employed in certain secret Affairs relating to them, which his Majesty does neither think fit to specify, or declare: The which Sum of 45000 Crowns shall be assigned upon the general Receipts as followeth; viz. Paris 6000 Crowns; Rouen 6000 Crowns; Caen 3000 Crowns; Orleans 4000 Crowns; Tours 4000 Crowns; Poitiers 8000 Crowns; Lymoges 6000 Crowns; Bourdeaux 8000 Crowns. The whole together amounting to the aforesaid Sum of 45000 Crowns; payable at the four Quarters of the said Year out of the first and clearest Money of the said General Receipts; out of which nothing shall be retrenched, or put of, upon any account whatever. For which Sum of 45000 Crowns, he shall cause Acquittances to be delivered into the hands of the Treasurer of his Exchequer for his discharge, in giving the said Rescriptions entire for the said Sum of 45000 Crowns, upon the said Generalities, at the beginning of every year. And where for the convenience of the abovesaid, it shall be required to cause part of the said Assignations to be paid in particular Receipts established: The Treasurers-General of France, and Receivers-General of the said Generalities shall be ordered to do it in deduction of the said Rescriptions of the said Treasurers of the Exchequer; the which shall be afterwards delivered by the said Sieur de Vierse, to such as shall be nominated by those of the said Religion at the beginning of the year for the receipt and laying out of the Money to be received by virtue thereof; of which they shall be obliged to bring a particular account to the said Sieur de Vierse at the end of the year, with the Acquittance of the Parties, to inform his Majesty with the laying out of the said Money: For which neither the said Sieur de Vierse, nor those that shall be employed by those of the said Religion shall be obliged to give any account in any of the Chambers: For all which, and whatever may depend thereon, his Majesty has commanded all necessary Letters-Patent to be expedited by virtue of this present Brief, signed by his own hand, and countersigned by us, Counsellor in his Council of State, and Secretary of his Commands.  
Signed, Henry. And lower, De Neufville.   

THis last day of April. 1598., the King being at Nantes, and being very desirous to afford all manner of Satisfaction to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, upon the Petitions and Requests he has received from them, about such things as they think necessary for the Liberty of their Consciences, and for the Security of their Persons, Fortunes and Estates. And his Majesty being convinced of their Fidelity, and sincere Affection for his Service; as also for divers other Important Considerations relating to the Quiet and Welfare of this State, him thereunto moving; his said Majesty, besides what is contained in the Edict he has lately resolved to make, and is to be published for the Regulation of what relates to them, has granted and promised them, that all the Places, Towns and Castles they held until the end of August last passed, in which Garrisons are to be kept, by the Settlement that shall be made about it, and signed by his Majesty, shall remain in their keeping under the Authority and Obedience of his said Majesty for the term of eight Years, to begin from the day of the Publication of the said Edict. And as for the others which they hold, in which there is to be no Garrisons, there shall be no Alteration or Innovation made. Nevertheless his said Majesty does not mean that the Cities and Castles of Vendome and Pontorson should be comprised in the number of the said Places left in keeping to those of the said Religion. Neither shall the City, Castle and Citadel of Aubenay be comprised in the said number, which his Majesty will dispose of at his own pleasure, and though it were into the hands of one of the said Religion, it shall be no Precedent for the future, like the other Cities that are granted unto them. And as for Chauvigny, it shall be restored to the Bishop of Poitiers Lord of the said Place, and the new Fortifications made there razed and demolished. And for the maintaining of the Garrisons that shall be kept into the said Towns, Places and Castles, his said Majesty has granted them the Sum of 180000 Crowns, without including those of the Province of Dauphine into the said number, for which other provision shall be made besides the said sum of 180000 Crowns yearly. And his said Majesty promises and assures them, that he will give them good and valuable Assignations for the same upon the clearest part of his Revenue, in such Places where the said Garrisons shall be established. And in case the said Revenues should not be sufficient, the remainder shall be paid them out of the nearest places of Receipt; neither shall the said Revenues be employed to any other use, until the said Sum is entirely furnished and acquitted. Moreover his said Majesty has promised and granted them, that he will call, at the making and establishing of the Settlements of the said Garrisons, some Persons of the said Religion, to take their Advice, and hear their Remonstrances about it; which shall be done, as much as possible can be, to their Satisfaction. And in case, during the said term of eight Years, there should happen any Necessity to alter any thing about the said Settlement; whether it shall be thought fit by his Majesty, or at their request, it shall be done in the said manner, as it shall be resolved upon the first time. And as to the Garrisons of Dauphine, his Majesty shall take the advice of the Sieur de Lesdiguieres about the Settlement thereof. And in case of Vacancies of some Governors and Captains of the said Places, his Majesty also promises and grants to them, That he will put none into their room, but such as shall be of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, having Attestations fromt the Assembly where they reside, of their being of the said Religion, and Persons of Integrity. And it shall be sufficient for the Person who shall be invested of the same, upon the Brief that shall have been expedited about it, before his receiving his Letters-Patent, to produce the Attestation of the said Assembly as abovesaid; the which those of the said Assembly shall be obliged to give him speedily without delays; or in case of refusal, shall acquaint his Majesty with the reasons them thereunto moving. And the said term of eight Years being expired, although he shall then be acquitted of his Promise in relation to the said Cities: Nevertheless he has moreover granted and promised them, that in case he shall think fit, after the said time to keep Garrisons in the same, or to leave a Governor to command there, he will not dispossess the Person then being in Possession of the same, to put another in his room. He also declares, That it is his Intention, both during the said eight Years, as well as after it, to gratify those of the said Religion, and to give them a share of the Employments, Governments, and other Honours, he shall have to dispose of, Indifferently and without any Exception, according to the Quality and Merit of the Persons, as among his other Catholic Subjects: Yet nevertheless without being obliged for the future, particularly to bestow the Cities and Places thus committed to them there into Command, to Persons of the said Religion. Moreover his said Majesty has also granted unto them, That those that have been employed by those of the said Religion for the keeping of the Stores, Ammunition, Powder, and Cannons of the said Cities, and such as shall be left in keeping to them shall be continued in the said Employments, taking Commissions from the Master of the Ordnance, and Commissary General of the Provisions. Which Commissions shall be expedited Gratis, they delivering unto them a particular account of the said Magazines, Ammunition, Powder and Cannon, signed in due form; yet they shall not be allowed to pretend to any Immunities or Privileges upon the account of the said Commissions. Nevertheless they shall be employed upon the Settlement that shall be made about the said Garrisons, and shall receive their Salaries out of the Sums above granted by his Majesty, for the maintenance of their Garrisons, for which his Majesty's other Revenues shall no-wise be charged. And whereas those of the said Religion, have entreated his Majesty to acquaint them with what he has been pleased to order about the Exercise of the same in the City of Mets, by reason that it is not sufficiently explained, and comprised in his Edict and secret Articles; his Majesty declares, That he has ordered Letters-Patent to be drawn, by which it is declared, That the Temple heretofore built in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof, shall be restored unto them, to make use of the Materials, and to dispose of them as they shall think fit; but they shall not be allowed to preach in it, nor perform any Exercise of their Religion: Nevertheless a convenient Place shall be provided for them within the Enclosure of the said City, where they shall be allowed to perform the said Exercise publicly, without any necessity of expressing it by his Edict. His Majesty also grants, that notwithstanding the Prohibition made of the Exercise of the said Religion at the Court, and Dependence thereof; the Dukes, Peers of France, Officers of the Crown, Marquesses, Counts, Governors and Lieutenant's General, Marshals de Camp, and Captains of his said Majesty's Guards, who shall be in his Attendance, shall not be molested for what they shall do within their Houses, provided it be only for their own particular Families, their Doors being shut, without singing of Psalms with a loud Voice, or doing any thing that might discover it to be a Public Exercise of the said Religion; and in case his said Majesty shall remain above three Days in any Town or Place where the said Exercise is allowed, the said time being expired, the said Exercise shall be continued as before his arrival. His said Majesty also declares, That by reason of the present State of his Affairs, he has not been able at present to include the Countries on the other side of the Mounts Bresse and Barcelona, in the Permission by him granted for the Exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion. Nevertheless his Majesty promises, That when his said Countries shall be reduced under his Obedience, he will use his Subjects inhabiting in the same, in relation to Religion, and other Points granted by his Edict, like his other Subjects, notwithstanding what is contained in the said Edicts; and in the mean time they shall be maintained in the same condition they are in at present. His Majesty also grants, That those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, that are to be provided with Offices of Precedents and Counsellors created to serve in the Chambers, ordained anew by his Edict, shall be invested with the said Offices Gratis, and without paying any Fees for the first time, upon the Roll that shall be presented to his Majesty by the Deputies of the Assembly of Chatelleraud; as also the Substitutes of the Attorneys and Advocate's General erected by the said Edict in the Chamber of Bourdeaux: And in case of an Incorporation of the said Chamber of Bourdeaux, and that of Thoulouse, into the said Parliaments, the said Substitutes shall be provided with Counsellors places in the same also Gratis. His Majesty will also bestow on Monsieur Francis Pitou the Office of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Court of Parliament of Paris; and to that end a new Erection shall be made of the said Office; and after the Decease of the said Poitou, it shall be given to a Person of the said Pretended Reformed Religion. And in case of Vacation by Death of two Offices of Masters of Request of the King's Hostel, his Majesty shall bestow them on Persons of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, such as his Majesty shall judge fit and capable for the good of his Service; they paying the usual Price of the Sale of the said Offices. And in the mean time two Masters of Request shall be appointed in every Quarter to make report of the Petitions of those of the said Religion. Moreover his Majesty permits the Deputies of the said Religion assembled in the said City of Chatelleraud, to remain in a body to the number of Ten in the City of Saumur, to prosecute the Execution of his Edict, until his said Edict is verified in his Court of Parliament of Paris; notwithstanding their being enjoined by the said Edicts to separate immediately: Yet nevertheless without their being allowed to make any new Demands in the name of the said Assembly, or to meddle with any thing besides the said Execution, Deputation, and dispatch of the Commissionaries who shall be ordained to that end. And his Majesty has given them his Faith and Word for all that is abovewritten by this present Brief, which he has been pleased to Sign with his own Hand, and to have it Countersigned by Us his Secretaries of State, Willing the said Brief to be of the same Force and Value to them, as if the Contents thereof were included in an Edict verified in his Courts of Parliament; those of the said Religion being satisfied out of consideration for the good of his Service, and the State of his Affairs, not to press him to put this Ordinance in any other more Authentic Form, being so Confident of his Majesty's Word and Goodness, that they assure themselves, that he will make them enjoy the same fully: Having to that end ordered all necessary Expeditions and Dispatches for the Execution of what is abovewritten, to be forthwith expedited.  
Thus Signed, Henry. And lower, Forget.   
The End of the first Volume.   

Books now in the Press, and going to it, Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultry.  
☞ THe second Volume of the History of the Famous Edict of Nantes, containing an account of all the Persecutions, etc. that have been in France since its first publication to this present time; faithfully extracted from the public and private Memoirs that could possibly be procured. Printed first by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Frezeland, and now Translated into English with Her Majesty's Royal Privilege.  
☞ The Genuine Remains of that Learned Prelate, Dr. Thomas Barlow, late Lord Bishop of Lincoln; containing various Points, Theological, Philosophical, Historical, etc. in Letters to several Persons of Honour and Quality. To which is added the Resolution of many abstruse Points in Divinity, with great Variety of other Subjects; written by his Lordship; and published by Sir Peter Pet, Knight.  
☞ Mr. William Leybourn's New Mathematical Tractates in Folio, Entitled, Pleasure with Profit, (lately proposed by way of Subscription) having met with good Encouragement, are now put to several Presses, and will be ready to be delivered to Subscribers the next Term: In this Work will be inserted, (above what was first proposed) a New System of Algebra, according to the last Improvements and Discoveries that have been made in that Art: As also several great Curiosities in Cryptography, Horometria, etc. which Additions will enhance each Book to 16 s. in Quires to those that do not Subscribe, and those that do are desired to send in their first Payment, (viz. 6 s. before the 26th instant) after which no Subscriptions will be taken in.   

Lately Published  
☞ LIturgia Tigurina: Or the Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, and other Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies usually practised and solemnly performed in all the Churches and Chapels of the City and Canton of Zurick in Switzerland, and in some other adjacent Countries, as by their Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws they are appointed, and as by the Supreme Power of the Right Honourable the Senate of Zurick they are authorized, with the Orders of that Church. Published with the Approbation of several Bishops. Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultry.   

AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE TO THE First Volume.  

A.  
ABsolution of the King: the pope rigorous, Pag. 136. desired by the King, 166. the Pope's high pretensions, 167  
Accommodation of Religion proposed, 10  
Alva Duke of, his bloody advice, 38  
Alenson Duke of, Protector of the Reformed, 44. he retires from Court, 45  
Alliance with Spain, Sentiments thereupon, 440  
Amboise, the Enterprise, what it was, 23, 359  
Amience, 139. surprised, 224. and the effects of it, 235  
d'Amours Chaplain to Henry IV. 74  
Amiral de Chastillon in great favour with the Queen, 32. accused for the death of Guise, 34. impeached for the same, 36. attacked by Calumnies, 38. reconciled with the Guises, 39 he re-establishes his Party, 40. the Catholics resolve to destroy him by treachery, 40. wounded. 42  
d'Andelot, his Courage, 18. dies, 40  
St. André Precedent, signal for his Cruelties, 21. assassinated, Pag. 22  
Annexes, their anciént use, 38. what they are, 306  
Antichrist, the Pope so called by du Plessis, 309. the Question about Antichrist discussed in the Synod of Gap, 455. so inserted in the Confession of Faith, 457. Question renewed about Antichrist, 427  
Appeals of the Orders, 423  
Armand Jesuit, ordered to come to Paris, 454  
Army, the King's disbands of itself, 60  
Artifices of the Queen dazzle the Admiral, 32, 39 incredible Artifices of the Court, 41. of the Catholics to gain the King, 106. continued to shake the King's Conscience, 112. Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing the King, 129. and to hinder him from satisfying 'em, 131. of the Court to corrupt the Ministers, 134. to per suade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde, 176. Artifices of the Court to gain the Reformed, 303. Artifices of Perron against du Plessis, 405. Artifices of the Catholics to incense the King against the Reformed, 443. to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion, 414 to renew the Civil War, Pag. 440  
Assembly at Melun, 72. at Gergeau, 433. at Milhau, 44. at St. Foy, 133, 145, 157. permitted by the King, 424. at Loudun, 205. commanded to separate, 209. the Effects of it, 210, 211. removed to Vendosme, 218. returns to Saumur, 224  
Assembly General at Saumur, 162, 164, etc. removed to Chastelleraud, 230, again assembled, 423  
Assembly another permitted at St. Foy, 133. A General Assembly at St. Foy, 434. Complaints there made. 436, etc. which remained a long time in the hands of the Council, 442  
Assembly General at Chastelleraud, 230. they beg the Intercession of England, and the United Provinces, 239. alarmed by the King's march into Brittany, 268. Complaints of the alterations made in the Edict, 238. particular Complaints exhibited, 340  
Assembly General at Chastelleraud, 477. redoubles the Suspicions of the Court, 482. Affairs to be there handled, ib. suffers Bouillon's places to be taken from him, 411  
Assemblies Politic, du Plessis Sentiments of 'em, 78, 456, 410  
Assemblies at Paris, 17, 16  
Assemblies of the Clergy at Paris, 436. at Nantes, 79. at Chartres, 102. favours the third Party, 103, 412  
Aubespine, Inventor of the Gag, his lamentable death, 15  
Aubigne, 411   

B.  
BAilliage, second place in the Balliage allowed for free exercise, Pag. 219. places of Bailliage freed from being places of exercise, 421. a second place in each Bayliwick no new thing, 275. the second place denied, 452  
Baptism forced, 254  
Bar Duchess of, Vide Madam.  
Battle of Dreux, 34. Moncontour, 40. Arques, 61. Courtras, 50. Yuri, 74. of which they lose the fruit. St. Quintin, 16  
Battus the Fraternity of 'em, 441  
Bearn, a Revolution there, 35. they introduce the Reformed Religion into the Country of Gex, 415  
Bellujon, 409  
Beraud a famous Minister, and one of the Deputies of the Assembly at Chatelleraud, 326  
Berquin Lewis, 9 Bettier's warmth, 323. rebuked by the King, 324  
Beza accused for the death of Guise, 34. called Father by the King, 415  
Byron Marshal, 76, 432. he demands the Sovereignty of Perigord, 55. concerned in Conspiracies, 432. his death, 444  
Bishops of France favour the Reformation, 8  
Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed, 243, etc. Reflections upon this Book, 264. a Book found at lafoy Fleche, 444  
Books sought for in Booksellers houses, 252, 437  
Boards a Monk, accused of Assassination, 443  
Bonillon Duke of, his Character, 143. 145. presses the War' against Spain, 181. sent to Queen Elizabeth, ibid. opposes the Queen of England's Mediation, ibid. he will not trust the King's generosity, 200. Duke of Bovillon, 226. raises Soldiers for the King, 234. exasperated, 265.  
His Disgrace, 444.  
His intrigues against the Court, 481. his Places taken from him, 411. he makes his Peace, 516. King afraid the Protestants would take him for their Protector, 477  
Bourbon, Antony King of Navarr, his Inconstancy, 31. dyes of a wound, 34  
du Bourg, a Counsellor of Parliament condemned to be Burnt, 22.  
Breaches of the Edict, 452  
Brevet for keeping the Hostage Cities, 411. Brevet brought to the King for the nomination of Deputies, 429. Brief from the Pope to the Clergy, presented by Cardinal Joyeuse, 437. Brevet for 45000 Crowns for payment of Ministers, 528. for the Reformed to continue their places four years longer, 411. another of the same day for a year more, ibid.  
Brisonet, his Inconstancy, 8.  
Brochard Baron, 432. 433.  
Bull of Gregory XV. 79  
Bulls obtained to support the War against the Heretics, 40  
Burying places rigorous upon 'em in reference to the Reformed. 111. Difficulties concerning 'em, 277. the affair of Burying places referred to Commissioners, 345. 421.   

C.  
Cabal, of which the Reformed are rendered suspected, 200  
Cabrieres Affairs there, 14  
Caheirs, or Papers delivered in by the Reformed, 340. answered, 342. answered, 428. presented to the King, 434. answered, 435. much larger at Sre Foy, 436. full of complaints, ibid. and 437. etc.  
Calumnies cast upon the Reformed 355. Calumny against Rochel refuted, 455.  
Calvin, 11  
du Frene Canaye, 404  
Capuchin, his Tricks upon the Birth of the Dauphin, 431  
Capuchins conspire against the Life of Hen IV. 314. a Mission of Capuchins sent into Piedmont, by the Duke of Savoy, 314  
Cardinal de Chatillon marrys and despises the Pope's Censures, 35. his end, ibid. the Process of his Widow, etc. 478  
— de Joyeuse, 206. justifies the King to the Pope, 333  
— de Soudis, 438  
— of Vendome, 100  
Casaubon, 404  
Catherine de Medicis, vid. Katherine.  
Catholics, their persidiousness at Court, 46. Catholic Nobleses, 56. Catholic Lords, their various affections, 59 Catholic Royalists, their different dispositions to a Peace in Religion, 69. their Infidelity, 71. their Passion, 76. their Affronts put upon the Reformed, 128. their suggestions to the King, 183  
Cavils of the Proctor General, 161  
Cayer, a famous Minister, 113.  
Chambers Burning, 21  
Chambers suppressed 18  
Chambers half one, half t'other, or Mi●●●●●, 281. at Guien, 329. Articles concerning 'em, 438  
Chambers of the Edict, 327. at Roven, 328  
Chamier, a famous Minister, 229, 456  
Chancellor de l' Hospital, 44  
Charenton, the Reformed of Paris obtain the exercise of their Religion there, 420  
Charles I of England his Character, 452  
Charges or Employments, 283. Articles concerning 'em, 440  
Charles IX. 28. his profound dissimulation, 44. his death, 44.  
Charpenter, his character, 42  
Charters, Bishop of 118  
Chartreux, See Conspiracy.  
Chastillon See Amiral. Death of his Grandchild, 430  
Cardinal chastilions Widow, her Suit, 478  
Chauvel, a famous Minister, 456  
Children, 131, 254  
Churchyards, see Sepultures.  
Clear-sighted and fools of that Synod, 428  
Clement VIII. Pope, his false Moderaration, 460  
Clergy, their proposuions to the King, 104  
Clergy, their great Credit, 14. their Propositions, 104. their Intrigues, 203. oppose the Verification of the Edict, 323. their obstinacy, 327. their Maxim about the Question of the Regale, 393. they raise difficulties about the Conference between du Plessis and Perron, 397. the Clergy make their Remonstrances, 390. they obtain several favourable Regulations, 415. their demands reduced to six Articles in the business of the Rochellois, 417. solicit a Fund for payment of Pensions to Ministers changing their Religion, 437. refuse a Conference about the King's Conversion, 118. a kind Article granted 'em, 415.  
Clerk John burnt at Metz, 8  
Coligni's, their Power, 19 20  
Colleges of the Protestants, their Estalishment obstructed, 255. not permitted to admit Regent's and Scholar's, 437  
Colleges Protestant Immunities demanded for 'em, 435  
Colloquy, or Classis, 306  
Colloquy of Poyssie, 30  
Commissioners appointed to draw up an Edict, 109  
— The Kings, at the Assembly of Laudun, 217. 218, 221  
— For execution of the Edict, 345. 417. their Exactness, 419  
— For the Conference at Fontain Bleau, appointed by the King, 401. altered by the King, 403  
Commelet the Jesuit, his Impudence, 319  
Conde, Prince of Conde Imprisoned, 28. acquitted, 29. pressed by the Queen to take Arms in her defence, 32. makes new complaints, 38. he betakes himself again to Arms, 39 an attempt to surprise him which he escapes, 40. killed at Bassac near Jarnac, ibid.  
Prince of Conde (Son) runs a great Risco, 42. he escapes into Germany, 44. refuses to acknowledge the States, 47. his death, 50. and his Wife accused for the Fact, ibid.  
Prince of Conde (Son) born, 50. in the hands of Trimanille, 110. out of the hands of the Reformed, 159, etc.— his flight into Flanders. 447  
Conde Princess, 174. etc.  
Condemned, and sick, the Reformed forbid to comfort 'em, 252  
Conference, at Nerac, 47. 131, 111. at Poissy, 30. at Flex, 48. ibid. at St. Bris, 50  
Between Villeroy and de Plessis fruitless, 107. between du Plessis and Perron granted, 397. almost broke off, 403. quite broken of 409. the sequel of it 410  
Conference formal, 109  
Conference in show, 117  
Conferences set, 118  
With Cotton the Jesuit, 434. 445  
Conference engaged to maintain the Doctrine of the Reformed Religion, 119  
Conferences in reference to the King's Sister, 316  
Conferences of the Reformed forced,  
Conspiracies of Barriere, against the Life of the King, 135. of chastel and the Jesuits, vid. H. IU. Capuchins and Chartreux, 314. of M. Byron, 444. Powder-Plot 448. General against the Reformed, 41. of the Spaniards against the Queen of Navarr, 37. against the Chiefs of the Protestants, 48  
Conversion of the King, 119  
Conversions Alamode, 435  
Cotton Jesuit ordered to come to Paris 454. 455, 463. wounded, 464. he propounds questions to the Devil. ibid. made the King's Confessor, 464. his Question about the Preservation of Geneva from the D. of Savoy, 465. he blames the D. of Sully, 425. made Tutor to the Dauphine, 437. Confessor to the King, 464.  
Council General created, 150  
Croakers, dissipated, 154  
Crusade designed against the Reformed, 432  
Cruelties in France against the Protestants, 15. 16, 20. Cruelty of the Court, 24. of Monluc and des Adrets, 33. committed at Rome, 171.   

D.  
DAnet, Bishop of Lavaur, present at the Council of Trent, 12  
Dauphin, his Birth, 431. la Riviere▪ s Prediction upon it, 431  
Declaration, project of a Declaration for procuring the Peace of the Protestants, 75. rejected, 77. given at Germans, 159. infavour of the Protestants, 100, two Declaratious put forth, 99  
Demoniac pretended, 346. the Issue of it, 374. etc.  
Deputies of the Church on their way to Nantes, etc. 125. of the Assembly Saumur attended the King, 180. their discontents, 182. ordered to meet the King at Chartres, 128.  
Deputies general, 425. amused at Court, 154. difficulties in their Institution, 426. frequent Deputies permitted at Court, and frequent changes in the manner of naming 'em, 427. present Papers and Complaints to the King, 476. the augmentation of their Number not liked, 409. Deputies from Chastelleraud caressed at Court, 413. demanded of the King by the Syof Rochel, 427. gained at Court, 428   

E.  
EDict of Chasteaubriant, 12. 19  
Edict of Amboise, 34  
Of Toleration.  
Of January, 32. confirmed, 33. restored without restriction, 39  
Edict of Peace, 35.  
Another for revocation of the former.  
Another which deprives the Reformed of their Emploments, 40  
In favour of those that desired to live at Peace, 39 pretended only, ibid.  
Of 1577. or of Poitiers, 47. 76, 77. verified in the Parliament of Roven, 219. the difficulties upon it favourably taken off, 420  
Edict of Union against the Rformed, 50.  
Of Nantes, 80. cavils about the verification of it, ibid.  
At Traverci, 202  
Of Nantes concluded, 269. the difficulties that arose upon every Article, 270. the several demands that occasioned the delays of it, 271. etc. secret and particular Heads added to it, 292. collateral promises by private Patents to strengthen it, 293. etc. sentiments of the Reformed upon it, 303. why the Reformed were contented with the Edict, 307. difficulties about the verification of it, 321, verified and Registered, 329. Questions upon the Nature of the new Edict, 363. the Benefit of it, ib. the Justice of it, 369. Grants nothing to the Reformed, etc. 372. what is granted by it does no body harm, 374. it ought to be irrevocable, 375. the Edict of Nantes a Treaty, 381. objections against the Edict answered, 396. the execution of it. 417  
In favour of the D. of Manenne, 203.  
Edict for Bearne touching Religion, 337.  
Obtained by the Clergy, 415  
In favour of the Moors, 446  
Edicts severe against Lutherans, 12  
Confirming the Treaty of Amboise, 36  
For reducing the Leaguers, intended, but goes not forward, 130. etc.  
Elizabeth Queen of England desires an Article in favour of the Reformed, 181.  
Her death, 450.  
Enterprise of Monceaux, 39  
Epernon Duke of quits the Army, 60  
Etampes Duchess of favours the Reformation, and Embraces it, 9  
Etrees Gabriele, 166  
Evocations eluded, 259  
Exercises of Religion hindered, 250. the Limits of 'em, 420. public exercise of Religion obstructed, 247  
Places for free exercise of Religion, 305   

F.  
FActions, the two great Factions of France, their Original, 18. France divided into three Factions, 43. Council of France divided into two Factions 45. Factions reigning in the League, King's party, 69. Factions new in France, 481  
New Factions in France, 481  
Ferrier, a famous Minister, 455, 456. his Character, ibid. teaches the Pope to be Antichrist, 455  
Feure, a Protestant Minister, 8  
Fleche, the Quibble about it concerning the King's heart, 425  
formulary refused by the King, 119. another sent in the King's Name to the Pope, 120  
Foreigners called into France, 34. and the English let into Haure de Grace, ibid.  
Foreign Ministers admitted into the City of Rochel, 431  
Francis I. inclined to favour the Reformation, 9 enraged against the Protestants, 12. refuses to read Calvin's Dedication, 11. publishes an Edict against the Lutherans, 12. his death, 13  
Francis II. 20. the state of the Court in his time, ibid. his sudden death, 28   

G.  
GAbriela d'Estrees, Henry IV's Mistress, 166  
Gag invented, 15  
Garrisons of the Reformed retrenched, 213. the Consequences, 214, 286, 287. the payment of 'em, 290. Garrisons or places which the Reformed had in their keeping, 298. lost by the Reformed, 4●5  
Geneva, the Ministers of Geneva pay their Respects to Henry IV. 414. the King's Civility to the City, 415  
Gex, state of the Country of Gex, 415, 416. the Country of Gex solicits the confirmation of their Regulations, etc. 477  
Gigord, a Minister of some Repute, scandalised by Cotton, 435  
Giraud, a Counsellor of Tholouse, accused of Assassination, 443  
Gonzier, a Jesuit, his impudent Preaching before the King, 442  
Governors of places reform upon the Frontiers of Italy, 416  
Gratification, 371  
Gratifications and Promises, 412  
Guise Duke of, his resentment against the Admiral, 34. killed at the Siege of Orleans, ib.  
Guise Duke of, the Son; his boldness, 49, 50, 51. forces the King from Paris, 50. his death, and that of the Cardinals, 51   

H.  
HArangues of the Clergy, 321. their Character, ibid. their common stile, 412  
Harangue of the Reformed Deputies at Folembray, 201. Harangues of the Deputies, 321  
Haure de Grace retaken from the English, 36  
Henry VIII. of England; 9  
Henry II. of France persecutes the Protestants, 13. protests against removal of the Council back to Trent, 13. his death, 19  
Henry of Valois elected King of Poland. He returns into France, 44. he makes peace with the King of Navarre, 46. he renews the War against the King of Navarre, 49. he swears a second time to the Edict of Union, 51. extremity of his affairs, ibid. he makes a Truce with the Reformed, 52. lays Siege to Paris, ib. assassined, ibid.  
Henry of Bourbon King of Navarre, runs a great Riseo, 42. he retires from Court, and his good Omen, 45. he disclaims what he had done for fear of death. He receives the Addresses of the States, 47. he upbraids Henry III. 49. his Appeal against Sixtus Quintus, ibid. meets with great difficulties, 54. his uncertainty, 58. his resolutions upon the Conditions proposed by the Catholics, 59 offended at the Proposals for another Protector, 66. he writes a Letter with his own hand upon the same Subject, 67. his dissimulation, 115. his conversion, 119. wounded in the mouth by chastel, 156. his Sentiments of the Assemblies, 158. his Proctors unfaithful, 169. Articles of Penitence, 170. complained of by the Reformed, 171. his coldness to the Reformed, 183. his Wishes, 186. his Perplexities and Distress, 226, 227. he altars his Language to the Reformed, upon the taking of Amience, 265. his remarkable words, 322. Another remarkable Saying of his, 326. his Expedition into Savoy, 414. he calls Beza Father, 415. his Civilities to Geneva, ibid. his exchange for the Marquisate of Saluces, ibid. his favourable and equitable mind toward the Reformed, 442. his Severity to the City of Rochel, 445. offended about the business of Antichrist, 458. he strives to hinder the Article about Antichrist, but cannot, 459. he answers the Papers of the Reformed favourably, 476. he talks openly of making War against Marshal de Bovillon, 482. he deals doubly with the Jesuits, 424. he refuses the Nomination of Deputies, 433. his domestic vexations, 439. his formidable power, 448. his designs in his latter end conjectured at, 449. he causes the Queen to be crowned, 450. his mild Answers to the Reformed, 476. assassinated, ibid.  
Huguenots, the derivati●●●f the word, 25.   

I.  
JAmes Stuart King of Scotland, his weakness, 449. he would not suffer mourning for Queen Elizabeth, 450. his Character, 451. his Book of the Power of Kings, ibid.  
Jane Queen of Navarre, Conspiracy against her, 37. dyes poisoned, 42  
Jannin advises the King of the third Party. 103  
Jannin Minister of State, his discourse about Liberty of Conscience, 444  
Jesuits settled at Paris, 30. they creep into favour, 140. their establishment solicited, 313. their boldness and credit, ibid. Reasons why the King favoured 'em, 315  
Jesuits recalled into France, 453. the Conditions of their Re●oration, 462. Satyrs against it, 463. they advance their Affairs in France, 417. solicit the King that his heart may be buried at lafoy Fleche, 425. their power settled in Bearn, 441. favoured highly in France, 481. the chief of the Council devoted to 'em, and feared by the King, 425  
Images, abominable Superstitions toward 'em, 21  
Infidelities, 31, 45, 48, 252, 418, 452.  
Injuries, 214 248. unpunished, 436  
Injustices, 31. 36, 37, 119, 140, 175, 200, etc. 256.  
Inquisition, attempt to bring it into France, 27  
Inscriptions prejudicial to the Huguenots, 476  
Instructions of the King, the different prospect of 'em, 108. vain Ceremonies of 'em, 117. of the Prectors contrary, 168. new ones given by the King to his Commissioners, 238  
Interests various at Court, 18. political to shake the King's Conscience, 112  
Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soisons, 177  
Intrigues strangely carried on in France, 235. of Spain in the Court of France 469  
Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers encroached upon, 443  
Seigneural Jurisdiction damanded in Episcopal Cities, 437  
Justice denied, ibid.   

K.  
KAtherine de Medicis, 17, 20. her double dealing, 29  
Kings may treat with their Subjects, 384   

L.  
LEague Triple between the Pope, King of Spain and Guise's, against the Protestants, 33. at Tholouse against the Protestants, 36. Guisian League, 46  
Leagues against the Reformed, 442  
Leguers boldness, 50  
Legate in France renews the fears of the Reformed, 213  
Lesdiguieres, his Character, 143. his letter to the Assembly of Saumur, 227. his Religion, 308. recommends Cotten the Jesuit to the King, 454. enters into the Union of Nantes, 413. made a Marshal of France, 438. his Fears, 470  
Letter of St. Germane to the D. of Bovillon, 402. of du Plessis to the the King, 125  
Letters from Q. Elizabeth, in behalf of the D. of Bovillon, 445. from the Synod of Rochel to the D. of Rohan, 429  
Liberty of Habitation denied the Reformed, 256  
Lorraine Cardinal of, his Inconstancy, 31. he goes to the Council of Trent, 34   

M.  
MAdam the King's Sister, her Marriage solicited, 315. her Constancy, 316. the King severe to her 317. the Pope's scruples upon the Match, ibid. married without a dispensation, 318. advantages the Reform got by her perseverance, 320 her Death, 468  
Malwin, a Foreign Minister called to Rochel, 431  
Marriage of Hen. IU. the dissolution of it carried on 349. &c▪  
Of Cardinal de Chatillon, 35  
Of ecclesiastics.  
Marry Brosiere, 346  
Marie Stuart, Q. of France and Scotland, 20  
Marsac Lewis, Martyred, 15  
Mass re-establishd in the Country of Gex, 419  
Massacre at Vassi, 32. at Sens, 34. of St. Bartholomew, 42. at Chastaigneray, 175  
Maxim of the Catholic Court, 71. of the French Court, 71  
Mayenne Duke of, escapes and relieves the Leaguers, 51. pursues the King, 61. his Justice, 324  
Meaux and other Towns reduced, 138  
Melancton invited into France, 9  
Mercoeur Duke of, his pretensions, 155. he Treats with the Reformed, 237  
Merindal, vid. Cabrieres.  
Metz.  
Ministers Protestant, 113  
Ministers excluded from the general Deputation.  
Ministers of Geneva. 414  
Ministers Foreign, 431  
Mirande, 433. 436  
Mission Dragoons. 314  
Mistrusts from the King's change, 122  
Montgomerie, his Death, 44  
Monks hate the King, 313, embrace the Reformed Religion, 414  
Montmorancy Constable, huddles up a Peace at Cateau, 18. his Death, 39  
Montholon, his Sentiments of Religion, 70  
Morvillier Bishop of Orleans, 45  
Moors hardly used in Spain, 446  
Mouchards, 21  
Moulin a famous Minister. 316   

N.  
KIng of Navarre, vid. Antony K. of Navarre  
Negotiations, three Important ones with the Pope, 311. etc.  
Nobility Catholic, their various Affections, 59  
de la Nove Fraces, 72. 429, 433. 409  
Nuncio Popes, 99   

O.  
D'O. Marquis of, his character, 56. his saying, 141. 147  
Occasion of this History, 5  
Oath required of the Reformed.  
Oath of Union renewed, 124. Precautions against the Order of the Holy Ghost, and of the Coronation, 132. of the Consecration, 139. difference touching an Oath referred by a Reformed to a Catholic, 350. exacted from the Catholics of England, 419  
Observations General upon the Edict of Nantes, 354  
Orange Prince of, assassined, 48  
Government of Orange taken from Blasons, 404  
d'Ossat, his Testimony of the Reformed, 157. Commissioner for the King's Absolution, 167. appeases the Pope, 220. he justifies the King to the Pope, 333.  
d'Ossat, 434  
Outrageous Affront committed against the Consecrated Host, 414   

P.  
PAncarte what, 445  
Parabere a Reformed Lord, 406  
Parliament of Paris Counsellors of it suspected for their Religion, 19  
Parliament of Paris joins with the Clergy to oppose the verification of the Edict, 224. disgusted at throwing down the Pyramid, 401  
Parliament of Aix, 250  
Of Bourdeaux; 249. 257  
Of Bretagne, 350  
Of Grenoble, 439  
Parliaments their Rigour, 438▪ of Tholouse, 418  
— of Tholose and Bourdeaux, 437. they uphold the Jesuits, 313. of Tours, 79. 102  
Patriarch threatened to be created in France▪ 155  
Peace at Amboise; 34. at Chartres, 39 Peace with the Reformed a third time 43. Peace as soon broke as made, 46. Peace for five years, such as it was, 48  
Peace proposed between the two Crowns.  
Peace of Religion; a new project of Peace for the Protestants, 75  
Du Perron, Author of the 3d. Party, 102. ambitious and unfaithful, 103  
Perron, 113. Bishop of Eureux, ibid. Commessioner for the King's absolution, 167. accepts du Plessis challenge, 397. his foul play to Plessis, 399. juggles with Plessis, 405. his advantages over du Plessis, 407  
Progress of his fortune, 469. a Cardinal's Hat procured for him, ibid.  
Petition particular from the Province of Normandy, 425  
Petitions of the Reformed favourably received by the King, 421. Petitions answered, 441  
Philip II. K. of Spain, 21  
Piles, one of the Valiantest of the Protestant Army, 111  
Placards. 11  
Places belonging to the Reformed disputed, 401  
Platform and Design of this History, 5  
du Plessis Mornai, his saying to H. IU. 75  
du Plessis Mornai, 76, 77. his ●●sire in the King's behalf, 119. his Character, 145. he procures the sitting of the Assembly at Saumur, 162. useful to the King, 224. Presides at Saumur, 230 he writes the King a long Letter concerning his change, 125. he writes a Treatise of the Eucharist, 309. consequences of it, ibid. etc. it makes a great noise, 394. Mortified by the King for writing it, 395, he challenges his Accusers, 397. fowl play showed him, 399, a snare laid for him, 401. more fowl play offered him, 403. condemned in nine Passages, 407. he falls sick, 409  
Politics, a Faction in France, their nicknames given 'em by the Synod of Rochel, 428  
Pope Gregory XIV. his Bull of Excommunication 79  
The Pope makes overtures of Reconciliation with the King, 157. his cunning dealing with the King, 185. complains of the verification of the Edict, 15, 77, 200.  
Poor to participate, without distinction, of the benefit of Hospitals and Alms, 423  
Powder Plot, 418  
Power Arbitrary, a Project against it, 23  
Pragmatic, 106  
du Prat Cardinal, 11  
Prayers for the King, ordered by the National Synod, 146  
Preachers seditious, 436, 476  
Precedency disputed by the Parliament of Tholouse. 340  
Priests refuse to pray for the King, 418  
Preparations for the King's change, 116  
Primrose, a Foreign Minister, 432  
Princes of the Blood, their Characters and Interests, 55  
Processions, 12  
Project of an Edict, 130. not had by the Reformed, 133  
Protector, 61, 145  
Psalms, sung publicly, 17. prohibited, and the Psalm-Book burnt by the Hangman, 252  
Publication of the Council of Trent, 336, 337. resolutely denied by the King, 437  
Pyramid▪ erected, 156. thrown down, 480   

Q.  
Quarters, see Annexes.   

R.  
REflections general and particular, upon the Conference of du Plessis, etc. 408  
Reflections upon the Complaints of the Reformed, 354  
Reformation, Interests that opposed it, 4, 5. the beginning, causes, and progress of it, 7. the entrance of it into France, ibid. received at Meaux and Bearn, 8. Progrss of it in Germany, 9 progress of it. 19  
Reformed not long quiet in France, 37. New occasions of Jealousy, 38. progress of their Churches, 48. they enter into a third War, 40. their hopes of Henry III. 54. Reformed their interests after the death of Henry of Valois, 56. and their Suspicions, 57 flatter themselves about the King's instruction, 59 they propose choosing a new Protector, 61. what they understood by Protector, 63. their jealousies, and the grounds of them, 65. their dispositions in regard to a peace, 72. reasonableness of their demands, 76. excluded from employments, 110. afraid of the King's reconciliation with the Pope, 137. Acts of Injustice done 'em, 140, etc. declared capable of offices, 160. testimony concerning their past and present services, 168  
Reformed, why accused not to love Monarchy, 23. reported to be quite out of Favour with the King, and why, 200. new Suspicions and Subjects of Complaint, 206. their patience, 212. a a continuation of their requests, 213. the Reformed excused, 231. they serve the King before Amience, 233. put off with new delays, 265. they forbear insisting upon several Articles of the Edict, 326. in a condition to treat with the King, 386. their negligence, and their prejudices, 418. particular complaints by them made, 441. they desire they may not give themselves the name of pretended Reformed, 461. a Boon granted to the Reformed, 419. strive to discover the designs of the Cabal, 475. they fear the King gives too much way to the Jesuits, ibid. disgusted at pulling down the Pyramid, 480  
Refugees, 431  
Reiters defeated, 50  
Religion, what sort of variety in Religion Policy ought not to tolerate, 367. Religion reform the nature of it, 368  
Rights of Conscience, 377  
Rights Seigniral in Manors encroached upon, 443  
Rigours of the Catholics as to the burying of the Protestants, 111  
Rochel besieged, 43  
Rohan Duke of, the Foundations of his Fortune laid, 453. displeased by the Court, 480  
Rome Court of, the Ignorance of it in Religion, 136. laughs at the misfortunes of France, ibid. the designs of it upon England, 429  
Roni, his jealousies, 214. his advancement discontents the Court, 344. his dignities, 345. Roni, 431. received into Rochel, 445. made Governor of Poictou, 450. sent into England, ib. sent the King's Commissioner to the Assembly at Chastelleraud, 403. his Instructions, 403, etc. his Speech to the Assembly, 407. he excuses the Consequences of the Union of Nantes, 410. he obtains other advantages of the Assembly of Chastelleraud, 412. congratulated for his Negotiation by Perron, in the Pope's name, 413. his Ambition very singular, ibid. made Duke and Peer of France, 415. he abuses his Authority without Fear or Wit, 444  
des Rosieres his Inconstancy, 43  
Rotan, a suspected Minister, 113  
Roussel, a Protestant Minister, 8   

S.  
SAvoy Duke of, his persecution in Piedmont, 314. and in the Marquisate of Saluces, ibid. his Character, 434. his continual Attempts upon Geneva, 465  
Scaliger Joseph, 460  
Schism in England, 9  
Schombergh Count, Commissioner to the Assembly of Saumur, 227, 228. he treats with the Assembly, 236  
Sedan besieged, 416  
Sedition at Paris, 31. at Rochel, 445, 428  
Seditious terms complained of by the Reformed, 476  
Seguiran Jesuit, his attempt to preach at Rochel, 424  
Sepultures disputes about 'em, 340  
Sieges of Rochel and Sancerre, 43  
Siege of Paris, 74. relieved, 75  
Soissons Count, 159, 470  
Sorbonne lets fly against the King, 73  
Sovereigns, their chief obligation the preservation of their Subjects, 379.  
may treat with their Subjects, 384  
Spaninards press the Destruction of all the Reformed in Spain, 446. with a prospect to divert the King's Forces by a Civil War, 447  
State of the Forces of the Leaguers and the King's Party, 68  
State of France, 204  
States General demanded, 45. conclude to destroy the Protestants, 46  
St. Germane Letter to the D. of Bovil lon, 402  
St. Marry du Mont, charges du Plessis with false Accusations, 396  
Subjects their Preservation the chief Obligation of Sovereigns, 379  
Succession of England, 429  
Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors, 396  
Sulli, Rom's Title after his new Dignity, 416. chosen Mediator between the Rochelois and the Clergy, 416. 417. blamed by Cotton the Jesuit, 425. suspected by the Reformed, 434. and why, ibid.  
Superstition to extremity, 21  
Synod at Paris, 11. at Bourges, 10  
Synod first Protestant National at Paris, 429.  
National at Rochel held by the Protestants, 41  
Synod at Rochel. 426. renew the Question about Antichrist, 429. Affairs treated on there, 431. breaks up and sends respectful Letters to the K. 436  
Synod of St. Foy, 47  
— at St. Maxiant, 442. treats of the business of Antichrist, ibid.  
At Saumur, 215  
Synods at Gap, 455. Question about Antichrist their discussed, ibid. other matters of the same Synod, 461. at Montauban, 146. etc. at Monpelier, 304, Synod at Rochel, 426  
Synod of Gnap, justifies Antichrist to be Antichrist, 456. they admit foreign Ministers, and receive Letters from the Palatinate, etc. 461   

T.  
TAxis the Spanish Ambassadors, 446, 447. 448.  
Third Party and its designs, 102  
the Thou Precedent, 226, 227, 234, 235, 299  
Tithes confirmed to the Roman Clergy, 35  
Toledo Cardinal, 136  
Tournon Cardinal opposes Melanchton's coming into France, 9 he signalises his Zeal against the Reformation, 10  
removed from the Government, 14  
Treatise of the Eucharist, 309  
Treaties to the prejudice of the Reformed, 138  
Treaty express, or Tacit between Master and slave, Sovereign and Subject, 380  
Treaty with the Rochellois, 216. with the Moors persecuted in Spain. 438  
Trent the Council there, 12, 13, translated to Bologna, but removed back to Trent. 13. remov d a third time by Pius IU. 34. and end put to it, 36  
Trimoville Claudius' Allies himself with the Prince of Conde, 50  
Trimoville, 143, 144. suspected by the King, 178. stands upon his Guard, 200. his motives for War, 226. raises Soldiers for the King, 234 exasperated, 265. Trimoville incurs the King's hatred, but the esteem of his party, 299. made a Peer of France, 351. his Genius 477. his death, 478 his Death, 478  
Trissvirat, the rise of it, 29  
Truce for six Months granted the Reformed. 45. Truce with the League to the King's prejudice, 137  
Turenne raises a Foreign Army, 105. Marrys the Heiress of Sedan, ibid. made Marshal of France, ibid.   

V.  
VAlentinois Duchess exasperates the K. against the Protestants, 13  
La Varenne, 123. a principal Prop of the Jesuits, 454  
Vernueil Marquis, 470  
Marchioness of Vernueil, 439  
Marchioness of Vernueil brought to Justice, 470  
Vignier, his Book called the Theatre of Antichrist, 442  
Villarnoul, 433, 436  
Villeroi, supposed to be a Pensioner to the D. of Guise, 49  
Villeroi gives the King advice of the Third Party, 103  
Villeroi, his conference with du Plessis fruitless, 107. Cabals against Roni 344. suspected to correspond with Spain, 469.  
Suspected to be of the Spanish Cabals, 469, 471. Treason of one of his Officers, 471  
Violences against the Reformed, 429, 437, 244, 248  
Union of the Reformed renewed with the King's approbation, 133. Union of Nantes renewed, 410  
Vulson sent to Court, 208   

W.  
WAr every where in France, 43  
Wars about Religion most cruel, 366  
War with Savoy, and the success of it, 414, 415  
Writings about the point for taking up Arms for Religion, 73   

Y.  
YEar of Placarts and Libels, 11    

A TABLE Of the Edicts, which serve as Proofs to the Part of this History.  

THe Edict of Charles IX. upon the most proper means to appease the Troubles and Seditions arising upon matters of Religion, Jan. 1567. 457  
Edict of Charles IX. of the year ●57, about the Pacification of the Troubles in the Kingdom▪ 466  
The King's Declaration, and Interpretation of some words and Articles VI and VII. continued in the present Edict of Jan. 17. 1561. 462  
Edict of Pacification made by Hen. III. for putting an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom, and to the end that all his Subjects from that time forward might live in Peace, Union and Concord under his Obedience. Read and published in the Court of Parliament, Octob. 8. 1577. 477  
Private Articles of Septemb. 17. 1577.  
The Articles of the Conference at Nerac, between the Queen Mother and the K. of Navarre, and the Deputies of the pretended Reformed Religion. 594  
The King's Edict upon the Pacification of the Troubles, containing Confirmation, Amplification and Declaration as well as of the proceeding Edicts upon the said matter, in the Year 1577, as of the Articles agreed upon at the Conference at Nerac; published at Paris in Parliament, Jan. 26. 1579. 515  
The King's Edict upon the Pacification of the Trouble of the Kingdom, given at Nantes, April 1598., with the particular Articles intervening upon it, etc. 526  
Particular Articles, extracted from the General, which the King granted to those of the pretended Reformed Religion; which the King would not have comprised in the General Edicts; nor in the Edict which was made and framed upon those, given at Nantes in April last, etc. 553  
A Breviat granted by Hen. the Great, to his Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, April 30. 1598. 563   
FINIS.   

MARRY R.  
WILLIAM and MARY, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defenders of the Faith, etc. To all Our loving Subjects, of what Degree, Condition and Quality soever, within our Kingdoms and Domiminions, Greeting. Whereas our Trusty and Wellbeloved John Dunton, Citizen and Stationer of London, hath represented unto Us, That he is Printing an English Translation out of French, of the Edict of Nantes, in Four Volumes; and that, in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him, he hath humbly besought Us to grant him our Royal Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof; We are graciously pleased to gratify him therein, and accordingly we do therefore hereby grant unto him the said, John Dunton, Our Royal Licence for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof; strictly charging, prohibiting and forbidding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part, or to imprint, buy, vend, utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same, or any part thereof, Reprinted beyond the Seas, within the said Term, without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors, Administrators or Assigns first had and obtained, as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril; whereof the Master, Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London, the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs, and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern, are to take Notice, that due Obedience may be given to Our pleasure herein signified.  
Given at our Court at White-Hall, the 30th. day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign. By Her MAJESTY'S Command. J. TRENCHARD.   

The SECOND VOLUME OF THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes: CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS, That have been in FRANCE During the Reign of Lewis the XIII. Faithfully Extracted from all the Public and Private Memoirs, that could possibly be procured.  
Printed first in French, by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland. And now Translated into English.  
With Her Majesty's Royal Privilege.  
LONDON, Printed for JOHN DUNTON, at the Raven in the Poultry. MDCXCIV.   

THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part.  
WE left the Reformed at the end of our First Part in a tolerable condition, and in a tranquillity which settled itself by degrees, under the Protection of their King. After the hardships of War, Infidelitys, and Massacres, they began to relish the sweets of Peace with assurance, by the love of a Prince who had not forgot their Services: They thought themselves secure against the Malice of their Enemies, and were under no apprehensions for their Consciences or Lives. If they retained the least doubts or suspicions they only proceeded from a Prudence which considered the future, and consequently obliged them under a King who was favourable towards them, to take measures against the designs of another, who might perhaps not entertain the same kindness for them. This was the Aim of their Assemblies, both General and Particular, of their Councils, of their Synods, of their Associations, Petitions and Demands: All this 
C●hirs.  was lawfu. They had had so many dismal proofs of the Maxims of the Church of Rome, in respect to those that are declared Heretics by them, that they had no reason to confide too much on the appearences of the Peace that Church had granted them. They were not ignorant that the Popes had only consented to it, because the Catholic Religion did lose considerably by the War; and that the Court of Rome, finds its account much better in the intrigues of the Cabinet, and in the arificies of a fraudulent Policy, than in Military Expeditions, which they do not understand. So that the Reformed, who had learned to be wise by an experience of fourscore years, could not, without relapsing into that ancient simplicity which had done their Forefathers so much harm, and which their very Enemies had often upbraided them with in an insulting manner, neglect to take precautions, to secure themselves against the secret snares which the Church of Rome can set, with so much Art, and prepare at such a Distance. Tho the King sometimes gave them causes of distrust, yet he was not averse to their Pretensions; and had he lived as long as his Constitution and Vigour, seemed to promise, he might have put them in a condition which would have obliged the Catholics to cultivate a Peace, which they could not have broken without exposing themselves to sustain at least part of the damages of such a Breach. It is true that he was stopped sometimes by a political consideration, when the Jesuits and the Catholics of their Party had filled his Head with the dread of a Cabal, ever ready to break out; ever disposed to receive malcontents, and to assist them; ever Mistress of the Government, by reason, that by the number of the places of surety, and by the credit of the Lords who entered into that Union, it was strong enough whenever Factions should be formed in the Kingdom, to incline the Balance to that Party they should side with. Moreover they told that Prince that it did not consist with his interest to suffer a Confederacy of part of his Subjects amongst themselves, for their own preservation, as if it had been against his Authority, and that it had formed a state within his Kingdom, having Cities of their own, Laws, Interests, and Politics contrary to the common good of the Kingdom. The King who was haughty, passionate and jealous of his Grandeur, easily suffered himself to be deluded by those shadows; and at those times let fall words which gave cause to believe that he thought the Reformed too great, & too formidable already to grant them any new favours. But then those little heats were as soon allayed, as they were assumed. His resentments were only lightnings, the matter whereof was as soon consumed as it had taken Fire; there neither remained the least tract of the heat or smoke of it. All his anger was evaporated by a Frown and a threatening Word. He thought himself sufficiently revenged when he had expressed that it was in his Power to take his revenge when ever he pleased.  
Those who are well acquainted with the Character of that Prince, know that this was his real temper; which cannot be looked upon as a Weakness; since the principle of it was Noble and worthy of a true Hero. He loved his Subjects, and Domestic quiet. His love of quiet made him angry, when ever he was possessed with the thoughts that any body designed to disturb it: But his love to his Sujects extinguished that Fire, as soon as he reflected on the necessity that obliged the Reformed to provide for their safety. Those that have collected the words which his anger inspired him with, while his Mind was possessed with some suspicion, aught at the same time to have observed that those little flashes were the effect of his Temper, the heat of which often dictated words to him, which he should have been very sorry any body should have drawn Consequences from. His Menial Servants were never surprised at them, because they daily found that he was easily appeased again, without being courted to it; and that he often made the first steps of reconciliation towards those that had given him a pretence of anger, particularly when they were Friends he had a good opinion of. His temper was very different towards the Enemies of the State: Without exclaiming against them in words, though he was sometimes guilty of it, even when Prudence required the contrary, he persisted in the desire and design of bringing them to Reason. This shows that he was not naturally inclined to refuse the Reformed such lawful means as were necessary for their safety. Only he did not design to leave the Cities of surety perpetually in their Power: Neither had they any thoughts of keeping them for ever. Perhaps some Lords might have particular designs upon that Subject; but the Reformed in general only insisted upon the keeping of them, upon the account that the King being mortal as well as other men, he might chance to Die at a time when the Minority of his Successor might create great Troubles to them. So that if they could have kept them until the Danger of a Minority had been past, they would more easily have been inclined to restore them to the King, since they would have been no longer necessary to them. But the very Word of Minority was sufficient to frighten them: and their fear was not so ill grounded as to be esteemed unworthy of Persons of Wit and Courage. The weakness of Francis the II. and the Minority of Charles the IX. had been so fatal to them by the Authority Catherine de Medicis had thereby Usurped to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood, which she exercised in a very odious manner, That they had a great deal of Reason to dread falling again into the same misfortunes, under the Regency of a Princes of the same Name, and during the Minority or Weakness of a New King, whose Capacity was not known.  
Thus it is apparent that the Reformed, that fear being excepted, saw themselves in a state of Peace and Prosperity, the perfect settlement of which was the only thing they could desire in order to be happy: and had the King lived but twelve years longer, That time would have been sufficient to remove part of their scruples. They would have seen a Dauphin of twenty years of Age, capable to Reign himself, bred up to all the Maxims and Designs of the King his Father accustomed to see two Religions among the French. Thy would have seen the Edict confirmed by Possession, civil and intestine Peace fostered by custom between those of different Religions; the Catholics disposed by degrees to see them enjoy certain liberties; in a word the prejudices that had excited so many animosities and Wars against the Reformed, dissipated by habit and repose, which would have allayed the Passions and heart-burnings on all sides. But all was altered of a sudden, by the King's unexpected Death, and that fatal Catastrophe happening at a a time when the ancient Difidencies and Jealousies were not absolutely stifled, added new ones. So that we shall now behold the Reformed entering under that new Reign, in a doubtful condition, which having held them long in Cruel agitations and incertainties, threw them at last into a deplorable Ruin: Partly, as when a Ship tossed by the Winds and Billows, which drive it against the Rocks, having nothing but the courage and skill of her Mariners to defend her against that violence, finally sinks on a sudden, notwithstanding their resistance and industry, by the redoubling of the Storm. Therefore we may consider them in this part of the History, as well as in the first, in three different conditions. The first was a preparative to their approaching ruin, which all the circumstances of Affairs gave them presages of▪ The History relates the reasons they had to be afraid; the divisions of the State and Court, and the secret machinations by which their Oppression was contriving by degrees. The second was an open declaration of a design to destroy them, which proceeded already from the project to the Execution, by the speediest, though the most odious means, Fraud and Violence. The History shows us in this point their Disunion, Weakness and Decay. The third was a state of Constraint and Servitude, in which the Oppressed durst not complain; and found themselves reduced by their Weakness to look upon it as a favour, That they were only cavilled with, instead of being totally ex irpated by Fire and Sword. The History also acquaints us how that from the time of their being disarmed and reduced to the mercy of their Enemies, if any stop was put to their final destruction, it was only in regard that the then state of Affairs both at home and abroad did not permit them to reduce so many thousands of People to the utmost extremity; who were able to defend their Lives. Thus the Reformed returned by degrees into the same condition, in which their Fathers had been formerly, when they were exposed to Racks, and other Outrages. In the first Part of this Work we behold them passing from Oppression to War, and from War to Quiet and Prosperity: In the second Part we find the Scene altered again, they fall a new from Prosperity into the Miseries of War; and finally, from War into an Oppression, which Policy only hindered their Enemies from pushing to extremity.  
Their Enemies have not been wanting to accuse them of having abused that degree of Happiness and Power, in which they were at the King's Death, and of having occasioned their own Ruin by Factions, and continual Enterprises. But nothing can be grosser, or more unjust than that Imposture. It is true that they endeavoured to secure themselves when they beheld their good Prince in the Grave. The jealousies they had entertained before that fatal accident, which had been combated by the kindness he often expressed to them, revived a new, when the reason they had to lay them aside was remov▪ d by his Death: and they found themselves reduced at that time to that doubtful floating condition, which they had endeavoured to prevent, while they could rely on the favour of an equitable Prince. Those things seemed to them more considerable and pressing when they appeared nearer at hand: and they found themselves still liable to be attacked on so many sides that they judged it absolutely necessary to provide for their safety by speedy and effectual means. Therefore the wisest and most moderate among them, who were used on all other occasions to recommend Peace and Obedience above all things, joined in that design. And indeed the thing spoke of itself, and that so loud that the dullest and most stupid might apprehend it. A Minority, an Italian Regent, old Members of the Leagues, or Jesuits that were absolute in the Council; a revengeful Queen, who thought herself offended, and was governed by foreigners, for whom the Reformed had no great consideration; a great number of Factious, either old ones, the seeds of which were not yet stifled; or new ones that daily formed themselves; an invincible ascendant which the Court of Spain, that aimed at nothing but the renewing of the Wars about Religion, had gained over France; and several other reasons obliged that Party, which had been so often deceived, to stand upon their Guard; and to take proper measures to secure themselves, at least until time had dissipated those alarms. To pretend that it was a Crime for the Reformed, that had suffered so much, and were assaulted by a thousand lawful terrors, to renew their Union, to hold assemblies, and to present Petitions, is undoubtly a tyrannic absurdity: As if a Wretch should be impeached as a Criminal against the State, for having cried out for help, seeing himself in danger of falling into a Precipice, or for having taken hold of the first thing he could light on, to break the violence of his fall. And if it be alleged that at least after having taken measures with the Court for their safety, they ought to have laid a side their fears; troubling themselves with nothing but to serve God according to their Conscience, and to obey the King according to their Duty: I answer that it would have been very reasonable and perhaps very easy so to do, had not the Court, in the very instant they granted them any favours, taken away more from them with one hand, than they gave with the other. They were comforted with sword's, while they were tormented by Effects. The Clergy granted nothing to the King without a consideration. The first Article of their demands always contained something in favour of the Catholic Religion; which never failed of being interpreted against the Reformed Religion, as if the one could not have been preserved without the ruin of the other. The Court and Clergy persisted in this way of proceeding, until the Civil Wars broke out: and the success of the Artiefices that were used to amuse the Reformed having encouraged their Enemies, they proceeded so far as to laugh at them publicly, and to Violate the most solemn Promises without shame. This may be seen at large in that part of the History that relates the disgrace of the Duke of Sulli, the Illusions practised at the Assembly of Saumur, the Divisions sown among the Reformed, the Resolutions of the States, the Marriage accomplished between France and Spain, and all the other Transactions that justly create Jealousies. So that the same Law of Nature which teaches Man to secure himself behind Walls and Ramparts, when he suspects an Enemy, against whom he only designs to stand upon the Defencive; that Law, I say, without doubt Authorised the Reformed, to whom the faithlessness of their Enemies was so well known, to secure themselves against the suspicious proceedings of a Court that had sworn their Ruin. I do not speak, in this place, of their Union with the Prince of Conde: because that War was of a different nature from the Rest. Religion had little or nothing to do in it; Interests of State were the true Motives of it. The Reformed cannot be taxed with it, but the accusation must fall with more violence upon the Catholics. The last occasioned it; the first only joined with them, but too late, if we consult prudent Policy only: by reason that it was no longer time to prevent the Marriages, which was the pretence used for taking Arms. But that delay only proceeded from that most of the Provinces and Churches did not think themselves concerned in that Business: So that it was not properly an affair of the whole Party; but of some Lords, who were followed by their Creatures.  
Therefore there is nothing in this first degree of the fall of the Reformed, which they can be justly upbraided for: But they seem to be less excusable in the second, in which they are seen actually in Arms against their Prince. We are to resolve two questions, the better to understand the matter. The first is general, and relates to Right, viz. Whether there are occasions on which Subjects may lawfully take Arms against a Sovereign. The second is Particular, and relates to the act, viz. Whether allowing that there may be such occasions, the case of the Reformed was of that nature, and they had sufficient Reasons to Arm. The General Question is of too great a discusion, to be examined in a Preface, in which I do not design to enlarge. Therefore I shall only make eight or nine Observations, which may give some light to that matter. 1. I will observe that the thing which imbroils the said Question, is that it is perhaps never handled without Passion, or Interest. Those that have given a large extent to the Rights of the People, have often been animated by an Interest of Party: And those that have put no bounds to the Power of Kings are to be suspected either of having been paid for so doing, or of having had particular reasons which obliged them to flatter Princes, in order to obtain some Favours from them. When ever there have been divers Parties in a State, it has been observable that the Weakest was ever the most fawning; and that in order to get the Prince on their side, they extended the Rights of sovereign Power as much as in them lay. This mischief began in the first Ages of Christianity. The Emperors were so severe against the poor Christians, who were represented as Enemies to the State, that those poor Persecuted Wretches were reduced to strain the Point, to persuade them that their Religion was not opposite to Sovereign Power. Passages of Scripture, Testimonies and Examples of the Old and New Testament were promiscuously employed with all the Art of interested Eloquence, which transferred the Rights of the Judaic Kings to all the Princes of the World, without the least consideration. After Constantine had raised Christianity up to the Empire by his Conversion, the Clergy out of interest retained the Maxims, which they had maintained till then out of necessity: And whereas they laid a great stress through Ambition and Avarice, on those Passages which direct Princes to be Fathers and Benefactors to the Church, he was obliged to continue to them, as it were, by way of re●al●ation for the temporal advantages he extorted from them, the authority wherewith he had invested their Predecessors. Thus those ancient Prelate's who thereby acquired such Treasures to the Church, according to the common Phrase, laid the Foundation of their Successors Policy; who in order to obtain great Privileges, high Dignities, rich Gifts, and great Revenues have always been ready to confirm to them, as it were in exchange for their Favour, the Right of Oppressing the People, and to trample upon the most lawful Privileges of Liberty. Those who are any wise conversant with History must needs know that for several Ages complaisance towards the Prelates, and munificence towards the Church were sufficient to sanctify all the Actions of Sovereigns, and even of Persons of an inferior Rank, when they were Rich and Potent.  
2. The Policy of the Pope's has also contributed considerably towards the Oppression of the People. They have given Princes a helping hand to ruin their Subjects, whenever Sovereigns have condescended to submit to the Authority of the Roman See. This is the way by which that See has indemnified Princes for the independence it has extorted from them. By sacrificing the interest of the people to them, they have recompensed them for what they have usurped over Crowned Heads. This is the Reason that those that are the greatest assertors of Sovereign Power in relation to Subjects, are those that are most zealous to maintain that the Popes are the only Judges of the Differences that happen between the State and the Prince; that they only can make it lawful for Subjects to take Arms, and free mankind from all the Bonds of subjection. Therefore the Catholics who were engaged in the Holy League would never condemn it, nor treat with Henry the IV. as Rebels who sued for Pardon. The Popes had Authorised their Fatal Conspiracy against their lawful King; whom they had declared a relapsed Excommunicated Heretic: From whence we may conclude that to judge of the Liberties of Subjects we must never consult Popes nor their Adherents, who in order to make Kings their Subjects, assist Kings to make their Subjects Slaves.  
3. Should the Suffrages of all those that have spoken of this matter be told, I do not doubt but the people would lose their Cause by the Plurality of Voices: but if we weigh opinions, and allow the recusation of partial Judges, the number of the Votaries for Arbitrary Power, will diminish more than one half. If we retrench the decisive Voice of Ambitious, self interested Writers, and Pensioners: of those that flatter by profession, or out of policy: of those that have been forced to allow all to Sovereigns, to gain their favour by the sacrifice of public Liberty, and of all those that have had other reasons for what they have said upon that Subject, besides those that are drawn from the nature of things: there will not perhaps remain so many Votaries of Arbitrary Power as people commonly imagine. And if the rights of the people find as few adherants, it is not to be wondered at. There is nothing to be got by asserting that cause: and the danger is eminent. Pensions and Favours are not disposed of by the people: and the services of that kind are often attended with a miserable Life, or a shameful Death. To love liberty in a state where it begins to decay; To assert it when it is tumbling; To speak for it when its Privileges are violated by the strongest; is called Sedition and disturbing of the public Peace, and judged worthy of the severest torments. Therefore it is no wonder that liberty seldom meets Protectors, since those that love it, and would preserve their Rights are accounted Criminal.  
4. We may conclude from thence that this question is neither to be decided by any consideration of number, nor yet by the quality of Assertors, among which there are few that are free from the marks of a lawful recusation. The best way to decide it were to consult Nature, and the things themselves: and to see what natural Right, of which the Principles are common to all the World, allows to be to each party. In following this maxim it will be soon discovered that the Original of Societies, and States is very different, and that it is impossible to imagine a source of that Civil Union, applicable to all the Empires that have been formed in the World. But in the diversity of the motives that have induced men to erect those Societies, or of the forms they have given them, we will observe three things, the truth of which is undeniable. The first is that mutual preservation was the end of those Unions; and that none of them were ever made with an intention to give any one a power of destroying, and abusing the rest at pleasure and with out cause. If any would except from this Rule the States that have been formed by the violence of the strongest, which has constrained the weakest to obey, it is evident that the said power of commanding others is a usurpation, which gives no right to him that assumes it; and of which the effect ceases with the cause. I mean that as soon as the Oppressor loses the force which he abuses, or the oppressed recover their former vigour, Liberty resumes its former rights, and Usurpation loses its Conquests. That Right is so certain, that it is the foundation of that which annuls all forced contracts, and allows us to break them, as soon as we are free of the constraint that forced us to accept them. It is in vain to reply that God presides at the Birth and Preservation of States; and that when he has alloned them to be established by Force, those that are involved in them must respect their Slavery as a Divine Ordinance, the yoke of which they ought to bear with patience. I answer, that God indeed is the Author of Order and Equity, and that consequently those forms of Government in which we find Order and Equity are undoubtedly the Work of his Providence: but that he has never revealed that he approved Disorder and Injustice; and that consequently we cannot look upon a Government, that is founded on Fury and Rapine, as ordained and instituted by God. Thus the mutual preservation, Order and Welfare of Societies ought to be accounted the first end of those that have formed thein, and even of God by whom they are anthorized.  
The second, which is also an undeniable Truth, is that public Faith ought to be the Soul of all Governments, and that as there must of necessity be a bond to unite the parts that compose a Body of what nature soever, Phisical or Moral, nothing but Public Faith can make the Bond of those Societies. It is presuposed, by all those that unite their interests for their common defence. Each Member using his particular endeavours expects that the others should concur with him for the Common Good. So that nothing can be more contrary to or more pernicious in Societies, than the violation of Public Faith. It breaks the most sacred ties of Civil Bodies; and, as it were takes away, their very Being. Therefore every individual comprised in one of those Bodies, has a right to require of the other Members to keep their promise, and to contribute on their part without Fraud and Treachery, what they owe towards their mutual preservation.  
The Third, which is likewise evident, is, that in all the relations that are among Men, there must be something reciprocal of Course. There are none in which the Obligations can be proved all on one side. Therefore we must look on those that are observed between the Head and the Members, as on all others. The Head must owe something to the Members, as well as the Members to the Head. The Duty of these is very different, according as the precautions people have taken in submitting themselves to a certain Power, are more or less favourable for liberty. But there are two certain and invariable Characters in all the Forms a State can take. The one is, that even in those, in which Liberty has the greatest privileges, the Duty of Subjects is of a great extent, and obliges them to submit to whatever may be advantageous for the Common Good: Nay, even in cases in which particular losses are recompensed by the advantages of the general. The other is that even in those in which Liberty has the narrowest bounds, Subjection can never extend so far as to oblige men to suffer themselves to be destroyed out of Duty or Conscience. Those must needs have a strange depravation of mind who can conceive that when people did submit to one, or many, it could be on condition that their Rulers should be allowed to destroy them right or wrong, merely by Virtue of Sovereign Power. Even those who surrender on Discretion, do it only in hopes of being preserved by the clemency of the Conqueror, or at least to purchase the Redemption of the whole Body at the cost of some few unfortunate Members. The Duty of Sovereigns receives the same variation as that of their Subjects, according to the limitations that were given to both at the first formation of the State. But it has two Characters which answer those of the submission of the People. The one is that how narrow soever the Bounds of Supreme Power may be, yet still it is of a vast extent, and might be styled in some respect Infinite, in relation to the public good, to which it must always have a relation: The other is, that even in those States in which it is most extended, it never dispenses the Sovereign from watching for the preservation of his Subjects; nor from sincerely appling to that end the power he is entrusted with. It is contrary to nature to think that destruction without a cause, upon the bare account of a Power given to the Sovereign, can be the Right of supreme Authority. God who might do it, if he thought fit, claims no such right over mankind. He never destroys without a just Cause; and only to show his Sovereign Power. Therefore there is no reason to believe that he au horizes men to exert a right over others which he is not willing to assume himself.  
5. It follows from those Truths that when a Prince endeavours, without a lawful cause to destroy his people whom he is obliged to preserve; when he publicly violates his Faith, which is the Seal of the mutual obligations of his people towards him, and of his towards his people; when he makes use even of their Patience and Submission, to ruin them the more easily; when he pursues them with open Force, and that disdaining to observe the very formalities of Justice, to destroy them with some shadow of Reason, he makes use of Fire and Sword in all places, to reduce all his Subjects to his Will and Discretion: It follows, I say, that granting those conditions, the resistance of Subjects is not Criminal. They never have a right to attack: But after having used all the Submissions and Remonstrances required in such Cases, after all that Prudence can advise, to avoid falling into the utmost extremities, there are neither Divine Laws, nor Humane Reasons, to take away from them the Right of defending themselves. It is a Right that is born with all Men, which nothing can ever deprive them of.  
6. Example being of a decisive force in Political Questions, it is most Certain that there is no Subject upon which so many can be alleged, as that of the Resistance of Subjects to their Sovereign, when he visibly endeavours to oppress them. We meet a world of them both in Ancient and Modern History. It is the source of divers Revolutions, which have from time to time changed the face of the World. And even in those States in which Princes have pretended to the highest degree of Power, the People being oppressed have often put a stop to the said oppressions by Vigorous oppositions, which otherwise would have been carried farther; and this Maxim, that Public preservation is a lawful reason for People to defend themselves, is so certain and so well known, that even in Seditions and Civil Wars in which the Ring Leaders have other ends, they never fail to place Public Good at the Head of their Motives; to persuade the World by that spetions' Tittle that their Cause is Innocent, and to engage such into their Party as would be averse to it otherwise out of the scruples of a Tender Conscience.  
7. If any should allege that it is impossible to decide to whom it belongs to judge in what degree of oppression it is lawful to lay a side Patience; and that whatever we fix upon in that case, we must needs expose ourselves, as well as all the Authors that have Written about it, to inexplicable difficulties: I answer that the Reason why those Writers are at such a loss, is that they endeavour to find out subtle studied solutions to an absurd Objection. No man can judge so well, as he whose Life's in Jeopardy, whither he be in danger of losing it, by suffering the Agressor to have his Will. It would be a cruel absurdity, to say that a Man being set upon on the Highway by a Company of Armed Men, who have drawn him into that Peril under a fair pretence, may not lawfully resist them, without having first consulted an able Lawyer, or obtained leave of my Lord Chief Justice. On such occasion's Nature pleads herself, and supplies the want of a Doctor, or a Magistrate. So likewise supposing the case of an evident Oppression, in which every one beholds the Chains that are preparing for him; in which not only the Estates and Privileges of some particular Persons are concerned, without minding other Rights of less Consequence; but in which the whole State suffers, or at least a considerable part thereof, which is not to be despised; in which the most natural and most precious part of Liberty, is at stake; in which there is reason to fear that the Patience of the Oppressed may authorize the progress of Oppression: In such a case, I say, no body can judge better of the necessity of making a defence, than those who see and feel the progress of the slavery that is imposed upon them.  
8. If any body exclaims against these and the preceding Maxims, as being attended with pernicious Consequences; as favouring Rebellion, as containing pretences and excuses which the Factious and Disturbers of the Public Peace may make an ill use of; I answer, first, that it is a misfortune annexed to several Truths; that they are liable to great inconveniencies: but yet that they are not thereby deprived of the Right of Truth, by reason that those inconveniencies do not proceed from the Nature of those Truths, but from the Corruption of the Heart of Man, which extracts a Poison out of the most profitable things. Thus the very Weapons of the Law are made use of to create disputes, though made to suppress them: which abuse does not hinder those Laws from being Just and Necessary. Thus Casuists daily discover things in Theory, which though very True are neverteless attended with ill Consequences in the Practice: which I mean of the most rigid, as well as of those that are accused of slackness. The most indispensible Duties of Religion and Morality are so many Arguments of Dispair to Weak Souls, when represented to them in their whole extent, with the absolute necessity thereof, attended with all their Circumstances and Consequences. Yet those inconveniencies do not deprive those Duties of their natural Justice, and do not discharge Men of the obligation they lay under, of submitting to them. To love our Neighbour is an indispensible Duty. The command of loving him as ourselves receives no exceptions. It is the Epitome of Natural Justice: It is the Summary of one half of the Divine Law. It is the Centre from which, all the Precepts of Charity proceed as so many Lines, which is the greatest of all Virtues. Yet by the state to which sin has reduced the heart of Men, it happens very often that he who applies himself to that important Duty exposes himself to a thousand dangers. Charity is only a Law to himself; and while he observes it scrupulously, the Wicked take the advantage of it, to be the better able to annoy him. There is no greater inconvenient than to give way to the Oppression of the Innocent. That inconvenient is met with in the fundamental precept of Charity: but yet the truth thereof is not therefore the less evident; nor the Duty less necessary. This shows that the inconveniencies that attend a Doctrine do not always hinder it from being True.  
Secondly, I answer, that the opposite Maxim, which abandons the Liberty of the Subject to the discretion of Sovereigns, and allows nothing to the People but Submission and Patience, is attended with as many inconeuniencies as the other. I confess that it would be liable to none, if we could be certain of two things; the one always to have a good, virtuous, Prince, a True Father of his Country; The other that having such a one, he would hearken to and employ none but true Patriots, Persons without Interest, Ambition, or Disguise, by whom he might be well served and counciled. We may indeed, and often do see the first; but the second is very rare; or to say better, impossible. It is easy to determine the Fate of those People whose Fortune, Life, and Liberty pass through the hands of those who cannot be great without oppressing them, or Enrich themselves without their Ruin.  
I say in the third place, that both sides being attended with inconveniencies; those are evidently less considerable which attend the maxim which allows people when they are oppressed, to resist oppresion, than those that attend that which makes it a Crime for them to oppose their own destruction. The reason of it is that the People are commonly very ill served, very easily divided, tired, and blinded; whereas Princes have all the advantage on their side: That the people never perceive the evil until it is committed, when it is too late to remedy it; whereas Princes aim at a great distance, and take their measures, before their Subjects are aware of them: That the People often betray each other, and sacrifice Public Interest to particular advantages: Whereas Princes raise Soldiers among those very People, to attack them, and money to corrupt them. So that it often comes to pass that the Maxim which authoris●● them to defend their Lives and Liberties becomes for them a truth in speculation only. It also happens often that finding the Prince ready in all points, and provided beforehand with all things necessary for his Enterprise, the People forfeit the remainder of their Liberty, when they bethink themselves of taking Arms to defend it. In those cases their Resistance is called Rebellion: and the Yoke that is imposed upon them, is stilled a Just punishment for their Revolt. Moreover the Resistance of Subjects ought never to extend to the Life of the Sovereign. No Circumstances, nor Authority though from the Pope can justify an attempt of that Nature. It is the Prerogative of Supreme Power, to fix something that is Sacred in those in whom it resides, which ought to secure their Lives against all enterprises. Whatever Power People reserve to themselves, to hinder the person they acknowledge for their Sovereign from encroaching upon their Privileges, they can preserve no Right of Life and Death over him. They are so many Tribune's of the People whose person is inviolable, and even their faults, when they commit any, do not deface that character of Majesty which sets them above all others, and exempts them from Corporal Punishment. Resistance therefore can go no farther on the People's side, than to reduce them to those Bounds to which their Authority is limited by the Laws; or at most to deprive them of a Power which they apply to awrong and unlawful use; when instead of employing it for the Protection of their Subjects, they employ it to their ruin. Finally the maxim which Authorises the Resistance of Subjects against the unjust violences of their Sovereign being only allowable in this one case, the Consequences thereof are not so dangerous as they seem to be: by reason that Subjects very seldom form designs against the Authority of Princes, unless Princes abuse it to the utmost extremity. We commonly find, that whatever precautions have been used at the founding of a Monarchy, yet he who is invested with the Regal Authority will by degrees usurp some part of the Liberty the People have reserved to themselves: but there are few examples of People's encroaching upon the Prerogatives of their Sovereigns. The Prince and People may be compared to the man. and the Horse of the Fable which was invented to explain this matter in a popular manner. As the Horse can never pretend to free himself of the Bit and Saddle, having once submitted to it; the people are obliged forever to wear the Yoke, they have freely imposed upon themselves: But whereas man by degrees extends the power he has received from the Horse, beyond the ends for which it was given him, and applies it wholly to his own advantage, forcing him not only to Hunt, and to serve him in the Wars, but also to carry burdens for his service; to draw the Plough, and to turn divers machine's: So the Prince inscensibly and as it were undesignedly extends the bounds of his power, in so much that by degrees the protection he owes his people, which is the source of his Power, ceases to be the principal end thereof, and becomes an inlet of Slavery. Let all the States of Europe be examined, and you will not find one in which th● Authority of the Sovereign is lessened from what it was at the beginning: but you will find many in which the liberty of the people is very much decayed. It is the Fate of Monarchies: the longer they last, the more the Prince incroaches upon his Subjects. Tho his policy should hinder him from doing it; Time would do it for him, especially in Hereditary States. The long Chain of Succession creates a greater veneration for the Royal Family, and accustoms Subjects to suffer their small Usurpations without murmuring. History affords us sufficient proofs of this Truth, almost in all the States of the World. From whence it follows that Subjects freely leaving their Rights in suspense, and never endeavouring to defend them until they are violated in the most essential parts, the maxim which authorises their resistance against the Enterprises of their Sovereigns is not of so pernieious a consquence as some imagine. Subjects do so seldom put it in practice, to the prejudice of a lawful authority, that no body ought to be frighted at it: And it is so easy for Princes to hinder it from being prejudicial to them, that they can blame none but themselves, when it produces an ill effect. 'Tis but to be proud of commanding free People, who obey out of Gratitude and Love; to keep their Promises; to maintain the Laws, and to enrich their Subjects: To Govern their State with Equity, instead of endeavouring to enlarge their Frontiers, or their Authority by unjust means. It is not impossible to meet with Princes of that Character. France has produced some Kings who have signalised themselves by that admirable Policy. Such may be found elsewhere, and if example could prevail with all Sovereigns to Reign thus, I could easily name some who might serve them for a Model.  
9 The passages of Scripture which some oppose to this maxim are manifestly wrested; and cannot serve for the use they are applied to, without being taken in a difficint sense from that which is natural to them. All the Arguments that are grounded upon those principles are defferent in one of these three cases; either they compare things that ought not to be compared; or they make Laws for Societies, of that which only contains Moral Rules among private persons; or else they contain precepts which presupose that those among whom there are Relations of Command and Obedience, do remain, at least pretty near, within the mutual bounds of their Duty. It is not to be imagined that God designed by his word to destroy the Rights of natural Justice, which are only grounded upon his own Justice: His Will admits of no Contradiction. Therefore as there is a Natural Right which authorises Men to defend their Lives, when assailed, at least to ward the Blows designed by the Destroyer; and to disarm him of the Weapon he abuses: It is not to be believed that the precepts of Patience, Refigna●ion, and Charity, that are so frequent throughout the Holy Scriptures, can receive an explication that anihilates a Right so Just and so universally acknowledged. Truth's never contradict themselves. So that when they seem any-wise to contradict each other, they must be understood in such a sense as may reconcile them. Neither would it be difficult to find the medium in which they agree, if it did not happen as I have already said, that by reason of the dispositions of the minds and hearts of Men, those things which are speculatively Innocent and True, become pernicious, or impossible in the Practice.  
From all these considerations, which the briefness of a Preface does not allow me to enlarge any farther upon, we may infer this conclusion, that though it were always to be wished that people might never take up Arms, and that it is even often necessary to exceed in Patience and Submission, yet nevertheless, there may be occasions in which oppression is so evident; in which the good of the State is so openly assailed, in which the most Holy Rights of Justice and Liberty are violated with so little Caution, that the defence of the Oppressed cannot be looked upon as unlawful; nor can they be justly blaimed for taking Arms for their Preservation. Nothing but Sophistry and Clamour can be opposed to the Truth of this maxim: and I am verily persuaded that those who oppose it, would be the first to put it in practice if being assailed, they could have hopes to preserve themselves by resistance. Profit, Ambition, Hope, may induce men to speak otherwise than Nature, when there is nothing present, or sensible to give their words the Lie: But Nature resumes her Rights, and silences Interest, and Passion, when an urgent occasion obliges man to remember the first of his privileges, which is Self-Preservation. If it could be said that the Soul is naturally Christian; by reason that notwithstanding her being prejudiced by the Opinion of the Plurality of Gods, which was inspired into her by Education, and is become familiar to her by example and custom, yet as soon as the danger presses, and brings man to himself again, she only remembers one God; we may also say that she is naturally instructed with the Right of repelling Violence and Injustice; since that notwithstanding the Clouds wherewith divers Interests obstruct the lights she has received from Nature upon that Subject, yet one pressing danger is sufficient to make her forget all the foreign considerations she had been prejudiced by, and to bring her back again to the use of the right she herself thought to have abandoned.  
It now remains to know, whether the Reformed were in that condition which authorises the taking up of Arms. But that is a case that will plainly appear by the reading of this History. It will discover an open Conspiracy against them, which after many ill effects for the space of about Forty Years, to reckon from the Reign of Francis the 2d had been rather deffered by the kindness of Henry the 4th, than stifled by the Authority of his Edicts. You will see it renewed as soon as that Prince was put in his Grave; prosecuted during the space of Ten Years by thousand secret Artifices of the Court of Rome, concealed and covered by all the Veils of a profound dissimulation, which however could not hinder them from discovering some glimpses of the means that were put in practice, in order to their Ruin. You will see the King attacking, while his Subjects send Deputies to obtain his favour; Threatening while they Entreat; Arming while they Implore his Mercy, amidst a thousand Terrors, by submissions and entreaties; executing while they hesitate and are deliberating; taking of Places the keeping of which is still allowed them for some years; turning out their Governors, violating his own Briefs; while they to avoid the reproach of taking Arms with too much precipitation, differ to put themselves in a posture of Defence, which in a word ruins them half before the War is declared against them. If to all this you add a world of infidelities committed by the Council of that Prince; the constant practice of the Roman Church, in what relates to Treaties made with Heretics; Henry the 3d's Declaration, the Maxims of which had been inspired to that King by the Jesuits who had had the care of his Education: that surprisiing Declaration by which Henry the 3d. had acquainted the World that the Reformed ought never to trust to his Word, when ever he made a Peace with them, because he would never do it, unless it were in order to take his time better, and to renew the War again with advantage: If, I say, we add all this, and several other considerations that may be drawn out of History, it will appear clearly that the Reformed were more than convinced that their Enemies designed to exterminate them: That they kept barely upon the defensive; That they were forced to take Arms, but too late for their preservation; That they tarried until the Catholics proceeded from craft to threatenings, and from threatenings to effects, before they lost their patience; That a Peace was only granted to deceive them; That they did not break it, neither the first, or second time, whatever their Enemies say: and in a word that they only defended themselves weakly, and as it were in going back against a manifest Aggression. Their King had at that time, evidently renounced the Title of common Father of his Country, as well as Henry the 3d. and by en●ndeavouring to destroy a numerous and very potent part of his Subjects, he had given them a Just occasion to defend themselves. The catholics would never have had so much Patience, had they foreseen at as great a distance that a Prince designed, I will not say to destroy their Religion, and their main Privileges; but only to retrench one of their most useless Ceremonies, and, as I may say, to extinguish one of the Tapers of their Altars.  
I will not insist on the secret design of the Court of France to deprive the People in General and without distinction of Religion, of the remainder of their Liberty; The Potent Cities of their Revenues, Privileges, Exemptions and Franchises; The Nobility of their Lustre and Credit; The Parliaments of their Power and Majesty. This design was covered with the pretence of Religion, while the Reformed had Cities in their Power. However the Court expressed itself so clearly about the Case of Rochel, that no body could pretend to be Ignorant of the reasons they had to declare a War. That City was under Subjection without being a Slave. It was in France partly what the Imperial City's are in Germany. The King Commanded in it; but the Authority of that command was limited by Laws. The King had been persuaded not to content himself with that limited Power. What they desired of the Rochilois was only to renounce acquired advantages, which had been confirmed, and as it were consecrated, by Treaties, by Services, by Edicts, by all that is most holy and most inviolable in humane Right. Therefore that City was ruined, only because they were unwilling to submit to slavery. So that the War that was waged against it, though useful according to a certain Policy which allows everything Just that succeeds, was nevertheless at the bottom the most manifest oppression that ever was heard of, as well as that of the Principality of Bearn. But I should be too Prolix if I should urge all that could be said to prove that the resistance of that Place, and of all the Reformed was not unlawful.  
As for the third degree in which this History represents the Reformed, I have no long remarks to make upon it. The Decay of their Religion appears in it in a thousand ways. Their Enemies begin to quarrel with them upon the least Trifles. Annexes, Synods, Books, Projects of reunion, the Rights of Temples, and several other Articles become continual occasions of Debates and Disputes. Offices, and Trades, the exemption of Ministers, the Rights of professing their Religion, the Liberty of abiding in all parts of the Kingdom, become the subject of a thousand Contestations. The Respect ●●e to the mysteries of the Roman Religion, according to their pretensions expose the Reformed to a thousand Troubles: To all the enterprises of the Clergy, to the violence of their Harangues, and of their Petitions, and to the progress of their designs against them, whereby it is easy to judge that their Ruin was Sworn. ●he Death of the Cardinal, soon after followed by the ●ing, by a Minority; by a weak and wavering Regency; by reason of the Ministry of a Stranger, not well settled yet, proved the true reason of their being allowed some years' Respite.   
THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. VOL. II.  

BOOK I.  
A Summary of the Contents of the First Book.  
The Court is surprised at the Death of the King. Precautions used to prevent Disorder. The Regency is given to the Queen. The condition of the Reformed; who are dieaded and are afraid themselves. False measures taken by the Duke of Sully. He is advised to look to himself. He is kindly entertained at Court. The Marshal Duke of Bovillon serves the Queen. The Edicts confirmed by a Declaration. Remarkable Expressions. The free Exercise of Religion confirmed at Charenton. The Reformed deceived by those Artifices, think themselves secure. New reasons of Diffidence which awaken them. The Vengeance of the King's Death is neglected. Impudence of Aubigni, and Cotton the Jesuits. The Court avoids penetrating into the Causes of the King's Death. Prisoners released. Suspicions of the most speculative. The double Alliance with Spain is resolved upon. The Marshal of Bovillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde to side with the Reformed again; 
Petition or Remonstrances.  but in va●n, * Cahiers' answered. Disgrace of the Duke of Sully, who is removed from the Treasury and from the Government of the Bastille. He writes to the Queen. A General Assembly allowed for Chatelleraud, but put of to Saumur, by a new Brief. The Marshal de Bovillon gained by the Queen. Instructions for Provincial Assemblies. Excuse of the demands that seemed to be new. Farther Instructions. The Assembly of Saumur, and the quality of their Deputies. In what manner those of Bearn assisted at it. Defective Deputations tolerated. The Marshal of bovillon's inconstancy. about the Presidentship, of which the reasons are unknown. Du Plessis is Elected Precedent, and excuses himself in vain. Discontent of the Marshal Duke, who reconciles himself in outward appearance with the Duke of Sully, and takes the part of Senevieres: the Assembly does the same. The Court dissembles, and the Marshal slackens. An Oath of Union: another Oath against underhand dealings, both ill kept. The Duke of Sully's case is examined; who makes a long discourse to explain it. The Assembly is of opinion that their Religion is concerned in that Affair. An Anonymous answer to the Duke's discourse. The like writings in vogue during the Session of that Assembly. A satirical Letter; which divides the Reformed into three Orders; Malicious, Zealous and Judicious. Qualifications of the Queen. True Charrcters of the Reformed. From whence the reports that the Assembly designed to make a War did proceed. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed. Several Catholic Cities Arm themselves. A Sedition at Orleans. Du Plessis reinforces the Garrison of Saumur, with the King's leave. Commissioners of the King at the Assembly, who draw the general 
* Petition.  Cahier. The Commissioners declare that they have no Power to Treat. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court, and draw Five Cahiers. The Court will have the Principality of Bearn to Treat separately. Union in appearance in the Assembly; where discord breaks out at last. The Power of the Deputies who carry the Cahier, is limited. The Deputies are well received at Court, where they are slattered at first, and deceived afterwards; Finally, the Court proceeds even to threats, and they are commanded to retire. Letters are sent by them. The Assembly expects the return of the King's Commissioners; and excuse themselves from nominating six Deputies, in which they persist after having heard Bullion. Artifices to destroy the steadiness of the Assembly; of which some Members suffer themselves to be corrupted. Dangerous Councils imputed to the Marshal of Bovillon. Bellujon is censured by the Assembly. A Letter from the Court authorising the inferior Number against the Plurality of Voices. Bullion seems to accept a medium; but retracts all of a sudden, by a strange advice of the Marshal Duke, Wise advice of Du Ples●is who wards the blow. The Assembly nominates Commissioners. Vexations of the Marshal about the success of his enterprise. Nomination of the Deputies General.  
THE whole Kingdom was sensibly afflicted at 
1610.  the King's Death: at least all those who were 
The Court is surprised at the death of the King.  solicitous for the welfare of France, and were not as yet infected with the Maxims imputed to the Jesuits, were wounded with the same Stab that sent him out of the World. Even those that had been desirous of his Death, and that have been suspected of having occasioned it, or at least of having been accomplicies in it, were at first astonished as well as the rest, and found themselves Invovled in Troubles they had not foreseen, or for the preventing of which they had not as yet taken sufficient measures. Although the Tragical end of that Prince had been long a hatching, yet they had not provided against all the inconveniencies that were likely to attend a Death so sudden. Their thoughts being wholly bend on the success of their Enterprise, they had not considered the Consequences. Passion commonly occasions those Rash inconsiderate Attempts. It hinders men from perceiving the effects of the satisfaction it has in view, while it imploies them wholly in the pursuit of it. And it is no sooner obtained, but the pleasure of the enjoyment thereof is interrupted by the sight of the inconveniencies that had not been considered: And the mind astonished at the difficulties which Passion had concealed from it, discovers too late the insufficiency of the Precautions it had taken to prevent them. So that those who expected the greatest advantage by the King's Death, found themselves at first at a loss about the Seditions his Death was likely to excite in the Kingdom. The late King's Party was great and Formidable: and had it been influenced by some Chief of consideration, it would not have been difficult to punish the Enemies of that Prince, for the joy they received by his Death. Moreover there were still Seeds remaining of the former Factions; which had they been revived by the present occasion, might have reduced the Court to great exstreams, and perhaps to have been the Victim of those Disorders. Therefore they were obliged to use a great deal of Caution, and to endeavour by all manner of suppleness to oblige those who were capable to cause a disturbance to remain inquiet.  
The Court met with very favourable dispositions to that 
Precautions used to prevent disorder.  end. There was no Union among the great ones. Jealousy would not permit them to choose a Chief to command over them. The Prince of Conde who could best pretend to it, was then at Milan; and before he could come back from a Place so distant, and resolve upon what Party he had best to take, it was very likely that all things would be settled and fixed. Moreover, there are always too many Persons who only follow Kings because they are the fountain of Favours and Rewards: And consequently who easily turn their inclinations and services on another side, when Providence places the distribution of Gifts into other Hands. The Court made an advantageous use of this disposition of minds. They deceived the most formidable, by seeming to place a great Confidence in them; and employed them to hinder the Commotions of the People, which perhaps would have gone far had any body undertaken to make an ill use of the general agitation. They engaged, all those whose Fortune was not settled, and who were desirous to ingratiate themselves with those that could advance them, to their Party by hopes of reward.  
After those things had been taken care of which were most 
The Regency is given to the Queen.  urgent, the Court proceeded to the Affair of the Regency. The Queen obtained it with so much ease, That no body opposed it; All the Orders or Degrees of the State striving to out do each other to express most devotion and respect towards her. The next task was to secure the Reformed, whom they looked upon to be the most difficult to be managed. They 
The Condition of the Reformed.  had lost all in losing the King: with whom we may say, that they had seen two Qualities expire, without which they could not expect that any would maintain them. The one was the affection he certainly had for them, by reason of the Service he had received from them in his greatest Exigency, and because he looked upon them as Friends that were worthy of his Confidence, and necessary towards the success of his enterprises. The other was Public Faith and sincerity, which he valued himself upon, beyond all other Princes, which made him so exact an observer of his Word, that People commonly found more favour in the performance, than he had made them hope for by his Promise. Instead of that they found themselves at the mercy of a Council that was ill affected towards them, in which their ancient Enemies were the strongest, and in which a Cabal Reigned, of which all the designs tended to the ruin of the Protestants. 
Who are dreaded and yet are afraid.  Moreover they were sensible that Italian Policy, which is chiefly grounded on Fraud and Treachery, would soon get the upper hand of the Court, and that Promises would only serve as a mask to surprise the credulity of the People. Therefore the Court looked upon the Reformed, as those that were best able to do a great deal of harm in those places where they were the strongest, incase they would make use of their advantages. But those who lived in places where the smallness of their number exposed them to be insulted upon, took measures which put the Court to a greater loss yet; because they might persuade those who lived in distant Provinces, that the Reformed could expect no good from the Government. Insomuch that many of those who found themselves too weak to make a defence, retired in divers places where they expected to find their safety: as if there had been cause to fear a second St. Bartholomew at the first Sedition.  
This Terror not only disturbed the minds of the People: 
False Measures taken by the Duke of Sully.  it also turned the Duke of Sully's brains, who made a false step, which served for a spetious pretence to ruin him. As he was a going to the Lovure upon the news of the King's Death; meeting with some Lords by the way, whom he invited to serve the young King and the Queen faithfully, they answering him that it was a thing they were resolved to make others promise, he immediately went back, and shut himself up in the Bastille. Then took up all the Bread he could meet with at the Bakers, and caused it to be carried into the Castle, as if he had been affaid of being starved there; and was resolved to take in Provisions to sustain a Siege. It is evident that grief and surprise deprived him of his usual Prudence and Courage: but at the same time it is most certain that any other Man would have been as much at a loss, had he been in his place. He had reason to fear not only that his places were in danger of being taken from him, but also of being called to an account for what he had got during the time of his being in Favour, which was considerable enough to create a jealousy: So much the rather too because he had kept all the King's favours to himself, and had imparted his good Fortune to nobody. Whatever side, he turned himself on, he beheld none but Enemies, the Reformed accused him of Coldness and Neglect. The Bigots beheld his Credit with Trouble, because he was an Heretic. He had displeased all the Courtiers by his abrupt uncivil behaviour. The Queen hated him, because he had often taken the late King's part against her, and that the Italians that were in her service had egged her on against him. All these reflections crowding at once into his mind, it is not to be wondered at if he found himself astonished: especially because he had not a Genius to take proper Resolutions and expedients of a sudden: he required retirement and a little meditation to think, after which he commonly chose pretty well.  
His Terrors were also increased, by some secret advices 
He is advised to look to himself.  he received to look to himself. As it had been in his power to buy Spies, while he had the direction of the Treasury, he was informed that as soon as the King's Death was known at Court, the Queen and her Confidents let fall some words, which threatened him Personally. He was also informed that a secret Council had been held at the Nuncios, in which he had been mentioned; and that it behoved him to think of his safety. A Princess whom he had engaged in his interest by causing her Pensions to be paid with ease, sent him the same advice. All this being considered, a little Terror was excusable, and another perhaps would have 
He is well received at Court.  been guilty of the same weakness. But he did not maintain the first step he had made: he went to Court the very next day upon some words of Civility that were brought to him from the Queen, where that Princess received him very well; and the King who was too young, and of too easy a disposition, not to follow his Mother's instructions in all things, ●ooked kindly upon him Those Civilities blinded him, and whereas he had formerly given the Queen, and those she ●ov'd great causes of discontent, which he had a mind to re●rieve, he fell into another extreme, and offered his Services to them in terms which favoured a little of lowness. He had soon after cause enough given him to repent it, and to discover that they only entertained him kindly at first to laugh at him. Some have been of opinion that he was obliged for the good treatment he received at first to the ready. Money he had in the Bastille, which they had a mind to get out of his hands: for fear that in case they should have disobliged him, he might have used it to his own advantage, and perhaps to Arm the Reformed in his behalf.  
The Marshal de Bovillon, who made himself feared by his Credit, was the soon gained of any. He did not so much as tarry till he was courted to it, he offered himself; and made advances to the Queen's Favourites, which many people thought below him. But there was also a necessity of satisfying the Reformed: and as it behoved the Queen, in order to maintain her Authority, not to take possession of the Regency by broils, she applied herself earnestly about it, after she was once certain of it. She met no great difficulty in it. The Reformed ever possessed with the same genius, desired nothing but their Bells full of Preaching: and the only way to obtain every thing from them, was but to promise them the observation of the Edicts. Therefore upon the very first propositions made by their Deputies General, the Court granted them a confirmation of the Edict of Nantes, in all the Points and Articles of it, together with that of all the other Articles, Regulations, and Decrees, granted and given upon 
A Declaration which confirms the Edict.  the interpretation or upon the execution of that solemn Law. The Declaration thereof was expedited on the 29th of May, and verified within a few days after. They would not have made so much haste about it, but that they were afraid of giving those People that were alarmed a specious pretence of taking measures together for their defence. Moreover the said Declaration, was couched in terms fit to remove the jealousies and suspicions of the most Difident, insomuch, that if expressions had not a very different sense in the Edicts of Kings, from the Common acceptation, it was sufficient to persuade the Reformed, that they should have at least as much quiet under the Government of the Son, as under the Protection of the Father. But they soon discovered that those Magnificent promises were only agreeable Illusions.  
We may judge of the stile of the Declaration by four principal things that were set out in it. The first was, that 
Remarkable Expressions.  all the King's Subjects, both Catholics and those of the P. R. Religion endeavoured by a laudable emulation to out do one another in expressing their Obedience, and in Actions and Deportments which might testify their Fidelity. This praise perhaps was a little too great for an Obedience of a Fortnight's standing: but the Commonality is often taken that way. They are engaged to give what is required of them by supposing it to be given already. People are engaged in honour, and are disposed to render themselves worthy of the Praise which flatters them, by giving it to them before they have deserved it. The second was that experience had taught Lewis the 13th's Predecessors that Fury and the Violence of Arms had not only been inefectual, to bring those back to the Roman Church that had quitted it; but that it had rather proved disadvantageous to them: which had obliged them to apply themselves to mildness, by granting the free exercise of the P. R. Religion. The third was that the Edict of Nantes had established a firm Peace among the Subjects of both Religions, which had never been interrupted since. The fourth was that the Edict of Nantes being Perpetual and Irrevocable, had no need of being confirmed by any Declaration. It was natural to judge by this Clause that this last Edict was only given to explain the sense and force of the words, Perpetual and Irrevocable, and that i● determined the signification of it in the most natural and plainest sense that could be given in the Common dialect.  
We easily believe what we wish; besides, it is natural to believe that others look upon those things as truths which appear to us certain, and undeniable. Therefore as the Reformed looked upon those four Points as evident truths, and did passionately desire that every body might look upon them as such, they easily believed that the Court had the same thoughts. The major part of them suffered themselves to be blinded by it, and imagined that a King who did declare so plainly that his hands were tied by the Edict, of which he became Garantee and Executor in the King his Father's room, would never do any thing against those irrevocable and perpetual dispositions. Moreover, the Court in order the better 
The free exercise of Religion confirmed at Charenton.  to heighten the sincerity which they designed to make a show of, published a Brief that same day which confirmed the favour the Reformed had received four years before from the late King, by permitting them to perform the exercise of their Religion in the Town of Charenton. And to omit nothing that might contribute to deceive the simple, Persons were appointed to insinuate among the People that nothing wa● so proper and so necessary in order to revenge the King's Death which the public Voice imputed plainly to foreign Intrigues, as a good understanding and Peace between the Catholics and the Reformed. Persons of that Character were not wanting to intrude among the Curious and Idle sort of People, who met together to discourse about public Affairs: and they never failed to say that it were better to perish than to leave that cruel death unpunished. Those words moved the Reformed to the very bottom of their Hearts; because they imagined that all those that were obliged to revenge it, were induced to it by the Principles of Affection which moved them. By those Artifices those People were brought back again, who fled at first out of 
The Reformed being deceived by those Artifices fall into a s●nd Opinion of safety.  fear; and all the rest were deluded into an assurance of safety, and never perceived their Error till it was too late to remedy it.  
The Clergy harrangued the King and Queen that year; but they only mentioned their own affairs. At least it did not appear that they asked any thing against the Reformed, whose jealousies they were unwilling to renew. Nevertheless they perceived through all those affectations, that evil designs were hatching against them, and that it 
New Reasons of diffidence which awaken them.  behoved them to seek out better Sureties than the bare promises of the Court. They were soon informed that a private Council was held there, in which none but Italians, or Jesuits, or old Leaguers, or Biggots were admitted; that nothing was talked of there but the Marriage of the 
1610.  King, and of his eldest Sister, with the Infanta, and Infant of Spain: The breaking of ancient Alliances; the removing of the Reformed from all affairs of State: The Annihilation of Edicts: all which things were supposed to be linked together, the one leading of necessity to the other. Notice was taken of the abusive answer of Villeroy to Sully, in a Council at which the Queen was present, and in which they were treating about Expedients for the safety of the State. The last opposed the putting of a Garrison in Lions, where it was no longer necessary, by reason that by the Conquest of Bresse, the said City was no longer a Frontier; to which Villeroy replied that it was nevertheless necessary to keep Forces there because it was in the Neighbourhood of Lesdiguieres and of the Huguenots, who were as much to be feared as the Spaniards. The Reformed also observed with grief that all the King's designs were buried with him; and that the Council hardly minded the affairs of Cleve and of Juliers for Honour and for form sake. The whole project of that War was altered, and the third part of the Forces the King had designed for it, were not sent thither. The Command of the said Army was given to the Marshal de la Chatre, though it had been promised to the Marshal de Bovillon: which alteration was made at the solicitation of the Pope's Nuncio, who was afraid the said War might prove advantageous to the Protestants; and that the Reformed being Commanded by a General of their own Religion, would be too severe towards the Catholics. For the same Reason, most of the Forces that were raised by Lesdiguieres in Dauphine in order to be joined with the Duke of Savoy, were disbanded. All the hopes that had been conceived of seeing the King's Death revenged vanished in a short time: Since that far from going about it with that Vigour that was expected, it was observed that even those who were obliged in duty to prosecute it, took care to stifle what ever might be capable to discover the mystery of that Parricide.  
There were so many Instances of the coldness the Court had expressed to revenge the Death of that Prince▪ that it almost formed a demonstration of a desire to the contrary. There seemed to be a great deal of constraint and study in their Mourning; and whereas they affected the contrary of all the Maxims of the late King, people presumed that they were not much concerned at the Death of a Prince who had put so long a constraint upon their inclinations. It was daily observed by some words that fell from those who should have been most concerned at that loss, that they did not look upon that accident as a great misfortune: and the remembrance of the domestic vexations the King had been so much troubled with in his latter years, gave great cause to suspect that those who had occasioned them, had but little regret at his Death. The speculative added to this, that after the fatal Blow, so little care was taken to secure the Murderer, that he might have made his escape during the Tumult, had he but dropped his Knife: but they were in some measure forced to seize him, because he held the fatal Instrument of his Crime in his hand. Some Persons a Horseback appearing at that moment, only to cry out that the villain ought to be killed, they were suffered to escape without examining whether they went, from whence they came; though it was easy to Judge that their advice only tended by his Death to remove the means to penetrate into the secret of the Enterprise: as it happened by the Imprudence of those that slew the Murderer of Henry the 3d upon the Spot. After the Murderer was seized, he was so ill guarded, that it looked as if they desired to favour his Escape. All people were allowed to speak to him; and notwithstanding the Horror his Crime ought to have inspired in every body, he was discoursed with by Persons who expressed no great Astonishment. Even in Prison he was allowed to speak with suspected People; neither was any care taken to oblige a Friar to explain himself, who after a long and free conversation with him, had the boldness to exhort him, at his going not to accuse persons of Worth. The Jesuit Aubigni being named by the Criminal as a Person to whom 
Impudence of the Jesuit Aubigni.  he had confessed himself, came of with barely saying to Servin Advocate General, that God had given him the Grace to forget whatever was revealed to him in confession Those of his Orders have had the Impudence to say, after the Death of that great Man, that Aubigni had never made that Answer, and that it was invented by Servin who was a declared Enemy to their Society, to cast a suspicion upon them of having contributed to the Death of the King. And indeed they could not avoid that just suspicion, which w●nt farther yet in the minds of those who had a little penetration: And more credit was given to the Testimony of a Magistrate of known probity than to the Apology of that Cabal of Villuins, wose darling virtue is Imposture. Moreover what Servin reported against Aubigni, was confirmed by the Common Doctrine of the Society upon the subject of Confession, and by the usual excuse of the Confessors who follow their Maxims. Cotton the Jesuit and several others, 
And of Cotton.  bragged of the same Gift, to forget what was revealed to them in Confession by their Penitents: and the same Jesuit had had the confidence to make very remarkable answers to the late King upon that subject. The King had been warned of that horrible Maxim of the Jesuits, that though it were about the King's Death, yet the Person to whom it were revealed in Confession, aught to conceal it with an inviolable secrecy. Cotton being questioned by the King himself about this Doctrine, maintained it to be good and truly Christian; and after having refused the objections that were made upon the Consequences of those Maxims, by divers illusive▪ Precautions, he made a shift to evade the most Terrible, by a wretched excuse. The King asked him how he would behave himself in case any body should reveal to him a Conspiracy against his Life, finding no possibility to dissuade▪ the Wretch from doing it by his Exhortations, or advice? he answered, that he would interpose his Body between the King and the blow, to save him▪ at the expense of his own Life. But such strokes depending on certain moments, which offer themselves without being foreseen, and in which it may happen that the Confessor neither aught or can be near his Prince, It is easy to judge that this ridiculous good will of the Jesuit, could never secure the King's Life against the erterprises of a Murderer. However the King was forced to receive this false appearance of Fidelity, because there was none more solid to be hoped for; besides that the King not daring to offend that perfidious Society, for fear of proving the experience of those dangerous Maxims on himself, was reduced to seem satisfied with those vain excuses.  
They added to all the Reflections I have already alleged, that during the course of the Information, the Commissioners 
They avoid penetrating into the Causes of the King's Death.  refused to receive such Evidences as might have served to discover the bottom of that Mystery of Iniquity. A certain Woman who had served the Marchioness de Vernevil, and who revealed strange things, was silenced, altho' Queen Marguerite, who did not want Judgement, looked upon her deposition as not being despicable. Even afterwards when the said business was brought into question again, the Testimony of the said Woman was rejected anew, by charging her with a thousand reproaches; and lest a time might come in which she would be more favourably harkened unto, she was Condemned as a Calumniator to end her days between four Walls. The whole care of those before whom the Parricide was examined, was to make him pass for an Hipocondriack; and to make him tell such motives of his enterprise, as might persuade the World that he had undertaken it of his own accord. For Instance, that it was because the King had not reduced the Reformed to Embrace the Catholic Religion, as he might have done. Secondly, because he was persuaded that the Reformed had designed a Masacre against all the Catholics the preceding year, on Christmas-Day. Thirdly, that he had done it on the account of the great Crimes his Conscience was burdened with, for which he could hope no Pardon, unless it were by some great Action that might prove advantageous to the Catholic Religion. Although he pretended that these thoughts were altogether his own, it was not hard to see that they were more likely to proceed from the Inspiration of others; and the very proofs of the weakness of his mind, his Visions, his disquiets, seemed to many a strong argument, that he had only lent his hand to the Designs of Persons who had better heads than he. These thoughts entered chiefly into the minds of those who had heard of that horrid Chamber of Meditation, of which strange things were reported, and in which 'tis said that the Jesuits instructed their Penitents in a very extraordinary manner; but yet very fit to make strong Impressions upon weak minds. From whence it was concluded that such a Man as this Parricide, had been a fit subject to suffer himself to be guided by such Illusions.  
The Country of the Criminal was another Source of 
Prisoners released.  conjectures: and all the others were corroborated by the Reflections that might be made upon the releasing of several Persons who were Prisoners at the time of the King's Death, and who had been taken up upon the appearances of a Conspiracy that was on foot, after the finding, at La Fleche, the Book I have mentioned else where. None but two or three unfortunate Poitevins were Executed, and perhaps not so much upon the account of their being the most Guilty, or that their Enterprise was the most Important, as because it was necessary to persuade the vulgar, that the others would have been punished also, had they been found Guilty as well as these. Perhaps also the better to stifle the remembrance of a Conspiracy in which none but Catholics were concerned, they thought fit to Execute those Wretches, because there was a Protestant among them; In order to persuade the World that this Conspiracy to the prosecution of which a stop was put, and of which the King's Death might be the sequel, was not a work of the Catholics. But nothing confirmed these thoughts more than the reports of the King's Death, which for some time had been spread through Europe. The News of that very Murder was reported the same day on which it was committed, in places so distant from Paris, and with such circumstances, as were impossible to be known without Divine Revelation, or without having known the thing Originally. It was very natural from thence to conclude, that there were places in which the King's Death was spoken of, as a thing that was expected; and consequently that there was a Conspiracy by which that Death was prepared: and that those that were concerned in it, endeavoured to conceal the secret of it, by making him pass for the Author of the Enterprise, who had only been the Executioner.  
In a word, It was thought, that those who Governed, designed to conceal the true Motives of that Death from 
Suspicions of the most Speculative  the People, and not to dive too far into the secret of it, for fear of discovering Persons of so high a Rank, and who were so nearly related to the King, that it would be dangerous to attack them; especially in a State where the least pretence might have filled all with Factions and Disturbances. Nevertheless, these considerations did not secure those Persons from being exposed to the secret Judgements of those who had a diffident disposition; and the misery that has attended their latter years, has been looked upon by some, as a punishment for their neglect of discovering the Authors of a Crime which a thousand reasons obliged them to Revenge. However the Reformed were sensibly grieved to see nothing but the Blood of so unworthy a Victim spilt upon the Ashes of that Hero. This difference indeed has been observed between the Death of Henry the 4th and that of his Predecessor, that this was absolutely forgotten: whereas Henry the 4th's occasioned Civil Wars, and that it was not the fault of his good Subjects if it was not more exactly enquired into. It was particularly the passionate desire of the Reformed; who seeing how much the memory of their Protector was neglected, concluded that the Court had as little inclination to maintain what he had done, as to Revenge his Person.  
All this convinced them that they had more reason than ever to dread surprises and violences: and their 
The double Alliance with Spain resolved upon.  Terrors increased when they heard that the double Alliance with Spain, which they had been so much afraid of, was finally resolved upon. In the mean time the Marshal de Bovillon being desirous to deserve the Queen's favour, and to improve the times, and the alterations that were happened in affairs, stooped even to please her Confidents; and condescended to sell his Place of first Gentleman of the King's Chamber to Conchini, who was afterwards Marquis and Marshal d'Ancre: a Man unworthy of that Rank, whether we consider his Birth, Personal Qualifications, or his Services. The Marshal obtained great advantages by it, as to his Interest; but his Credit prou`d never the greater for it; and Conchini was not of a Nature to be engaged out of Gratitude. The Queen behaved herself kindly towards him, in order to use him as a Tool to ruin the Reformed; and the complaisance he had for her, contributed considerably towards the Ruin of their Affairs. But whereas that Lord had commonly more than one prospect, he did not absolutely confide on those appearances. Therefore he endeavoured 
The Marshal de Bovillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Condc.  to strengthen himself and his Party by a considerable Conquest. The Prince of Conde who had nothing more to fear at Court after the King's Death, had been recalled there. At his first arrival he consulted the most considerable of the Reformed: and particularly, before he would appear there, he resolved to confer with the Duke of Sully, as if he had designed to regulate himself according to his advice. It appeared by the sequel that he had not relished it: and he expressed but little regared for him on divers occasions. But the Marshal de Bovillon who had a better Genius, and greater designs than the Duke of Sully, fancied that it might be possible to persuade the Prince to return to the Communion of the Reformed Religion; that having been bred among them in his tenderest years, and having before his Eyes the example of his Father, and of his Grandfather, whose Names had been made so famous by the Wars of Religion, it would be easy to recall him to their Union. He urged very powerful Reasons to him upon that Subject. He represented to him what might prove the Consequences of a Minority, which was a Source of Civil Wars. He described to him the Power of the Reformed, which having a Prince at their Head was sufficient to dispose of the Regency. He alleged the Example of the two last Princes of Conde; and endeavoured to show him that Reformation ought to be Hereditary to their Family, and that it was in some measure inseparable from their Glory. He represented to him that in a Conjuncture of Affairs when the Government was weak, the Court at odds, and the remainder of the Kingdom divided, he might be strong enough with the Reformed to obtain the first Authority himself. He seemed moreover to give him a glimpse that Time might occasion such a turn of Affairs, as would allow him to think on greater things. But whether the Prince did not think affairs disposed to so easy a success; or whether his Education had inspired him with Irresolution and Timerousness; or whether those who had been entrusted with the Government of his Youth had given him an aversion for a Religion which had contributed so much towards the Glory of his House; or finally, whether he thought it more suitable with his designs to remain a Catholic, because he did not think it impossible to secure the Reformed on his side without embracing their Doctrine, and to engage them to join with the Malcontented Catholics under him, he did not relish those propositions, and he took other measures to advance himself.  
The Deputy's General obtained some favourable Answers to 
* Petitions Answered.  the Cahiers they presented: particularly upon the Subject of the Sufficiency or Power of the Chamber of Grenoble; and upon some disputes of the Chamber of Accounts of Provence against the Reformed, to hinder them from removing their Causes to that 
† Chambre Mipartie, in w●tch the judges were part Catholics and part Protestants  Party-Chamber. Moreover they obtained Decrees and Commissions upon that Subject in the Month of February of the following Year. The King also promised to write to the Duke of Savoy, to oblige him to grant to the Reformed of the Marquisat of Saluces, who had been constrained to remove from thence upon the account of Religion, leave to go and come, there to receive the fruits of the Estates they had left behind them, or to dispose of them as they should think fit. And whereas the Reformed complained, that the Estates of Dauphine made them contribute towards the Gifts they made to Monks and Nuns, either by way of Pension, or to Build, or repair their Convents, or Churches: and that they refused even to receive or Register the oppositions of the Reformed: the King setting aside what was past, forbid the Estates to Comprehend the Reformed for the future in the like Impositions; and to make them amends for not ordering the Restitution of the Sums they had been obliged to pay till then, he granted 1800 Livers which should be raised upon such Lands of the said Country as were Liable to Contributions towards the charges of the Journey the Deputies of that Province had sent to Court to solicit that affair.  
But the most Important Affair of the Year was the disgrace 
Disgrace of the Duke of Sully.  of the Duke of Sully, who lost his Super Intendency of the Finances, and the Government of the Bastille. Never did people argue more upon the Causes of an Event, than they did upon this fall: and the Reformed themselves looked upon it as a specimen of the Evil that was designed to them. The Court of Rome had murmered so long to see the Finances in the Power of a Protestant, that it is very likely that Religion had a share in the reasons for which they were taken from them. But on the other hand it was as clear as Day that the ancient discontents of the Queen, of Conchini, of his Wife, and of some others were the principal Motives of it. His Zeal for reducing the House of Austria had made him Odious to all Passionate Catholics, or to those that entered into the Intrigues of Spain. His unsociable humour had created him Enemy's among all degrees of People: and even during the time of his Favour, a letter had been written to him without a Name, but yet pretty well Penned, to exhort him to be more Complaisant and more Liberal. The Count of Soissons hated him for the ill Services he had often done him by taking the King's part against him. The Prince of Conde was disgusted by him; and upon that account had followed the advice of the Marshal de Bovillon his Enemy. Sillery Villeroy, and Jeannin, who were the three Heads of the Council that governed all the rest, had conceived of old a hatred of Ambition against him; because he had a greater share than all of them, both in Affairs, and in the King's favour. Moreover he deprived them of the Pleasure to which Men of their Quality are most sensible, not allowing them the least Authority in the management of the Finances, which he had the Sole disposal of without imparting it to any body: so that they could neither enrich themselves nor their Creatures. Being thus assailed on all sides, and seconded by none, it was impossible for him to defend himself against the Revenge, Ambition, and Avidity of so many Enemies. Nothing spoke in favour of him at Court but his Fidelity, his Labours and Long Services: but those are but little regarded there, unless one has better Recommendations; and that Merit be seconded with Flattery, and Complaisance.  
Therefore after having maintained himself in his Places for 
Who is removed from the Exchequer and from the Government of the Bastille.  the space of six Months, he received an order from the Queen to resign the Finances, and the Government of the Bastille. But that which proved most offensive to him, was that they were taken from him in an insulting manner; persuading him that he had desired to be discharged of them, and to receive a Recompense instead thereof. The Pretence on which the Court gave this Turn to his Disgrace, was that when he offered his Services to the Queen, he at the same time offered his Person and Places to her in terms that were very positive and full of exageration. But though it was only meant as a Compliment, the Queen took it in the Verbal Sense, and seemed to have understood that in Earnest, which Sully had only said to express his Devotion the better to 
1611.  that Princess. So that the Command he received to resign his Places, was penned in such a manner, that it seemed to be a favour he had desired; the remainder of his Employments were confirmed to him; and he was allowed a recompense of 300000 Livers for those that were taken from him. This was accompanied with Expressions and Testimonies of his Majesty's being very well satisfied with his Services. The Queen writ every where to give an Account of this Removal, and of the Reasons that had induced her to it: so that she prepossessed people's minds, which so bold an attempt, at the beginning of a Regency, might have been capable to shake, had Sully spoken first.  
The Duke seeing himself deprived of the high Credit he 
He writes to the Queen.  had possessed at Court during the Life of his good Master; and dreading perhaps that this first stroke was but a specimen of what they designed against him, resolved no longer to appear in a Place where he had so many Enemies, and in which he could make but a very melancholy Figure for the future. Therefore he removed to Sully within a Weeks time, and from thence, in order to be revenged of those that had injured him, Persons who little valued that Vengeance, or rather to acquaint all Europe with the injustice that had been done to him, he writ an Apology in the form of a Letter, to the Queen. It was very strong and bold. He disowned the pretences that were used to divest him; and constantly refused the proffered Recompenses. He declared that he would have been less offended, if the morossness and untractableness of his Humour had been alleged as the cause of his disgrace, instead of a pretence which turned him into Ridicule; and which under the appearance of an Approbation of his Services, deprived him of his Employments, as if he had been unworthy, or incapable of them. He expressed his Services in it, in Terms that looked somewhat like a Reproach: and demonstrated that he had saved upwards of two Millions by his management. It is certain at least that he had acquitted the King'sdebts, cleared his Demesne, and Revenues, and put his Exchequer in a better condition than ever it had been. So that he might speak the more boldly, because he had no Enemy's that could be so impudent as to deny it. Some Replies were dispersed against him; but at the bottom those who had thrown him down thought they might content themselves with his fall, and so left him the Consolation of not disputing with him about the truth of his Services.  
Nevertheless that affair was canvased again in a General 
General Assembly allowed for Chastelleraud.  Assembly which the Reformed held that year at Saumur; and had not their Divisions hindered them from taking good Resolutions, or from putting those in Execution which they had taken, the Court would have been very much at a loss. The Deputies General had followed the King to Rheims, where he was gone to be Crowned, and had obtained a Brief of the 10th of October of the preceding year, which allowed the holding an Assembly at Chatelleraud on the 15th of May following. But the said Brief obliged the Deputies only to Treat about the Nomination of those that were to succeed Mirande, and Villarnoul, and forbade them to meddle with any thing else. To say the truth that prohibition was a mere illusion: since that the Nomination of new Deputies implying of course, as Henry the IVth had explained it at the Synod of Rochel, in 1607, the care of receiving the account of the Deputation of those that had preceded them; and that of Writing new Instructions for those that did succeed, and to prescribe them those things which they were to solicit at Court, it was allowable under that Pretence to speak of all the Complaints that were to be inserted in the 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers of the Provinces; and of all such things as the Deputies might be ordered to ask of the King for the Common safety. Therefore all things relating to Religion had all along been debated in Assemblies of that Nature; and they used to draw Cahiers there to which that Assembly received an answer before their breaking up.  
When the Brief was granted for Chatelleraud, the Duke of Sully still enjoyed his employments: but when the Time for the meeting of the Assembly drew at hand, the Court began to fear that the said exasperated Lord would render himself Master of the Assembly, incase they were allowed to sit in a Town of his Government, and therefore they thought fit to remove it to another place. Therefore the King ordered 
Removed ●● Saumur by a new Brief.  the Deputies by a new Brief of the 2d of May to repair to Saumur, as a Place more agreeable and more convenient. This alteration made all of a sudden, without so much as harkening to the Remonstrances of the Deputies General, seemed very strange to the Deputies; and so much the rather, because it proved the consequence of the Marshal de Bouillon's arrival at Court. In effect this new order was given soon after his having spoken with the Queen. This Princess who was desirous to make use of him to divide the Reformed, dazzeled him by the marks of her Confidence; and asked his advice in things she had resolved before hand; as if she tarried for his opinion to determine herself. It proved no hard task to make him consent to the transferring of the Assembly, by reason that he being at odds with the Duke of Sully, dreaded a concurrence in a place where the said Duke was the strongest. His proceedings in the sequel made some believe that he himself had inspired the thoughts of that Alteration.  
Nevertheless, he had expressed very good intentions at 
The Marshal de Bovillon is gained by the Queen.  first: And when the Assembly was resolved upon, he had obliged du Plessis to draw Instructions to be sent into the Provinces, to serve as an overture to form the 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers of the Provincial Assemblies. The Marshal de Lesdiguieres was of the opinion of Marshal de Bovillon; and both employed Bellujon, to incline du Plessis to it. He consented, and having communicated the Memoirs he had drawn to them, he found them of his opinion: So that most of the Provinces then conformed to it. 
Instructions for the Provincial Assembly.   
He spoke about the Quality of those that were to be deputed by every Province; and proposed the sending of Persons of Quality and Sufficiency; That they should desire the Lords, and the Persons of most Authority to appear there; That it would be proper to deliberate whether they could relinquish something of the last settlements in the next Assembly, by reason of the Conjuncture of the times; That the Deputies should, be allowed by their Instructions a power to acquiess to what ever they should think useful and advantageous for the Churches, when proposed by others; That it should be left to their discretion to remain assembled all or part; until the Assembly had received satisfaction; That the demands of the Provinces should be modest, lest they should be accused of taking an advantage of the Public Calamities, to make a quarrel; That they should all be grounded as much as possible, either expressly, or by good consequences upon the Edicts and Concessions; That the weakest Provinces should not be jealous of the strength of the others, and that they should look upon the Power of these as their security. This Article was one of the most necessary, because there were already, as I have observed elsewhere, Seeds of Division in the diversity of Opinions of the Reformed according to the places where they did inhabit. Those who lived in the Provinces where they were the weakest, were afraid of offending the Court, and had commonly great complaisances for it, which they knew very well how to abuse. They imagined that as they were not in a condition to make a defence they would revenge upon them all the Vexations they should receive from the Provinces where the Reformed were most formidable. The others on the contrary believed with reason, as experience has showed it since, that provided the Reformed were made formidable in those places where they were the strongest, their Power would serve as a Buckler against the weakness of the others; and that while they had good Places, and good Garrisons in the Southern Provinces, the Court would be sure not to molest those that were at their discrection in the adjacent Provinces. After this proceeding to more particular propositions, he was of opinion to desire the Re-establishment of the Edict of Nantes in all Points, such as it was agreed upon with them, and consigned into their hands: as also that the Brief of the Places of Surety should be re-established in the same manner; That the places lost upon the account of the Governor's changing their Religion, or otherwise should be restored; That the keeping of all the said places should be continued at least for Ten Years longer; That the sum promised to maintain the Garrisons there, one half of which had been retrenched should be re-established; That the Payments should be made quarterly, without Deduction, in the very Places: That Measures should be taken to prevent the Abuses that might be committed in providing for vacant Governments, to the prejudice of the Churches; That they might be allowed to Fortify such places as time had decayed. He added that they should complain, that upon the pretence of those places which the Reformed had in possession, they were excluded from all other Employments, and Dignities, as if they could have deserved nothing by their Services, beyond what they had; That they should desire that the resignations of the Governments of those places, should not be received without the approbation of the Churches; The same as to the places of Counsellors and Precedents of the Chambers; That a free liberty should be allowed for the composition, impression, Sale and distribution of all the Books that should treat about the Reformed Doctrine.  
He observed at the end of those Articles, that the Catholics 
Excuses of the demands that seemed to be new.  would have no reason to wonder at their making new demands, since it was a thing that had been done by every body since the King's Death; That the Catholics of Bearn and the Jesuits had done the same; That the Reformed having lost their main Security, by the Death of a King who could protect them against Violent Councils, were excusable in taking new precautions; That nevertheless, those they desired were for the most part relateing to the Concessions of that Prince.  
In the next place, he proposed to desire, that the Places that had been allowed for the Exercise of their Religion, 
Continuation of the Instructions.  for certain Towns, in places that were too distant, should be removed nearer, to the end that they might be the better secured against the Insolence of the People, by the facility of making their application to the Magistrates; That the Article relating to Church-Yards, which exposed them to so many Barbarities, should be reformed; their Corpse being often taken out of the Grave again, long after their Interment, That such Preachers and Confessors, as taught that those who hold any Communication with the Reformed, serve and assist them, are Damned, might be punished as Seditious Persons, and infractors of the Edicts: That two places of Masters of Request might be given to the Reformed, the first time Gratis; and a Notary's Place in every Royal Tribunal, or at least in every place of Surety, paying a moderate Fine for the same; That the Jesuits should not be allowed to reside in the places of Surety; That some Towns might be allowed to them at an easy rate, in such Provinces where they had none, and where there was a great number of Reformed; That they might be allowed to hold a General Assembly every other Year; That the Deputies General, two in number, nominated by the Assembly, might reside at Court at the King's Charge; That the Provincial Deputies might apply themselves to the General without being obliged to make their application to the Governors and Lieutenant's General of the Provinces.  
The Provincial Assemblies having partly followed du Plessis Memoirs in their Instructions, the Deputies repaired from all 
Assembly of Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies.  Parts to Saumur, where they met to the number of Seventy Persons, among which there were Thirty out of the Body of the Nobility, including those that had been desired to assist at the said Assembly without an express Deputation; as the Dukes of Bovillon, of Sully, and several others. The Dukes of Rohan and of Soubise were there as Deputies for the Province of Britain; The Count of Panjas and la Force for the lower Guyenne: Chattillon Grandson to the Admiral, for the lower Languedock: The Marquis of Servieres for the upper Guyenne. Lesdigueres had sent Bellujon thither, to manage his Interests; and whereas he was not as yet certain whither he could confide in the Court, he was willing to remain in the Union of the rest of the Reformed. Rochel which held the Rank of a Province, had four Deputies there; and the Principality of Bearn had as many, but there was something very singular in relation to that Princpality, which kept at a distance upon the account of their Privileges. As there had been a necessity to make a particular Edict to regulate the Reformed Religion there, they pretended that the Edict of Nantes was not made for them. For which reason they joined with the other Provinces, rather as a Confederate Province, than as a Member of the same Body; lest in case the Union were stricter, that which might happen to those that were regulated by the Edict of Nantes would extend to 
How those of Bearn assist at it.  them, and prejudice their particular Privileges. The Court had carefully managed that overture of division even ●n Henry the Fourth's time, and since his Death they looked upon it as an occasion to begin the ruin of the Party; because they might allege to the rest of the Reformed, while they oppressed their Brethren of Bearn, that whereas that Province was not a Member of their Body, and did not live under the same Laws, they had no reason to complain of the alterations that were designed there. The sequel will show ●ow the Court made use of that Expedient to overwhelm the Reformed, who had been amused by the illusion of a Royal Promise. But now it will suffice to say, that the Council would not allow the Complaints of that Province to be inserted in the General 
* Petition or Address.  Cahier, and that they were obliged to make a particular Petition  
There were also 20 Ministers deputed in the said Assembly, ●nd 16 Elders: and whereas this had a resemblance to the State's General, which the Reformed seemed to imitate, by these three different orders of Deputies, that Consideration, and several others as trivial and as vain, were used to persuade the Queen, and particularly the King, a Prince who was jealous of his Authority, even in his tenderest Years, though in his riper years he never had the power to preserve it, that it was a kind of Republic, and State within the State, which the Reformed designed to erect to maintain themselves. Moreover it was observed in that Assembly that the Deputies of some Provinces had signed their Credentials themselves, and had signed them alone, whither it were that fear had hindered 
Toleration for defective Deputations.  the Heads of the Provincial Assemblies from putting their names to it; or whither Division had already produced that effect in the Provinces adjacent to the Court; or finally, whither not having been able, or not having dared to form Particular Assemblies, they had been forced to an unusual way of proceeding to make that Deputation. However the Assembly having heard their reasons, laid aside Forms, and acknowledged them lawful Deputies of their Provinces.  
But there happened a misfortune at the very Overture of 
Inconstancy of the Marshal de Bovillon about Presidentship.  the Assembly which neither time, nor the urgency of Affairs could ever repair. The Marshal de Bovillon had often declared to divers persons, and had told du Plessis by the Duchess de la Trimoville his Sister-in-Law, That in order to avoid Discord and Jealousy, it was necessary not to give the Presidentship to a Lord of the greatest Quality. This seemed to proceed from a very good intention; by reason that he being the most likely person to obtain that honour, upon the account of his Age, of his Experience, and of his Qualility, he seemed to renounce to an acquired Right for fear of creating jealousies among those who had not near his Merit, or Quality: He never seemed to alter his sentiment, until his first advice had been approved of by all those who appeared in the Assembly. Du Plessis had had time enough to communicate it to all the Deputies, because the Marshal came to Saumur a day after all the rest. They had so much consideration for him, that they deferred the Overture of the Assembly, till his arrival. Without doubt they did very well to express that respect for him, since he affected on so many occasions during the whole Session, to take offence at their resolutions, that it was easy to see that he had a mind to quarrel with them; and that he would certainly have taken a pretence to do it, upon their not doing him the honour to tarry a day for him. He had said nothing till he came within two or three Leagues of Saumur, by which any body could judge that he had altered his mind about the Presidentship. But then he began to express that he had another prospect, and that he was so far from desiring that the great Lords should be excluded from that honour, that he pretended that it could not be given to any body but himself, without injustice. He expressed himself publicly about it at Saumur; and carried the thing so far, that he desired the Presidentship as a thing that was due to him; intimating that he would look upon a refusal as a sensible affront.  
The Assembly endeavoured to divine the reason of that 
Of which the reasons are unknown.  alteration; but they could do it no otherwise than by uncertain conjectures: some looked upon it as an effect of the Flattery of some Deputies, who had persuaded him that he was in some respect born Precedent of the General Assemblies; and that he should wrong himself to suffer any other to be nominated in his Presence. Others imagined that the reason of his first sentiments proceeded from a design to hinder the Assembly which was then summoned at Chatelleraud, from honouring the Duke of Sully, Governor of that Province with the Presidentship; but that the orders being changed as to the place, by transferring of the Assembly to Saumur, where the Duke of Sully had no more interest than he, he judged that the said precaution was no longer necessary. Others thought that this new advice came from the Court, and that he had promised the Queen Services which he would be better able to perform being Precedent, than having but one Vote to give, as a Member of the Assembly. Du Plessis used his utmost endeavour to obtain that satisfaction for him, and the Election of a Precedent was deferred upon that very account, until the Afternoon, though it was usual to name him before the Sermon of the Overture. But neither the reasons of du Plessis, and the example of his Province, nor yet the threatenings of the Marshal 
Du Plessis is elected Precedent.  who protested that he would retire, incase they refu●● him the▪ Presidentship, could prevail, nor hinder Ten Provinces out of Sixteen from electing du Plessis Precedent. None but six gave their Votes for the Marshal. Chamier Minister of Montelimar was nominated Associate to du Plessis; and Des boards Mercian, Son to that Merci●r so famous for his Learning in the Hebrew Tongue, was elected Secretary. The 
He excuses himself in vain.  Marshal expressed his discontent by so many marks, that du Plessis thought himself obliged to make excuses not to accept the honour that was done him; and to go out of the Assembly to let them deliberate about his excuses. But he was unanimously desired to accept the Place that was given him by the Plurality of Voices. Without doubt there entered some jealousy in that Nomination: And whereas there were Provinces whose Deputies would not have yielded to the Marshal of Bovillon, it is very likely that they chose rather to give the first Rank to a Man, who could not pretend to it, unless it were by his Merit and Probity, than to the Marshal, who thought it due to his Quality. Moreover, Sully who looked upon him as his Enemy, and who had great concer●● to propose, undoubtedly prevailed with his Friends not to do him the affront, to elect a Man President whom he had reason to dread every thing from.  
The Marshal being highly exasperated at this slight, threatened 
Discontent of the Marshal Duke.  highly to resent it, and to retire from Saumur the very next day. Nevertheless, the Night appeased part of his anger; and he was persuaded out of some considerations not to make so much haste. Du Plessis gave him the best reasons he could think on; and protested to him, that he had never sought after the honour that was done him, either directly, or indirectly; made sincible remonstrances to him about the liberty that ought to be allowed to the Churches on those occasions; alleviated the offence by all the Turns he could give to it, and particularly by the deference he expressed for him, during all the Session But though the Marshal seemed satisfied with those Civilities, he showed in the sequel that he had not forgot his threatenings 
Who seems to be reconciled to the Duke of Sully.  to be revenged. Nevertheless, a Reconciliation was made between him and Sully; and after they had told one another whatever they had to say, they concluded by reciprocal Protestations of Friendship. After this the Marshal's mind seemed to be moved again by the spirit of Concord, and to aim at the Public good, as well as the rest of the Assembly. His advices were great and bold in divers occasions: especially in the Case of the Baron de Senevieres, Governor of Chatillon upon Indre. That Gentleman had lately embraced the Reformed Religion: which had excited the Catholics of the Town to the utmost fury against him. They took up Arms against him, and resolved to demolish all the fortifications of the Castle; and in order to hinder Senevieres from living there, to ruin all the Places in which he could have inhabited conveniently. The Marshal of Bovillon made an Ordinance upon that Subject, ●o appease the Inhabitants. But what he did to satisfy them 
And Interresses himself for Senevieres.  only served to exasperate them the more: so that Senevieres was reduced to great extremes, had not the Assembly undertaken his defence.  
And indeed it behoved them not to neglect an affair of 
The Assembly does the same.  that Consequence. It was a new place which Senevieres did but into the hands of the Reformed: and it was their interest to maintain those that embraced their Religion, to the end that such as should be inclined to do it for the future, might not be dissuaded from it out of fear of losing their Employments. Moreover, the most Important Privilege of the Edict, was that, which declared the Reformed capable of all sorts of Employments: and it was a visible derogation of that Privilege, to consent that a Man who was in possession of an employment while he was a Catholic, should be depri●●ed of the same for changing his Religion: Since that being either Catholic or Reformed he was equally qualified for it. But besides the interest of Senevieres, and that of the general Cause, there was yet another which obliged the Assembly to concern themselves in that Affair. There was a report of another Governor who was hindered of declaring himself, out of fear of being turned out of his Government the next day. All this determined the Assembly to take Senevieres' cause in hand: and by the advice of the Marshal de Bovillon himself, who sent one of his attendants, to inquire about the excesses committed by the Catholics, they deputed the Baron of Senas to the Court, with positive Instructions; resolving not to treat about any thing with the King's Commissioners which were expected at Saumur, until they had obtained satisfaction for that disorder.  
But this Resolution produced but little effect. The 
The Court evades and the Marshal falls of  Court evaded the Petitions of the Assembly by an illusory Commission, which was given to Frere a Master of Requests, a Man often employed in Affairs in which the simple were to be amused. This Commissioner maintained Senevieres in the Government, and in the Possession of the Castle, but it was upon very hard Conditions, which leaving him the Title of Governor, nevertheless deprived him of the Authority of it. Among other Clauses he obliged him to keep the Drawbridge ever down; and to keep but five Servants about him: which exposed him to all the erterprises of the Catholics. The Marshal de Bovillon after having seen the King's Commissioners, refused to speak any further for Senevieres; neither did he suffer himself to be moved by the Remonstrances of the Assembly. As for the Governor who seemed to be disposed to embrace the Reformed Religion, he was exhorted to make his Declaration speedily; and the Assembly promised to use their utmost endeavours to protect him.  
The Affair of Senevieres was treated of on the very first 
The Oath of Union.  day of the Assembly. The next day they renewed the Oath of Union, which had been taken on other occasions of the like nature; and a Draught was made of it, which only contained two points: The one was Obedience to the King; and the other Concored and no Self-Interest among the Reformed, for their Common Preservation under the Protection of the King, and within the bounds of their Allegiance. And yet this Oath was so ill observed, that even during the Session of the Assembly, Discord and Interest were like to ruin all. Nevertheless all the Deputies took it without the least scruple; 
Another Oath against under hard dealing both ill kept.  and the Duke of Sully, who had formerly opposed those Renovations of Union, was not one of the least diligent to enter into it; because he was sensible that the Common Cause would secure his. They took another Oath, which obliged all the Members not to make Brigues to obtain the Nomination of Deputies General, or to be employed in the Deputations that should be sent to the Court. This Oath was as ill kept as the first; and those Brigues were made almost publicly. In the next place Commissioners were named to draw the 
* Petitions  Cahiers of the Complaints and demands they should have occasion to make; and an order was made that all such as should have any secret or important Affairs to propose, should declare the same to the Moderators, before they mentioned them to the Assembly.  
The Duke of Sully's Affair was treated of at Large: He 
They examine the Affair of the Duke of Sully, who makes a long discourse to explain it.  made a long Remonstrance to the Assembly: He answered the Complaints of those who had found fault with his giving his Demission without having first consulted the advice of the Provinces: And he alleged for his Reasons, that he had been pressed too much to have time to consult them; Besides that the Queen had given notice of it herself, in causing the News of his destitution to be written every where. That he did not dare to complain, for fear of offending the Court in saying the truth. That he had not consented to his fall out of choice, but obedience; and that he had been forced to do it in some measure. That nevertheless he had done nothing as yet in relation to the recompense he might pretend; not having taken any resolution about it yet, so that it was still time enough to take advice: and he desired it upon four things: First, Whether he should leave all things as they were? that is never more to mention a restablishment, or recompense. Secondly, Whether supposing that he should speak about it again, he should desire only to be re-established in his Places? And, Thirdly, Whether all hopes of being restored to them being taken away, he should accept the Recompense that was offered to him. From thence he took occasion to make the fourth Question, viz. Whether in case he should accept a Recompense, he should receive one of Honour and Safety, or of Profit and Convenience: that is, whether he should desire a Marshal's Staff, or a new Government; which he called Honour and Safety? or whether he should accept the 300000 Livers; which he called Profit and Convenience? After this he desired the Assembly above all things to consider whether his affair was General, and related to the Observation of the Edict, or whither it was particular to himself. In the next place he endeavoured to excuse the Queen, though she was the real cause of his disgrace. He also added a recital of the Services he had done the State; of which he alleged for proofs, of one side the satisfaction the King had expressed to him about it; and on the other the Comparison of the State of Affairs, when the Administration of it was committed to his care, and when it was taken from him. His remonstrance would have been very moving, if to all this he could have joined some marks of his Services to his Religion, and to the Churches of France, while it was in his power to do it.  
The Assembly declared that the Duke of Sully's Affair 
The Assembly is of opinion that this Affair concerns their Religion.  concerned all the Churches; since that considering his great and known Services, no reason could be given for his fall but his Religion. They concluded that he ought to accept no other recompense for his Services but of Honour and safety. They promised to order the Deputies General to join with him in the prosecution of that affair. They desired both him and his Son not to lay down the remainder of their Places: and they promised to assist him by all lawful means, in case he should be unlawfully prosecuted; which they would incert in the Instructions of the Deputies General. This Protection was due to the Duke by the Churches, if it be true that his affection for them transported him beyond the bounds of Prudence and Respect, in the Council where Villeroy proposed to put a Garrison of Swissers into Lions, contrary to his advice, as I have heretofore related it. Things went so far between those two Lords, and Villeroy spoke of Sully and of the Reformed in terms which expressed so much contempt, and inveterate aversion, that it is said, that Sully answered him that he would find a way to hinder him from sacrificing them to the Policy of Spain: and that he even threatened to strike him, which added a potent Reason to those which the Cabal of Spain had already to remove that surly superintendent out of the Treasury, and to ruin his Credit. The Remonstrance he had made to the Assembly, being designed for the Public, as well as for them, the Copies he dispersed of it occasioned the Answer of an unknown Person, Entitled Advertisement given by an Overseer of Charenton to the Assembly of Saumur.  
It was properly a satire against the Duke, which under 
Anonymous Answer to the Duke's discourse.  the Notion of remonstrating what answer ought to be made to his four Questions, turned him into Ridicule in a very scornful manner. The Author in the first place told them that it was not necessary to exhort the Duke to keep the Places he had left, because he was sufficiently inclined to do it of himself. That they should advise him to stick to his first proposition, viz. To leave things in the State in which they were, without endeavouring either to be restored, or to receive a recompense; and to egg on his Generosity in that point. That they should remonstrate to him that it would be vain to attempt the second, viz. To be restored; since his Place was taken, and in the possession of a Man as easy of Access, and as Civil, as Sully had been difficult and Surly: It was Schomberg, who was as lavish, as Sully had been rigorously sparing. That as to the Third, about the recompense that was offered him, they should persuade him to submit to the King who would have him to accept it. That upon the Fourth, which related to the nature of the Recompense, he ought to declare himself about it. That what was befallen him, aught to be looked upon as one of those Eclipses of Fortune, which are so frequent; and which only relating to himself, did no wise concern the Reformed Religion in general. That Kings were common Fathers to all their Subjects, and use them all alike. That the Assembly would be to blame to Insist too much in that affair, and to take the Duke's part: That both the Catholics and Protestants would would find fault with it, as well as with the Oath of Union which they exacted from the Nobility: and he compared that Engagement, en passant, to the League which had been abhorred by every body. He reflected upon the Duke, who was one of the first that signed the said Union, of which he had formerly condemned the Example in the Leaguers. He made a distinction between Places that were Hereditary and such as were properly only Commissions; and maintained that when ever Kings gave Places of that kind, they retained the liberty of disposing of them at pleasure: which was the Duke of Sully's case; The superintendence not being an Office, but a Commission. In order to destroy the Vanity he drew from his Services, he reflected upon the Riches he had got: and because they knew that he was in dread of his Person, he assured him positively that the Court had no secret design against him: but told him indirectly that they were not so much afraid of him, but that they might undertake it openly, when ever they had a mind to it. The whole concluded by a smart censure on the Assembly for meddling with affairs of that Nature, which were out of their Province; and by an Exhortation to them, to keep within the 
The like Writings in Vogue during the Sessions of the Assembly.  bounds of Humility and Modesty, as well as of Duty.  
Works of this kind were very much in Vogue during the Session of the Assembly. Several Satyrs were published against the Reformed Religion, and against those that had been employed during the Life of the Late King. The Catholics seemed inclined to be revenged on the Catholicon, which had discovered the Ridicule of the Designs and Actions of the League so agreably. Pamphlets came out daily in imitation of it; Harangues, Discourses, Pictures, Tapstery work, etc. We may place in that number a Letter published under 
A Satyical Letter which divides the Reformed into three Orders.  the name of a Reformed, Printed with the Publishers Name to it, which spoke very ill of the Assembly of Saumur. The Author divided the Reformed into three orders; of which he called one the Malicious the other, Zealous, and the Third, Judicious. The Malicious according to his Notion, were either Ambitious, or Self-Interested; and desired 
Malicious.  nothing but War, as the readiest way to rise or grow Rich. He ascribed Nine or Ten Reasons to them which they made ●…se of, to persuade the others to be of their Sentiments. First, The consideration of the Minority, which emboldded their Enemies to attempt every thing. Secondly, The Conspiracy of the Pope, the Jesuits, and the Clergy against the Reformation. Thirdly, The hatred of several Members of the Council against them. Fourthly, The Queen's easy Temper, which might easily be worked upon in order to their Ruin. Fifthly, The dread that all these things ●…ight easily form a Party to Exterminate them, before their being in a Condition to make a defence. Sixthly, Their being refused Justice in divers Places, and upon divers Points. Seventhly, The Places and Governments that were taken from some of them without the ●…ast pretence. Eightly, The Practices and Intrigues that were used to Corrupt their best Heads. Ninthly, The Pensions that were offered to some of them to betray the secrets of their Brethren. Tenthly, Finally, the divisions, and diffidences that were sown among them to weaken them, which they were persuaded proceeded from the Court. It is apparent by this that the Person who had written this Pamphlet was very well acquainted with their affairs, since he explained so openly the Reasons the Reformed had to be afraid; and perhaps taught them some which they only suspected: as Practices and Pensions.  
The Zealous, according to this Author, were naturally Jealous, and their Maxim was, that diffidence is the Mother 
Zealous.  of Safety. The Writer mixing Raillery, with serious Reflections in this place, made them say that Huguenot, and Jealous, were Relatives, and were the Consequence of each other, as Monk and Shaved. This disposition of their minds, continued he, rendered them the sport of the Malicious, who met in them fit Instruments ready to serve their Ambition and Avarice. The Judicious, according to him, 
Judicious.  were only those who looked upon Civil War as the worst of all Evils, and who in order to avoid it, kept within the bounds of obedience. He endeavoured after that to refute the Reasons of Fear, which he had alleged: But his Arguments were not strong enough to destroy them: And whereas the only remedy he proposed against the Conspiration of the Jesuits and of the Clergy, was the sincerity and promises of the Council; the Authority of the Parliaments, and notable Societies, and the good will of the Queen, we may say that he confirmed those Reasons, instead of refuting them; since the main reason that alarmed the Reformed, was that they found little Sincerity in the Council, little Justice in the Parliaments; and waving her Intentions, little solidity in the Mind of the Regent. She was Turbulent, 
Character of the Queen.  Revengeful, Ambitious, could not contain herself: and those who did not love her, said, that she had all the ill Qualifications of Catherine de Medicis; but none of her great and Royal Inclination. She was like her in being prepossessed in favour of Astrology; and the advice of the best Politicians could not prevail over the Observations of Fabroni, who drew Figures of the State of Heaven, upon all things of Importance that related to that Princess. The Truth is, that whether accidentally, or otherwise, he succeeded in divers of his Predictions, which the event proved to be as just, as could be. That of the King's illness, which stopped him by the way, going from Paris, to give orders about the defence of the Coasts of his Kingdom, against the Descent threatened by the English, proved exactly according to the Prediction of the said ginger: and that of another fit of Sickness which the said Prince had at Lions some years after it, proved no less exact. So that the Queen had as much Faith in his Predictions, as if they had been so many Oracles. This Credulity ruin'd all her affairs: and the same thing happened to her which commonly happens to all those who are Governed by the like Maxims; that is, she could neither obtain the advantages that were promised to her by the Stars, nor avoid the misfortues she was threatened with. At least we may find by the comparing of the Lives of those two Queens, that the one was much happier than the other. Catherine who had so often exposed the State within an Inch or two of Ruin, to retain the pleasure of Commanding, nevertheless maintained ●…er Credit almost to the last moment of her Life: But Marry soon lost her Authority, and received a Cruel Punishment for her Intrigues towards the latter end of her Days. The first found all her Council in her own head, and wanted no body to guide or direct her: The last was too much governed by her Passions and her Confidents. Nevertheless the Author I am speaking of, enlarged very much upon her praise, and represented her as a Princess that had never had an equal. That was the Style of those days; and sordid flatteries became so much in vogue, that even those who banished her from the Government, raised her up to the Skies, by their Elogies. She had wherewithal to comfort herself even in her Exile, if she took any delight ●● Panegyrics: the only good her Enemies allowed her. The Author concluded with upbraiding the Reformed, for ●…e haughtiness he found in their behaviour. He accused ●…em of demanding favours, in the same tone as Spaniards●…sk ●…sk for Alms; That is with a drawn Sword, and haug●…y Air, as if they had required the payment of a just ●…ebt: and he would persuade them that they had no just ●…retence either of fear or jealousy.  
It would have been easy to have made a more judicious distribution of the Reformed, by dividing them into 
〈◊〉 Character of the Reformed.  three; viz. The Lords of eminent Quality, who made use of the others for their particular ends: The Persons of Integrity, who were sensible that no good could be expected from a Council governed by the Jesuits; and who for that reason, endeavoured by all lawful means to secure themselves against Perfidious, Implacable Enemies: and the Timorous, who were either naturally weak and indifferent, or softened and made tractable by the Artifices of the Court. The first and last, occasioned all the Evil: Those made use of the Zeal of the second, to make themselves considerable at Court; and these abandoned the others as soon as the Court offered them a shadow of quiet.  
I will observe in this place before I proceed any farther, 
From whence the reports proceeded that the Assembly designed to make War.  the Cause of those Writings against the Assembly. No means were omitted to oreate jealousies in the Catholics about it, as soon as the Reformed had obtained leave to hold it. It was reported that they designed to make excessive demands; and to take up Arms to compel the Court to grant them. The Memoirs sent into the Provinces, to serve as a project for the Instructions of the Deputies which the particular Assemblies did send into the General; of which the Court had an account by their Pensionaries, did not a little contribute towards the confirmation of those common reports The demands which some of the Provincial Assemblies added to those of the said Memoirs, likewise contributed considerably towards it. Those who had seen the Assembly of Milhau, recalled it to mind upon this. They said that of five things that had been proposed in it, there only remained two unobtained, viz. Two Places of surety in every Province in which the Reformed had none; and that the Tithes of the Reformed might be employed for the payment of their Ministers. They magnified the Consequences of the Union the Assembly was to swear; saying that thereby, the Reformed would oblige themselves to maintain each other in all the Governments; and in all the Offices the late King had given them; even in all the 
* Cities, Towns, or Forts, etc.  Places they held, besides those that were set down in the Brief of the Places of Surety. And whereas it was not likely that the Court would comply with all those things, they concluded that the Reformed were going to take measures in order to make a War. But that which is most to be wondered at, is that there were some among the Reformed who seconded those extravagant reports. The Marshal of Bovillon was one of them; and some accused him of having told some Catholic Citizens and others at his going from Saumur, the Assembly being broke up that they had a Peace at last; but that it had been obtained with a great deal of pain and trouble. Nevertheless, all the rest of the Assembly protested that they had never mentioned the least thing tending to a War, during the whole Session. This reproach was made to the said Lord with a great deal of sharpness by the Dukes of Rohan and of ●ully, who fell out publicly with him. It is very likely that he had no other design in spreading this report, but to per●…ade the Queen that he had done her great Services; and that he was of great use to her to keep the Reformed within the bounds of their duty. However this made deep impressions upon the People; and notwithstanding the protestation of Sixty Persons, who affirmed that the Assembly had not had the least thoughts of War, the Court at that ●…ery time alleged the said pretended design of a Civil War as a Crime against the Reformed, and did since renew ●…e said accusation against them, as if it had been plainly ●…erify'd.  
The ancient Enemies of the Reformed who did at that 
Artiffices of the ancient Enemies of the Reform.  ●…ery time take all their measures in order to destroy them, ●…conded that report as much as in them lay, and they made people take such extraordinary Precautions in divers pla●…es against this Chimerical War, that they created real sus●…icions in the Reformed, who could not imagine the reason of those panic fears. Whether the Court really entered into those fears, or whether they seemed to credit them out of policy, in order to remove Persons from thence which were troublesome to them, they took that pretence to send the Duke d' Epernon to his Governments, and the Prince of Conde into Guyenne. Moreover they cunningly caused it to be reported that the Prinee would go through St. John d' Angeli, in order to bury the Prince his Father, who by reason of the Law-Suits in which his Widow had been involved upon the account of his Death, had not as yet received the last Duties. That City was one of the most considerable of those that were in the hands of the Reformed. The Prince was born and had been bred there by the Reformed, until the time they restored him to Henry the IV. So that his Name was still held in great veneration in the said City; and there was a great deal of reason to fear his Credit, in case he should attempt any thing there. The Governor who was the Duke of Rohan, and his Lieutenant La Roche Beaucour, were both absent at that time, being Deputed into the Assembly: so that there was no Person of Authority in the City, to oppose the Prince's designs. Therefore the Assembly thought fit to send La Roche Beaucour thither, under pretence to receive the Prince, and to hinder him from burying his Father with the Roman Ceremonies; until he received new orders from them upon that Subject: but the true motive of it was to prevent the Prince's attempting some greater thing by the by. Thus the same pretence served at once, for the one to lay the snare, and for the other to prevent it. If the Prince had any design, that diligence prevented it for that time, and saved the Place, but they lost La Roche Beaucour, who had like soon after to have delivered it into the Queen's Power.  
There also appeared marks of a great dread in other places. 
Several Catholic Cities take up Arms.  Some Catholic Cities in Poitou and in Limousin put themselves in a posture of defence, as if they had been afraid of a surprise: other Towns did the same upon the River Loire. Even Chartres though at a great distance from the Assembly, and almost at the very Gates of Paris, took up Arms, and placed Corpse de Guard at their Gates. Things proceeded farther yet at Orleans: An unknown Person, or one at least whom they would not suffer to be known, gave some advices there which tended to a Masacre of the Reformed. He frightened them with the designs of the Assembly, and told them that the Reformed had appeared in Troops about the Walls of the City, with a design to make themselves Masters of it. Those Insinuations maliciously sown among the People, excited a violent Sedition. Some of the Citizens proved so simple as to cry out to Arms: They made Baricado's in the avenues: They used as many precautions as if Orleans had already been blocked up by the Enemy: The Magistrates searched the Houses of the Reformed for Arms, which they were informed had been laid up there. This exactness saved them from the fury of the People; by reason that they found neither Arms nor Amolition, nor the least signs of any such enterprise among them. After the Sedition was stopped in this manner, an enquiry was made after the Authors of it, and one of the Inhabitants who first cried out to Arms was put in Prison. But he was transferred to Paris, where he died in Prison before his Trial in a very suspicious manner. It was reported that he died out of fear, thinking that it was impossible to avoid the punishment he had deserved. But the Reformed who did penetrate into the secret design of those ●ovements, and who were sensible what their ancient Enemies the Jesuits were capable of, suspected that he was ●ut to death, in order to remove a Witness of their secret intrigues.  
The Duke of Sully made a journey from Saumur to Chatelle●aud, at that time which the ill-intentioned also laid hold of; and all those things gave them an occasion to call to mind the year 1562, and 1567. in which the Reformed seized several Places, to hinder the Court, whose designs they had notice of from surprising them, they not being in a po●ture of defence. The Assembly being informed of these Transactions, and not thinking themselves safe, ordered du Plessis to raise 150 Men, to reinforce the Garrison of Saumur: and they were so unwilling to offend the King, that they writ to him to beg his leave for their raising of the said Men. 
Du Plessis Fortifies the Garrison of Saumur, after having asked the King's leave for it.  All these circumstances being put together, may show that the Assembly had not the least thoughts of making War: by reason that if they had had any such design, those agitations of the Catholics would have afforded them a plausible pretence to declare it. But had they done so, it would certainly have been said, that the discovery of their design had given the Catholics cause to take such precautions as they did: whereas it cannot be denied, with the least appearance of Equity, that the Reformed remaining quiet notwithstanding all these Seditions and taking up of Arms, the Catholics were the Aggressors. Their design was to make the Reformed commit some oversight, either to upbraid them with it, or to take an occasion from thence to exert more plausible Injustices against them for the future. But though their design did not succeed, yet they endeavoured to represent the false reports which had served as a pretence to their alarms as real truths; and did publicly declare that the divisions which were formed in the Assembly hindered them from making War: a thing which excepting the discourse of such as had a mind to please the Court, never had the least ground, besides the desire the Jesuits or their adherents had that it should prove true.  
During these transactions, Boissise and Bullion were deputed 
Commissioners from the King to the Assembly.  by the Court to the Assembly: They arrived at Saumur some times after the overture; and were at first visited by six Members of the Assembly, by whom they were sent to Compliment them as soon as they had notice of their arrival. Two days after it they came to the Assembly, and delivered the Letters from the King and Queen, which excepting some terms of good will, only were Credentials. After the said Letters had been read with the usual marks of Respect; they assured the Assembly that his Majesty would perform what ever had been promised to them for the time past, and that whatever might seem doubtful or ambigious should be interpreted favourably; after which they exhorted them to proceed with speed to the Nomination of six Persons, out of which the King was to choose two to reside near him, and ●here to perform the general Deputation. Du Plessis answered in the Name of the Assembly; returned thanks to ●he Commissioners, and promised a perpetual Obedience. After which they passed from Compliments to deliberations: and during 12 or 14 Days they held Conferences with the King's Commissioners, who came sometimes to the Assembly, and sometimes received the Deputies at their Lodgings, to hear their propositions. Several of them were of great consequence, which I will give an abstract ●f elsewhere. But I must observe in this place, that the assembly having declared at first, that they would do nothing until they had obtained satisfaction about the affair ●f Senevieres, the King's Commissioners delivered Letters to ●●em upon that Subject; with a Copy of the Decree of the Council, which impower'd Frere, Master of Requests, to take ●●formations of the said business upon the Place, to try the ●uilty, and to give a definitive Sentence, with the neighbouring Precedent, or Court of Judicature.  
The Assembly expecting a better issue of this Commission ●●an it proved, were satisfied and applied themselves to form ●●e General 
* Petition, or Address.  Cahier, in order to communicate it to the commissioners. They thought they had been fully im●ower'd to treat and to conclude with them: but they ●ere not scent for that. Their Orders were to frustate, ●●nd to discover the intentions of the Assembly, to improve conjunctures, and particularly to oblige the Deputies ●o break up as soon as possible. They performed their Commission punctually, and improved occasions like skilful Politicians. As soon as Lusignan, Aubigni, and some others had communicated the chief demands of the Assembly to them, they answered that the alterations made to the Edict, were inconsiderable, and that the most considerable among the Reformed had given their consent to it; That during a Minority the Queen could not reverse alterations that had been made with so much precaution; and that though she should do it, it would be impossible to obtain the verification of it. Their answers upon the other Articles were in the same stile: and they began anew to press the nomination of the Deputies General; The preparation of the Cahier, which the two Deputies the King should choose, were to be entrusted with; and the breaking up of the Assembly, which having only been allowed of for the election of the Deputies General; and now occasioning Jealousies and difidencies every where, aught to break up as soon as they had performed what they were impower'd to do.  
They repeated the same things in the Assembly. They disputed upon several Articles. They offered moreover to confer with the Commissioners of the Assembly upon all the Articles of the Cahier, if they thought it fit, as if they had been impower'd to come to any agreement: and in general they did not seem to find any thing unjust or excessive in the demands of the Assembly. But however as those Contestations were contrary to their main design, viz. To oblige the Assembly to break up as soon as could be, they resolved to declare that they were not impower'd to grant their demands. Therefore coming into the Assembly the next day, they renewed the assurances they had already given of the King and Queen's good intentions, and remonstrated that it would be more suitable to the Authority and Dignity of their Majesties; and to the particular advantage of the Reformed to address themselves to the King to obtain a favourable answer; pomising on their parts to testify their Obedience, and to use their endeavours to obtain what they desired, by reason that they were sensible that the preservation of the Reformed was necessary towards the good of the State. This discourse ended by the usual conclusion of nominating six Persons to the King, and to break up the Assembly.  
Their design was to render all the Resolutions of the Assembly inefectual, and to oblige them to break up without 
The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court.  any satisfaction, as it really happened: and it would ●ave been done all of a sudden, had the nomination of the ●●x Deputies and the Cahier of the demands been sent at the ●●me time: But the Assembly only followed the advice of ●●e King's Commissioners in part: They sent their 
* Petition, or Address  Cahier 〈…〉 the Court, but they designed to defer the nomination of ●●e six Deputies, until they had received an answer to their complaints and demands. The design of the Court was ●●ite different; and they would not give their answer till ●…e nomination had been made, in order to dissolve the assembly by authority, in case they would not be satisfied ●●th such answers as should be given them. So they ●ade their Cahier, and divided it into five Chapters, or dife●●t Cahiers. The First was the General Cahier, which con●…n'd 
And makes Five Cahiers.  57 Articles. The Second was a Collection of particular Demands and Complaints. The Third contained the prticulars of the private Articles of the Demands made by 〈…〉 Provinces, out of which the matter of the general Ar●…les had been taken, and particularly of that which demanded the re-establishment of the Edict in its first extent. ●●e Fourth was a Memoir of the Churches, which did ●mplain that the exercise of their Religion was settled in ●…tant places, and desired to have them transferred in near●… and more convenient places. The Fifth only related 〈…〉 the Places of Surety, of which the condition was set ●●rth at large.  
They would fain have joined the Affairs of the Principa●…y 
The Court will have the Country of Bearn to Treat separately.  of Bearn to those of the other Provinces. But the ●ourt proved inflexible upon that Subject. They would ●ver suffer the Deputies to meddle with it: and those of ●●arn was obliged to solicit their Affairs separately. The assembly was desirous to set down one Article in their behalf in their General 
* Petition.  Cahier; by which they humbly ●●gg'd of the King to cause the Edict of 1599 to be maintained in Bearn, and to do the Deputies of the Country Justice upon their Complaints. This Petition was written in the Name of the united Churches of France and Bearn, to the end that it might appear that though the Kingdom and that Principality had different Rights, in relation to the Political Government, yet there was something common among them which united their Interests, viz. the Cause of Religion, and Liberty of Conscience. They added in the said Instructions that the Assembly would not be satisfied, unless the Deputies of Bearn were contented. The reason which obliged the Assembly to speak thus, was that the Deputies of Bearn gave clear proofs that the Edict of 1599 was daily violated by the Catholics; and that the Clergy almost openly declared their design to reasume their former Power and Authority in the said Province. But they were obliged to comply with the Court in this point; and to divide, though much against their will, the Churches of Bearn from those of the other Provinces, in the prosecution of their Affairs.  
While they were employed about the Cahier, there still 
Apparent Union in the Assembly.  appeared Union in the Assembly. The Marshal de Bovillon who together with Lesdiguieres and du Plessis had drawn the Memoirs on which the Provinces had formed their Instructions, to the contents of which the Articles of the Cahier were limited, maintained and seconded them as much as any body; and gave reasons to show the Justice and necessity of the most Considerable, which removed all the difficulties others expected to meet in them. The Duke of Sully did not lose that opportunity to show that he preferred the Common Cause before his own. He made a new Discourse to the Assembly, in which he declared that he did not desire that the General Cause of the Churches should be engaged for his Interest, and desired them to alter the Articles that related to him. They returned him thanks for his good Intentions, and left the Articles as they were. But when the time came to elect the Deputies to carry the 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers and Letters of the Assembly to the King, they all broke out of a sudden into Brigues and Factions. So that they had Contestations even upon the manner of naming them; every one being desirous to promote that which seemed most favourable 
In which disc●rd breaks out at last.  to his designs. Some proposed to refer the Election to Chance, in which Interest cannot prevail: But finally, they resolved to make the said nomination by Provinces, and to submit to the Plurality of Voices. Thus the Deputation fell to the Barons de la Case and the Courtomer, To Ferrier Minister of Nimes, and to Mirande and Armet of the 
* The Commons.  third Estate. Their Instructions differed but little from the Cahiers that were delivered to them: They were only allowed to submit to a small number of Offices of Sergeants and Notaries, which the Assembly desired for the Reformed in every Baillywicke. The King's Commissioners had made a great business of that Article; as if the multiplication of Places and Offices had been very prejudicial to the State: but those reasons were never found very weighty, when the Court wanted Money: and the number of Offices has perhaps been increase▪ d one half since that time. The difficulty therefore did not proceed from the fear of overburthening the People: The Court has but little regard to that consideration; but they had no mind to oblige the Reformed, and public good was alleged to them as a plausible reason for a refusal.  
But the Chief Article of the Instructions was that 
The Power of the Deputies that carry the Cahier is limited.  which limited the Power of the Deputies. The Assembly only allowed them to Confer upon the Articles of the Cahier, in order to explain them, and to show the Justice and Necessity of them: But they did not allow them to conclude any thing; and they referred the taking of their last Resolution, till they had received an account of the intentions of the Court. The Reasons they urged for putting such Limitations to the power of their Deputies, was that the King's Commissioners not having had a fuller power, and not having been Authorised by the Court to proceed to the least conclusion, it was not reasonable for the Assembly to give their Deputies a greater Power. But the principal reason of several Members of the Assembly was, that they saw Persons in that Deputation who had it by the Interest of the Marshal de Bovillon: for which reason they supposed that they would be governed by him. His behaviour had confirmed the suspicions that were conceived at the Overture of the Assembly, of his having Engagements and Correspondencies with the Queen: and consequently that by putting the Power of Concluding into the hands of Persons that were his Creatures, they would be exposed to the Mercy of that Princess and of her Council. The Marshal de Bovillon opposed those restrictions as much as in him lay: and the thing being resolved upon contrary to his Sentiment, he expressed great dissatisfaction at it. The Deputies also murmured at the small Confidence that was reposed in them: and they declared at their return, that had not their Power been limited so much, they would have brought more satisfaction to the Assembly: as if the Stubborness of the Court had only proceeded from their being offended at that defect. Those Reflections after the Evil are very common in the World. People fancy always that other means would have proved more effectual, because those that have been used have not succeeded: and to cry had such or such a thing been done, is the Universal Remedy the Vulgar applies to Affairs which can no longer admit of any.  
The Deputies were kindly received at Court: Commissioners 
The Deputies are well received at Court, where they are flattered:  were appointed to treat with them, and they were promised a quick dispatch; and that their Cahier would be returned to them with favourable Answers. They did not fail to flatter the Assembly with those good hopes; but they vanished in a few Days. As soon as the Court was satisfied that there were seeds of Division in the Assembly, which they might easily improve to their advantage, they changed their behaviour; and after several Conferences, the Deputies were told by the Chancellor that the 
* Petition, Address, Demand, etc.  Cahier was answered; that the Places of Surety were allowed them for five years longer: That 15000 Crowns more was granted them for the Salary of their Ministers, and some other Articles which might pass for something. But the 
And afterwards deceived.  Chancellor gave them to understand that all the rest was favourably answered; yet that the Cahier should not be returned to them, no not so much as Communicated to them, nor the Breefs delivered into their hands, before the Nomination of the Deputies General. This answer neither satisfying them nor the Assembly, they were ordered to make earnest solicitations, that the said answers which were represented to them to be so favourable might be Communicated to them; and to promise that the Assembly would Nominate the Deputies General as soon as they had seen those Answers, which they might rely upon in case the said Answers were as advantageous as they reported. But they were yet less harkened unto in those Remonstrances than they had been in the preceding. Particularly when they expressed that the Assembly was not satisfied with the substance of the Brief for the keeping of the Places, or Cities of Surety, because it prejudiced that which they had obtained in 1605, which confirmed to them the keeping of all the Places they were possessed of: whereas the new Breef was written in terms which made them lose part of them. But they were very much surprised when a Contestation was formed upon the Brief of 1605, as if the Court had not believed it true: or that by some new Interpretation they had found the secret to pervert the sense of it. That affront fell upon the Duke of Sully, who had been the Negociator of that Affair, and the bearer of the Breefs to the Assembly of Chatelleraud: as if what ever side the thing were taken, it had been certain that he had abused the King's Name, or had deceived his Brethren.  
But however this disavowal of a Piece to which the late King's Name was prefixed, appeared so bold, that all Persons of Sense judged thereby that the Court had evil Intentions; and that they were so well acquainted with the Foible of the Reformed, that they were not afraid to offend them. A positive threatening was added to that answer, to send them an Order to retire in a very short time, 
And proceed to Threats.  unless they obeyed willingly. Nevertheless they tarried still until they had received new orders from the Assembly about that, and about the affairs of Bearn, which the Court would not allow them to meddle with. But they endeavoured in vain to make new solicitations in the Council. Letters were delivered to them on the last of July for 
The Court gives them Letters and Commands them to retire.  the Assembly, and they were commanded to retire. The truth is, that in order to soften that Order, they were told that Bullion who was come back from Saumur with his Colleague, about the same time the Deputies of the Assembly came away from thence, would go back thither with the Cahier and answer. The Deputies being arrived, gave the Assembly an account of their Journey; and delivered the Letters they had received. The substance of them answered the Verbal answer the Deputies had received. They mentioned the King's having received the Cahier as a great Instance of kindness, considering the reasons he had not to receive it. Those Reasons were that the Custom was to receive them from the Deputies General after the dissolution of the Assembly; whereas the King had been pleased to receive this from particular Deputies, while the Assembly was in being and even before their having nomnaited their Deputies General. The same Letters pressed the Assembly, since they had nothing more to do, to proceed to the Nomination of six Persons, and to break up immediately.  
Ferrier, whom his Colleagues pitched upon to be their 
The Assembly tarrys for the return of the King's Commissioners.  Speaker, making his report of their Negociation to the Assembly, did it in such a way as gave great suspicions of Treachery; and they were sufficiently confirmed since by the sequel of his Life. In the mean time the Assembly was unwilling to Nominate the six Persons out of which 
And gives Reasons not to choose six Deputies.  the Court was to choose two, before they had heard what Bullion had to say. They were in hopes of waving that Nomination, as being contrary to the first Liberty of General Assemblies; as being introduced into the Assembly of ●hatelleraud, for private Reasons relating to the Marshal of bovillon, who was out of favour at Court at that time; ●hose Confidents and Creatures the King would not ad●it to reside near him; as being afterwards made at ●ergeau out of complaisance to the King who would have 〈…〉 so. But they were of opinion that those two singular examples ought not to serve as Precedents: Moreover ●●l the Provinces had Instructions which required the restoring of the Election of the Deputies General upon the ●ormer Foot; and that the Assembly should only Nominate two, which the King should be entreated to approve of.  
Bullion being come, insisted upon the same things that 
In which they persist after having heard Bullion.  were contained in the King's Letters, which the Deputies ●…ad remonstrated. He alleged the Examples of Chatelle●aud and Gergeau: He added that he had the 
* Petition written in one Column and the Answer in the other.  Cahier with ●he answers; that they ought to content themselves with what they should find upon the said 
* Petition written in one Column and the Answer in the other.  Cahier; and that the Court having done whatever they could do, would grant ●othing more. The Assembly being sensible that this pro●eeding was not barely upon the account of formality ●…s Bullion endeavoured to persuade them, refused ●o acquiess without deliberation. And after having taken ●he Votes by Provinces, they remained in the resolution to ●ollow the Instructions which the Deputies had received; ●ot to name above two Deputies General; and not to ●reak up without having first received satisfaction; and ●o make most humble remonstrancies to the Queen upon ●he whole. They acquainted Bullion with this Resolution by express Deputies; and soon after they delivered their Remonstrances into his hands, and desired him to send them to the Queen. He promised to do it; and did: but this show of good will, was only a Cloak to 
Arti●●ces ●● undermine the steadiness of the Assembly▪  cover other designs.  
When he was sent back to Saumur he was ordered to take the Marshal de Bouillon's advice in all things, and to submit to it; either because they were already sure of him▪ or because they designed to bring him quite over to them by this shadow of Confidence, Bullion's chief endeavour were to persuade that the Cahier was answered in such a manner as would satisfy the most difficult: and he swor● it in terms little suitable to his Age and Quality. He sometimes declared, that if what he said was not true, he would be Damned Eternally. The Reason which obliged him to make those horrible Oaths, was that the secret of the Answers made to the Cahier, had been ill kept. Several Persons were informed by very good hands that they were limited to a very inconsiderable matter. But whereas those extraordinary expressions did not blind every body, they set another Machine at work which proved more effectual. La Varenne, who had made his Fortune under the late King, by his Capacity in the Intrigues of Debauches, had been sent to Saumur without a Character, but with a secret Commission to Corrupt as many Persons as he could, in order to incline them to follow the Sentiments of the Court. This Man who knew how to promise and how to give, and who had learned among Women, not to give over at the first Denial; and to overcome the first shame that hindered them from yielding to his promises, employed his Time and his Pains effectually here. He bartered for Votes almost publicly, and went from Door to Door to display the means of Corruption he was entrusted with.  
He prevailed with some; he shook others, and the Oaths 
Of which some Members suffer themselves to be Corrupted.  of Bullion coming to the assistance of the Presents and Promises of La Varenne, a small number of Deputies devoted themselves to the Court. Men must sometimes have a fit Reason to tell, when People wonder at their behaviour; although it be not the Reason which moves them. They must have a plausible Motive, to conceal the real Motive they are ashamed of. People would blush to confess that they do Act for Money; but those never fear reproaches, who only fail through an excess of Credulity. The execrable Oaths of a Considerable Man are a fair pretence to suffer ●…es self to be deceived, in order to deceive others. There so were others who though incencible to bribes, suffered them●…ves to be deluded into the Snares of those powerful ●…ffirmations, and condemned the Constancy of the Majori●… who would see the Answers, before they would proceed 〈…〉 any thing else. Nevertheless, all this could not amount 〈…〉 high as to make so strong a party as the Court desired. ●…he Number of the Obstinate surpassed that of the Com●…aisant above one half. Insomuch that all things being decided in those Assemblies by the Plurality of Votes, the ●ourt was certain to lose her Cause.  
The Marshal de Bovillon found an Expedient for it: at 
Dangerous Councelimputed to the Marshal of Bovillon.  ●…ast it is imputed to him; and the effects showed it clear●… enough. It was to send for another Letter from the ●ourt, more positive than the preceding; to order the assembly expressly to Nominate six Persons to the King; 〈…〉 accept the Answers given to the Cahier, and to break ●…; which declaring such to be Rebels who should re●…se to obey without reply, should Authorize the inferior ●umber to remain at Saumur, to make the said Nomination, ●…d to accept the Articles. The substance of that Letter was drawn at the Marshal de Bouillon's House; who ●…ad made his boast for some days that 30 of the Deputies would obey the Order of the Court: and who, in ●…se the others should retire, being unwilling to have a ●…are in that Complaisance, were resolved to remain, to o●…ey the Queen in all things. The said Letter was sent to the Court by Bellujon, who tarried two days after the Courier to whom Bullion had given the Remonstrances of 〈…〉 Assembly. They thought thereby to conceal the Mi●…y: ●ut it was easily unridled. Bellujon took a false pret●… to go into Berry, to see some Relations of his Wi●… in order to obtain leave from the Assembly to absent ●…self for some days. Within half a days Journey from ●…mur, he took Post for Paris. He was Convicted of t●… deceit at his return; and caught in a Lie in two Reasons he endeavoured to give for his Journey: and finally he was so hard put to it, that he had no way to clear himself, but by confessing that he had done it by the Marshal de Bouillon's order. It was easy to judge that the Sentiments of Lesdiguieres were known to the Marshal and to Bullion, since they so freely made use of Bellujon who belonged 
Bellujon is censured by the Assembly.  to him, for such enterprises. The Assembly censured Bellujon severely for this Conduct; and entered the said Censure among their other Resolutions. They declared that his Deportment had rendered him unworthy to assist for the future in such Assemblies; that nevertheless as he had a procuration from Lesdiguieres, they remitted the Judgement of it to him. Besides the Journey I have mentioned, he had given the Assembly other Causes to treat him with Rigour. He had some differences with the Church of Villemur, a Place of which Lesdiguieres had given him the Government: and the said Church having made grave and considerable Complaints against him, he had spoken of the Assembly with a scorn which amounted to Insolence. But the Marshal de Bovillon, being exasperated to find all his designs frustrated by the Prudence or Courage of the Assembly, took Bellujon's part; and after having been refused twice or thrice, he prevailed so far by Reasons, by Prayers, and by threatenings, that the said Affair was once more put to the Vote of Nine Provinces, and that the Censure was reversed by a Tumultuous Deliberation.  
In the mean time the Letter being brought by the Courier 
A Letter from the Court Authorising the inferior number against the greater.  who followed Bellujon close, it was thought fit to see what effect it would produce upon People's minds; and to communicate it to some of the chief Members before they delivered it to the Assembly. They were sensible that it might chance to succeed quite differently from what the Court desired. The Assemblies of the Reformed had preserved such marks of greatness in them till then, that even those to whom they were odious, were obliged to have regards for them. It was dangerous to hazard a thing which might as well exasperate them as oblige them to break up. When Acts of Note are practised against person's that have just Jealousies, they often drive them ●o despair, instead of surprising them; and the sight of ●ods to scourge them, often gives them a cause to take up Arms for their defence. The Marshal de Bovillon took upon him to deliver the said Letter, and showed it to La Force, and to Du Plessis. He declared before it was read ●…hat he thought it very reasonable, and the arguments ve●y good. After which they were greatly surprised to find ●hat Terrible Clause in it which Authorised the Inferior Number against the Greater. La Force and Plessis●poke ●poke vigorously to the Duke upon that Subject, and showed him that the said Letter was an Inlet for Division, of which it would be impossible to cure the ●vil; which would occasion the ruin of the Churches; which neither Persecution nor Civil Wars had been able to destroy. But they only gained the Liberty by it ●o Communicate to whom they pleased, what they could remember of the substance of the said Letter. Abun●…ance of People repaired immediately to Du Plessis, to ●…ear from him those strange particulars, and to take proper measures to prevent that misfortune.  
Bullion in order either to dissipate the heat of those 
Bullion seems to accept of a Temp●r.  ●…rst movements; or to seem averse to Actions which ●…ight offend so many Persons; or to have time to play the Machine that was set at work more securely, declared that ●…e was sensible of the Inconveniencies that would attend the ●aid Letter; and in order to avoid them proposed a Conference with Du Plessis, about the means he should judge most proper in order thereunto. There was some likelihood that the Conference would produce some effect, ●y reason that Bullion and Du Plessis agreed about some things, viz. That the Assembly should Nominate six Per●ons to the King; That the Deputies General which should ●e Elected should be satisfied about the Cahier; That incase they were not satisfied with the Answers already given, he should obtain satisfaction for the Assembly upon five or six Articles, before their Dissolution; and this he engaged to do, though he had no orders about it: That he would not press the Deputies to break up so soon after the aforesaid Nomination; and that he would receive all their Protestations about the Number of Six, to the end that what they should do at that time, might not serve as a Precedent for the future. But while Du Plessis was preparing to give the Assembly an account of the said Conference, Bullion sent to him to acquaint him that he revoked his Word; That he would perform his Office; go into the Assembly and cause the Queen's Letter to be read.  
Whereas he alleged no other Reason for that alteration, 
But he retracts all of a sudden by a strange advice of the Marshal Duke.  but an Idle Rumour of their designing to take the advantage of his promises, every body concluded that this was Inspired to him by the Marshal de Bovillon: and they were fully convinced of it, when they were informed that he had assembled all his Creatures that very evening at his House, and had prevailed with them all to rise, at the first Overture that should be given them by the opposite Party, upon the proposition Bullion was to make, and to make a Schism against the Assembly. This News filled the minds of all those that loved Union, with despair and grief; and their first thoughts were to retire, to avoid being Witnesses of that Scandal, which neither their Courage or Prudence could prevent. But after having heard Du 
Wise Council of Du Plessis.  Plessis, they followed his advice, which was to obey the Orders which Bullion would signify to them, whatever prejudice they might sustain by it: To the end that by this means the fire of Division which had been kindled in their Bosom, might be sinothered there; and that those who had had the malice to prepare the Schism, might not have the satisfaction to see it break out scandalously. This Resolution was held secret, by reason that they were unwilling to allow the Marshal de Bouillon's party time to prevent the effect of it. There were 55 Persons of this mind. Among which were the Dukes de Rohan, and Sully, Soubise, La Force, and many Gentlemen, But particularly all the Ministers, excepting Ferrier, who had taken of his Mask.  
The event showed that they were in the right to recommend 
Who wards the blow.  Secrecy. Bullion presented the Queen's Letter to the Assembly the next day; and after the Reading of it, desired them earnestly to obey it. Du Plessis being prepared for that proposition, did not take the Votes to put the thing in deliberation, as the Marshal de Bouillon's Friends did expect: but answered in few words; and observing to Bullion how prejudicial it was to the State, to sow Divisions among the Reformed, he assured him nevertheless that the Assembly would obey. This unexpected answer, keeping every body within the bounds of Duty and Silence, Bullion who was unwilling to lose the Fruit of his Project, and who thought that the prevention of the said disorder which had been prepared with so much art would reflect upon him, reiterated without necessity that they must obey. Three or four of the Conspirators, and among the rest Berticheres and Villemade offered to speak, and declared that they were of the small number mentioned in the Letter. But Du Plessis stopped them by his Authority; and in few words made them such powerful Remonstrances, and so much to the purpose, that many of the same Party, who thought that the Queen only desired that they should obey, and who found every body inclined to do it, cried out to those hot heads to refrain. After having thus prevented the Tumult, Du Plessis who had only spoken in his own Name, being confident that he should not be contradicted, resolved to take the Votes of the Assembly as was usual: but lest they should think that he was afraid of having been too forward in his promise, he declared he only took the Votes for form sake; being very well satisfied that what he had said would be approved of by every body. In effect Obedience was concluded upon; only two or three Creatures of the Court caviled about some Circumstances. The Duke of Sully tho' naturally as wavering in his opinion, as his Fortune was uncertain, and moreover a little unresolved in his own affairs, proved notwithstanding steady in this, and seconded the Precedents advice with good Reasons; which he did the more willingly, by reason that he thought he did serve the King and the Assembly by it. 
The Assembly Nominates Commissioners.   
Thus they resolved to proceed by Commissioners in what Bullion had proposed. The Assembly named eight, of which the Marshal de Bovillon was the first. But this project came to nothing, by reason that he refused that Commission under pretence of being iii. This was looked upon to be an evasion, by reason that while he excused himself upon that account, from meddling with the affairs of the Assembly, he had Conferences with Bulloin La Varenne and others, which after having lasted part of the day, sometimes took up part of the night. It is certain at least that he was so much enraged at the success of this enterprise, 
Vexation of the Marshal at the success of his enterprise.  that he uttered very hard words against some of his adherents, for having suffered themselves so easily to be silenced: he upbraided them with it as a want of Courage. Nevertheless the evil, if there was any, did not proceed from them. The Marshal had no reason to accuse any body but himself, and Bullion. They had only taken measures to make a Schism, in case the Assembly should resolve to continue their Session to provide for the safety of the Churches, or should break up without doing any thing: but they had taken none in case they should obey; because they did not expect it.  
On the 5th of December they proceeded to the Nomination 
Nomination of the Deputies General.  of Six Persons, whose Names were to be presented to the King: which was done with more ease than was expected, by reason of the Brigues and other difficulties they were surrounded with. It had been proposed to exclude from the said Nomination all such as had any Relation, or Dependencies on the Court, either upon the account of Pensions, Places in the Magistracy, or Governments, which obliged them to keep measures there. They had unanimously Voted the exclusion of the Pensioners, but they had not been able to agree upon the rest, by reason that among those who had such employments, there were several Persons qualified for the Deputation, both by their being acquainted with affairs, and by their Zeal for the Common Cause. Therefore the said difficulty was not as yet removed; and moreover the Marshal de Bovillon spared nothing to make the Deputation fall upon some Persons he might confide in. He had no mind the Deputation should be made on the appointed day; and he fell out into a great passion against some of his Party, who had not persisted in that sentiment as firmly as they should have done. Yet notwithstanding all this, Mombrun, Rovuray, and Berteville, were Nominated for the Nobility: and Maniald, Boissevil and La Milletiere for the Third Estate. This Nomination displeased the Marshal and Bullion to that degree, that they used their utmost efforts to alter it. They offered Maniald and Boissevil 2000 Pistols, or a Place of Councillor in a Parliament, provided they would refuse the Nomination; by reason that Armet who was at the Duke's devotion, and who had most Voices next to them, must have had the Place of him that would have refused it. But they could not prevail: and the Nomination remained as it had been made by the Majority of the Assembly, and approved of by the Reformed as the best and most faithful. The Court chose Rovuray and La Milletiere out of those Six: and the Assembly was soon acquainted therewith.  
The End of the First Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. VOL. II. BOOK II.  
A Summary of the Contents of the Second Book  
The Answers to the Cahiers satisfy no body. Nevertheless they resolve to break up: although nothing considerable ha● been done in the Assembly. Artifices to disgust Chamie● Ferrier retires. Why the Court will not seem to have occasioned those Divisions. Regulations drawn by the Assembly. Provincial Councils: Their Functions. Regulation of Union. The Marshal de Bovillon will not allow the Ministers to make a separate Body in those Councils. Substance of the General Cahier, and of the Answers that were made to it. Articles in favour of Bearn. Mutual reproaches of the Members of the Assembly. Books that make a noise. Niceness of the Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings. Du Plessis Book. Number of 666 Justness of the Application. Sedition at Paris. Return of the Deputies in their Provinces. Commissioners in divers places where they are recused. Synod at Blois: which the Commissioners are alarmed at. They write to Court about it. Assembly at castle Jealoux, which occasions a kind of League of the Catholics. Mortifications received by the Jesuits. Commissioners in the Country of Gex. The Reformed side with the House of Guise in a quarrel. Death of the Lord de Vatan. A Minister is granted him, ●o assist at his Death: but they will not allow Psalms to ●…e sung by him. Deputies of the Provinces at Paris sent ●ack outrageously. Declaration of the 24 of April. The Deputies General form an Opposition to the enrolment of ●…t: which is notwithstanding performed. National Synod at Privas. Censure of the Divisions of Saumur. Union signed ●nd sworn. Particular Divisions. Deportments of Ferrier. Grave accusations against him in the Synod; which Censures him severely. Nimes sends Deputies to preserve him, ●ut in vain: and the Synod aggravates. Complaints of the Synod of Blois. A formal disavowal of the Declaration of the 24 of April. Applications of the Synod for the Reconciliation of the Grandees. Breefs of Augmentation of the Money granted for the Salary of Ministers. Alteration made in the State of the Reformed in the Country of Gex. The Synod endeavours to hinder the abuse that is made of that augmentation: and renews the Demands of the Assembly of Saumur. Reasons of the Repugnancy so often expressed about the Denomination of Pretended Reformed Religion. Complaints concerning the Commissioners. Resolution no longer to send particular Deputies to Court. Force of the Reformed in the County of Avignon. Gratifications. New declaration upon the preceding one, which is not satisfactory. Cahiers answered Encroachments of the Parliaments upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers. Severity of the Chamber of the Edict. Removal of the Corpse of a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion out of the Ground, by the Order of a Commissioner. Favour granted to the Reformed of Tierache. Division of the Duke de Rohan, and the Marshal de Bovillon; and the Issue of it. Abuse of the Duty which inclines to Obedience. The Court improves the Doctrine of Patience. Minister's Pensioners. Enterprise upon St. Johnd ' Angely. The Duke of Rohan prevents it: and persists notwithstanding it was done by order from the Court. The Queen is offended; and all things seem to incline to a War.  
BVllion being no longer able to delay the delivery of the Answered Cahier to the Assembly, since 
The Answers to the Cahier satifies no body.  he had so often promised to do it, as soon as the Queen should be satisfied about the Nomination of the Deputies General, kept his Word, and allowed the Deputies to continue their Session for some days longer, in order to examine it. None of them seemed favourable; and they were conceived in Equivocal and Captious Terms, which allowed the Court a great deal of liberty to wave that by way of Interpretation, which seemed most plausible in those promises. Even those who had been so earnest in forming the Schism, which the prudence of the others had prevented from breaking out, were as much surprised as the rest, and expressed a great deal of discontent. Some of them exclaimed highly against that deceit, and upbraided Bullion severely for the Oaths he had sworn to amuse them. But there was no remedy; and Bullion had what he desired, and therefore did not care for their reproaches. Nothing comforts people so easily of an accusation of Perjury, as the happy success of the Artifice which deserves it. One of the Reasons urged to give a pretence to the Schism that was preparing, was, that the on●… thing in debate was a piece of formality; that it was in●…erent whether the Assembly received satisfaction before 〈…〉 after the Nomination of the Deputies General, provided was given them effectually; that the Court looking upon 〈…〉 said Nomination before the dilivery of the Answer as a ●…nt of Honour, it was reasonable to comply with the ●…g's desire; that is was a respect due by Subjects to their ●…eraign, not to dispute with him upon a point of Deco●…m about his Authority, especially when it was no wise their prejudice. But the illusion of that reason was soon scovered, when they found the scope of the favour they ●d flattered themselves with. It was visible that the Court ●…ng unwilling to do any thing beyond the little they did ●…nt, had only insisted upon that pretended formality, to ●…id being obliged, at the earnest solicitation of the As●…bly, to give them any real testimonies of good will.  
They would fain have used some endeavours to obtain 
Nevertheless they resolve to break up.  ●…ething more: but when they thought on the means to ●…ct it, they found none of which they durst promise ●…mselves a happy success. The Brief which did Autho●…e the Assembly, allowing it only in order to Nominate 〈…〉 Deputies General, it might have been styled unlawful ●…er the said Nomination, if they had refused to break up. ●…eral of those that had the best intentions were weary contending as they had been obliged to do, in order prevent Brigues contrary to the common good. Others ●…e afraid of drawing the indignation of the Court up●… them, incase they should resist their Orders with a Vi●…r, which would be styled Rebellion. They were all ●…dent of those that had been so ready to divide from 〈…〉 rest of the Assembly, and notwithstanding some of them ●…m'd discontented at Bullion's deceit, there was no reason 〈…〉 expect that they would unite themselves to the good ●…ty again, incase any resolutions should be taken. They ●…d as well promised to make a Schism upon the subject of 〈…〉 answers, incase the Assembly were dissatisfied with them, as upon the time, and manner of deliberating about ●● So that they agreed unanimously to break up; To lea●● the prosecution of a more favourable Answer to the Deputies General; and to see whether the Queen, being satisfied with their submission to her Will, would not be more easily inclined to allow the Reformed greater favours.  
Thus an Assembly composed of the most eminent Persons 
Tho' nothing had been done worthy of the Assembly.  among the Reformed both for Quality, and Capacity, which in so proper a Conjuncture ought to have taken such measures for the safety of the Churches, as could never have been violated by their Enemies, broke ●● without doing any thing. The Nomination of Deputies General was all that was done during a Session of fo●● Months: and the public affairs remained in the same condition after such long deliberations as they were before the meeting of the Assembly. Moreover it did more ha●● than good, by reason that the facility of sowing Divisions among the Reformed discovered their weakness; and taught the Court the way to destroy them. The Author of the said Division were so much ashamed of it, th●● they used their utmost endeavours to avoid that reproach. The very Court had no mind it should be imputed to the●● Artifices: Therefore endeavours were used to lay the bla●● of it upon private Interest, which had occasioned great hea●● And indeed, as there were many Persons who had demand to make either immediately to the Assembly, or by ●●● Assembly to the Court, it is very probable that Bulli●● and those that served him on that occasion, took the advantage of those personal affairs, in order to succeed ●● their principal design. So that this proved one of the me●● which corrupted those who thereby expected to find mo●● favour at Court. As many endeavours were used to brea● the measures of those that were firm and inflexible, as to gain those whose Souls were sensible to promises and ●● 
Artifices to disgust Chamier.  hopes. Chamier was one of those steady Pillars, which nothing was capable to s●ake. He had the first Voice in t●● Assembly, as being Assistance to the Precedent; and where●… he was skilled in Affairs, the Conclusion depended partly on the turn he gave them. A particular grievance was put upon him, in order to disgust him of Assem●●es, in which he had too much Authority. The Consi●●ry of Montelimar, where he was Minister, took the advantage of his absence, and of his Deputation to give his ●●ce to another. This was done without consulting him, ●●d without hearing him; by some Intrigue or other, in ●●ich it is very likely that Lesdigneres had a hand, since 〈…〉 was done in his Province, before his eyes, and in a place ●●ere he had the power to do what he pleased. And to aggravate the Injury, the Consistory sent to search his House, and ●●bled all his Library with a great deal of Violence, un●… pretence of taking some Papers which did belong to 〈…〉 Church. The behaviour of the Consistory had some●…g so offensive in it, and there appeared so much concept in it against Chamier, that he was extremely offended ●…t, and the more because his interest was concerned in ●s well as his honour. His Family, his Estate, and his maintance were at Montelimar, and he could not remove 〈…〉 thence without disadvantage: He was not a of humour ●●ose patiently: but at the same time he would not have ●…e any thing for his own Interest, to the prejudice of 〈…〉 common Cause; and he preferred Religion to Interest. 〈…〉 thought it a great piece of injustice that his own Church ●…ld endeavour to ruin him; that in order thereunto 〈…〉 took the advantage of his absence, to prevent the ●…n of his Brethren. He complained of it to the Assem●●● as of an affront in which they were concerned; and ●…v'd to remove from Saumur to mind his own Affairs. 〈…〉 was directly what the Court aimed at, in order to ●●ken the Party they were afraid of, by removing so 
Ferrier retires.  ●●d a head. Ferrier had already shown the good examen of preferring private affairs to the General. He had 〈…〉 the Assembly under pretence of his Son and Mother●●●w's being iii. Had Chamier done the same, every body would have found reasons to imitate them; and the Assembly would have been dissipated insensibly. But they sto● Chamier by doing him Justice. The Assembly maintains him in the Ministry of Montelimar; and in order to remove the pretence the Consistory had taken, they orde●●● the Ministers of the adjacent places to Preach for him Alternately in his absence. The Synods confirmed the sai● Regulation afterwards; and Chamier served the Church ●● Montelimar, until he was Transferred to Montauban, the● to serve the Church and the Academy.  
But those particular affairs were not the real cause of th● 
Why the Court was unwilling to appear the Cause of those Divisions.  Evil: they only served as an occasion to corrupt some ●● the Deputies, and to digust others. It may perhaps se●● strange that the Court should be unwilling to appear ●●● Cause of a Division, they had procured with so much ca●● and which was so useful to them; but two reasons may ●● given for it. The one that giving so many assurances of the●● good Will to the Reformed, they were unwilling to belly the●● by seeming to endeavour to disunite them. The other that 〈…〉 the Catholics did not approve the ruining of the Reformed▪ some because they looked upon their union as the best defe●● of the State against foreign Intrigues: others because they were of opinion that the Public Liberty was joy●●● to the preservation of the Reformed, whose Union was 〈…〉 powerful Fence against Arbitrary Power, of which th●● perceived that the Policy of the Jesuits was laying t●● Foundation. The main design of the Court of Spanish ●●● either to engage France to ruin the Reformed, or to oppress the People, which had never known what slavery was 〈…〉 then. In all probability the Court of France was like 〈…〉 engage itself into irreconcilable difficulties, if they ●…tred once into Wars of Religion with the Reformed, ●● engaged themselves by the Usurpation of an unbound●● Power against People that were fond of their Priviledg●● and accustomed to reverence their King's like Fathers, because they used them like their Children. For that rea●●● there were many Catholics, who would have been ve●● sorry to see the Reformed driven out of the Kingdom. Even ●n the Council, those who had had a share in the late King's desing, and had relished his Maxims had the same senti●entiments: and expected no good from the disunion of ●he Reformed. Some of the Members of the present King's Council have likewise had the same sentiments, particularly those who observed the course of Affairs, during the Reign of Lewis the XIII. This opinion has induced a zealous Catholic Historian, who has written the History of ●hose Transactions in a stile full of Gall and Violence, to Con●ess that the fall of the Reformed would occasion that of the State, and that the ruin of their Sect, would destroy those very Catholics that had occasioned it. This shows that the very designs of the Court not being approved by all the French, they had no reason to own themselves the Au●hors of a Division which was looked upon by so many to ●e contrary to the good of the Kingdom. This is the reason for which in some relations about what passed in the Assembly of Saumur, all the misunderstandings which ren●e●'d it useless to the Reformed, are imputed to the particular affairs of the Members of it, as if the Intrigues of the Court had had no share in it.  
All these troubles did not hinder the Assembly from 
Regulations drawn by the Assembly.  drawing very fine Regulations, which would have been sufficient to render the Reformed Invincible, had it been as easy ●o put them sincerely in execution, as to resolve upon them. Such were those which related to the preservation of the Places of Surety; but particularly those that were resolved upon for the establishing of Councils in every Province. The first Project of it was formed in the Assembly of Ste. Foy: and that of Chatelleraud resumed the said design some years after it. But the continuation of the War, and afterwards the long Negociation of the Edict, from which the Reformed expected more surety than from their own regulations, hindered them from pursuing the Project of saint Foy. and the Intrigues of Roni at Chatelleraud also hindered them from taking any resolutions upon that Subject. But the King's Death having altered the state of Affairs, the Assembly of Saumur thought themselves obliged to renew their ancient precautions, which the power of the Jesuits, and the Artifices of those that were ill inclined made more necessary than ever. Therefore they voted a Council in every Province composed of Gentlemen, Ministers, 
* Commons.  and Members of the third Estate, who should be chosen by the Provincial 
Provincial Councils.  Assembly, and should be continued, or changed once in two years, in the whole or in part, according as the Assembly should think fit. The number of the Persons of which it was to be composed was not limited. They allowed the said Council a power to nominate the Persons and Places, where the advices that should be given them should be directed; and to advertise the Churches when it should be fit to convene a Provincial Assembly. In order thereunto they settled the form of deputing to those particular Assemblies, and of receiving the Votes there 〈…〉 they excluded from it all such as had no express Deptutations: They allowed the King's Officers and Magistrates to assist at the same, provided they were deputed according to the form prescribed; on condition that thy should make no distinct Body in the Assembly; and that they should side either with the Nobility, or with the Third Estate, according to their quality: The Presidentship of those Assemblies was allotted to the Gentry: and finally they fixed to five at most, and to three at least, the number of the Deputies every particular Assembly should send to the General.  
Proceeding in the next place to the Functions of the Provincial 
Their Functions.  Councils, they charged them to send whatever advice they should receive to those to whom it should be necessary to Communicate them, either within, or out of the Province: and in order to facilitate the said Communication, they ordained a Fund for the Charges; and that the Contiguous Provinces should take measures together before their breaking up, to advise each other with more speed. They authorised the Council that should receive the advice, incase they were not able to perform it, to call such persons ●…o their assistance as should be able to assist them, according to the nature of the thing proposed. In some Important Cases they allowed the Council to require at least three adjacent Provinces, such as they should think fit, to assist them with their advice; and they ordered the Provinces so required to send one, or many Deputies in the place appointed to them, to deliberate about the means to prosecute such affairs as should intervene in such a Province, as if it were their own. And supposing they could obtain no satisfaction, it was left to their Prudence to give the Provinces notice of it, and to invite them to join in order to make the said prosecution more effectually. They grounded that order upon the duty of the General Union, of the Churches, which were obliged to interest themselves in their mutual affairs; to the end that those that were abused, and consequently more inclined to violent resolutions should be hindered by the Prudence of the others from proceeding to extremities, or seconded by them, in order to obtain justice the sooner.  
They ordered the said Councils moreover to mind the con●…ition of the Places of Surety; to depute persons of capacity to ●…isit the said places, and to take a review of the Garrisons; to be certain of the Religion of the Soldiers; who, by reason that it was necessary to reinforce the said Cities with men, could not be Inhabitants either of the said Cities or Suburbs. They exhorted the Governors to approve it, and in order to ●…dress the abuses committed in time past, as to the number and ●ayment of the Soldiers, to be pleased to allow the regulations added by them: viz. That the Governor should receive the third part of the sum appointed for the Garrison, free from all Charges; and that he should give an Acquittance for the remaining two, to the person that should be nominated by the Council of the Province, who should pay the soldiers with it, and all other Charges relating to the Place and Garrison; which were afterwards specified: That an estimate should be made of the real sum to which the extarordinary Charges might mount, to reserve a Fund for it; which should not exceed the third or forth part of the two thirds retained upon the whole sum; That the Person employed in order thereunto should give an account of his administration in the Council, in presence of the Governor; That incase the King should grant any sums for the Reparations and Fortifications of the said places, the Governors should order how they should be employed, but that the Council should inspect the same, and should have the direction of the disposal thereof, making of Proclamations, Adjudications, etc. and that incase a Fund were necessary for the said Reparation, the direction thereof should be given to a person which should be nominated by the Council, who should give an account of it, in the Governors' presence; That without prejudice to the Officers appointed by the King, the Governors should inspect the Magazines, in order to keep the Corn, Wines, Provisions, Powder, and Matches, and other Ammunition liable to corruption in a good Condition.  
They impower'd the same Councils to determine all Quarrels, 
Regulations of Union.  Lawsuits, and Animosities that might arise among the Reformed, of what quality soever; To cause the settlements granted by the King, to be observed, incase any of the Governors of the said places should die: To maintain a good Correspondence with the Neighbouring Provinces, by sending Deputies into their mutual Assemblies; and as to a General Correspondence, they were charged to maintain it with the General Assembly, when in being, and to apply themselves to the Deputies General after their Dissolution. Moreover in order to preserve Union among all the Churches, it was agreed upon, that once a year at a certain time and place, there should repair a Deputy of every Council, as privately as possible could be, and in such a conjuncture of affairs as it should be thought of most use: and the chief reason of that interview, which was only to last for a few days, was to give each other a mutual account of the state of their Provinces, and to renew the Sentiment of their Common Interests. The General Assembly at their breaking up was to nominate the Council which should appoint ●…e time and place for the first Interview.  
The Marshal Duke de Bovillon approved the said Regulation 
The Marshal de Bovillon will not allow the Ministers to make a separate order or Body in those Councils.  as well as the rest, and signed it: but he protested against the Ministers, whom he would not allow to make a ●…ody a part: and he writ the said Protestation when signed it. La ●…otte Grimout, Counsellor in the Parliament of Roven, was ●…e only person who imitated him. His motive for it was, 〈…〉 particular grudge, for having received a Censure from the Assembly, to which he did not doubt but the Ministers, a ●…rt of people a little inclined to censure, had contributed considerably. But the Marshal's Motive was his being abandoned by the Ministers, who formerly used to follow ●…s advice almost Implicitly. Some of them had said some ●…ings in their Sermons which he took to be designed against him: and notwithstanding du Plessis remonstrated to ●…m, even after the Dissolution of the Assembly, That the ●…d Protestation was not only useless, but of ill consequence, 〈…〉 still persisted in it, and threatened that the thing should ●…t remain so. The truth is that he excepted some Ministers, who by reason of their mildness and capacity, seemed 〈…〉 him to deserve a Rank in the Assemblies. This perhaps ●…as an effect of Resentment; but that Resentment was so ●…ell suited to the Maxims of the Court, where the 
* Ministers and Elders etc.  Con●…toriats had been so long reputed the persons who were to be ●…ar'd in Assemblies, That it looked as if he had a mind to ●…e angry on purpose to please them. Neverthless, he kept his word; and whereas he always appeared zealous 〈…〉 other things for his Religion, this did not forfeit his Credit 〈…〉 the least in the Provinces; of which some afterwards forbade the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies, and to 
† Petitions and Addresses. Substance of the General Cahier and of the answer made to it.  preach against the Sentiments of private persons.  
Before I make an end of what relates to the said Assembly, 〈…〉 is necessary to give some account of the substance of their * Cahiers', and of the answers that were made to them; since they occasioned those fatal divisions. I will only give an abstract of them, by reason that they are set forth at large, at the end of this Volume. They contained 57 Articles, of which the three first demanded the re-establishment of the Edict; and of its particular Articles, in their first form; and the verification of them in the Sovereign Courts. The King refused these three Articles directly, being willing, as he said, to conform to the resolutions of the King his Father, which he called Good and Holy, and who had explained himself upon that Subject, in the year 1602 The fourth demanded Commissioners, of which one should be of the Reformed Religion, and nominated by the Reformed of the Province to which he was to be sent, and the other a Catholic: unless the Reformed had rather leave the execution of the Edict, to the Bailiffs or Seneshals of the places, which should be obliged to take a Reformed Associate. The King granted it for such places in which the Edict was not put in execution, according as the Parliaments had verified it. The fifth demanded for the Reformed Communities, which did possess some Fief, or some Judicature of the quality mentioned by the seventh Article of the Edict, the right of performing the exercise of the Reformed Religion there: and the King referred them to the observation of the Article of the Edict without any Alteration. The sixth demanded that the exercise of their said Religion performed in 1577, and 1597, however it had been established, even by Power, of Fief, although the Fief were since possessed by a Catholic, even by an Ecclesiastic, should notwithstanding be continued there The King without deciding whether the Articles 9 and 10 of the Edict were favourable, or contrary to the said pretention referred them, to the observation and maintenance of the same. The seventh remonstrating that the exercise of the said Religion ought to be re-established in certain places, by Virtue of the 10th Article of the Edict of Nantes, where it could not be performed without exposing the Reformed to the danger of a Tumlt, by reason of the long discontinuation thereof, demanded that the right of it might be transferred to other places of the Province which the Synod sold appoint. The King answered that the Commissioners should inquire, both as to the right of performing the said exercise in those places, and the reasons of the interruption thereof; after which it should be regulated: which made the Reformed sensible that it would go against them, by reason that the Possession of the same having been interrupted for reasons which the Court would approve of, they would not think it fit to restore them.  
The 8th renewed the Petition, that the Reformed might not 
Cahiers answered.  ●e obliged to qualify their Religion themselves in Public Acts, with the Title of Pretended Reformed. The King refused it; and referred them to the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Reformed in 1609, by the late King. The ●●h required that the Ministers might have the same exemption as the ecclesiastics. The King referred them to ●●e Exemption granted by the late King in 1604, by Letters Patent, which only freed them from the 
* A Land Tax, etc.  Taille▪ in that related to their Goods and Pensions. The 10th, grounded upon the 16 Article of the Edict, demanded the restitution of ●●e places that did formerly belong to the Reformed, without obliging them to justify their Possession by Titles. The King referred it to his Commissioners, who should ●●use a restitution to be made of those usurped Places, provided the Reformed could prove that they had lost their Titles or Writings. In the 11th they desired an exemplary punishment of such Preachers, Confessors, and other ecclesiastics as did forbid the Catholics to hold any Communication with the Reformed; as to serve them, to nourish their Children, to undertake their Affairs: and who declared that all those who frequented them would be Damned. In case they could not be seized, the Article required their Superiors should be responsible for the same, and that the Attorneys General and their Substitutes should ●e enjoined to see it performed, The answer instead of the punishment required, forbade only, according to the 17th Article of the Edict, Seditious Sermons and Discourses, and made a very mild Exhortation to Preachers, to aim only in their Sermons to preserve public Peace, and Tranquillity. The 12th complained of the multiplicity of Festivals; and desired that the Commissioners might retrench some of them, in such places where it should be desired; That neither they nor the Curates might be allowed to become Parties in the examinations of the Contraventions of the same; nor the Provosts, Warders, or other Officers to prosecute the same, nor even Sergeants without a positive order from the Judge of the place. The answer spoke nothing as to the restriction of the number; and confirmed the 20th Article of the Edict. The 13th related properly to the Affair of the Duke de Sully, and of the Catholics that embraced the Reformed Religion, demanding the observation of the 27th Article of the Edict concerning Employments; and the re-establishment of such from whom any had been taken without observing the usual forms: That is without having convicted them of any fault by which they could forfeit the same. The ancient Jurisprudence of the Kingdom allowed no other reason to take away a place from a Man, unless he desired to be discharged himself for some known reason. The answer said in a word that the Article of the Edict should be observed: leaving a just cause to believe by that briefness, that the King would allow no re-establishment of that Nature. The four following related to Churchyards and Burials, and demanded the confirmation of the Possession of the places which they had enjoyed since the verification of the Edict; the delivery of some convenient places in those parts where they had none; leave to perform their Burials in the day time, even in such places where they were obliged by the Treaty to perform them at inconvenient hours; and good regulations to prevent Seditions and Tumults, in such places where the Gentry and other Reform had right of Burial in the Chapels of their Predecessors. The answers preserved to the Reformed the possession of the Churchyards, which had been delivered to them by the Commissioners; ordered others to be delivered to them, according to the answer to the Cahier of 1602, referred to the Commissioners to consider in what places their Burials might be allowed in the day time, without fear of a Sedition; and refusing to allow the Reformed to be Buried in the Churches, by reason that it was contrary to the Canons, prejudicial to the Catholic Religion, and capable to give a Scandal and Discontent to those that professed it, it only allowed that the Commissioners being upon the place, should seek expedients to preserve to the Successors of the Reformed, the Rights which belonged to them as Patrons.  
The 18th which demanded leave to establish little Schools in all Cities and Towns of the Kingdom, received 
Cahirs answered.  only leave, by the answer, to have one Schoolmaster in the Towns, in the Suburbs of which the exercise of the Reformed Religion was allowed; there to teach reading and Writing only; forbidding them to teach new Doctrines; That is, as it has been explained since, even to make Children repeat their Catechisms; and to receive above twelve of the Neighbourhood in any Place. The 19th required the same Privileges for the Academies of Saumur and of Montauban, as were enjoyed by the other Academies of the Kingdom: and the Answer putting the Change upon them, allowed them to establish Colleges in such Places where the Exercise of their Religion was allowed, and gave those Colleges the same Privileges of the other Colleges, received and approved of in the Kingdom. This signified nothing, by reason that the Immunities of simple Colleges erected by the Wills of private Persons are nothing. The 20th tended to obtain that the Catholic Counsellors, who were to serve in the Chambers of the Edict, might be chosen with the Deputies of the Churches, ●o the end that none might enter there but persons of Equity and Moderation; and that the same might remain there at least three years without being changed: but by the Answer the King looked upon that choice as a right which only belonged to him, and which he would keep. The 21st which desired two places of Counsellors, to equal the Chamber of Neraci to that of Castres', was waved by the Answer; under pretence that there were too many Officers, or places in the Kingdom already: and in order▪ to answer the inconvenience of recusations, which sometimes reduced the number of the Judges below that which was required by the Ordinances, the King allowed the said Chamber to judge to the number of Eight, as it was practised in some Parliaments. The 22th complained that in most Causes the Catholic Judges were divided in the Chambers of Guyenne and of Languedock; which they imputed to the Passion of the Parliaments, who having the liberty to nominate to the King the Counsellors of their Courts which were to serve in the said Chambers, always named the most passionate: Wherefore they desired that the number of those Counsellors might be filled up in part with some Counsellors of the Grand Council, and part of those of the said Parliaments, which the King should choose himself upon the List. The King refused to alter the method of forming those Chambers; and promised to take care as to the choice of those that should serve in them, to the satisfaction of the Reformed. The three following petitioned the Creation of some Offices, especially in Dauphine: and by the Answers the King said that Patents had been given for some, and that he could not grant the others; for which he gave a remarkable reason, viz. That he had promised to make no new Creation in that Province.  
The 26th contained complaints for that the Parliament 
Cahiers answered.  from which the Causes of the Reformed were removed to the Chambers of the Edict or Party-Chambers, gave Decrees against the Sergeants who within their Precincts did Execute the Decrees of the Chambers, into which those causes were removed; and desired that since the Sergeants being frighted by the said Decrees, refused to put the said Sentences in Execution, his Majesty would be pleased to Create two Royal Offices of Sergeants in every Bayliwick, to be given to the Reformed; and the following petitioned the same thing for two Offices of Notaries. The King refused those new Creations; and pretended to remedy the said Grievances by commanding those who had such Offices, to make, or receive all the Acts as should be demanded or offered to them by the Reformed. Three other Articles related to the Validity of the Certificates given by the ministers; The regulations of the Judges; and the time of descriptions, of which the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy refused to deduct a certain number of years, of which the Edicts allowed the deduction in favour of the Reformed: and upon those Articles the King granted nothing new, or at least of any moment. The 31st demanded ●e revocation of a Clause which took away the right of transferring Causes into the Chambers of the Edict, from those who had not made an open profession of the Reformed Religion six Months before their requiring the said removal; and this demand related particularly to ecclesiastics, who after having changed their Religion, remained opposed to the hatred of the Parliaments, who were very ●ere against men of that Character. The answer was very ●●tile; and in refusing to alter any thing about the Clause ●● six Months, the King promised that he would take care ●● the Causes of the ecclesiastics, if they made their applications to him. The Reformed were very sensible that ●● meaning of this was, that after having changed their religion the ecclesiastics would be used worse in the Council than in the Parliaments. The 32d desired a right of transferration for the Reformed, Heirs to those that had ready proceeded before the Parliaments; and for those ●o should have their right by 
* Yielding up a Title or Right to a Creditor, etc.  Session, or otherwise. The King refused it to the Cessionaries, by reason that it ●●ght be done fraudulently: but he granted it to Heirs, ●●serving at the same time that the said Concession was a ●…our. It is true: but it was so slight a one, that it was ●●rdly worth observing; the occasion of using it, not occurring perhaps once in 50 years. The 33d demanded ●● Foreign Inhabitants, or Traders in the Kingdom, the ●●e Priviliges as were enjoyed by the other Reformed, and particularly that of transferring of Causes. The King by ●s answer reserved to himself to do them Justice, incase they appealed to him. The 34th desired that the Privilege to take a Reformed Assistant or Associate in all criminal Causes, in which the Reformed were concerned might be extended to all the Provinces; and not only observed for some which were specified in the 66th Article of the Edict. The King granted it for the instruction only; but he would not allow the Associate a deliberative Vote in the Judgement of the Process. The 35th desired that the Judgement of the 
* By whom the Cause ought to be tried.  Competence in 
† Criminal Cases.  Provotal Cases, which by the 67th Article of the Edict was referred to the nearest 
* Courts of Justice.  Presidial Seats, within the jurisdiction of some Parliaments, might be transferred to the Chambers of the Edict, as in the others. The reason of this demand was evident. The jurisdiction of the Provost being quick and without appeal, the Reformed were ever in danger of perishing by the sentences of those Judges, when a Presidial in which the Catholics were the strongest was Master of the said Competence. Nevertheless, the King refused to alter any thing about it.  
The 36th related to the Education of Children, whose 
Cahiers answered.  Fathers had not named Guardians at their Death; and desired that they might be put under the tuition of persons that should breed them up in the Religion of their Fathers▪ The Answer referred it to the General Law of the Kingdom; That is at the Election of Tutors or Guardians, chosen by the Relations, and thus exposed the Children of the danger of falling into the hands of Catholic Guardians, whenever the nearest, or most considerable Relations, which are commonly pitched upon by the rest, should be Catholics. The 37th desired that the resignations of Precedents or Counsellors which had been promoted at the nomination of the Church, might not be received unless by the same nomination. The King reserved to himself the choice and nomination of the persons. The 38th tended to prevent the injustices that were done to the Reformed, who had Estates in the County of Avignon, and desired that leave might be given to the Officers there residing to give Reprisals, after the Solemnities that were required, to the Reformed to whom Justice had been denied: Notwithstanding what was ordained upon that Subject by the 51st of the particular Articles. The King would have them to apply themselves to him to obtain Letters of Reprisals; only allowing the Officers to draw Verbal Processes of the State of the Case. This engaged the poor Reformed into infinite expense and delays. The 39th required the Confirmation and Execution of the Briefs granted to the Churches in 1598., and since: upon which the King ordained that they should be represented; as if his Council had been ignorant of the Contents. The 40th renewed the demand of two Places of Masters of Requests, promised to the Reformed: and the King waved it by the usual evasion, that care should be taken about it, when any Vacancies should happen by death. The two following demanded the augmentation of the sum promised for the Salary of the Ministers; and of new assignments for the payment of the Arrears. The King promised to consider of what might be proper to gratify them; but he refused them new assignations for the old Arrears, under pretence that it was a general disease, and that all those that had been assigned at the same time had suffered the same loss, without receiving any Reimplacement.  
The 14 following Articles related to the Places of Surety. 
Cahiers answered.  The 43d demanded that the Guard of all those which the Reformed held, might be left them for ten whole Years, to begin from the Day the last Brief would expire; and that in the New Brief, the Court should specify those that were contained in the Settlements drawn in 1598.: Those that were comprehended with the others under the Denomination of 
* Cities or Towns annexed to others.  Marriage, and those that belonged to private persons, in which Garrisons had been kept. The Answers was cruel upon that Article. It reduced the places of Surety to those that were expressed in the Brief of the 14th of May 1598., and declared that those that were called of Marriage, were not comprehended amongst the places of Surety. It only allowed as a Favour, that no innovations should be made: but it refused them the keeping of all the other 
* Towns, Castles. etc.  Places; and only left them such as were really places of Surety but for Five Years. Thus two thirds of the Places in which they held Garrisons were taken from them by one dash of a Pen. The 44th desired that no Innovations might be made in the Places they held, in which there was no Garrison established by the settlments; and that incase any had been made, they should be redressed. The King granted that Article; and ordered his Commissioners to redress the said Innovations, according to the instructions they should receive. The 45th desired the restitution of several Places, among which they named Caumont, Tartas, le Mont de Marsan and Montandre. The King absolutely refused the first and last, and promised to put Reformed Garrisons in the other Two. The 46, 47, and 48, desired good Assignments upon the clearest part of the Receipts, for the full sum of 540000 Livers, which had been promised to them by the Brief of the last of April 1598.; That the Sums which had been deducted out of it, for the settlement of the Pensions that were given to private persons, might be returned to the Mass again; That the Arrears might be paid, and such Sums as were not paid in reimplaced. The King refused it all, excepting only the Assignment upon the clearest part of the Receipts, which is such cases is always granted, and never performed: But he paid the Reformed with Reasons instead of better Money; and told them that the retrenchment they complained of, had been made under the Reign of the Late King, at a time when retrenching the Garrisons of the Catholic Cities, he had been obliged to do the like to the Reformed, lest the Catholics should complain. But in order to excuse himself from re-implacing of the Arrears and Sums unpaid, he added a reason which favoured more of a Test than a serious Answer. He said that there was no reason to desire it, since the Places for the preservation of which the said Sums were designed, had been as well kept as if the said Sums had been paid. According to this Notion, a Debtor might very well excuse himself from paying the Arrears of his Debts, by reason that his delaying to pay them had not reduced his Creditors to Starve.  
The 49th desired the King would be pleased to use his 
Cahiers Answered.  Interest with the Prince of Orange to put a Reformed Governor into the Castle of Orange, according to the late King's promise to the Assembly of Chatelleraud. The King who did not pretend to the Right which his Successor has usurped over the said Principality, declared that he had restored the said Principality to the Prince of Orange to whom it did belong; and that he had obliged him to make a Declaration, in favour of the Reformed of the said City, which they were satisfied with. Upon which pretence he tacitly refused the Mediation promised by the late King. As to the 50th which spoke of the Resignation of Governments, which could not be done without the approbation of the Churches of the Province: and of the Nomination of of a new Governor by the Deputies General, in such Places where the Government should become vacant by Death, the King referred them to the Brief of 1598., and to the Articles of the Edict, both General and Secret, which he said had always been observed. Upon the 51st, which desired that the Captains and Lieutenants of the Garrisons might not be chosen without the approbation of the Governors: the King answered that he would do what he thought best for the advantage of his Service. The 52d, desired the Liberty to perform the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in all those Places, and that no body might be allowed to dispute that right. Upon which the King ordered the observation of the Edict of Nantes in General Terms. The 53d, desired that the Jesuits might not be allowed to have Colleges, Seminaries, or Houses in the places of Surety; nor to Preach, Teach, Confess, or Reside in the same: and that throughout the Kingdom they should be reduced to the terms prescribed by the Edict of their re-establishment. The King's answer engaged him to nothing, he said that the Jesuits not being allowed to settle a College without his leave, he would take care, that the Reformed should have no reason to complain. The Jesuits had too much power at Court to suffer the King to make a more positive answer upon that Article. The 54th desired the prevention of accidents that might be occasioned by the Processions, which the Catholics affected to make in the Churches and Chapels of the Castles in which the Reformed had but weak Garrisons; and did propose some expedients in order thereunto. The King referred them to what should be ordained by his Commissioners, after having taken the advice of the Governors of the Provinces, or Lieutenant's General. The 55th spoke of the necessary means to maintain or repair the Garrisons, and to secure them; desiring to that end the execution of the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Assembly of Gergeau. The King allowed the reparations of the said places at the Charge of the Inhabitants; and that they should apply themselves to the Council to obtain leave to impose such sums as should be necessary: promising only some assistance in case of an urgent necessity. The 56th desired that the Artillery, Arms and other Ammunitions of War which were in the said places, might be left there, and not transported elsewhere; that what had been already removed might be returned to them; and that they might have their share of the Distribution of Arms and Amunitions, which was made yearly to the other Towns of the Kingdom. The Answer on the contrary, ordered an account to be brought in of the Artillery and Amunitions that were in the said places, in order to dispose of them, promising only to leave so much as was necessary for the Defence of the said places. The 57th desired that the General Assemblies might be held every other year; that the Deputies General might officiate but two years; and that the Assemblies might only be obliged to Nominate two, that should be approved of by the King. The answer was that he would allow such Assemblies when he thought fit: and that they should Nominate six Persons.  
There were some other Articles at the end of all those ●ating to the Churches of Bearn, as I have said heretofore: 
Articles in favour of Bearn.  but the King's answer to them was, That the Late ●●g never having approved the Union of the Churches of ●●at Principality with those of France, he could not allow it neither: but he promised to receive the particular petitions of that Province. Finaly, the Assembly broke ●●, though disatisfied with those Answers; and the Deputies repaired to their respective homes laying the blame of the ill success of their good intentions upon one another. Those ●ho did side with the Marshal de Bovillon blamed the obstinacy of the contrary Party, imputing all the fault to that; ●●d the others upbraided these with having taught their 
Mutual reproaches of the Members of the Assembly.  enemies how to ruin the Churches, by breaking the Union ●●signedly, and by a manifest Conspiracy. Most of the Reformed were very much dissatisfied with the answers made to their 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers: and seeing that instead of granting them ●●y new favours upon their Complaints, at a time when they had just reasons of diffidence, their Privileges and Sureties were encroached upon more than ever, they applied ●●e Fable of the Camel to themselves, who complaining that ●ature had been unkind to him, in not giving him Defensive ●●rms, as to the Lion, Elephant, and Bull; obtained no ●●her fruit of his Complaints but to have his Ears ●orten'd. So the Assembly having expected from the King's ●ood Will some favour suitable to the time, had only obtained illusive answers; in which Injustice was joined to Contempt.  
During the Session of the Assembly there appeared divers 
Books which make a noise.  Books which made a Noise. Mayerne published one which was not proper to gain the Queen's heart. He maintained in ●t that neither Women nor Children ought ever to be admitted to the Government. This was conformable to the Ancient ●ight of the Monarchy, which attributed the Regency to the nearest Princes of the Blood during Minorities. But an expample or two to the contrary had removed the Princes from that Employment: and they were too poor or too weak at that time, to resume their Rank. The said Book w●… condemned; and the Author Fled. Gourmandier had al●… 
Niceness of the Doctrine concrning the Authority of Kings.  printed a Treatise about the Right of Kings: But it wa●… prohibited as well as the other, and all the Copies that cou●… be met with seized. The pretence used for the said Prohibition, was that the Author had mixed divers Maxims 〈…〉 his Religion in the said Book, which the Court did not approve. But in general the true reason of it was, that the Authority of Kings is a very nice Point, which cannot 〈…〉 treated of without offending them; in so much that King had rather that nothing should be said about it, than ev●… to speak advantageously of it. Moreover the Doctrine 〈…〉 the Reformed is commonly divided into two Parts upon the Subject, which offend two sorts of People. The one allo●… King's a perfect Independency in relation to the Pope; a●… the same authority over the Clergy, as over the rest of the Subjects. The other makes King's liable to observe Equity and Justice; The Fundamental Laws of the State, the Oaths and Edicts; and proposes the preservation of the Subjects to them as the Universal Rule of their Soverai●… Power. So that it is impossible for their Doctrine to 〈…〉 well received among Catholic Princes. The first part e●… animates all the Roman Cabal against them: and the seco●… all the Slaves of the Court. The Clergy never scruples 〈…〉 Sacrifice public Liberty to their own Grandeur: and P●…ces little value the Pope's Enterprises, provided they e●… an Arbitrary Power over their People. Moreover the● was a particular reason for the Condemnation of the 〈…〉 Book. The Doctrine of the Jesuits upon that Subject w●… detested by all the Kingdom; and the condemnation 〈…〉 Bellarmin's Book was actually prosecuted in the Parliament of Paris. It was sufficient for those subtle Politicians to se●… themselves dishonoured by Decrees from the Soveraig●… Courts: they did not seem to be very sensible to those 〈…〉 fronts, because they had been used to them, and were ha●… denned in them, from the very beginning of their Socie●…▪ But they could not have endured that while they were tre●…▪ Enemies to Sovereign Power, the Reformed should be al●…ed to be the Defenders of it. Therefore they obtained 〈…〉 Condemnation of the said Book, to involve it in the ●…e Censure with those of their Doctors.  
But the Book which made most noise upon that Subject, 
Books of Du Plessis.  ●…s that which du Plessis published during the Session of the ●…embly in which he did preside, and which he had entitled ●…e Mystery of Iniquity. It was not so much the dignity of 〈…〉 Subject, and the reputation of the Author which made the ●…k to be taken notice of, as a Cut which was fixed at the head 〈…〉 the Work, which did revenge du Plessis highly for the af●…nt he had received at Fontainbleau. The Pride of Paul 〈…〉 5th, who filled the Holy See of Rome at that time, and 〈…〉 Flatteries of his Creatures did afford him a large Field ●…stile him Antichrist. The first Leaf of the Book repre●…ted a Tower of Babe●, of a prodigious Architecture, ●…ch appeared to the Spectators a subject of Admiration, 〈…〉 it was only sustained by some pieces of Timber, which ●…re set on fire. Two Latin Verses advised the Spectators 〈…〉 to admire that vast Building which would tumble ●…wn, as soon as ever the fire had consumed those feeble ●…porters. In the next place you saw the Effigies of Paul 〈…〉 5th accompanied with Inscriptions so haughty and 〈…〉 Impious, That it would have been impos●…e to give the Reformed a better hold, though it had been ●…he disignedly. Whatever Flatteries can be attributed to Temporal Prince; whatever Holy Writ has spoken with 



Number of 666. Paulo 5 Vice-deo,  
V. 5.  
L. 50  
V. 5.  
V. 5.  
I. 1.  
C. 100  
D. 500  
666    Justness of the Calculation.  ●…st Emphasis of Jesus Christ himself, was applied to that ●…pe; and underneath the Figure there was a Motto, ●…ich gave him the Title of Vice-God. This was copied ●…m a Picture made in Italy, to adorn a Triumphal Arch ●…s'd in honour of that new Pope. But that which was ●…ost remarkable was that the name of Paul the 5th, joined that of Vice-God in Latin, in the case which belongs to ●…e Inscriptions, filled up very justly the famous number 〈…〉 666, which all the Christians according to the testimony of St. John in the Apocalypse, look upon to be the number of Antichrist. Joining the value of the Numeral Letter of that name, according to the use of the Latins made 〈…〉 that mystical number.  
Du Plessis triumphed upon that important discovery. 'T●… said that he had been informed that the Queen designed 〈…〉 recall him to Court, and to employ him again; and tha● his Friends had advised him, either to defer or to suppre●… the Edition of this Book, which would not fail to invol●… him into new Troubles. But he preferred the advantage of 〈…〉 Religion to that of his Fortune at Court. The Reformed who were great admirers of those kind of observations did not fail to draw certain presages from thence of th● decay of the Roman See, which manifested its Antichristanity by such evident Characters. To say the tr●… that number was made out there so naturally, that it neither required learning, nor stretching to find it o●…▪ There was no need to invent a new Orthography, or bar●… rous Names, nor ambiguous Words: and the Title of Vi●… God, which made the greatest part of that number, w●… so well adapted to the Authority which Antechrist was●… pretend, according to the predictions of Scripture, That seemed to require no other information upon that Subje●…▪ Those who had treated about it before, had never imagined any thing so just: and those who have spoken 〈…〉 it since have invented nothing farther. There was no 〈…〉 cessity to look for that fatal number either in the Greek● Hebrew; nor to make use of a Calculation unknown to t●… Vulgar, and not in use in the Language in which the application of it was made. All this was found in the Language and in the manner of Calculating of the Latin which the Catholics call that of the Church: which see● to be necessary in this Question, which relates, according the Catholics themselves, to a man who is to possess 〈…〉 Roman See. So that it is no wonder that du Plessis should value himself upon that happy Discovery; and that t●… Reformed looked upon it as a real Triumph of their Doctrine▪ The Catholics was strangely moved at the said Book; the Po●… made great complaints about it; The Sorbonne censured it; and some private persons undertook to refute it. Among the rest one de Brai St. german endeavoured to excuse the Pope, and laid the blame of the excess of the Elogys and the Impiety of the Applications upon the sordid flatteries of the Courtiers. But he made himself ridiculous ●y endeavouring to apply the same number to du Plessis: which he did by turning his name as many ways as he could imagine. The Catholics have followed that method until our Days, from the time of the Reformation, ●s if that Number were the less applicable to their Church, when by a thousand violent efforts they find the way to apply it to another Subject. Antichrist himself, according ●o the very notion of their own Doctors, might make use of that secret, to prove that he is not the person meant by the Apocalypse, because that name has been applied for example, to Paul the 5th, with justness enough. That method has nevertheless proved useful to them: In turning by those forced applications the mystery of that Number into a railliry, they have evaded the serious applications that might be made of it to the See of Rome.  
Before I resume the sequel of what the return of the 
Sedition at Paris.  Deputies in the Provinces did produce, it will not be ackiss to speak a word or two of a Sedition which the Catholics excited at Paris against the Reformed. Part of the Churchyard called Trinity was allowed them. A person of ●he Reformed Religion caused his Child's Corpse to be carried ●…hither in open day. Two Marshals men accompanied it to secure it. But their presence did not hinder an Apprentice from abusing and flinging of Stones at the Reformed who followed the Corpse: and his Master in imitation of it did the same. The Marshal's men endeavouring to suppress the said Violence, increased the evil instead of appeasing it. The Mob fell upon them as well as upon the Reformed. Several of them were wounded, and among the rest one of the Officers. As the Court was yet uncertain of the success of the Affairs of Saumur, they thought fit not to leave the said Sedition unpunished. Those who had begun it were seized. The Apprentice was condemned to the Whipping Post, and his Master to stand by. They appealed to the Parliament, which confirmed the said Sentence, and it was executed.  
The Deputies of the Provinces being come home, Provincial 
Return of the Deputies into their Provinces.  Assemblies were called to hear their Proceedings. This report of new Assemblies made the Court fear that the discontents given to that of Saumur might be attended with worse consequences than was expected. New expedients were sought after; and they followed the advice of the Marshal de Bovillon, which was to send away the Commissioners the King had promised with all speed; who under pretence of performing the answers to the Cahier, might easily dissipate the said Assemblies. Lest the Reformed Commissioners should cross that design, the Marshal named all 
Commissioners in diver● places where they are not received.  those that were at his Devotion in every Province. This was done with so little secrecy, that several Provinces refused to receive them. The Lower Guyenne gave the example of that refusal; and several others followed it; though the Wisest were of opinion that it would be the best war to let them perform their Office without any hindrance. It will be easy to judge of what the Commissioners were to do in every Province, by the manner of proceeding of those that were deputed for Berry. They arrived at Blois at the time the Synod was assembling there; and whereas 
Synod at Blois which the Commissioners are alarmed at.  they were not acquainted with the nature of those Assemblies, they were suppried to see it composed of 50 persons; and cited them to appear before them. Twelve Deputies were sent to them, having the Moderator and his Associate at the Head of them. The Commissioners endeavoured to persuade them that their Assembly savoured of a Cabal; and in order to remove all ill thoughts from them, they made a large Discourse to them about the Queen's good intentions. The answer of the Reformed was a little cold at first. They said that they had been told the same at Saumur; That the Deputies General writ the same thing to them; and that there was no necessity to Cite the Assembly, only to tell them that, They refused to acknowledge the Commissioners very civility, covering the said refusal with an entreaty that they would be pleased not to meddle with their Affairs, nor with the complaints that had already been prensented to them: and whereas the Commissioners did not desist notwithstanding their civility, the Assembly sent them notice soon after it, That they appealed from their proceedings. The Commissioners on the other hand, acquainted 
They writ to Court about it.  the Court with their opinion of the said Assembly. They said that they had refused to acknowledge them in the quality of Commissioners; and that the Number of the Nobles was not so great as it used to be; That their Deputies went to and fro towards Saumur; That small nocturnal Assemblies were formed there under pretence of Treats; That they continued their Session, notwithstanding they had forbidden it; That they hindered them, with scorn from executing their Commission; That Vignier, Moderator, had declared that the Reformed would not accept the answer made to the Cahiers of the General Assembly; That they had new demands to make still; That they would resume in the National Synod which was to be held the following year at Privas, or at Rochel, what had been interrupted at Saumur; and that upon the order the Commissioners had given him to Dissolve the Assembly, he had answered that he would complain about it throughout the Kingdom. The Truth is that he explained himself the next day; and declared that he only meant the custom of acquainting the Churches with all that passed. Nevertheless, the Commissioners allowed them to continue the said Assembly, provided they meddled with nothing but the affairs of their Discipline: but they would not allow the report of what had been done at Saumur to be made otherwise than in their presence. The manner in which they wrote at Court was a little envenomed, but yet they owned that the Deputies had expressed a great deal of willingness and quickness in taking the Oath of Allegiance to the King and Queen. By allowing the continuation of the Assembly, with the restriction I have mentioned, they hindered them from making a Provincial Council, according to the resolution of the General Assembly: and they were seconded in that by the Consistory of Orleans, whose Deputy Memin and Hervet Doctor in Physic opposed the said Establishment with great heat, threatening even to acquaint the Magistrates with it. Moreover, the said Hervet writ a Libel against that design, which was not relished by the Court. These were the effects of the Divisions of Saumur, which were followed with the like discord in divers parts of the Kingdom.  
As Assemblies of this kind were made in all Parts, in 
Assembly at Casteljaloux which causes a kind of League of the Catholics.  which they renewed the Oath of Union, one of the same kind was held at Casteljaloux, which gave an occasion to the Catholics of Guyenne also to form a kind of Union among them, which savoured very much of a League. The Commissioners I have been speaking of mentioned the said Union of the Catholics in their Letters to the Queen; and in order to alleviate the reproach which that novelty deserved, they compared the Union of the Reformed to the League itself. Nevertheless, there was this difference between them, That there was no Conspiracy against the Catholics, which could oblige them to make a Confederacy to defend themselves: whereas the Reformed saw one throughout Europe, of which they felt dismal effects in divers parts. That was sufficient to oblige them to stand upon their guard in France. The Protestants in Germany were abused in all places by the Catholics. For which reason the Princes were assembled at Rotenburg, in order to apply themselves to their mutual preservation. Even in France they saw themselves exposed to bear the burden of every thing. The Jesuits had a violent desire to settle themselves at Troy's a rich City of Champagne, very Populous, and of a great Trade; and omitted nothing that Impudence, Deceit, and Malice are capable to invent in order to succeed in it. Nevertheless, they met so much opposition in their design, that they were constrained to give it over: But the Reformed suffered for it. The Jesuits feigned that ●…ir only design in endeavouring to settle in the said City ●…s to hinder Heresy from introducing itself there. The ●…y in order to remove that pretence obliged itself never 〈…〉 suffer the Reformed to settle there: which resolution ●…y have observed scrupulously.  
This was not the only Mortification that Society received at 
Mortifications received by the Jesuits  ●…t time. The Sorbonne divided their Censures between the ●…orm'd and the Catholics. As they had condemned the ●…ok of du Plessis, they also censured some propositions which 〈…〉 Jesuits had advanced concerning Ignatius their Founder, 〈…〉 declared them Impious. One of their Robe censured 〈…〉 Censure; and having no better reason to allege, he ●…ntain'd that it was good for nothing but to rejoice Cha●…ton and the Huguenots. They had a great Process with 〈…〉 University, for the overture of their College. Mar●…ere a famous Advocate stun'd them by a thundering Plea: 〈…〉 whereas the Parliament was not oppressed by a Superior ●…hority at that time, they gave a Decree in favour of the ●…versity. But the Jesuits had the cunning to publish a ●…ter without a Name, which they feigned to be written ●…hem, which comforted them for their Disgrace, putting ●…m in hopes of a time that would prove more favoura●… to them.  
Among the Commissioners that were sent into the Pro●…es, 
Commissioners in the Country of Gex.  le Masuier and Villarnoul had the district of Burgundy, 〈…〉 which the Country of Gex is a dependency. They did 〈…〉 meet with the same opposition in that Country, as had ●…n made else where to those that had the same Commis●…. Therefore we find several ordinances of theirs of the 〈…〉 of that year, and the beginning of the following, con●…ing the exercise of the Reformed Religion in that little ●…liwick: and the Rule of their Judgements was the Edict Nantes, which they looked upon as a Common Law to those who lived under the King's Obedience. Moreover, ●…e of the said Ordinances were given at the request of 〈…〉 Bishop of Geneva, and of the Catholics of that Canton, who desired that the said Law might be observed in favo●… of them. It was much for them at that time, to enjoy th●… privileges of the Edict: but time has given them more boldness; and they have finally oppressed in that Country, those by whom their Fathers had formerly thought themselves very happy to be Tolerated. An Essay of it appeared the following year.  
Perhaps the Reader will not be displeased to be informed 
The Reformed in a quarrel take the part of the House of Guise.  by a small affair of the Court, how much the Reformed were disposed to forget the hatred and violences past incase they had been any wise encouraged to do it by▪ better Treatment. The Count de Soissons, Son to a younger Brother of the Princes of Conde, who had been the Head of the Reformed, had a quarrel with the Duke of Guise▪ The Court sided with them as it is usual: but the Cou●… was abandoned almost by all the Reformed: and the Duke de Bovillon, de Rohan, de Sully, la Nove, Gouvernet, eve● the Grandsons of the Admiral Chatillon, and seven others offered their service to the Duke of Guise. Th●… was a very public Proof that they would not call him 〈…〉 an account for the Blood and Pains, which his Father ar●… Grandfather had cost them. 
1612.   
The following year was spent in little Disputes, whi●… without proceeding to an open War showed nevertheless that there were great Animosities; and that one side ha●… ill designs, and the others jealousies and diffidences. A●… the very beginning there happened an affair which pa●… 
Death of the Lord de Vatan.▪  without noise, though it might have proved of ill consequen●… at another time. The Lord of Vatan, a little Town i●… Berry which was of some defence, and in which he held 〈…〉 Garrison, was accused of favouring the Sale of Prohibited Salt in that Province, and to make Money of it himself. The Court ordered Informations to be brought in against him and that Gentleman thinking to terrify those that did it, committed some Violences, which obliged the Court to put their orders in execution. The Rebellion of that Lord not being suppressed by the first endeavours that were used to reduce him to his Duty, Forces were sent ●…inst him; he was besieged in his own House, and forced 〈…〉 surrender upon Discretion; and being sent Prisoner to 〈…〉 Conciergerie, he was condemned to Die by the Parliament of Paris. He had flattered himself that the Reform'd●…uld ●…uld Interess themselves for the preservation of his ●…wn: but no body stirred for him; and the Town was ●…en within sight of the Reformed, who did not offer in 〈…〉 least to defend it. Not but that there were People who ●…aded the consequence of it; and who were of opinion 〈…〉 they ought never to suffer the loss of any place of that ●…d, whatever pretences were used to attack it; by rea●… that if plausible pretences were sufficient, the Court ●…s too Ingenious not to find new ones daily, and to at●… them one after another. But the Gentleman's case was foreign to those in which Religion was concerned, That ●…y did not think it reasonable to make a general affair ●…t; nor to give their Enemies a reason to reproach them 〈…〉 they made use of the Cities that were committed to ●…r Guard, for the security of their Conscience and ●…es to protect those that were Violators of the Laws of 〈…〉 State. The Judges allowed the Baron de Vatan, after 
They allow him a Minister to prepare him to Die: but they hinder him from singing Psalms.  〈…〉 had received his Sentence to send for a Minister in Pri●… to prepare him to Die. The Reformed either Prisoners, ●…uch as repaired thither to accompany him had a mind to 〈…〉 some Verses of Psalms. But the Catholic Prisoners 〈…〉 others who came there out of Curiosity opposed it directly: and Fuzil Curate of the Parish of St. Bartholomew, ●…o came there in hopes of an occasion to perform some ●…on worthy of his Zeal, was one of the most earnest, 〈…〉 boldest. Their pretence was that the Edict allowed to ●…fort the Prisoners, but not to perform the exercise of 〈…〉 Reformed Religion in Prisons upon that account: much 〈…〉 in that place which was the Chapel of the conciergery. ●…e Reformed obeyed; and the Tumult ceased.  
But at the beginning of the same year, there were Deputy of Eight Provinces at Court, which did meet together in order 
Deputies of the Provinces at Paris.  to send thither, to resume the Affairs in the same condition in which the General Assembly had left them; and to Soli●…▪ His Majesty to add something more favourable, and more e●press to the answers he had made to their Cahier. The Deputy General received them as if they had spoken in the Na●… of all the Churches, because they were Deputed by 〈…〉 many Provinces, which were those in which the Reformed were the strongest. The Court did not use them so. The● were resolved to Condemn the Provincial Assemblys that h●… Deputed them, as Unlawful Assemblies: and therefore the● were obliged to send them back again without seeing, o● hearing them. But the fear of exasperating the said Provinces by that Affront, made them finally resolve to h●… them, after some difficulties. Moreover they entered in some Negociation with them; and the Queen being desire●… to have Du Plessis advice upon their Demands by an Expreshe sent to him it inclined People to believe that that aff●… would have a happy Issue. The Marshal de Bovillon hindered i●… and took it as an Affront to him and his that more should 〈…〉 granted at the Solicitation of the Deputies of those Unlaw●… Assemblys, than the Assembly of Saumur had been able to o●…tain. The Court which had no Inclination to favour the ●…form'd easily complied with the Marshal Duke; and taking for pretence that those Deputies of divers Assemblies not allow●… of, could not be looked upon otherwise than as private Persons who assumed the name of the General, they were sent ba●… 
Sent back Outragiousty.  without an Answer. Moreover the Court added Contume●… to Severity; discharging them in Writing in very offens●… Terms, which reflected at once on their Commission at their Persons.  
In the mean time they endeavoured to prevent the en●… which they foresaw that rigour might occasion; but th●… way they took for it proved more Injurious than the Evil●… self; and incuring one Wound made another more considerable, and more dangerous. Among all the Resolutions o● ●…e Assembly of Saumur, there was none troubled the ●…ourt more than that of Establishing Provincial Councils. ●…he Truth is that difficulties were met with in divers pla●…s for the Execution of that Regulation, and the same dis●…r'd which had troubled the General Assembly, embroiled ●…e particular ones: so that it made the Enterprise miscarry 〈…〉 some Provinces. But that Establishment was made in o●…ers; and neither Brigues, nor Craft could hinder it, The ●…ourt had no mind to proceed openly to the suppressing of ●…e said Assemblies for fear of exposing their Authority, by a resolution they might not be able to perform: But on the ●…her hand this new form of Assemblys, which fastened the ●…nion of the Churches with new Links, which the Coun●… designed to break at any rate, was the more Odious to the ●…ouncil, by reason that it was advantageous to the Party they ●…d a mind to Ruin. For that reason they be thought them●…ves of a Wile, which without prohibiting them directly ●…ade them pass Indirectly for Unlawful: and that design was ●…ver'd with the pretence of securing those against the proceedings of Justice as had assisted in the Assemblies of which the ●…eputies had been sent back by the Court with contumely. The ●…ng gave a Declaration on the 24th of April, which beginning 
Decleration of the 24th of April.  ●…th the design he had had to pursue for the preservation 〈…〉 the State the means which the Late King had used, to ●…ake it pass from an extreme desolation to a perfect Splen●…r, by degrees took notice of the answers given to the ●…hiers of the Assembly of Saumur, and of the sending of commissioners into the Provinces. Those two things were ●…opos'd in it as great proofs of the good Intentions of the ●…ourt, and as proper Expedients to remove all the Jealousies ●…d Fears, which had given the Reformed a pretence to hold ●…me Assemblys without leave, and which had created jealou●…es in others. Those Assemblies were only spoken of by the by: ●…ey were only styled Extraordinary; and they were only imputed to some of the Reformed; They said that they were only convened in some Provinces; The King declared that he was very ●…ell satisfied with the good Will, Zeal and Loyalty of the Generality: Nevertheless he altered his tone all of a sudden; and calling that a Crime, which he had just before expressed in such mild Terms, he granted the Remission and Forgiveness of the fault Committed by those who had occasioned the said Assemblies and had been concerned in the same, forbidding his Attorneys General and their Substitutes to make any Inquiry after, or prosecution for the same. So far there only appeared aprelude, of which the Mystery was concealed: but finally the last Article of the Declaration revealed it, prohibiting all Assemblies of that nature for the future, declaring them to be Interdicted by the 28 Article of the Edict, by the Ordinance of the 16th. of March 1606, and by the Answer given to the Cahiers in the Month of August of the said Year. Nevertheless the King allowed the Reformed still a full Liberty to hold Consistories, Conferrences, Provincial and National Synods, on condition that none but Ministers and Elders should be admitted in the same, and that they should only treat of their Doctrine and Ecclesiastical Discipline, on pain of forfeiting the Right of holding such Assemblies. The Moderators were to be responceable for it: and the Cognisance of the infractions was referred to the first Master of Requests being upon the place.  
The Deputies General being informed that the said Deelation 
The Deputies General oppose the Enrolment.  was sent to the Parliament, in order to be Registered, formed an opposition against it by a Petition, which contained an express disavowal of having required it; protesting that they looked upon it as injurious and prejudicial to the Reformed, and that in the name of the General they refused to make use of it. This opposition, and the proceedings of the said Deputies at Court, in order to put a stop to the said Declaration, stopped the Parliament for some days. But whereas the Count had only given that Pardon, to the end, that supposing the said Assembly to be Criminal, they might have a pretence to suppress them for the future, proceeded on: and the said Declaration was verified on the 25 of May in the Parliament of Paris, and in other places sooner, or later, according to the force of their Intrigues. Moreover the Court found out some Reformed who desired ●…e Inrolment of it, under pretence that having been engaged 
Which is notwithstanding performed.  imprudently in the said Assemblies, without knowing whether they were lawful or no, they stood in need of a Pardon for their Security. They were Creatures of Mar●…al de Bovillon, who had only assisted in them, in order 〈…〉 cross the Resolutions of the rest, or to give informations ●f what passed there. But yet the refusal of it was looked upon as general, since it was made by the Deputies General, who did represent all the Churches. So that the Inrolment of the said Declaration had something very singular 〈…〉 it. It granted a Pardon to persons who desired none; ●nd to whom it was only granted, in order to make them declare themselves guilty by accepting of it. It was a very ●ew sort of kindness to pardon people against their W●lls, ●ho desired no Pardon; and notwithstanding their opposition to make a Law of a Remission against which the persons concerned did protest, before the publication of it.  
The Inrolment was made the very next day after the 
National Synod of Privas.  overture of the National Synod, which was begun that year 〈…〉 Privas on the 24th of May: as if the Court expecting that the Synod would make some new Protestation against the Declaration, had designed to put it past retracting, when they ●…ould make remonstrances about it. It is certain at least ●…at this Synod resented it highly; as I will relate 〈…〉 after having mentioned some other important Acts which preceded it. This is one of the Synods that entered ●…rthest into Political Affairs. They examined the Conduct ●f those that had created a Schism at Saumur, and that ●nited themselves to prefer the smaller number to the Plurality of Voices, according to the Queen's Letter. They 
Censures about the Divisions of Saumur.  pronounced a general Censure against those that were concerned in that Conspiracy. They declared that the concored 〈…〉 often Sworn, had been violated by that Artifice; and ●hat the Divisions of the Assembly had given the King's Council an occasion to wave their just demands. Therefore they renewed the Union, which was signed and Sworn by all the Deputies; who promised to get it signed and sworn by all the Churches of their Provinces. The Instrument that was 
Union Signed and Sworn.  drawn of it contained a promise to Live and Dye in the profession of their Confession of Faith and Discipline, under the Authority and for the Service of the King and Queen Regent, the Empire of God remaining whole. It was in order to contribute to that Union that a last and definitive division of the Kingdom was made into 16 Provinces, in which Bearn was Comprehended. Till then the number had not always been the same: which had sometimes occasioned disputes in the Deputations to the National Synods, and General Assemblies.  
In the next place the Synod took Cognisance of some divisions 
Private Divisions.  which occasioned mischief and scandal in several places. There were places where the Governor and Minister did not agree: The one being of the number of the Complaisant, and the other of the Zealous. In other places the Ministers could not agree among themselves; which created Parties in their Churches, which the Court knew very well how to improve. Even at Montauban, Benoit and Beraud had continual disputes. Beraud was the most passionate of the two: he had more Vigour and Impatience, and was capable in case of necessity to quit the Pen to draw a Sword: which in time drew mortifying affairs upon him. Bencit had more weakness: but his Cause was the best; and the Synod of the Province had adjuged it more than once in his favour. Nevertheless, the National Synod obliged him to yield to his Competitor; and sent him to serve in the Neighbourhood: but in order to comfort him for that disgrace, they gave him very honourable Testimonials. The Synod thought themselves obliged to perform this Act of Authority, for the preservation of Montauban, which might have been in dangered by the continuation of a dispute which had already lasted many years.  
Ferrier was not forgotten in that Synod. It was upon his account they made an Act which excluded the Professors of Theology out of the Political Assemblies. But they proceeded farther yet against him, and tried him in a very mortifying manner. He had of late thrown of his Mask with so ●…ttle prudence, that he seemed to have lost his Senses. The ●…arty he had taken at Saumur had rendered him odious in his Province, and to one part of his Church. He was sensible that ●…ey would prosecute him in the National Synod: and that ●f the Lower Languedock was so prejudiced against him, that ●e was afraid of a shameful Censure. But the means he used to prevent it, only served to render it inevitable. He ●…ade several suspicious journeys to Court, without the participation of his Church. The Ministers of Paris who ●…ok'd upon him as a dangerous man, used their utmost endeavours to reclaim him. They thought to flatter his ambition by offering him a place in their Church, which wanted a Minister: and there was a great deal of reason to believe that having by his ill Conduct reduced himself to the necessity of quiting the Church of Nimes, his vocation in the service of the Church of Paris would make him amends for ●hat disgrace, and would be a fair pretence for him to quit ●…s Province with honour. Besides they were less afraid of ●…m at Paris than at Nimes. He would have had learned, vigorous Colleagues there, to have an eye over his actions, who would perhaps have prevented his total ruin. He accepted the offers ●…at were made to him at first; and even received the reproaches that were made to him for his past faults with great marks ●f Repentance. He confessed all; he condemned himself; ●e wept; but after having promised never to abandon his Profession, and to exert it at Paris; he retracted it un●and somely: and whether it were that he had promised to ●o things for the service of the Court, which this new vocation would disable him from performing; or whether he thought he had credit enough by his friends means, to main●…imself at Nimes in spite of his Province; or whether ●…e were absolutely possessed by the Jesuits, and only acted ●…y their inspirations, he left Paris without a pretence; and without taking his leave of the Ministers there, from whom ●e had received so civil and honourable a Treatment.  
All this was taken into consideration at Privas; a●… du Moulin who gave an account there of what had 〈…〉 
Grave accusations against him in the Synod.  at Paris, where Ferrier had discovered a mind equa●… haughty, fickle and without Faith, represented, his conduct to be very irregular. Divers accusations were added to 〈…〉 relating to his life past, which was examined rigorously They upbraided him for having neglected his procession of Theology; for having Preached Doctrines that we●… not Orthodox; for having taken upon him the management of Money, and applied a very considerable Su●… of it to his own use unlawfully; for having himself forged or consented to the forging of certain. Letters which h●… engaged him into shameful affairs, and dishonourable d●…guises. They censured, him severely upon all these Articles; 
Which censures him grievously.  but besides the Verbal Censure, the Synod Injoyn●… him to write to the Church of Paris to make th●… satisfaction; forbade him to appear in Political Assembl●… for the space of six years; and ordered him to e●… his Ministry out of the Province of Languedoc.  
Ferrier was too haughty to obey; and though he did n●… 
Nimes deputes to preserve him.  expect so ill a treatment, he was not disheartened. He h●… Friends at Nimes, and his Faction was increased by a●… those who were at the devotion of the Court. By tho●… means he prevailed with the Church and City of Ni●… to send Deputies to the Synod on his behalf. They chose them among the Councelors of the Presidial, the Body 〈…〉 the City and the Ministers. The Synod gave them hearing; and they omitted nothing to prevail upon the●… and to obtain the Revocation of their Judgement: but a●… in vain. Moreover the Synod expressed their displeasure at so considerable a Deputation, to favour a Man who betrayed the Common Cause. The Ministers who were joined in it, were censured for their complaisance: an● the Memoirs they had brought in order to his justification were called calumnious. But whereas they were sensible that Ferrier would not stop there; and that the Magistracy being of his side he would keep his Minestry, o● which they had not suspended the Functions, they deolared him aggravating the matter, that he was actually suspended 
And the Synod aggravates.  from that moment, unless he obeyed. Never the●…s as they had no mind to exasperate him, the Synod ●…ving thought fit to send Chamier to the Academy of ●…nta●ban, which desired him for their Professor in Divini●… they sent Ferrier to Montelimar in his room. But ●…s Indulgence of the Synod did not succeed according their expectation.  
The said Synod also received the Complaints of that 
Complaints of the Synod of Blois.  Blois, against those who had hindered them by their positions from forming a Provincial Council, according the resolution taken at Saumur: and in order to ap●… proper remedies to an affair of so ill an example, ●…y deputed three Ministers and two Elders, whom they ●…rg'd to examine that affair to the bottom, and to ●…ceed to suspension, and even to depose the Guil●…  
But the greatest affair that was treated there, was that ●…he Declaration of the 24th of April which the Synod ●…own'd solemnly by an Act that was Signed by the Mo●…ator, his Associate and the Secretaries, which was sent 〈…〉 all the Churches, and even Printed in order to send ●…pies of it throughout Europe. The Synod pretended ●…t there was a fl●w in the Pardon granted by that ●…claration; since there had been no crime committed to ●…der it necessary, that the Assemblies that had been ●…d since that of Saumur were lawful; that the like ●…d often been held during the Reign of Henry the 4th●…hout ●…hout ●his ever complaining against them; That when●…r a permission was given to hold a General Assem●…, it included leave to hold particular ones either be●…e the General, to Nominate the Deputies that were to ●…st at it; or after it to give them an account of their ●…nsactions there. This was particularly grounded on the ●…y form of the fatal Letter, the Queen had written the Assembly of Saumur, which commanding the Deputies to break up, ordered them at the same time to carry assurances of the King's good Intentions into their Provinces: which had induced the general Assembly to summon particular ones, to acquaint them with those goo● dispositions. They added that the Council was not ignorant ●● the resolution of holding those particular Assemblies since the Commissioners that were sent into div●… places, had received Orders to repair thither, if poss●… before the Overture: That the King had sent some P●…▪ sons of Quality to assist at them in his Name, in so●… Provinces: That the King's Lieutenants, Magistrates, Counsellors and Precedents, had sent for▪ some of the Deputies of those Assemblies to speak to them, and to know th●… Intentions: That the very Commissioners nominated 〈…〉 the King had assisted at some of them: That their Ca●i●… had been received in the Council, and that they had treated about the Answers that were to be made to the● from whence the Synod infer▪ d that the said Assemblies w●… neither Criminal nor Clandestine. They complained th●… the Reformed were blackened by that Tacit reproach: T●… it revived former hatreds, making them odious both 〈…〉 home and abroad by those oblique accusations: which were contrary to the peace of the State. Therefore th●… seconded the entreaties which the Deputies General h●… made, and the Petition they had presented to the Parliament of Paris; and did protest that the Reformed h●… neither required nor sought after those Letters, not dee●…▪ ing themselves guilty in any respect, and being ready 〈…〉 expose themselves to all manner of torments rather th●… to suffer their Loyalty to be tainted by that spot. Th●… protested that they would make no manner of use of t●… pretended Pardon; and that they disowned all the proceedings, avowals, and approbations the said Declaration might take the advantage of, as being contrary to th●… approved fidelity, in which they promised to persevere, a●… to maintain it with their Fortunes, Lives and Honou●…▪ This Act was dated the 2d. of June: and the Synod charged the Churches of those places where there were chambers of the Edict, to make Remonstrances to the counselors who had suffered the enrolment of the said declaration to be made without a vigorous opposition: ●…d the Churches of Cities in which there were Parliaments, were also ordered to present the protestations of ●…e Synod to them.  
They also writ to the Marshals de Bovillon and de Les●…iguieres, 
Cares of the Synods for the reconciliation of the Grandees.  to desire them to assist the Deputies General, in order to obtain the revocation of that injurious Pardon ●nd moreover because the Synod dreaded the consequences of the Division that had broke out at Saumur; ●…ey employed their utmost cares to reconcile People's ●inds. They charged the Deputies General to employ themselves about it, and gave them for Associates Du Moulin, Durant and de Lisle Grolot, a man of great mer●… and credit. They wrote to all those who were any ●i●e concerned in those disorders, and made very lively ●…d very pressing exhortations to them; and declaring themselves positively for those who had insisted for most sure●●, they entreated the Marshal de Bovillon and de Lesdi●●ieres to join themselves again to the Dukes of Rohan●●d ●●d de Sully, to La Force, Soubise and Du Plessis, and the ●●st of those that were Zealous; to forget all that was ●●st, and all the diversity of sentiments and of opini●●s; to lay aside all animosities fomented by their common enemies; to reunite themselves to the Churches in ●●eir Remonstrances, in order to obtain favourable answers, at least upon their most important demands. They ●rit at the same time to Chatillon, to the Duke de Rohan, 〈…〉 Parabere, and to others upon the same subject, to ex●ort them to a Reconciliation, and to make a Sacrifice 〈…〉 their Resentments to the good of the Churches. The ●utches de La Trimoville was not forgotten. She had begun to apply herself to that Work: The Synod writ 〈…〉 her to continue; and to breed her Children in good sentiments of the Reformed Religion. The said Letters were carried by divers Persons, who were able to second them but by reason that the Division had passed from the great ones to the inferior sort, the Synod also made strong exhortations to private Persons to reunite themselves; and conjured them in a very moving manner not to abandon the Common Cause. Neither did they forget to threaten the obstinate with Ecclesiastical Censures, or to denote the Vengeances and Judgements of God against them: and they charged all the Ministers to endeavour to restore concord in their Flocks. 
Brief of augmentation of the Sums allowed to the Reformed.   
The Deputies General had brought the Synod a Brief of 15000 Crowns which the King granted for an augmention to the Salaries of the Ministers. It was dated on the first of October last passed; and contained only what related to the augmentation: Another had been granted before, to confirm that of 45000 Crowns of which the King promised to continue the payment; declaring that he knew what considerations had obliged the King his Father to give that Sum to the Reformed, to be employed about their secret affairs. Therefore the King allowed the Reformed the same Liberty to dispose of that Sum, which had been granted to them by the Briefs of the late King. But the King did not design to do the same thing in relation to the Brief of augmentation, which the Court undertook to distribute themselves. Insomuch that the said grant which looked like a favour, was in reality a dangerous Snare. All those who were self-interested were fired with the hopes of obtaining more from the Court out of that Sum than they expected to get from the Synod, in which the Distributions were made with more Husbandry and Equity. So that it was easy for the Court to make that serve to corrupt the Reformed, which seemed to be given to oblige them. Some private Persons had already made their Addresses to the King, in the short time that was past since the Date of the Brief in order to obtain some gratification out of that new Sum. Even some Communities had been taken by that Charm, and the City of Bergerac had obtained 15000 Livers that way, under pretence of erecting a College.  
Moreover it occasioned a great Alteration that year 
Alterations made to the state of the Reformed in the County of Gex.  in the State of Religion in the Bayliwick of Gex, I have related in another place the condition of the Reformed there, when that Country was surrendered to the King by the Duke of Savoy. It is the Natural Obligation of Princes to leave all things in the condition in which they find them, when they fall into their hands; at least as to what relates to those Rights which subjection cannot deprive Men of; such as are those of Conscience, and of Privileges acquired by a long Possession in favour of Liberty. For which reason Henry the IV. had made no alterations there; contenting himself with restoring the free exercise of the Catholic Religion there, until means could be found to reconcile the two Parties about the possession of Estates and Buildings. But Lewis the XIII. his Successor would no longer keep the same measures. The Commissioners which he had sent into Burgundy, of which that Bayliwick was a dependency, took at once from the Reformed both the Ecclesiastical Revenues, and the Houses, which had formerly been employed for the Roman Church. In order to make them some amends for that loss, the King allowed them 1200 Crowns for the Salary of their Ministers; and took the said Sum out of the 15000 which he allowed the Reformed more than the late King had granted them, in recompense of their Tithes. To this he added leave to build Temples: but he gave no fund towards it. He only ordered two very illusive things; the one was that they should take materials from the demolished Convents to employ them towards these new Buildings: the other, that the Catholics should pay the reparations and amendments of their Churches; and that the said Money should be applied towards the Constructions of the said Temples: This was the way to Involve the Reformed into continual Law Suits, to recompense them for the Estates that were taken from them: besides it reduced the Salary of the Ministers to a very inconsiderable thing, since they were only allowed 1200 Crowns, though there were 12 Ministers at that time in the said Bayliwick. Insomuch that taking out of the said grant the indispensible Charges which every Church was obliged to be at yearly, there did not remain enough to allow each Minister a Pension of a 100 Crowns. But that which was most remarkable was that the King indemnisied the Churches of Gex at the cost of the other Churches of his Kingdom; taking out of what he had promised to some, wherewith to make the others subsist.  
The National Synod having part of these things before 
The Synod, endeavours to prevent the abuse that is made of the said augmentation.  their eyes, and foreseeing the rest, endeavoured to remedy the same. Therefore they charged the Deputies General on the one hand humbly to beseech his Majesty to leave the receipt and distribution of the said Sum to the Reformed, as the King his Father had allowed them the Care and Management of that which he had granted them; and on the other they ordered them to oppose the endeavours of those who should make their applications to the Court, in order to obtain some Pension out of the said Sum, to the prejudice of the right of the Synods and of the common good. The Town of Bergerac was highly censured for having taken that way to obtain the Sum that was granted them; and the Synod enjoined them to desist from that pretention, and not to pretend any thing out of that Sum, unless by the approbation and Will of the Assembly. It proved somewhat difficult at first to make them obey; but finally, the Synod having sent express Deputies thither, to remonstrate the consequences of the thing to them, they submitted to the discretion of the Synod; and 1200 Livers were granted them soon after it for their College.  
The same Synod renewed all the demands the Assembly 
Andrenews the demands of the Assembly of Saumur.  of Saumur had already made; and declaring that they were not satisfied with the Answers to the Cahiers of the said Assembly, they formed others just like them, and charged, the Deputies General to endeavour to obtain more favourable answers than the preeceeding. But no Article was so earnestly recommended to them, as that which desired that the Reformed might not be obliged to call their Religion themselves Pretended Reformed. The Synod charged them to desire in the name of all the Reformed, that they would sooner undergo a thousand Racks than to give their Religion that 
Reasons of the Repugnancy so often expressed against the Names of Pretended Reformed Religion.  ●ious Title. As many Persons may be surprised without doubt to see the same Article pressed so often with so much ●●nestness, and perhaps may not at first perceive the con●●uence of it, I will give you a short account of the Reasons which obliged the Reformed to insist so much upon that latter. Therefore I will observe once for all, that the word Petended is equivocal. It often signifies the undecided and doubtful state of a thing in contestation, upon which nothing ●s been determined as yet to bind the Parties: The Judges like use of it as of an indifferent term, when before the derion they speak of the things which are pretended by one of the Parties, and disputed by the other: and sometimes also the Instruments that are common to both, the parties like use of it in speaking of their Rights, without being a●id of doing themselves any prejudice. In a word, Pretended is relative to Pretention, and in that sense implys ●● thing suspicious, or offensive. But it is yet more usually ●en in a signification almost equivalent to the Terms of ●se and Unlawful: and whereas the first sense is in some ●as●re reserved for the Bar, the second is of a common use ●ery where else. So that there are words to which the word pretended cannot be joined without giving it an envious sense. You cannot apply a pretended Merit, or pretended Virtue to any body without offence: and in that ●e a pretended Scholar, signifies an ignorant Person. ●is use of it draws another after it, viz. That the word petended becomes Ironical in several occasions, and gives offensive air of reproach and raillery to discourse. Therefore the Reformed being sensible what was meant, when ●ey were called Pretended Reformed, took it for an affront. ●● be obliged to give themselves that equivocal Name; as if they had approved the opinion which the Catholics had of their Religion and of their Doctrine.  
The Deputies General were also minded to complain of th● 
Complaints concerning the Commissioners.  Illusive Journey of the Commissioners. It was apparent that the Court had not sent them to better the condition of the Reformed. Their main Function had only been to dissolve the particular Assemblies, and to hinder the establishment of the Provincial Councils. Besides which, they had hardly give any decisive Ordinances; and they had left all the affairs undecided either by divisions or removals to the Council Their chief expeditions were only to give some Churchyards and far from doing the Reformed Justice upon their Complaints they had made their condition worse in some places than ●● was before. They gave the Deputies General Instructions and Memoirs to second those Remonstrances. The affair● o● the Churches of the Bayliwick of Gex were comprehended in them; and the Deputies General were charge to desire that the Sum which the King allowed them out o● the 15000 Crowns of augmentation might be assigned to the● upon other Funds, and that something more might be allowed to them to build their Temples.  
The success of the Solicitations which the Deputies o● 
Resolution no longer to send particular Deputations to the Court  the particular Assemblies had made at Court, had been ●● unfortunate, that in order no longer to offend the Court which took no delight in being troubled with Deputies the Synod resolved for the future to employ the Deputies General to the end that their representations being delivered to the King by Persons that were agreeable to him, they might obtain more favourable answers. Therefore they charged them with a large Cahier, and with the Solicitation of such things as they should have demanded at another time by a particular Deputation.  
It is observable that the number of the Reformed was so 
Force of the Reformed in the County of Avignon.  considerable at that time in the County of Avignon, that they esteemed themselves strong enough to form a Province a part. They desired three things of the Synod: To be received in the communion of the Churches of France: To make a particular Province, without being mixed with those that were adjacent; and to be assisted with some Sums ●● Money to make the said Establishment. The Synod ●nted them the first Article; referred the second to a political Assembly; and excused themselves upon the third. ●t but that the Synod had some Money good out of the preceding years: but they designed it for other uses. They ●●ok several Sums out of it to gratify private persons. Among the rest, Thomson Minister of La Chataigneraye, had a 
Gratification.  compence given him of three hundred Livers for the Book ●● which he had given the Title of The Chase of the Roman ●ast: and Vignier had a gratification of two thousand Livers for the Theatre of Antichrist, which he had written by command of the National Synod of Rochel. This may ●ve to show that the Synod had not altered their Sentiments ●ut the matter of Antichrist.  
Soon after the breaking up of the Synod, the Court being 
New Declarations upon the preceding.  ●ss'd on several sides to revoke the Declaration which ● made so much noise; and being moreover disturbed a●t the troubles that were forming in Saintonge and at Ro●l, which might be attended with ill consequences, put ●● a new Declaration, which under pretence of removing Scandal which the preceding had occasioned, did notwithstanding confirm it. It supposed that the preceding had ●y been granted at the request of some particular Per●s, who were afraid of being prosecuted for having assisted Assemblies which had been held without leave, and for ha●g been guilty of some suspicious actions, as Listing of ●n: which had given them some disquiet, by reason that ●●e of them had been informed against in the Chambers ●he Edict: But whereas some People looked upon that ●don not so much as a remedy for the fears of those who wisely think they stood in need of it; as a desire to lay a ●mish upon the general, the King was willing to remove all inner of pretence from the disaffected, and to satisfy the ●d Subjects, who joined the Zeal of their Religion to ●ir obedience, and only desired to enjoy the benefit of the Edicts in Peace. He said that the number of those was much the greatest; and comprehended those in it who ha● most power to help to maintain public Tranquillity. Therefore he declared by way of Esclaircissement upon the Declation of the 24th of April, That he was very well satisfied with the Reformed in general, and that for that reason he did forget the faults of particular persons, which shoul● no wise reflect upon them for the future, provided that the● kept within the bounds of their Allegiance, and of the observation of the Edicts.  
This new Declaration was dated Jully the 11th. It wa● 
Which gives no satisfaction.  drawn in Terms which at the bottom signified nothing and which showing that the first had been published upon certain informations made on purpose, to serve for a pretence to the Act of Grace they had a mind to give, reduce it to a particular Pardon; in which the generality seemed no● to be concerned. But at the bottom the King not na●ing those he was satisfied with, nor those of whom he conplained, it remained still uncertain and undecided to whom th● said Pardon did belong; which many, and even the greate● number of those that had assisted in the Assemblies woul● not accept of: and consequently they had as much reason to complain of the second Declaration as of the first Moreover the Assemblies remained still under condemnation as unlawful; and consequently prohibited for the future Therefore that expedient proved inefectual; and lest the Evil might go farther, they were forced once more to tak● it in hand again.  
I have observed that the Synod had endeavoured to groun● 
Cahiers answered.  the right of Particular Assemblies, upon the Court's having received their Cahiers, and given favourable answers to the same. The truth is nevertheless, as I have said it elsewhere that the Deputies were dismissed in a kind of insulting manner; and that they had not the satisfaction to bring back those answers. They were made to the Cahiers as presented by the Deputies General, without looking upon the● coming from particular Provinces. Three 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers were ●us answered on the 17th of April. The first contained several Articles extracted out of the Cahier of Saumur. There ●as one among the rest relating to little Schools, whereby ●e King was desired to remove the restriction of the number mentioned in the Answer to the 18th Article of the Cahiered ●● Saumur; and that the said Article should no wise prejudice the concession of the Edict, which allowed Reformed Scholars to be received without distinction into the public Colleges. There was another which desired that the Reformed Associates, which were deprived of a deliberative ●oice by the Answer to the 34th, might have it in Judgements; in those places where the Reformed were the strongest, they ●ow'd it without contestation to the Catholic Associates. ●●e King did grant the last: and as to the preceding he revered the restriction in relation to such places in which the Exerce of the Reformed Religion was allowed in the Suburbs; pro●ed they were Children belonging to the Town or Suburbs: ●●d he allow'ed the said Schools in the Town itself: but he only ●ow'd the Children of the places adjacent to be sent to School ●he Suburbs: and he also confirmed the privilege of sending children to public Colleges, as it was allowed by the Edict.  
The second relating to the Administration of Justice was answered the same day; and among other things the King confirmed the preceding Settlements, which rendered the chambers of the Edict Judges of their own Jurisdiction and power: but he added a word to it, which opened a way to ●●ve the said Concession, reducing it to the Settlements made and observed. So that under colour of granting all, he granted nothing, since the Reformed had no need of a new ●●w for such places in which the old ones were observed: ●t only to put them in force again in those where they ●●re not observed. The King also granted that the Reform'd●ould ●ould not be liable to be Sequestrators of the Ecclesiastic Estates seized upon for the Tithes; but it was his pleasure that incase they should accept it voluntarily, they ●ould be subject to the ordinary jurisdiction, and should ●t pretend a removal to the Chambers.  
The third which related to the Affairs of Dauphine, which were commonly treated of apart, was also answered the same day; and among several other Articles, the King particularly granted these; That the Grounds given to serve for Churchyards should be freed from paying of Tailles, and Rents due to the King; or that incase they should Lay in the Royalty of any other Lord they should have the same discharge, the said Lords being indemnified at the charge of the Communities, enjoining the exemption: That the number of the Judges allowed of required to judge according to the Ordinances, not being found in the Chamber of Grenoble, the Parties might of Right, and without having recourse to the King, or to the great Council, apply themselves to the next Chamber; as it was already allowed in Case the Judges were divided in their Opinions: That the Reformed Associate who should be taken by the Catholic Judge, to assist at the Information of Criminal Causes, should also be taken for Assessor with a deliberative Voice in the Judgement, That the Parliament should not be allowed to give a 
* Injunction.  Pareatis, nor to give a Decree in Causes depending in the Chamber, against persons who publicly professed the Reformed Religion. That the King should create a Reformed Secretary and a Messenger, to be officiated by such person's 〈◊〉 should be nominated by the Churches of the Province, with the same Sallaries and Prerogatives as others who had the same Offices: That the Parties who had reason to compla●… of the Ordinances made by the Commissioners, which th●… late King had deputed for the Verification of the Country Debts, might appeal from their Judgement in three months' time to the Party-Chamber.  
It appears by those Cahiers that the Chambers had daily 
Enterprises of the Parliaments upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers.  new disputes with the Parliaments, concerning their Jurisdiction and Power: So that those Judges allowed to the Reformed, to exempt them from putting their Affairs and Lives into the hands of other suspected or partial Judges, for the most part only served to engage them into disputes of Jurisdiction, which almost distracted them. The Parliaments could not accustom themselves to that dismembering of their own Jurisdiction, which deprived them of the major part of Af●…rs. Therefore upon the least ground they retained the ●…uses of the Reformed, and refused their appeals. At Paris man pretending to have a right of sight upon a certain ●…ace, the Possessors oppossed it; and after the appeal of ●…e Sentence of the first Judge, the Defendants resolved ●…t to submit the Cause to the Chamber of the Edict. The ●…use was Civil, if ever any was so; since the thing debate was only a little Right pretended upon the ●…ound of a Community: but whereas the owners of the ●…d Ground were Monks, the Parliament retained the Cause, ●…etending that it was an Ecclesiastical Cause. Another ●…an being condemned for some pretended Irreverence, by the Inferior Judge, to keep and be at the charge of a burn●…g Lamp in a Church, was like wise refused the removal he desired, under pretence that it was a Cause that was excep●…d: So that it was sufficient in order to deprive a Reform'd●…f ●…f the Privilege of a removal granted by the Edict, for ●…e Subaltern Judge to condemned him to any thing in which the Church of Rome was concerned: by this Wile ●…ey gave the Parliaments a pretence to retain the Causes of Appeal. In other places the Parliaments obliged the Messengers, who were to execute any Decrees made by the ●…hamber established within their Precinct, to take Letters of ●…junction; as not acknowledging that the said Chambers ●…ad an Authority to cause their Judgements to be observed independantly from the Parliaments. This was the reason for which the Chamber of Grenoble desired the aforesaid ●…ettlement.  
Nevertheless, the Chambers of the Edict still retained 
Severity of the Chambers of the Edict.  ●…me notwithstanding these pretences; and then they were ●…s severe in their Judgements as the Parliaments. The Chamber of Paris gave one that year in the Month of April, upon a very singular Case. A Curate, in resigning ●…is Cure, had retained a Pension upon his Revenue; and in order not to be liable to the Consequences of such Agreements, when sufficient precautions have not been taken to Authorize them, he had caused his contract to be approved of at the Court of Rome. His said Pension was constantly paid him while he was a Catholic: but as soon as he had embraced the Reformed Religion, the Assignee would no longer pay it. The said Cause was brought before the Chamber of the Edict, I know not why, since it was at least as much Ecclesiastical, as the others I have mentioned: And they declared the Pensionary incapable of enjoying the said Revenue, by reason of his change of Religion. The Proselyte really acted contrary to the Disipline of the Reformed, which obliged all those of his Character, when they embraced the Reformed Religion, to renounce their Benefices, & to preserve none of the Revenues of the same, directly, or indirectly. But the Chamber of the Edict did not judge according to the said Discipline: they only considered the Religion of the Parties.  
As I have heretofore observed that the Reformed complained, 
— The Corpse of a Reformed Gentleman taken out of the ground again, by the order of a Commissioner.  that the Commissioners sent into the Provinces had made their condition worse than it was in some places, it will not be amiss to give another proof of it. The Commisioners who had the District of Burgundy, and who made the alterations, I have already mentioned in the Country of Gex, did a thing in the Parish of Chalemant, a dependency of the Diocese of Nevers, which the Reformed were very much concerned at, by reason of the Consequence of it. A Reformed Gentleman whose Family pretended to have a right of Burial in the Parochial Church, had been buried there. The Bishop complained to the Commissioners about it, as of a great attempt; and desired the Corpse to be removed, in order to reconcile the Church which was profaned by the Burial of an Heretic. Genicourt Master of Requests, the Catholic Commisioner, caused the said Corpse to be taken out of the Ground, and to be transported to the place which was allowed to the Reformed for their Burials. The Reformed Commissioner was absent at that time, whither it were that he had no mind to have a hand in that extraordinary proceeding, or whither being one of those complaisant persons nominated by the Duke Bovillon, he absented himself on purpose, not to be ob●…d to do an Act of Courage, by opposing that novelty. ●…l this was done with a great deal of Ceremony, and great ●…rmality: which only served to make the more noise, and give a greater lustre to the Bishop's triumph. But the ●…rse part of it was the example. It was no novelty to 〈◊〉 a Corpse taken out of the Ground, either by the violence the Clergy, or by the ordinance of some Country Judge: ●…t the thing was done here by a man who had the ●…ality of Commissioner for the Execution of the Edict; that his Example had the force of a Law, and might authorize all the other Judges to do the like. Moreover was apparent that the Instructions of those new Commissioners were very different from those which Henry the 〈◊〉 had given to the Commissioners in 1600. Those had ●…ders to explain the difficulties which might Intervene in the execution of the Edict, in favour of the Reformed: at these new Commissioners, by a different method were ●…ly rigorous Judges against the Reformed, and all their fa●…ur was bestowed on the Catholics.  
The Reformed Inhabitants of la Tierache, in the Bayliwick 
Favours granted to the Reformed of la Tierache.  Soissons, were treated a little more favourably. They ●…mplain'd that they were obliged to repair to very distant ●…ces, in order to perform the public exercise of their ●…ligion, in so much that they were in danger of falling to the hands of the Spanish Garrisons, who treated them Heretics. This obliged them to present a Petition to the ●…ng, to obtain leave to Assemble in a nearer and safer ●…ace. They proposed Gerci, where the Fief did not allow them to meet above thirty at a time; by reason that the Lord ●…ereof had only mean and low Justice there, the high Justice ●…longing to the King. They obtained as a special favour, ●…thout consequence or example, the Power of Assembling ●…ere, as they might have done at a Lord high Justicer: on con●…tion that incase the House of Greci should fall into the hands 〈◊〉 a Catholic, the said exercise should cease there: or that a Reformed Gentleman coming to possess a House 〈…〉 the Quality required by the Edict in the Neighbourho●… thereof, it should be transferred there; and the B●… granted in favour of Gerci should remain void. It 〈…〉 dated April the 28th, and was Registered, at Laon. It ●…pears by this Brief that the Court had not as yet bethoug●… itself of the Cavils they have raised of late years agai●… the Lords Justicers; That there was no doubt of their ●…ving the privilege to receive at the exercises of Religi●… that were performed at their houses all those who repai●… thither, whether Vassals, Inhabitants or others; That 〈…〉 said exercise might be established in Fiefs or Justice's ne●… acquired, which the Lords were not in Possession of at 〈…〉 time of the Edict of Nantes; and it might also be conclud●… that it was not thought certain, that in case a Fief in which 〈…〉 said exercise of the Reformed Religion was established sho●… fall into the hands of a Catholic, the said exercise was to 〈…〉 by Right: since that in order to hinder its being continued 〈…〉 Gerci in such a Case, it was thought necessary to express p●…sitively that it should not be allowed.  
But after all these Particulars, it is necessary to relate●… more general Affair, which having lasted until the follo●…ing year, without any bodies being able to put a stop 〈…〉 
Division of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bovillon, and the sequel.  it, had like to have reduced the whole Kingdom to Con●…fusion. The Division which broke out at Saumur, havi●… made a particular breach between the Dukes de Ro●… and de Bovillon, the last not being able to conceal his j●…lousie at the growing Credit of the other, and the D●… de Rohan imputing the ill success of the Affairs of the Assem▪ bly to the Duke de Bovillon. The Duke de Rohan had 〈…〉 greatest number of the Reformed on his side; but 〈…〉 quality of those who adhered to the Marshal de Bouill●… rendered his Party considerable, the more by reason t●… he was favoured by the Court, which made use of him 〈…〉 keep up a Division among the Reformed. Many had sided w●… him for sordid self-interested reasons, which the possessi●… or hope of a Pension inclined to great complaisances▪ ●… ●…e were others whose simplicity and credulity engaged them ●…cently to take the same Party, by reason that they looked ●…n it as the most lawful and safest for their Conscience. 〈…〉 grand reason the others made use of to dazzle them, 〈…〉 the specious name of Peace, and the incumbent duty of ●…ying the higher powers, not only upon the account of anger, 〈…〉 also for Conscience sake. The Court kept men in pay to ●…ach that Gospel; and while they made barefaced enter●…es, and did secretly prepare machine's which were ne●…ary in order to oppress the Reformed, they endeavoured ●…ersuade them by those they had corrupted, that they ●…e obliged not to oppose them.  
●…t is almost incredible how many people were caught 
Abuse the Deputies which enjoin obedience.  ●…hose Snares; imagining that that Apostolic Doctrine ●…y allowed honest people Sighs and Patience: and that they ●…ate it who take measures to prevent the Injustices, Vio●…ces, and Treacheries of those who are in Authority. 〈…〉 this is the way by which the freest Natives suffer them●…es to be made Slaves; and that Sovereigns, improving ●…r credulity, easily impose upon them. It is an Illusion ●…ch reigns among men, in all the relations they have to●…her: that notwithstanding they are grounded upon ●…ain mutual duties, which maintain or destroy each o●…r reciprocally, the one imagine that though they violate that ●…t of the duty which they are obliged to, the others are ne●…theless obliged to observe that part which relates to them ●…ligiously. It is particulary the opinion of those who ●…d the Rank of Superiors; who when they take the least ●…e to afford their Inferiors either the Protection, or Justice ●…t is due to them, pretend that they are nevertheless ●…ig'd to pay them Submission and Obedience; and how ●…n soever that pretention may be, yet there are always ●…ople who rack their Wit; to find out specious reasons 〈…〉 maintain it; and Tender Consciences that are persuaded 〈…〉 those reasons: particularly when those who design 〈…〉 make an ill use of those maxims, join some appearance 〈…〉 advantage to those reasons, it is difficult to believe what an Empire they get over simple Souls. They fa●… that the Cause of their Benefactors becomes the Cause 〈…〉 God; That all the measures taken for self preservation becom●… so many Crimes; That oppressed Subjects can have no 〈…〉 dress but the hopes of a better time. And that God 〈…〉 reward their simplicity, when they suffer themselves to b●… destroyed by virtue of Passive-Obedience.  
Therefore the Court took great care to persuade all th●… 
The Court makes use of the Doctrine of Patience.  they found inclined that way that it is an Evangelical Doctrine: and to give ademonstrative force by small gratifications to those reasons wherewith they did second it. Whereupon I can not forbear admiring the confidence which Politicians often repose in the simplicity of other men, to whom they endeavour to persuade, that Religion and Conscience obli●… them to submit to those that oppress them, and to the F●…ters which they design to give them, by preaching Patience to them: partly as if Thiefs, in order to dispo●… Travelers to suffer themselves to be stripped without resistance, should allege the lesson of the Gospel to them, which exhorts those who are stripped of their Coat, to deliver their Cloak also. However this Doctrine being cried up in all parts, and innocently received by the Simple, and others making use of it to cover their designs; served powerfully to foment Division among the Reformed; the o●… condemning the foresight of the others, and these reciprocally complaining of their ignorance and weakness which engaged them to betray the Common Cause unawars. Such Ministers as they could draw into those submissive peaceable sentiments were very kindly used: but they met but few of them; and the Court found more advantage to tre●… with the Nobility, with Governors of Places, and other Officers: by reason that the services they could do them, in betraying their Party, were of far more consequence▪ Nevertheless, I will add in this place, since I am upon that Subject, in order not to resume it, that when the Reformed were deprived of their Garrisons and Soldiers, the Court still kept, particularly in the Meridional ●…vinces, some Ministers in Pay, who preached up Passive●…edience in Consistories, Assemblies and Synods, and 
Minister's Pensioners.  ●…n in familiar conversations; and who always gave a 〈…〉 gloss to the Actions of the Court. Those Minister's ●…sioners proved for the most part Rogues, which was ●…er or later discovered, either by their revolt, or by ●…andalous life. But that which is most to be wondered ●…is that there were sometimes very honestmen, who loved ●…r Religion, and looked upon it as true Gospel, who ●…ertheless, received pensions without scruple; because they ●…k'd upon them rather as recompenses of their affection 〈…〉 the Public Peace, than as engagements to act against 〈…〉 Interest of the Churches. To say the truth, in those ●…es where the rash and boiling temper of the People ●…ht easily incline them to Rash and Seditious enterprises, ●…as necessary that their Ministers should be Wise, Pru●…t, and Moderate, in order to inspire the same senti●…ts to their Flocks by their Discourse and example: 〈…〉 it would have been much better to have done it upon 〈…〉 account of the Justice of the thing, without receiving 〈…〉 least gratifications from the Court, than to take those ●…icious recompenses, which might call their Innocence 〈…〉 Integrity in question. Du Moulin had often been ●…pted by persons sent to him from the Court, who ●…'d him great Pensions without exacting any thing from ●…, but barely to incline people to Peace and Obedience. 〈…〉 always answered that it was a Duty he would ever per●…: but that he would have the honour to do it of 〈…〉 own accord out of Conscience; and not as being ●…'d to it. So that he never accepted any thing that 〈…〉 offered him. It were to be wished that all those who ●…e exposed to the same Temptations, had withstood them 〈…〉 the same Courage.  
While the Court caused Peace and Patience to be preached 
Wiles and Injustices of the Court.  ●…ng the Reformed, they did not fail at the same time to ●…e them put those Lessons in Practice. They almost ●…lickly violated the Faith of the Briefs, and promises they had amused them with. They removed some Governors of Places, corrupted others; and bartered with 〈…〉 to get them out of their hands. Besides those places 〈…〉 which the Assembly had desired the restitution by their 〈…〉 hiers, Rambures had suffered Aiguemortes to be taken: B●…sur Mer had been sold for ready Money; and as so●… as ever the Court got it into their hands▪ they c●… it to be Demolished: They did treat with Candela●… buy the Government of Rosay of him. They used all 〈…〉 of means to sow Divisions in Rochel, and to o●… the Election of a Mayor, Devoted to the Court. 〈…〉 Catholics of Saintes were ordered to Arm themsel●… upon some pretence or other; which occasioned g●… Alarms among the Reformed. Finally, the use the C●… made of the 45000 Livers of augmentation they 〈…〉 granted for the Salary of the Ministers, showed p●…ly that they designed to ruin the Reformed, Since 〈…〉 only granted them favours to divide them; and 〈…〉 favours which were to be employed for their advant●… became by the cunning of their Enemy's snares to supp●… them.  
Among the other places which the Court had a 〈…〉 
Enterprise upon St. John d'Angely.  to get out of their hands, they had an eye upon St. J●… d'Angely, and they endeavoured to under mine the Du●… Rohan's Party there. La Rochebeaucour his Lieutenant, whe●… he expected to become Governor in Chief of that 〈…〉 portant City, or whither he thought himself s●… enough there no longer to have any dependence on 〈…〉 Governor, suffered himself to be managed by the Co●… He had caused a Mayor to be Elected the preceding y●… who was at his Devotion; and in order to strength his Authority, he undertook to maintain him in that P●… though he was sensible that the Duke of Rohan would 〈…〉 offended at it. The said Duke was come to Paris, where●… was very well received by the Queen; and that Prin●… in order to slip the time of the Election of a new Mayor▪ ●…press'd a great deal of kindness to him during the fou●… ●…t as he tarried there. But the Duke being acquainted 〈…〉 the design that was on foot to continue the ancient 〈…〉 or, and the great Brigues lafoy Rochebeaucour made in order ●…eunto; he concluded that the Marshal de Bovillon had ●…d him that trick, to dispossess him of one of the most ●…siderable Cities of Surety. Whereupon he left ●…is at a time when it was least expected; and the ●…er to conceal the motive of his sudden departure, 〈…〉 gave out that he had received Letters that his Brother 〈…〉 Soubize lay a Dying. He went to his Brother in●…d, but it was only to consult with him about the ●…ns to secure St. John d'Angely, and to get such a Mayor ●…e could confide in. That City was one of those that 〈…〉 a Rightat that time to create their own Mayor, who ●…rwards received the King's approbation: and it be●…ed the Person who was to Command there to have 〈…〉 disputes with the said Magistrate, who had a very ●…t authority. As he was the Master of the Polity 〈…〉 the Inhabitants were at his Command; and when 〈…〉 was beloved by the people, it was in his power to ●…ke them take Arms or to lay them down; which ●…ht put a Governor at a great loss▪ who had only a ●…ll Garrison at his Command, which was not capa●… to hold out against the Inhabitations of a great ●…y.  
Therefore the Duke having taken his measures with 
The Duke of Rohan prevents it.  〈…〉 Brother, with the Nobility of the Neighbourhood, 〈…〉 some Inhabitants of St. John, he repaired thither be●…e the Election was performed. The Queen finding her ●…erprise broken by the Duke's presence, resolved to take 〈…〉 advantage of his Journey, to execute a design she 〈…〉 contrived with la Rochebeaucour▪ She wrote to the Of●…rs and to the Town House▪ that in order to prevent the 〈…〉 effects of the Election of a new Mayor, she desired that 〈…〉 old one might be continued. The Duke of Rohan, who had ●…n'd his point, refused to submit to those orders. He opposed 〈…〉 Continuation of the Mayor in writing▪ and declared bodily that the People had abused the Queen's Authority 〈…〉 obtain the said Letter. That affair was somewhat Ni●… 
notwithstanding orders from the Court to the contrary.  and as some thought the Duke had embroiled himself 〈…〉 little too rashly in it, others also were of opinion th●… the Queen had exposed herself too much, and that 〈…〉 had been ill advised. St. John was a free City, a City 〈…〉 Surety, jealous of her Privileges, and in a Province in whi●… the Reformed were the strongest. Therefore this undertaki●… to alter the accustomed form of the Election of a Majo●… to use Authority in order thereunto, under pretence of 〈…〉 discord which did not as yet appear, gave cause to suspe●… that the Court had a design upon the Privileges of 〈…〉 Inhabitants, which were violated without necessity; 〈…〉 upon the surety of the place, which they endeavoured 〈…〉 commit into the hands of suspected persons; or perhap●… upon both.  
Nevertheless, the thing was very much resented 〈…〉 
The Queen is offended, and things seem to incline to a War.  Court; and the Queen being informed of the Duke of Rohan's opposition, caused his Lady, his Daughters, and 〈…〉 his Family to be Secured. She put a Gentleman into the Bastille, who was sent by the Duke to justify his Action: She caused the Duke to be proclaimed a Rebe●… and ordered an Army to march against him. She w●… to Authorize the▪ said enterprise herself by her Presence▪ and because it was necessary to prevail with the rest 〈…〉 the Reformed to suffer the said Duke's Ruin, and the lo●… of St. John without opposition, she was to make a sole●… Declaration that she had no design against any body b●… the Duke and his Adherents; to confirm the Edicts suffer all such to live in Peace who did not engage i● those Troubles; The Queen was to take the Marshal● de Bovillon and Lesdiguieres to Command under her in that Expedition: and as if the Court had bee● as ready to act as to order, orders were straight dispatched to the Officers that were to Command in the said Army, to keep themselves ready to mar●●▪ Manifestos were published on both sides. The Dukes up▪ ●…aided the Court with all their Wiles; and endeavoured 〈…〉 prove that the consequence of that affair was general. ●…at which appeared in the Queen's name, endeavoured 〈…〉 create suspicions about the Duke of Rohan's intentions, ●…d to justify the Court, to persuade that their only aim ●…as against that Rebel, and that she designed to maintain ●…e Edicts: and finally, it invited the Catholics and Re●…m'd to serve the King in that occasion.  
The End of the Second Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. VOL. II. BOOK III.  
A Summary of the Contents of the Third Book.  
Appearance of Accommodation: under which the troubles▪ continue. Endavours are used to engage Du Plessis in them who remains in quiet. Assembly of the Circle at Rochel, Project of Reconciliation among the great ones. Sedition at Rochel: It's Original and Violence. Negociation for the accommodation. High Pretensions of the Duke de Rohan. The Queen agrees to them, preserving▪ some appearences for herself. The Duke being exasperated with new Injuries▪ will▪ no longer be▪ satisfied with them. The Assembly meets at Rochel: and gives the Deputies General new Articles. Resolutions taken 〈◊〉 Court: but ill executed. New Declaration. Remarks upon those frequent Edicts. The Circle assembles again. Rochel withdraws from the rest of the Deputies; which puts an end to the Troubles. Verbal promises to tolerate Provincial Councils. Declaration of the Marriages resolved upon with Spain▪ Which offends the French: but particularly the Reformed▪ Ferrier forsakes the Ministry: Is received Counsellor 〈◊〉 Nimes: Is Excommunicated. Sedition against him▪ Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier: Writings 〈◊〉 both sides. Apologies of Ferrier: and his end. Reconciliation of the Duke de Rohan and Marshal de Bovillon. Enterpise of the Sheriffs of Saumur. Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris. Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the University. Discontents of the Princes. The Duke de Rohan joins with them. Polity of the Marshal de Bovillon. Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes. Their Precipitation is blamed. The Peace is made. The Prince of Conde is injured at Poitiers. Towns of Surely opened to the King. National Synod. Letters from the King of England. Council of the Lower Guyenne. Mutual subordination of the Assemblies. Brief of leave for a General Assembly. Letters from the Lords. Pecuniary affairs. The Ministers are exempted from paying the tails. Places of Surety. Berger a Reformed Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, turns Catholic. Reformed of Gex. Churches not settled as yet. Condition of the Reformed in the County of Avignon. Liberalities of the Synod. Colleges. Bearn. Metz. Oath of Union. Letters to the King and Queen. The Queen prepares to assemble the States. Declaration of the King's Majority. Overtures of the States. The Clergy and Nobility unite themselves against the Third Estate. Reformed in the States. Indepency of Kings▪ whose Cause is betrayed by the Clergy: and by the Court itself. Passion of the Clergy. Harangue of Cardinal du Perron. Why Heretics are tolerated. Distinctions of the Cardinal. His Conclusion. Reflections. The Third Estate persists. Character of Miron, 
* Speaker of the Commons.  Precedent of the Chamber of that ●●der. The Court silences the third Estate. Illusive Decree of the Clergy, and their shameful Prevarication. Inequality of the Prince of Conde. Perseverance of the Clergy in that Doctrine. Sedition at Milhau. Harangue of the Bishop of Lucon. Sedition at Belestat. Cahier of the Clergy. Sequel of the Cahier. Articles proposed directly against the Reformed: Sequel of the said Articles. Conclusion of the Cahier.  
THERE was a great deal of reason to believe, that things would have gone farther, considering 
Appearance of accommodation.  the proceedings of the Court: The rather because the Duke of Rohan seemed nowise daunted, at the storm that was pre●…ng against him. The Election of the Mayor was ●…de according to his desire: lafoy Rochebeaucour was forced yield; and found himself almost reduced to pay the ●…t of the service he designed to do the Queen. The ●…ke gave the Offices of the City and of the Garrison ●…ersons he could confide in, and the Deputy Governor's ●…e to Hautefontaine, who was at his Devotion. Never●…less, the Sequel did nowise answer those high beginnings: ●…y fell to Remonstrances and Negociations; and The●…s Senechal of Query, a wise and moderate man was 〈◊〉 to the Duke, in order to persuade him to keep with●…he bounds of Duty. Du Plessis also undertook that af●…; and the Duke having preferred the advice of that old ●…n, equally Prudent and Honest, to the desires of a young ●…bility, which would incline him to a War, yielded to 〈◊〉 Exhortations of Themines. An accommodation was ●…de in which in appearance the Queen had the satisfacti●… she desired; and the Duke in reality. The old Mayor ●…s continued for some days: after which a new order ●…s sent, allowing the Inhabitants to proceed to the Ele●…on of another. This procured the liberty of those per●…s 
Under which the Troubles continue.  the Court had a little inconsiderately imprisoned: ●…t the evil was not cured by that Remedy. The Duke de ●…han refused to go out of St. John, to let la Rochebeaucour command there in his absence: and he had a great m●… while he was seconded by the Zealous of the Province to rid himself of that man in whom he could not conside: So that there happened new disputes, which kept the Jealousies on foot, and which renewed the threatning● of a War. 
Endeavours used to involve du Plessis in the same.   
Endeavours were used to involve du Plessis in the same; insinuating to him that the Queen, sending Force towards St. John, might improve that occasion to take Saumur from him. That advice might equally proceed, either from those who were desirous of a War, and who were ●● hopes to engage all the Provinces into it, incase they ●o●●● oblige du Plessis to take sureties, as being full of Jealousy▪ for himself: or from those who being acquainted with the jalousies of the Marshal de Bovillon, did not question but ●● would improve all occasions, to humble du Plessis▪ by ta●… from him a place of the consequence of Saumur. It was no ha●… matter to incline the Queen to do him that injury; either because he had taken the part of the Zealous in the l●●● Assembly, or because the Book he had lately published 〈…〉 incensed the Catholics against him. The Nuncio used ●● utmost endeavours in order thereunto and he was second● by the Marshal de Bovillon, who represented du Plessis as ● Man without whose advice the Duke de Rohan did nothing. Nevertheless, Du Plessis, being persuaded that the Court was not in a condition to attack the whole Party by 
Who remain in quiet.  main force, and consequently that they would not venture to take Saumur from him by open War, refused to follow the Council of those who advised him to fortify the said City a●… his Garrison: and even when he saw the Forces of Boisda●… lodged almost under the very Walls of Saumur, he per●… in his design only to arm himself with Innocence. He obtained what he desired thereby. The Court discovered, th●… he had no thoughts of War, since he had slipped so fair ●● occasion to declare it; and that far from taking the advantage of it, as another would have done, had he been ●● his room, he had not so much as expressed the least ●…tion of being attacked in Forms. The Queen caused Boisdauphin to retire; and made use of du Plessis council, ●ut an end to those Troubles.  
●n the mean time the differences between the Duke of 
Assembly of the Circle at Rochel.  ●…an and de la Rochebeaucour daily grew worse and more ●…siderable: The Duke being resolved to turn him out ●…ny rate, and the Queen on the contrary thinking her 〈…〉 obliged to maintain him in his Post, as a man she ●…ld confide in, and whom the Duke designed to turn 〈…〉 only because he had too great a dependency on the ●…r●. Insomuch that she still returned to threatening from ●…e to time: and that the Duke took measures to pre●…t the effect thereof. It proved no hard task so to do, ●…reason that the Public Protection lafoy Rochebeaucour re●…ed from the Queen made him to be suspected: and ●…eas several people were of opinion that the King's Authority was nowise concerned in that dispute, they con●…ed naturally that the Queen had secret reasons, to take 〈…〉 part of a Subaltern so highly against his Superior Of●…. For which reason the Province of Saintonge easily ●…er'd themselves to be persuaded that the generality was concerned in that Affair, and that their Surety was viola●… by the attempt that was made upon the best place ●●in their Precinct. Therefore they made use of the Ar●…e that had been drawn at Saumur, which Authorised 〈…〉 Province that should be attacked to assemble Depu●… out of the Councils of the five adjacent Provinces, to ●…berate about such remedies as should be most proper ●…e applied to the Evil it was threatened with. Those ●…d of Assemblies were commonly called the Circle; ●…er because that name was taken from the form of 〈…〉 Government in Germany, divided into Provinces that 〈…〉 called Circles: or because the Province that was attacked ●…ven'd those that surrounded it. They invited Rochel●…ch ●…ch made a Province a part, the Lower Guyenne, Poitou, ●…o●, Bretagne, to send two Deputies a piece at Rochel on 〈…〉 20th of September out of their Council, to consult about 〈…〉 Affairs of Saintonge, and of St. John d'Angely. The Court was acquainted with it; and in order to hinder t●… of Rochel to receive the said Assembly into their City, 〈…〉 to suffer them to do any thing which might prove of consequence, they took precautions which increased the E●… and which had like to carry things to the utmost extremities.  
But before we relate them, it will not be amiss to 〈…〉 
Prospect of Reconciliation among the great ones.  down in this place that the Commissioners of the Natio●… Synod of Privas for the Reconciliation of the Lords, 〈…〉 were divided at Saumur, applied themselves about the Commission, as soon as they arrived at Paris. They 〈…〉 great difficulties at first: by reason that the Marshal de Bovillon and de Lesdiguieres refused to hearken to it, but up●… such conditions as would not have been approved of by 〈…〉 rest. But finally, they agreed upon the substance and fo●… a Writing, which was signed by those two Lords, and ● Chatillon: Whether it were that the Marshal de Bovillon had already a prospect of other Intrigues with the discontented Princes, for the success of which it was nece●… the Reformed should be united; or whither he thought 〈…〉 had done enough to be revenged of the refusal of 〈…〉 Presidentship at Saumur; or finally, whether it were 〈…〉 he had a mind to show that he had a respect for a Synod which represented all the Churches; He entered again 〈…〉 to the Union of the Churches: and though it seemed not 〈…〉 material for the affairs of St. John d'Angely, yet it b●… the Queen's measures. She could no longer pretend to 〈…〉 those two Lords along with her against the Duke of R●… since they were reconciled to him, and had signed Treaty of Reconciliation and Concord. The Comm●…oners deputed two among them, viz. Rovuray one of 〈…〉 Deputies General, and Durand one of the Ministers of ●…ris, to carry the Writing which those three Lords 〈…〉 signed, into the Provinces to be signed by the rest. du P●… was easily prevailed upon to sign it: but when they c●… to the Duke de Rohan at St. John d'Angely, they found 〈…〉 harder task; and had not du Plessis gone to him on p●… ●… about it, he would hardly have done it. The five ●…vinces were sent for; the appointed day was at hand; 〈…〉 it was to be feared that incase the Assembly were held; 〈…〉 would relapse into greater and worse feuds than ●…re. Du Plessis caused it to be adjourned until the 20th 〈…〉 October: and having employed that time to negotiate 〈…〉 accommodation at Court, he got it to be put of for a ●…th longer by the Mediation of the Deputies ●…eral.  
Rochel had had its share of the Troubles; and about 
Sedition at Rochel.  〈…〉 same time that the Duke of Rohan convened the five ●…vinces, there broke out a Sedition there, the conse●…nces of which were to be feared. The Queen had endeavoured to interpose her Authority in the Election 〈…〉 the Mayor of that City, and to make herself Mi●…s of it, as she had endeavoured to do at St. John. The ●…nity of Mayor of Rochel was very considerable: he 〈…〉 Governor of it by his place; and had almost an ab●…te Power there, both as to the Military and Civil Government. So that incase the Court could have gained 〈…〉 one point, of having the Election of the Mayor at ●…r disposal, they might easily have secured that place ●…hout besieging it. But the City having the power to ●…e their Chief themselves, carefully preserved that privilege, and would nowise suffer the Brigues of the ●…urt to encroach upon that important liberty. There●…e the Queen succeeded yet less in it than at St. John: 〈…〉 the last Mayor was Elected according to the usual ●…, notwithstanding all her endeavours to the contrary. 〈…〉 though the said City preserved their Rights, they remembered still that the Queen had endeavoured to Invade ●…m; which appeared in the affair I am going to relate. 〈…〉 Coudray, Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, was 〈…〉 one of the Sheriffs of Rochel; but he was suspected of 
It's origina. ●.  ●…ing with the Court. His behaviour in the Election of the Mayor had increased those jealousies: and it was thought ●…t he had been the bearer of the Queen's orders, which tended to Violate the usual forms. He came to R●… every year in the Vacations, under pretence of his D●… mestick Affairs: but it was thought that the Co●… gave him secret orders. He came some days 〈…〉 year sooner than he used to do; and though he ne●… used to come before the Parliament was broken up; he ca●● to Rochel before it that time. He had brought di●… Commissions relating to Justice, even in such places 〈…〉 were not under the jurisdiction of the Parliament Insomuch that in order to Authorize him in such places 〈…〉 which the jurisdiction of that Court did not extend, 〈…〉 Queen had made him intendent of Justice, and that 〈…〉 the Title of his Commission. But lest the Gates of R●… should be shut against him, the Court had not given 〈…〉 the quality of Intendent of the Polity; by reason that 〈…〉 Rochelois, who were sole Masters of their City, would not h●… allowed him to take that Title, far from suffering him 〈…〉 exert the authority of it. He made no use of that pretended Intendence of Justice he was invested with, and declared that he would not take the advantage of it: wh●… persuaded them that the said Commission covered other 〈…〉 signs; that it only served to Authorize him, as bearer of Royal Commission; and that it was left to his discre●… to use it or not, according as he should think ●it. He 〈…〉 covered only a Credential Letter for Rochel, which gave 〈…〉 assuranoes of her Majesty's good Intention. But it 〈…〉 thought that he was only sent to divide Rochel, if he co●… from the rest of the Churches: which design had a do●… prospect; the one to oppress the Duke de Rohan, who co●… not defend himself unless Rochel assisted him: the other 〈…〉 deprive Rochel of the advantage of the General Un●… when ever it should be attacked in particular. Moreover it was thought that he brought Instructions to dissipated Assembly, which it was very well known at Court t●… Duke de Rohan was meditating. They knew that it 〈…〉 become General, incase the Deputies of the Circles sho●… think fit for the common good to invite the Dep●… ●… the other Provinces at it: and they were sensible that 〈…〉 Duke would use his utmost endeavours, to renew all 〈…〉 propositions of that of Saumur there. Du Coudray was 〈…〉 accused of writing to the Queen, in terms which seemed 〈…〉 intimate that the Inhabitants of Rochel were not well ●in'd. He seldom conversed with any of the Inhabitants, 〈…〉 such as the rest had no good opinion of: and the first 〈…〉 visited him at his arrival, was one Le Vacher, a man ●…y much suspected, and not beloved by the people; especially since that in a certain dispute with the Citizens, 〈…〉 had the insolence to threaten them that he would 〈…〉 them to Paris with a Rope about their Necks: which 〈…〉 them a great deal of reason to believe that he relied 〈…〉 the favour of the Court: since otherwise it would ●…e been a ridiculous threathing▪ in the mouth of a pri●… Inhabitant of Rochel.  
These reasons whether true, or likely to mistrust him, ex●… 
And its violence.  so furious a Sedition against him, that the Magistrates ●…t not at first appear before the Mutineers, to oppose ●…r Violence. They took up Arms; made Barricado's ●…he avenues; and Du Coudray was forced to lie concealed ●…fear. This began on the 5th. of September: but the first 〈…〉 being stopped of itself, the Sedition broke out again ●…he 12th. with such terrible threatenings against those 〈…〉 were suspected, that Du Coudray desired to go out of 〈…〉 Town for his safety; whither he really thought him●…n danger, or whether he had a mind to take an occasion 〈…〉 thence to aggravate the Relations and Complaints, he 〈…〉 accused of sending to Court against Rochel. In order to ●…ove him from thence the Mayor accompanied with some ●…ldiers attended him to the City Gates: Yet tho▪ the ●…yor was very much respected by the Rochelois, the Peo●… being in a rage forgot their respect on that occasion; 〈…〉 upon him and his Men, and pursued Du Coudray with ●…s and injurious Words. The Mayor was slightly wound●… but Du Coudray received no hurt: and when that ob●… of the People's jealousies and rage was removed, they easily  
silly returned to their former Duty. A large account 〈…〉 the said Sedition was sent to the Council, lest Du Coudray should represent it yet in a more odious manner. All 〈…〉 motives of the People were represented in it, as well as 〈…〉 the progress of their violence: but Du Coudray was repu●… the occasion of the evil; and the whole ended with pro●…ses of Fidelity and obedience.  
This affair being ended, Rochel consented to receive the 
Negotiations for an accommodation.  Assembly, though they were unresolved about it at first: 〈…〉 they only began their Session there on the 20th. of November, by reason that powerful endeavours were used 〈…〉 two months' time to find out the means to come to an 〈…〉 commodation. Du Plessis obliged the Duke de Rohan to 〈…〉 his propositions. He made them like a man that ●ea●… nothing, and who thought himself capable to inspire 〈…〉 into others: and to say the truth, it cannot be denied 〈…〉 he imposed Laws upon the Court, if we reflect on 〈…〉 manner in which those troubles were ended. He demanded more advantageous Conditions than those the Assembly of Saumur had obtained: and for his own particular he 〈…〉 fir'd the removal of La Rochebeaucour and of Foucaud, wh●… he did not like; to have the disposition of the Comp●… 
High pretensions of the Duke de Rohan.  of the first; To Nominate a Deputy General himself; 〈…〉 his and his Brothers, and his Friends Pensions should be restored, together with the arrears that had been stopped; 〈…〉 that all manner of proceedings should cease against such 〈…〉 had been prosecuted upon his account. Those pretenti●… were so high, that there was no likelihood to expect t●… the Queen would condescend to them. Great difficul●… arose upon it: and while the Council was deliberati●… 'bout them, there arose new ones. A Messenger ha●… subpaened Hautefontaine to appear in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, was very ill used at St. John d' Angely, where the ●…signs of the Court advanced as little by proceedings of ●…stice, as by threatenings of War. On the other hand, Saujon Gentleman of Saintonge, who had been sent by the Duke 〈…〉 to the upper Guyenne, to try what succours he might exp●… ●… those provinces, and to maintain Rambures in the Government of Aiguemortes against Berticheres, whom the Re●…'d were jealous of, was stopped at Rovergue, and used like 〈…〉 Prisoner of State. So that people were exasperated on 〈…〉 sides.  
Nevertheless, the Court not finding itself in a Condition 
The Queen consents to it, only preserving some appearences for herself.  sustain by effects the height of their first threatenings, ●…mis'd the Duke all that he had desired. The truth is 〈…〉 the Queen was not displeas`d at the removal of La Rochebeaucour, by reason that the Government of Chatelleraud 〈…〉 vacant at that time, she bestowed it upon him. She only ●…'d in order to save appearances that the Duke Rohan●…ld ●…ld receive him for eight or ten days in St. John; as if the ●…en having had the power to maintain him, had only re●…uish'd it in order to promote a peace, without being any 〈…〉 obliged to it. But whereas the Generality of the Reformed began to be heated, she was also obliged to grant them 〈…〉 of those things which had been refused to the Assembly Saumur. I have said that the National Synod had renewed 〈…〉 demands of it, and that they had charged the Deputies General with a Cahier in which they were contained. Some ●…hose Articles were favourably answered '. The Reform'd●…e ●…e allowed not to style their Religion Pretended Reformed. 〈…〉 Court promised the Ministers the same exemptions ●…he ecclesiastics of the Roman Church enjoyed. The ●…ods were restored to their former Liberty which had been ●…tle encroached upon by the last Declarations. They pro●…d to redress the grievances of the Provinces; and to give 〈…〉 Reformed satisfaction for the Towns of Aiguemortes, Essone, 〈…〉 Mas d' Agenois. They promised to revoke all the Expe●…ons, Letters, Acts, Decrees, that had been given since the ●…mbly of Saumur against the Reformed. But that which was ●…st considerable, was the toleration of Provincial Coun●… The Queen had expressed a great repugnancy towards 〈…〉 but whether it were that she was afraid they would keep ●…m up against her will, or because she had a mind to that the Reformed a favour to blind them, she finally consented to that Settlement, but with a Clause, which mi●●● occasion some dispute, but yet could not be refused; wh●● was that they should use that privilege as modestly 〈…〉 they had done in the Late King's time.  
But when the Duke de Rohan received an account of t●● 
The Duke bei●● exasperated by new injuries refuses ●● accept them.  promises of the Queen, he was in the first transports of 〈…〉 anger, for the violence committed against Saujon. So ●●● he refused even to answer the Reasons that were alle● to him, to oblige him to receive those good offers. 〈…〉 threatened the utmost severities incase that Gentleman 〈…〉 ceived the least ill treatment; and protested that he wo●… hearken to no reason until he had received satisfaction up●● that Article. Thus all those promises, which the Q●… 
The Assembly meets at Rochel  made perhaps less to keep them than to dissipate the 〈…〉 which was to repair at Rochel, proved ineffect●●● and the Deputies met there on the appointed day. T●● Court found no other expedient, to prevent their tak● any vexatious Resolutions, that to send Rovuray thither, 〈…〉 to prevail with Du Plessis to assist at it. They could 〈…〉 prevail with the Assembly not to meddle with such Af●… as might create most occasion of vexation: and mor●o● the Assembly used them almost like suspected Per●… The reason of those suspicions was that they distrusted 〈…〉 Queen's promises; and that they partly discovered her In●tions through the fair words wherewith she designed to am●… the World. What ever Rovuray could say to justify 〈…〉 sincerity of her promises proved ineffectual: the Assem●… refused absolutely to break up until they beheld the e●… of it: and all that could be obtained from them was th●● they would break up, without leaving any marks of th● having made any deliberations; on condition that 〈…〉 Deputies should meet at the same place again on the 2● of December, to see whether the said promises were p●●formed; 
And charge the Deputies General with new Articles.  and to confer about it without holding the so●● of an Assembly. Nevertheless, in order to make them co●●ply to this, Rovuray promised to add▪ some new Articles to those which the Synod had drawn: and among ●… they desired that whenever there should be a vacancy of Government of any place of Surety, the Churches ●…ld have the liberty to Nominate three Persons to the ●…g, out of which he should choose one; That what had 〈…〉 retrenched out of the Sum promised for the payment ●●e Garrisons should be restored; That the form promised the Edict of Nantes, should be given to the Chamber of Edict of Paris; That the Reformed should be allowed Nominate the Person that should Collect the Sums that ●…ld be given to them for the maintenance of their Garri●… and of their Ministers; and some others of that kind. 〈…〉 little Assembly seemed to exceed the bounds of their ●…er; since that according to the Intention of the Regu●…n of Saumur, they ought not to have exceeded the 〈…〉 of St. John d' Angely, upon the account of which they 〈…〉 been convened. But the relation of that affair to all ●…rest, and the jealousies occasioned by little things in ●●ch a mystery was suspected, made them pass over ●…e reflections. And Rovuray could obtain nothing with●… those Conditions.  
●ouvray having made his report to the Court, the 
Resolution taken at Court.  ●…en found that bare words would not satisfy Per●… so well resolved: but she thought her Authority too ●●h concerned in the continuation of that Assembly, to ●ny thing at their request. Therefore a Council was 〈…〉 on purpose upon that Subject, in which it was resolved ●…o nothing that might seem to be granted in favour ●hat Assembly, which was looked upon as unlawful; 〈…〉 forbid Provincial Councils for the future; To an●… the other Articles nevertheless according to the ●en's promise; not as being proposed by that Assem●… which was reputed unlawful, but as contained in a ●…tion presented by the Deputies General before Rouvray's ●hey; To publish a new Declaration, confirming the acts, and granting a general Pardon for all those that ●…ld remain within the bounds of the● Allegiance. The 〈…〉 Resolution ended by the project of sending the Marshals of France to perform their Circuit or Progress in th●●● respective Provinces according as it had been practised anciently, 
Chevauchee.  and according to the obligation of their said Off●●● accompanied with Officers of Justice and Forces, to check a●● punish the Guilty, and to aid and assist the Good. T●●● was a threatening resolution, which signified properly th●● they would oblige the Duke de Rohan to obey by fo●●● of Arms; and punish him like a Rebel, if they could ca●●● him. Those Circuits or Progresses which were sorm●●● part of the Civil Government of the Kingdom, and whi●● were ordained to protect the weakest against the strong●●● and to encourage the oppressed to complain, finding themselves assisted by Law and by the King's forces against 〈◊〉 might of the oppressors, had been of no longer continua●●● than Liberty. They had been suspended for a long time and considering the behaviour of the Court, and the Progress of Arbitrary Power, it was easy to Judge that th●● would not be re-established; or that they would not 〈…〉 in order to administer Justice. The Marshal de B●●illon was to be one of them, that it might not seem to 〈◊〉 an affair of Religion: The Marshal de Brisac was to 〈◊〉 joined to him in that Progress: and the Forces were to 〈◊〉 divided as well as the Generals. But finally whether 〈◊〉 were to Cost a Province or two, they were resolved 〈◊〉 force the Duke of Rohan to obey: and his resistance 〈◊〉 imputed to the mildness of the means that had been ●●till then in order to reduce him.  
Nothing of all this was put in execution, but the Declaration 
But ill performed.  that was published within a week after it, wh●●● was the third that appeared that year. It first enlar●●● upon the endeavours the King had used to maintain P●●●● among his Subjects, according to the Maxim of the 〈◊〉 King, who having granted the Edict of Nantes in ord●● 
New Declaration.  to remove all the fears and jealousies of the Reformed 〈◊〉 relation to the Liberty of their Persons, of their Consciences, of their Honours, and of their Families, had happ●●● governed his People in peace by the observation of that ●… of the secret Articles, Breefs, and Settlements made consequence thereof. The King added that his endears had not hindered his Subjects in general, and even 〈…〉 Reformed, from entertaining jealousies of each other; ●●ch had induced them to augment their Forces, to make ●●ision of Arms, to hold Councils and Assemblies: which ●ather imputed to an ill grounded fear, than to ill ●…, having ever found the generality of the Reformed 〈…〉 affected to his Service. He said that the best way to ●●edy that evil, and to avoid the consequences thereof, 〈…〉 to observe the Edicts inviolably: in order whereunto bordered the Edict of Nantes, that of the 22d. of May●o ●o. The private Articles, the Decrees, the Regulations 〈…〉 other Letters expedited in consequence thereof, for the ●…rpretation of the execution of the Edict, to be read and ●…lish'd anew in the Parliaments. After which he abo●…d all Decrees, Acts. or Proceedings, and Expeditions ●…de against the Reformed under any pretence whatever; 〈…〉 imposed a perpetual silence to his Attorney's General, ●…r Substitutes and all others upon that Subject; by rea●… that he was of opinion that the infractions committed 〈…〉 the Reformed, only proceeded from slight jealousies, and 〈…〉 from ill will: and that he was in hopes that for the fu●…e they would keep within the bounds of the Edict. Fi●…y, he forbade all manner of Communication of Assem●…s, the establishing and holding of Provincial Councils, ●…ing of men, and all actions directly or indirectly contra●… to the Edicts, on pain of being punished as disturbers of 〈…〉 public peace.  
This Declaration was published on the 15th. of De●…ber. 
Remarks upon those frequent Edists.  The Spirit and Style of the others appeared visibly 〈…〉 it, which only tended to represent the Reformed as peo●… that were ever ready to take up Arms. Nothing could 〈…〉 of more use to the Court, than always to give them the ●…me even of the injustices that were committed an them. The project of their Ruin was built upon ●…t Foundation; and the minds of the People had been prepared so well upon that Subject, by that Policy, 〈…〉 even some of the Reformed blamed the suspicions and 〈…〉 cast of their Brethren. It is from thence that the excl●…ors have drawn all the Common Places of their Invecti●… Nothing can be more specious in appearance, to convi●… the Reformed of having ever had a Turbulent Facti●… inclination, than to produce Pardons upon Pardons gran●… to them: and to see the prohibition of persevering in the enterprises daily renewed against them; However the ju●…fication of their Conduct will appear, by the Remonstr●…ces of the Parliaments, and by the Manisestos of the ●…, who reproached the Queen directly with the inobse●…tion of the Edicts. But before ● proceed to that, we 〈…〉 observe that the Reformed were sensible of the Policy those Deelarations; and that they were loath to rec●… them, by reason that they knew that they concemed themselves by submitting to them. Therefore the Deputies the Circle being come to Rochel on the 25th. of 〈…〉 
The Circle Assembles again.  Month, according as it had been resolved at their separati●… made great difficulties upon the State in which affairs 〈…〉 to them. They were neither pleased with the Dec●…on; nor yet with the Answers made to the Deputies Gen●… because they did not find those answers in Writing altoge●… conformable to those they had received a month before 〈…〉 Rovuray in the Queen's Name. The prohibition of ●…vincial Councils troubled them more than all the rest: 〈…〉 the more the Court seemed adverse to allow them, the 〈…〉 they esteemed them necessary for their safety. In●… 
Rochel separates from the rest.  that the Deputies General were obliged to use their 〈…〉 endeavours to appease them, and Du Plessis to do the like; which proving ineffectual, the City of Rochel was obliged separate from the rest of the Deputies, and to declare 〈…〉 they thought there was no further necessity for the co●…nuation of the Assembly. But the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 come thither, in order to make them alter their re●…tions by his presence, they were like to come to blo●… and to oblige the Body of the City to retract. The ●… prevented it, by securing the Cantons that could make 〈…〉 the strongest. Thus to avoid making War with the ●…, the Reformed were upon the point of waging it ●…st one another, and to spare their ancient Enemies trouble to ruin them. It is observable that the May●…nd Precedent of Rochel were lately come from the Court, ●…re they had been to give an account of the preceding ●…tion: and that the good Treatment they had re●…d there, had disposed them to follow mild Councils. for Du Plessis, the Court rewarded him some years' 〈…〉 it for his good intentions; by taking Saumur from by an unworthy Treachery: and they begun with him, ●…rder to distinguish him from the rest.  
The Assembly being therefore no longer able to subsist 
Which puts an end to the troubles.  〈…〉 Rochel, and that City declaring positively that they were ●…ied with the Queens proceedings, the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 dreaded that example might be followed by o●…s; and that he might be forsaken as soon as ever his 〈…〉 was attacked; that those reproaches might be renewed ●…st him which had been made at Saumar; that he only ●…d at trouble and disorder, to make himself head of the ●…y, that Duke, I say, submitted like the rest, and sent a ●…tleman to the Queen, to express his regret to her for ●…ng offended her. The Queen received his Submissions; what she had promised was performed. La Rochebeau●… entered into St. Johnd ' Angely, for form sake; and the ●…en removed him from thence within a sew days to give 〈…〉 the Government of Chatelleraud. However the Queen ●…isted in the resolution not to tolerate Provincial Coun●… but after having been solicited by the Deputies Ge●…l, and by divers Envoys from the particular Provinces; Plessis having also solicited very earnestly for it, and ●…onstrated what inconveniencies might arise from it, in●… the Provinces, to whom those Council seemed to be ●…lutely necessary, should refuse to dissolve them, the ●…en promised Verbally to tolerate them, provided the ●…rches made a modest use of the said Institution: which the Deputies General acquainted the Churches with her Name. Thus one and the same thing was forbidd●… by a public Law and allowed of by a secret ●…mise: 
Verbal promise to tolerate Provincial Councils.  insomuch that it was easy for the Queen to 〈…〉 the advantage of the Law when ever she pleased, and forget her Promise..  
However those troubles did not end until the beginni●… 
Declaration of the Marriages resolved upon with Spain.  of the year 1613. But before we leave this, it will 〈…〉 proper to observe that the Seeds of the Civil Wars wh●… were soon, after kindled in the Kingdom were sown in 〈…〉 The Queen declared publicly that the Marriage of 〈…〉 King with the Infanta of Spain, and of the Infant of S●… with the King's eldest Sister were agreed upon. She 〈…〉 the 25th of March to make the said Declaration, a day ●…dicated to the Solemnity which the Catholics call the ●…nun●iation. Three days of rejoicing were made upon 〈…〉 account, in which a prodigious dissipation was made of 〈…〉 remainder of Sully's Husbandry. The Duke of May●… was sent into Spain, to Sign the Articles between the K●… and the Infanta; and at his return he brought back 〈…〉 him the Duke de Pastrana, to Sign those of the 〈…〉 and of the King's eldest Sister. That affair offended 〈…〉 Prince of Conde, and the Count de Soissons to a high ●…, because it had not been communicated to them. T●… retired from Court upon that pretence: but their anger 〈…〉 not last long; and their consent, their signature, and th●… return were bought with some gratifications. The 〈…〉 
What offends the true French men.  prudent among the French, likewise were displeased, to 〈…〉 those Marriages concluded so soon after Henry the 〈…〉 Death, who had expressed so much repugnancy towa●… them; and that those sums should be expended in Tu●…ments and Balls which had been laid up for greater desig●…. That they should serve to pay the vain Pomps which 〈…〉 pressed the joy of an alliance with their greatest Enemi●… That what he had designed, to make War against them, break the Fetters they designed to Impose upon Eu●… should serve to show publicly that they renounced th●… rious projects; and that France should shamefully adhere 〈…〉 the progress of a House which aimed at the Universal ●…narchy.  
But no body was more concerned at it than the Reformed, ●…reason, that besides the general reasons in which they ●…eed with the rest to disapprove the said Marriages, they 〈…〉 particular ones which only related to themselves. They 〈…〉 as well as every body else that Spain had a great as●…dant in the Council of France; and that not having been 〈…〉 to oppress Europe by the ruin of that Kingdom, they ●…eavour'd to succeed in it, by joining the interests of State to theirs, under pretence of Alliance and Friend●…. They saw that Spain did precipitate an affair which 〈…〉 not ripe yet, in marrying of Children before the Age which Nature renders them capable of it: which alone 〈…〉 sufficient to give violent suspicions of some hidden de●…. They could not foresee whether Marriages of this ●…ure, being only promises which may always be re●…ted, might not prove a trick of Spain, which had for●…ly played the like; and who would break that Pro●… as soon as they should want the Alliance of another ●…ce. The Negociators, which were the Pope and the ●…t Duke, were suspected by them, as persons that de●…'d their ruin. The Duke de Mayenne chosen among ●…ny others for the Embassy of Spain, he whose Name 〈…〉 seemed to revive the League, created a thousand suspi●… in them. Finally, they knew that at the first propo●…n that had been made of those Marriages, an Article 〈…〉 been inserted in it relating to them: and that the Ca●…icks expected to sanctify those Marriages by the de●…ction of Heresy. Those thoughts had run in the minds ●…ose who had inspired the desire of War into the Duke 〈…〉 Rohan: but whereas the cause of the difidence remained 〈…〉 after the accommodation of that affair, and the separa●… of the Assembly of Rochel, people's minds were still ●…y to take fire, when the Princes expressed new dis●…ents.  
The noise that was made at Rochel to hinder the continuation 
1613.  of the Assembly, was soon appeased: But there 
Ferrier abandons the Ministry.  happened an affair at Nimes which did not end so easily. Ferrier who had been deprived of the profession of Theology, and of the Ministry he had exerted at Nimes, by the National Synod, not being satisfied with the Church of Montelimar where he was sent; resolved to try whether the Court would assist him in order to be restored or give him some recompense for what he had lost by his complaisance for them. He obtained a Counselor's place in the Presidial of Nimes: and after having received his Patents for it, he resolved to officiate it himself. The Ministers of Paris and others used their utmost endeavours to put that fancy out of his head, as soon as they knew it. Moreover they obtained a promise from him that he would obey the Synod: but he broke it; and to add treachery to desertion, he abandoned his Religion, and yet professed it still outwardly. And it is thought that he lived in that shameful dissimulation long before he quited his Ministry. His Church upbraided him for it, and he partly confessed it, as will appear by the Sequel.  
As soon as he came to Nimes, in order to be received in 
Is received Counsellor at Nimes.  his new Office, the Consistory having notice of it, endeavoured to oppose it; and being assisted by the Consuls and Consular Council, they desired the Presidial to defer the reception of Ferrier, because there were reasons to hinder it, which they would give his Majesty an account of, by most humble remonstrances. Ferrier had foreseen those difficulties; not doubting but the City and Church would look upon his enterprise as a Bravado. And indeed he had only chosen that employment to brave his Enemies: and whereas they knew him to be a giddy headed haughty revengeful Man, they were sensible that he would prove insupportable to those who had contributed towards his disgrace, being in possession of a place of Justice. But as the same reasons which made others fear him, made him the more desirous of it, he had taken precautions against those oppositions before his departure from Paris. He had brought such positive and such pressing Letters from the Court, that the Presidial either thought, or feigned, that they could not defer his reception. So that he was received notwithstanding the oppositions of the Consistory: but whereas he had rejected the remonstrances of that Company upon his enterprise, they excommunicated him after several proceedings, being assisted by the advice of some Ministers, and of some Elders of the neighbouring Churches, as Deputies from the Synod of the Province to strengthen them. The Excommunication was pronounced on the 14th. 
And is Excommunicated.  of July. Notwithstanding which Ferrier in order to brave the Consistory with more haughtiness, caused himself to be conducted to the Palace by the Provost and his Men. He was attacked at his coming back, first by the Children, who threw gourds and railed at him; by degrees some of the Common People joined with them without Arms. Ferrier finding himself pressed, retired in a Magistrate's house: but a Catholic Counsellor who was with him, passed through the Crowd without receiving the least affront, or injury, by word or deed. Soon after which some body crying out of the House in which Ferrier had retired himself, that some of them would be hanged, that threatening exasperated the People instead of frightening them. However they had so much consideration in their fury as not to confound others with Ferrier; and to show that they only aimed at him, those mutineers quited the house in which he was, and attacked and forced his, after his Servants had defended it a long time with Stones. The Ministers who came thither in order to appease the tumult, received some Stones from the House, which incensed the Rabble to the utmost extremity: So that without respecting either the Consuls, Judges, or Ministers they broke down the doors, plundered and burnt all the goods, and omitted nothing that an enraged multitude is capable of doing. However it was observed that a Franciscan, and some Priests passing through the crowd, in the height of the Sedition received no manner of outrage. Finally, the first Consul appeased the people, and in order to cool that first heat, a Minister made a Prayer upon the place, to b●g of Almighty God to calm their hearts. The Prayer was harkened unto with as much Tranquillity, as if the auditor's thoughts had all been calm.  
In the mean time the Consuls placed Guards at the Gates▪ 
Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier.  and in divers parts of the City, and took precautions, as if they had been fearful of a surprise. Their design was to cause the Gates to be opened in the night, under pretence of discovering what was done without, in order to let Ferrier get out of the City with the Soldiers undiscovered. The better to cover their design, they gave out that they had received certain intelligence that there was a design on foot against the City, and that their Enemies designed to take the advantage of that popular rising to put it in execution. However they durst not venture to put him out the first day, lest the people being hot still should perceive it: and the next day they could not, by reason that the word happened to be given double at the Gate where they designed to pass, without knowing how it came about. But on the 17th. they got him out, and they found some of the Constables Gens●… arms who expected him, in order to Guard him. A Corpse de Guard was placed in his House for the security of his Wise who was ready to Lie In: but she also left the City within 8 or 10 days time by her Husband's order, who had a mind to have an occasion to insist in his Complaints, on the circumstance of his Wife's condition, to aggravate the Violence of the People. he took his time so well in order thereunto that she was delivered between Nimes and Baucaire which are but three Leagues distant from each other; falling in Labour by the way. During these Transactions the People had destroyed a Country House which did belong to Ferrier; had fell`d the Trees, rooted the Vines, and committed other disorders: and the Judges having Imprisoned some of the Seditious to frighten the rest, they were rescued with violence: but yet at the same time the Mutineers were careful not to let other Prisoners escape.  
Ferrier being safe, the said War dwindled to writings 〈…〉 both sides; both Parties being desirous to avoid the 
Writing on both sides.  ●●●proach of it. The Reformed accused Ferrier of a sordid ●…, which made him detain the Salary of the Workmen that worked for him: and they pretended that the ●●ildren of those illpaid Workmen had begun the Sedition. They upbraided him with having taken Pensions from ●●nry the 4th, and from Lewis the 13th to betray his Bre●●en, and to reveal their Secrets: that he had been wa●●ing in his Religion; sometimes promising the Catholics 〈…〉 change; and then again promising the Reformed to per●●ere: That he had told some persons that he had preached 〈…〉 Doctrine of Jesus Christ for 16 years, without believing in him: That he had spoken of the Incarnation of the 〈…〉 of God, in such horrid Terms, that Paper could not ●…ar them: That ever since the death of Henry the 4th his ●●nner of preaching had been Seditious; that the Catholics and Reformed had made equal complaints against him 〈…〉 the Duke de Ventadour, who had been obliged to redemand him: That he had endeavoured to draw his Col●gues into a Sedition: That he had proposed means to ●…n the Churches: That he had supposed Calumnious Let●●rs under other people's names: Ill administered such things 〈…〉 he had been entrusted with: Converted the Money of ●…e Academy and of the Church to his own use, which ●…d been proved against him in the Synod of Privas; and 〈…〉 general that his Life and Conversation was neither suita●…e to the Catholic or Reformed Doctrine.  
He denied part of those accusations: but he excused the 
Appollogies of Ferrier.  ●…st, as if he had had reasons to do it. He called the be●●ying of their Secrets, which the Reformed upbraided him ●…th as a piece of Treachery, Fidelity to the King: What ●●ey called Pensions to betray them, a recompense for his ●…od Services: Those Sermons as they styled Seditious, free ●…d sincere Discourses, in which he spoke his mind conscien●…usly about the then State Affairs. He acknowledged that 〈…〉 had Preached Doctrines contrary to those of the Reformed; but he said that they were new lights which he had discovered in Catholic Books, which had opened his eyes abo●● many errors of his own Religion. This was found in th● Apologies which either himself or the Jesuits did Pri●…▪ However, this Sedition had no other consequence than 〈…〉 Transferring of the Presidial of Nimes to Beaucarie. It w●● ordained so by a Decree from the Council, which ga●… this reason for it, that they could no longer sit at Ni●… there to administer Justice without danger. But the 〈…〉 having satisfied the Court by a speedy obedience; a●… other considerable Cities, which looked upon the consequence of that Affair to be general, having joined their entreaties to theirs in order to obtain the revocation of the Decree, they obtained it easily. Ferrier being cruelly mortifi●● by the ill success of his Enterprises, and irreconcilable wi●● the Reformed that abhorred him, comforted himself with the love of the Catholics, who looked upon him still to be● some use. He lived a long while after that miserable Catastrophe; and the Court where he was favoured by t●● 
And his end.  Jesuits, honoured him at last with a place of Counselors State. There is a Pamphlet of his in which he makes t●● Elegy of Cardinal de Richelieu, whose Ministry afforded 〈…〉 Theme to a thousand Satyrs. He never was so firm● Catholic, but that he still gave the Reformed hopes of joining with them again. But whereas there was no fortune to ● expected in their Service, especially after the decay 〈…〉 their Affairs, he persisted to the end in the Roman Religi●… which answered his Ambition and Vanity.  
The Duke de Rohan who had only made an agreeme●… 
Reconcilement of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bovillon.  with the Court by Force had preserved some resentme●… against those who had put that Violence upon him: and the Commissioners of the Synod had not been able to pre●… with him to enter into the Reconciliation which the other great ones had signed. The end of those Broils giving people time to breath, the Negociations of that Accomodatio●… were resumed: but with some difficulty at first, by reason that there was some coldness between the Duke and ●… Plessis, who was very useful to prevail upon people. The ●…d coldness proceeded from that du Plessis had broken all ●…e Duke's measures at Rochel by his Credit and Prudence. however as they had a great respect for each other, they ●ere easily reconciled. They met in a House belonging to ●…e Duke's Mother, where after some discourse they remained ●…ry well satis'fid with each other. Moreover the Duke ●…omis'd to live civility with the Marshal de Bovillon when 〈…〉 should go for Paris; and whereas the reasons which made ●…m take that resolution were grounded upon the Public ●…od, and the Service of the Churches, the Marshal reli●…ed them as well as he, and promised the same thing. But ●…t jealousy did not allow them to entertain any real friend●…p or confidence in each other.  
The Sheriffs of Saumur made an attempt that year, which 
Attempts of the Sheriffs of Saumur.  ●…ow'd that du Plessis moderation exposed him more than ●…y other to the attempts of his Enemies. They suffered ●…emselves to be persuaded to call a Jesuit into their City, 〈…〉 Preach there during the Octave, which the Catholics call ●…pus Christi. The thing was of consequence had it succeeded, ●…d the example would have been great had du Plessis suffered it 〈…〉 incline the Governors of the other places of surety to 〈…〉 the same. Therefore: the Jesuits of la Fleche had thought fit 〈…〉 begin with Saumur, and had made an agreement with the ●…fficers, and the body of the City to send them a Preacher. ●…e Sheriffs and the others had much ado to desist from ●…at Pretention, although du Plessis gave them to under●…nd that having besides the usual Priests, three sorts of ●…onks in the City, they had no occasion for a Jesuit; and ●…at he showed them that those of that Robe were exclu●…d out of the Cities of Surety, by the Answers to the 
* Petitions or Addresses.  〈…〉 Cahiers'. They expected to obtain his consent by Civility ●…d Entreaties: but finally, he being positive not to grant it 〈…〉 them, and they not to desist from their enterprise, he ●…as obliged to obtain an order from above. The Queen ●…anted it according to her promises, and to the desire of 〈…〉 Plessis; and she caused the Jesuit to be countermanded ●…erself.  
The Chamber of the Edict of Paris reversed a sentence 
1614  of the Judge of Orleans that year, who had adjudged a Legacy 
Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris.  given by a Lady of Quality for the maintenance of the Ministers and Poor of that City, to the Hospitals of the said City and of Remorantin. The like proceedings happened often: The Inferior Judges commonly expressed a great deal of Passion in the affairs of the Edict; and made no difficulty to violate the clearest dispositions of it by their judgements. But the Chambers were more equitable: and whereas none but chosen Judges were employed there still, whose Righteousness and Moderation were know, they often reformed what the Inferior Judges had judged amiss. But that very year the King granted a● Edict to the Bishop of Mompellier, which the Reformed 
Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the University.  thought they had reason to complain of. He gave o● confirmed to the Bishop the right of making Regulations, for the Government, or Reformation of the University; To take an Oath from all such as were admitted into their Body, or that enjoyed any of their Offices; and generally to authorize their Acts. This under pretence of doing a● act of Justice, was a Cruel encroachment upon the Reformed of that City, who were much more powerful than the Catholics, and who pretended that the said Right belonged lawfully to the Body of the City, over whom the Bishops would usurp it. The subjecting of them to the Authority of the Bishop, was the more grievous to them by reason that he was an undertaking malicious person, who spent, all his time in contriving to trouble others for his own advantage. His name was Fenovillet: and he was indebted for his advancement to the Duke of Sully. The said Lord had obtained the Bishopwrick of Poitiers for him from Henry the 4th, and that of Mompellier becoming vacant about the same time, he got him translated to it. But though Fenovillet was indebted to a Reformed Lord for his Dignity, it did not hinder him from doing a thousand mischiefs to the others; nor to declare himself upon occasion one of their most inveterate Persecutors. He did not want Eloquence: and when Lewis the 13th Besieged Mompellier 〈…〉 1622, he harrangud that Prince in so violent a manner, ●…at the Inhabitants of the said City would have had reason 〈…〉 expect the utmost Extremities, if they had not been ●…le to defend themselves. This Edict was made about ●…o years before it was verified, by reason that the oppositions of the City made the Court judge that affair to be 〈…〉 consequence; and that the State was so embroiled, that it ●…ould have been a rashness to have exasperated the Reformed. ●hey might have given a potent re-enforcement by their ●nion, to those that were dissatisfied with the Regency.  
The Princes were very much dissatisfied with it; and ●…th much reason. The extraordinary favour of the 
Discontents of the Princes.  ●…arquiss d' Ancre, an Italian of little merit, esteemed of ●…scure Birth, and who could not so much as speak French, ●…ent so far that every body murmured at it; the Prin●…s having no share in the Affairs, and that Stranger alone ●…verning according to his pleasure. The Prince of Conde, ●…e Count de Soissons, the Dukes de Longueville, and de Vendome, 〈…〉 Mayenne and de Nevers, and some others united themselves against the Favourite: Some were induced to it upon ●…e account of Pride or Interest, others upon the account 〈…〉 Amours, or Intrigues. The Marshal de Bovillon was ●…e hottest of all of them; and he was the Mediator of the ●…e Union. He had entertained hopes to advance him●…f in the affairs of the State, and to gain the favour of that ●…incess by his Complaisance. But after that Princess had ob●…'d the Service she expected from him, he was neglected ●…e the rest: Whither it were that she observed that he had ●…t so much power over the Reformed as he pretended, or ●…at she was displeased that after having engaged herself, rely●…g upon his Credit, to refuse several things to the Assembly 〈…〉 Saumur, she had been obliged to grant the same things at ●…ers times, one after another; whereby she had lost the ●…it of her Favours, by reason that they were granted by ●…ce and out of season. So that the Marshal only succeed 〈…〉 in losing part of the confidence the Reformed did repose in him, and drew powerful Enemies upon him. ●…der to remedy that loss, he disposed the Princes to 〈…〉 their resentments: and whereas he was used to put 〈…〉 Name of the Reformed at the Head of all his Propositio●… he did not fail to offer them all their Forces. The 〈…〉 of Rohan was a great obstacle for him. Their Reconciliati●… had not stifled their mutual difidencies. He could do 〈…〉 thing without him, by reason that he had a great Pow●… in Saintonge, in lower Guyenne, and in Poitou, three considerable Provinces. The Marshal de Bovillon was af●… that incase he should enter into the Union he would gro●… too Powerful: but yet the Prince of Conde invited him 〈…〉 it. He found him very willing to join with him, by reason of the last discontents he had received from the Q●… Moreover, the Princes putting the Inexecution of the Edi●… among the reasons of their retreat, and obliging themsel●… to obtain a reparation of the same, it was a strong m●… to engage him into their party, by reason that it see●… to be very advantageous to the Churches.  
Therefore he seemed to hearken to it, and sent Haute●…taine 
The Duke of Rohan enters into it.  his Confident at the Conference where the Pri●… treated of a Peace. This being joined to the Artific●… the Duke de Bovillon made the Queen so jealous of 〈…〉 that she resolved to take his Place of Colonel of the ●…zers from him, which she presented to Bassompierre, 〈…〉 finest Gentleman of the Court, and who was most in 〈…〉 favour at that time. The Duke freely resigned his pl●… and took a recompense for it, which he thought b●… than to expose himself to lose it, without the least advantage, by refusing it: besides his Salary was not very 〈…〉 paid. The Marshal de Bovillon had had the cunning to conceal the share he had in the discontents of the Prince's fr●… his Confidents; and in order to make all the suspicious of 〈…〉 Court full upon Duke de Rohan, he had only mentioned it 〈…〉 
Artifices of the Marshal de Bovillon.  his Friends. So that the Marshal de Bovillon seemed to have 〈…〉 share in those Intrigues, although he was the head of them: 〈…〉 he behaved himself so prudently that he became the Medi●… them. The Queen being deceived by that Policy, or ●…ming so to be, employed him to quench those rising Flames: 〈…〉 he had the Art to deserve the thanks of both sides in 〈…〉 Affair which he had promoted himself. The Duke of Rohan was of no other use to him than to make the Queen ●ad the Princes the more, in order to oblige her to grant 〈…〉 better Conditions; and to make the Princes accept accommodation the sooner, lest they should be too much ●…g'd to that Rival of his Glory, incase he should pro●…d to a Declaration of War.  
The Princes withdrew to Mezieres, a place blonging 
Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes.  〈…〉 the Duke de Nevers, near Sedan, which was very ●…veniently seated, either to receive foreign Suc●…rs, incase they could obtain any, or to fly out of 〈…〉 Kingdom incase they were reduced to that necessity. 〈…〉 Duke de Vendome was not able to follow the rest, 〈…〉 reason that he was stopped at Paris as soon as their ●…eat had been known: but having soon after made 〈…〉 Escape he repaired into Bretagne of which he had the Government, in order to make the people take Arms there. ●…y published a kind of Manifesto in all their Names, in 〈…〉 form of a Letter from the Prince of Conde to the Queen▪ 〈…〉 complained in it of all the Disorders that were observed ●…ll the parts of the State; and above all things of the execution of the Edicts of Peace granted to the Reformed, 〈…〉 had conceived just jealousies about it, The whole was ●…uc'd to desire an Assembly of the Estates General, as 〈…〉 only means to restore France to a perfect Tranquilty. 〈…〉 writ to the Parliament of Paris to the same purpose. 〈…〉 answer was sent him in the Queen's name, in which the ●…rt endeavoured to throw the blame of the disorders of ●…ch the Regency was accused upon the Princes themselves. ●…y justified the Queen particularly upon the subject of 〈…〉 Edicts, saying that she had used her utmost endeavours 〈…〉 the observation of them: but that whenever she re●…'d to use any severity against the Reformed, which as ●…y pretended abused their Privileges, those who endeavoured to incline them to a Rebellion represented all her actions 〈…〉 them as Cruelties and Injustices; and that whenever she ha● been indulgent to their demands, the same Persons h●… blown into the Ears of the Catholics, that she favoured their progress by the impunity of their enterprises.  
The Wiser sort were of opinion that the retreat of the 
Their precipitation is blamed.  Princes had been too much precipiated; and that having made a false stepped at first, they would obtain no great advantage of their ill-contrived Union. They had neither Money, Soldiers nor strong holds and all their hopes b●… 
〈…〉  built on Immaginary Succours, or uncertain Events, we 〈…〉 say that they were very Ill grounded. Not but that 〈…〉 Duke of Rohan did whatever he could on his side 〈…〉 make a show of his Power, and to render himself considerable to the United Princes. He prevailed with the Provincial Council of the Lower Guyenne to Conve●… an Assembley at Tonneins of three Deputies of every o●… of the other Councils, and the Letters of it were dispatched towards the end of March. The day on whi●… they appointed the Assembly to meet, was the same t●… had been taken to hold a National Synod in the same Pla●… Insomuch that had those two Assemblies concurred in 〈…〉 same Resolutions, it might be said that the Reformed 〈…〉 never taken such general ones. We will observe 〈…〉 where why it did not succeed. I will only say that 〈…〉 Prince's only making use of the Duke de Rohan's go●… Will, to render themselves the more formidable to 〈…〉 Queen, they concluded a Peace in the presence of ●…tefontane 
A Peace is made.  his Envoy, to whom they daily gave a thousa●… Assurances that they had no thoughts of it. The Sum●… of Money that were offered them, made their Swo●… drop out of their Hands. They obtained the usual 〈…〉 of Grace: and the greatest thing they got was a prom●… to Assemble the Estates. Amboise was delivered up 〈…〉 the Prince of Conde as a Place of Surety. The other profited by it according to their Quality. The o●… Duke of Rohan paid the Scot, and got nothing but t●… Queen's Indignation by it. The Duke de Vendome held ●ut longer than the rest; and the Queen was foroed to ●o into Bretagne to reduce him to Reason.  
This Treaty being concluded at Ste. Menehould on the 
Injury done to the Prince of Conde at Poitiers.  ● 5th, of May, was forth with put in Execution: but the Peace which was but just concluded had like to have been broken by an affront the Prince of Conde received at Poi●…ers. He was disatisfyed with the Bishop to whom he ●nt some smart Letters by a Gentleman of his Retinue. The said Gentleman was ill used, by the consent, and perhaps at the Instigations of the Bishop. The Prince being informed therewith in a Journey of which no body knew the Secret, resolved inconsiderately to go to Poitiers to revenge that affront. Whereas he was only Armed with his Quality at that time, and not very well attended, ●e was not much in a Condition to be feared; and therefore the Inhabitants shut their Gates against him, and refused him Entrance. This seemed to be done by the Bishop's Credit: but it was thought that he had received secret orders from the Queen about it. Moreover some Persons some which were Engaged in the Prince's Interests were turned out of the City: whereupon he did whatever lay in his Power to Assemble his Friends and to lay a kind of Siege before that Insolent City. But he could hardly Assemble Men enough to annoy the Inhabitants a little, whom he hindered from going to and fro by keeping of some Passages. He neither had time enough nor means to renew his Correspondence which the Peace had broken: and the Queen being gone from Paris with her Forces, the fear of her marching against him obliged him to remove from before Poitiers. He was forced to submit that affair to Justice, and to suffer Commissioners to be nominated to examine it: and the Bishop was sent for to Court as it were to be reprimanded for his proceedings. It was not so much to punish him, as to put him in safety: and the Queen having brought the King 
Cities of Surety opened to the King.  to Poitiers, improved that occasion to put her Creatures in the Chief Employments there, in order to secure that City to herself. The Reformed resolved in that Progress to show the King that he was as much Master of the places of Surety, as of all the other Cities of his Kingdom. He was received with his Forces in all those where he came. Moreover, he was invited to come through such as he seemed to avoid on purpose, left it might create some jealousy.  
Soon after the Treaty of the Princes, the Reformed held 
National Synod. The King of England's. Letters.  a National Synod at Tonneins. Several affairs were handled in it, which neither related to their Doctrine, nor Discipline. They received Letters from the King of England, who embraced all occasions to concern himself with Divinity, as much as he neglected to mind the general affairs of Europe. The Subject of his Letters was a dispute between Tilenus and du Moulin, who accused each other of Error, about the Mystery of the hypostatick Union. Besides, Tilenus had Sentiments that were not very Orthodox, about the concurrence of Grace with humane Will. The Marshal de Bovillon who did esteem him, and who had called him to Sedan, to give a reputation to the College he had founded there, declared himself publicly his Protector; which gave a great deal of discontent to the Churches. That affair occasioned several Conferrences, after which Tilenus was finally abandoned, and left the Churches of France in quiet, until he took upon him to write against the Assembly of Rochel, during the Civil Wars. As soon as the Synod received the King of England▪ s Letter, they resolved to open it: but before they read it, they resolved, lest their keeping a correspondence with a foreign Prince might offend the Court, to send a Copy of it to Rovuray, one of the Deputies General, who remained with the King while la Miletierre was come to Tonneins▪ to the end he should show it to the Ministers incase it should create any jealousy in them: and they protested at the same time that incase the said Letter did mention any thing but what related to Religion, they would not treat about it without express leave from the King. It was a medium which seemed to reconcile the divers pretensions of the Court and of the Synod: The Court would not allow the Reformed to keep any Communication ●ith Foreigners: and the Synod thought that they ought to ●ave the freedom of that Correspondence, in things which ●…lated to their Doctrine. Therefore they thought that ●…ey should satisfy the Court by keeping within those bounds, ●…d by tying their own hands in affairs of another ●ature.  
The Council of the Lower Guyenne was obliged to give 
Council of the Lower Guyenne.  ●…e Synod an account of the Convocation they had made, which I have spoken of. That way of proceeding was not ●…proved of every where, because it exceeded the bounds 〈…〉 the regulation made at Saumur; That the Province had ●…t a sufficient grievance, to have recourse to that remedy; That even in that case it would have been sufficient to invite the Deputies of five adjacent Provinces; and ●…ally, That since a General Assembly was expected, which ●…e Deputies General endeavoured to obtain leave for the ●…d Convocation could not be looked upon as necessary. They ●…ledg'd reasons for it, which freed them from a Censure. The Church of Pujols, in the precinct of the Assembly of Again, ●hich is part of that Province, had refused to submit to ●…e resolutions of that Council. Complaints were made ●f it in the said Assembly, where after having heard the party's, they had censured the disobedience of the said church; though they justified pretty well that their intentions ●ere good. The said Church appealed to the Synod, which confirmed the Judgement of the Assembly. The reason ●f it was that the resolution having been taken by the plurality of Voices, they broke the Union in refusing to sub●it to it, and made an inlet for Divisions. Moreover it 〈…〉 observable by this affair, as well as by several others, ●…at though the Power of Political and Ecclesiastical Assemblies 
Mutual Subordination of the Assemblies.  was bounded in certain things, the one being to meddle with Civil Government and Safety, the other with Discipline and Doctrine, nevertheless, there was a kind of mutual Subordination between them, by virtue whereof ●he one sometimes reformed the regulations of the other, or took Cognisance of their Judgements by way of Appeal▪ That was very proper to maintain Union between those two Tribunals, and might have contributed considerably towards the preservation of the Churches, if it could have been observed without Ambition or Jealousy.  
The Deputies General had obtained leave to hold a General 
Brief of leave for a General Assembly.  Aessmbly: but the Brief obliged them to assemble at a time and in a place which did not please them. The place was Grenoble, very distant from all the Provinces, and moreover in the Power of Lesdiguieres, and of a Parliament which would not allow the Deputies the liberty of their Suffrages. The time was the 15th of July, too short a time to allow the Provinces Leisure to nominate their Deputies and to prepare their Instructions. Moreover, the Brief contained modifications that were too strict, and allowed the Assembly nothing but to nominate Deputies General. The Synod ordered those that performed that function at that time, to obtain a more convenient Place, and freer, 〈…〉 longer time, during which Provincial Assemblies might be held, to give an account of the proceedings of the Synod and a more favourable Brief, giving the Assembly a large Permission. The Synod, only obtained an alteration as to the time. The Assembly was put of until the 25th of August: but the Queen declared that she could neither change the Place, nor the form of the Brief. The Conjuncture of the time, the King being near upon entering into his 14th year, and consequently to be declared Major▪ might have given the Assembly an occasion to treat about great things. The Estates that were promised, were to me●… shortly: which also was an inducement for the Reformed to look about them, But those very reasons also induced the Court not to allow their Assembly all sort of Liberty. Nevertheless, the place displeasing them, they chose rather not to meet than to do it in the Capital City of a Province, in which the Parliament and Governor might equally disturb them. We will see what happened about it the following year, in which the alterations of Affairs made them earnestly desire the same place, which they had so much rejected.  
An account was given to the Synod of the means that had been used to reconcile the Lords; and Letters 
Letters from the Lords. Pecuniary Affairs.  were delivered to them from the Dukes de Rohan, de Sully and from du Plessis, which desired the Members of the Synod to acquaint the Provinces with their good intentions, and with their zeal for the Service of the Churches. Bergerac disowned in that Synod the Brief of 1500 Livers, which the King had given them to take upon the 15000 Crowns of Augmentation; and after the Church and City had declared in writing, that they renounced all manner of means to obtain the said Sum, unless it were by the good Will of the Synod, the Assembly granted them 1200 Livers. This husbandry seemed to be very necessary, by reason that the Funds were wanting every where for the payment of the Ministers: and those who had treated with the late King upon that Subject, had taken their measures ●o ill, that most of them having no Salary besides what they had out of the said Donations were reduced to great ●…reights: which rendered them incapable of performing their Ministry, susceptible to the inspirations of the Court which endeavoured to corrup them, or despicable for their Poverty. The Sum granted by Lewis the 13th added but little to their Salary; besides they had occasion ●or it, for so many things that the Ministers had not the advantage of it. The King applied part of it himself to what he pleased; and he had had much ado to free that ●…m of the penny per Liver which he had taken out of it ●or the Salary of the Deputies General. The rest was distributed part to the Accademies and Colleges, part in Gratifications and Recompenses, and part for Deputations and private Affairs. The Lower Guyenne proposed in order to remedy that Evil to beg of the King wherewith to pay ●he Ministers entirely. The Synod hearkened to that proposition; but they thought fit to refer it to a General Assembly.  
Among the things that were promised in order to dissolve the Assembly of Rochel, the Court had put the Reformed in hopes of an Exemption of 
* Taxes.  Tailles for the Ministers: and the Declaration of it had been drawn accordingly. 
Exemption of Tailles for the Ministers.  But the Courts of Aids, made great difficulties about it; and it had not been verified; so that it had only proved an illusion till then. The Synod ordered the Deputies General to press the Registering of it; and the Deputies of the Churches to carry the said demand to the mixed Assemblies of their Provinces; and those particular Assemblies to give them to their Deputies to be moved in the General Assembly.  
They spoke of the Innovations that were introduced in the nomination of the Governors of the places of Surety, and in the reception of the Reformed in the places that were 
Places of Surety.  allowed to them. They were obliged before their said reception to 〈…〉 an attestation of the Assembly within the extent of which the Government of a Place became vacant: But the Court did not observe it, in order to have the sole authority of those Nominations. The Synod made a very severe order upon that Subject against those who accepted Goverments or other Employments that way: and referred the Complaints of the fact to the Political Assemblies. They also ordered the Consistories to hinder the Governors of places from protecting any persons accused of things which deserved Punishment, lest those Cities given for the Surety of their Religion should serve to protect Criminals.  
One of the six Reformed Counsellors in the Parliament of Paris, called Berger, was lately turned Catholic. H●… change made a breach in the number of the Officers of th●● 
Berger a Reformed Counsellor at Paris turns Roman Catholic.  quality promised by the Edict: and the Reformed pretended that Berger ought no longer to enjoy the said employment which belonged to them, since he had changed his Religion. But Berger had made his bargain before he changed his Religion that he should not lose his Place; and it was the interest of the Catholics not to turn out such as embraced their Communion. lest the fear of that disadvantage should discourage others who might also be inclined to do the same. The Synod ordered the Deputies General to endeavour to repair that breach; and to acquaint the Assembly with it incase they could not succeed in it. But their diligence proved inefectual; and the Reformed never received full satisfaction upon that Subject.  
The discharge granted by the King of the Penny per Liver 
Reformed of Gex.  out of the Money he had granted the Reformed, authorised the Synod to desire him also to discharge them of the 3600 Livers adjudged to the Churches of the Country of Gex. The reason was that the said Sum was taken out of a Grant ●n which that Country had not been considered, by reason that it was not under the King's Dominion at the time of the Edict; and that at time when the said augmentation was granted, it had a Fund settled by the late King's Commissioners, for the maintenance of its Ministers. Moreover, the said Sum was distributed by order from the Council; which did not forget to do it in such a manner that divisions might ●rise about it. The Synod of Bargundy, of which that Bayliwick was a dependency, had adjudged 60 Livers out of the Money designed for that Cantoon, for a College they designed to erect at Gex: and the Assembly had acqui●ss'd to it. But the Inhabitants of the City being offended that so little was granted them, applied themselves to ●e Council in which they obtained a Decree which adjudged them 250 Livers. This was dangerous, both as to the example, which authorised the Malcontents to appeal ●om the Judgements given in the Ecclesiastical Assemblies ●o the Council: and for the Consequence which submitted ●●e distribution which the Synods made of the said Grants ●o the review of the Council: which was directly contrary ●o the Brief of 1598., which allowed the Reformed to dispose of them without giving any account of it. Therefore the Synod took the thing to heart; and censured the Reformed of the City sensibly; and threatened to proceed further against them, incase they did not submit with obedience to their Synods.  
We may gather from the Synod that there were Churches 
Church's n●●t as e● settled.  grounded on the disposition of the Edicts, of which the settlement was nevertheless not as yet made, by reason of the oppositions of the Catholics; whither it were upon the account of the Poverty of those that were to compose them, or upon the account of the negligence of those that were to employ themselves about it. There were some of this kind in Auvergne: and that of Issoire was of that number. They had long pursued their affairs inefectually at Court: but the Synod being informed with their deplorable Condition, ordered the Deputies General to second their Petitions, and to recommend them in their Name.  
The Reformed of the County of Avignon, who two years 
Condition of the Reformed in the County of Avignon.  before thought themselves strong enough to form a Province by themselves had strangely altered their Condition since. They had been persecuted with so much violence that their Condition was worthy of Commiseration: and the Synod which knew no other remedy, was forced to beg of the King to turn their Mediator, to obtain some ease for them.  
The Synod made other liberal gifts to some particular persons, 
Liberality's of the Synod.  Rivet had 600 Livers for some Works, and Gigord Professor in Theology at Mompellier, who had had a dispute at Court some years before with Cotton the Jesuit, had 1850. The same Synod appointed places in every Province, in order to establish Colleges, of which some have subsisted 〈…〉 
Colleges.  our days; and though they were sensible, considering the small Fund they had to dispose of, that there were too many Academies in the Kingdom, by reason that the● were too chargeable, yet they preserved them for fear of prejudicing those places out of which they should remove them. They gave the Churches of Bearn power to convene a National Synod in their Turn, on condition that the● 
Bearn.  should submit to the Decisions of those that should be held in the Kingdom, and that they should make their appeals there. We have already seen by what happened in the Assembly of Saumur, that the Court would not allow the Political Union of that Province with the rest of the Churches of the Kingdom. But the said Province itself dreaded to be United too much with them in the exercise of their Discipline, for fear of injuring the privileges which the Churches enjoyed there independently from the Edict of Nantes, and by ●…e of more ancient Titles. Particularly they were ●aid lest in submitting the Churches of the Country to ●e decisions a of Synod held elsewhere, it might serve as pretence against the Right they pretended, that the General and Particular Cases of their Inhabitants could not 〈…〉 taken out of the hands of their natural Judges; viz. 〈…〉 Council, and their Estates. There was something like 
●●ents.  ●…s relating to the City of Mets; the Church of which ●…ly maintained a Communion of Doctrine with the others: ●…t kept at a distance as to the rest, for ●ear of prejudicing the Rights they enjoyed before the Edict; from the very ●…e they submitted under the Protection of France.  
The Oath of Union was renewed in that Assembly with 
Oath of Union.  〈…〉 usual Protestations of Obedience and Fidelity to the ●…ng, The Empire of God remaining whole; and every deputy promised to get it ratified in his Province. Finally, 
Letters to the King and Queen.  ●…e Synod writ to the King and Queen, about the things ●…ey ordered the Deputies to solicit. This difference was ●…serv'd in the said Letters that the same things that were ●…ention'd in the King's Letter, were some what more enlarged ●…on in the Queen's. Among the Complaints they made them, there was one in particular, concerning an excess committed at Guise against the person of a Reformed; which the Lieutenant General was accused of having had a ●…nd in; either by exciting the Authors of it directly, or 〈…〉 conniving at them. They demanded Justice about it, 〈…〉 the end that the punishment of those that were guilty 〈…〉 it, might put a stop to those Violences, and show that ●…e Reformed had a share in the King's protection as well 〈…〉 the rest. They gave reasons in the same Letters for ●…e refusal that was made by the Churches to accept Grenoble for the place of their General Assembly; and in order 〈…〉 obtain a more convenient place, they alleged the example of the late King, who always had a regard to the Petitions of the Reformed, as to the nomination of a place for ●…e like Convocations; but that Negotiation was interrupted by Affairs of more Consequence.  
The Queen who had promised to assemble the Es●… General only thought on means to amuse every body 
The Queen prepares to Assemble the Estates General.  until the King's Majority. The affairs that occurred 〈…〉 the Treaty of Menehould, Ste. happened as apropos for her, 〈…〉 if she had contrived them herself. But she had yet a nothing design in her Head, which was of greater consequence. She was very sensible that the Princes had desired an Assembly of the States in order to mortify her ●● the suppression of her Creatures: and that the whole Kingdom was in expectation to see what the said Assembly wo●… produce, which had been formerly the remedy of the people's Grievances, and the defence of their Liberties. ●● she had observed by the success of the last States that 〈…〉 was not impossible to make a different use of it; and 〈…〉 oppress by means of the States, those who expected protection and assistance by them. In order whereunto she 〈…〉 what Pius the 4th had done with the Councils which 〈…〉 Predecessors stood so much in awe of. He made use 〈…〉 them to break the bonds which those Assemblies w●… used to give to the authority of his See; and to reform th●● Princes that had a mind to reform him. Thus the Que●● took measures to make the States serve to maintain 〈…〉 Power, and to colour the oppression of the people. Therefore she resolved to make the Declaration of the King Majority, before the Overture of the State: not doub●● but though she thereby lost the Regency, it would be 〈…〉 for her to preserve the Authority of it. The King was 〈…〉 easy, so young, and so well disposed by the Education and by the discourse of his Confessor, and others whom 〈…〉 Queen had put about him, to be Governed by her, that the●● was no likelihood she should Reign less absolutely und●● her Son's name for the future, than she had done 〈…〉 then. The only way to maintain her Power was to mak● that Prince speak; whose Will ought to be more respect●● being declared Major, than when it seemed inspired 〈…〉 him by his Mother's directions. The Overture of the States being appointed on the 15th October at Paris, the Queen carried the King to the Par●ent 
Declaration the King's Majoritty.  on the 2d of the said month, to take the Act of Majority, and to verify the Declaration of the pre●●ing day; who after having praised Almighty God for 〈…〉 prosperity he had granted to the State, and re●ed the Queen thanks for her prudent conduct during Regency, contained four or five Articles, certainly ●thy to be the first Laws of a Prince, who was to ma●● his State for the future himself, and to trust no longer ●●e vi●ilency of others. The first confirmed the Edict of ●tes, and all the Articles, Regulations and Decrees that been granted to the Reformed, touching its Interpreta●… and Execution. The second condemned all Correspondencies, Leagues and Associations at home and abroad; 〈…〉 Deputations made to Foreign Princes whither ●nds, or Foes, without leave, under any pretence what●…. The third depending on that forbade all those who ●iv'd Sallarys, Pay, or Pensions from the King, to re●e any from any other Prince or Lord, and to beat Arms ●ollow any body but the King, on pain of losing their ●●oyments, Sallaries and Pensions. The fourth renewed all Ordinances against Duels; without any hopes of Mercy. 〈…〉 last did the same against Blasphemies, and ordered the ●ent Ordinances to be published a new. In order to Judge ●●e Justice & necessity of the third Article, we must observe there were several persons in the King's Pay, who ap●●d themselves nevertheless to the service of certain Lords, ●…m they looked upon as their Patrons, whose Will was a deraign Law to them. In the progress the Court had ●…y made it was observed that two Lords followed the ●…g, who had each of them 500 Horse to attend them. ●…as glorious for the King to Command such potent ●●●jects: but it was uncertain whether such Subjects would ●ays obey: and Policy could not permit the King to pay ●●nds and Creatures to his Subjects to act against him.  
On the day the Queen had appointed, the Deputies 〈…〉 the Provinces repaired to Paris and made the Overture 〈…〉 
Overture of the States.  the States. There had been great Brigues in the Provinces 〈…〉 obtain the nomination of persons that were at the devoti●● of those who designed to profit by that Assembly. The Que●● had used her utmost endeavours to have them favourabl●▪ The Prince of Conde had omitted no means to get 〈…〉 strongest Party there: and whereas the Public Good 〈…〉 his Interest seemed to be linked together, he had east found such as did embrace his Party, although he had 〈…〉 wherewith to make gratification like the Queen. He w●● particularly seconded by the 
* The Commons.  third Estate, which commonly is the only one that keeps to the right Cause: by reas●● that being the first on which the weight of oppression light they are also the first that oppose the progress of Slaver▪ The Prince had much ado to resolve to come to Court ●●ter the mortification he had received. His weakness had 〈…〉 of the Queen's Power; and he was afraid that coming 〈…〉 Court after an Affront for which he had received so 〈…〉 satisfaction, he would make but a melancholy figure th●●▪ But the Queen would have him there, by reason that otherwise whatever she should cause to be ordained without 〈…〉 should want weight and effect; and that on the first o●●●sion he should have to create new Troubles, she should 〈…〉 obliged to begin a new. She was resolved to ruin 〈…〉 Power by the means of the Estates, in order to break 〈…〉 his measures for the future.  
She would have met with no success in that enterprise 〈…〉 
The Clergy and Nobility unite against the third Estaete.  there been any Faith in the Clergy, or Vigour in the Nobility. But the Clergy spoiled all according to their usual ●●stom, and betrayed the King and Kingdom for their particular interest. The Court engaged them on their side, 〈…〉 Complaisance and benefits: and they engaged the Nobili●● on theirs; and those two bodies being joined oppressed 〈…〉 third Estate. There are natural seeds of discord am●… those divers orders of the Kingdom: The two first are 〈…〉 burdened with the Charge of the State, and little value ●●e grievances of the third which bears them all: and the ●hird on the contrary having ever Complaints and Re●onstrances to make against the two others, who seldom ●are their Blood and Labour, and are very Liberal at their ●ost. The Clergy having began by Masses, Processions and ●●e Communion, to which they invited the other two, re●●lv'd to secure the Nobility, and to dispose them to join ●ith them, to act together. They applied themselves about 〈…〉 by Deputations in form, and by particular Intrigues. The strongest machine they set at work, even publicly, was in●●rest. They represented to the Nobility of what use Benefices were for the Children of Noble Families. They persuaded them that those two Orders made properly but one ●ody, since the Clergy was for the most part composed of gentlemen dedicated to the Church, who possessed the Revenues of it: and that therefore the Nobility ought to be ●●ited to an Order, of which they partaked the Riches and dignity so advantageously. In reality, Benefices are the resource of the Nobility, which being ruined in the King's ●●rvice, have no better way to maintain, or to raise their ●ortunes, than to make ecclesiastics of their younger ●ons, and Nuns of their Daughters, while they only keep the ●●dest to preserve the Name and Lustre of their Families.  
There were some Reformed among the Deputies of the Nobility: 
Reformed in the States.  but they were not strong enough to oppose the Catholics. Besides what ever came from them was suspected by ●…e ignorant Nobility and one of the reasons which prejudiced ●…e rights of the Crown most, and the Prince of Conde, was that 
Independency of Kings.  ●●ose who maintained them most were Heretics. People's minds ●eing disposed thus, The third Estate began to treat the que●ion of the Independency of Kings, and of the safety of their person's, against the erterprises and pretensions of the Court ●f Rome. It was none of their fault that it was not passed ●●to a fundamental Law of the State that they were subject 〈…〉 no Power directly, nor indirectly; and that there was no ●ase or pretence to authorize any body to declare their forfeiture of the Crown, & to dispense their Subjects from their Allegiance. The murder of the two last Kings had made a deep impression in the hearts of the King's best Subjects, and the Third Estate was desirous to stifle the remainder of the League by that Law, by showing their maxims to be false, and contrary to the principle of Monarchy, It was still fresh in People's minds, how those maxims had like to have torn the Kingdom into piece, and to deprive the lawful Heir of the Crown under pretence of Religion, and of the Excommunication pronounced against him by the Popes.  
It seems wonderful in our days that a proposition so specious 
Whose Cause is betra'yd by the Clergy and by the Court itself.  in itself, and so advantageous to Kings could be rejected. And yet it certainly was; and that which is most surprising is that the King's authority was used to reject it. The truth is that it was no novelty at that time: the Court had partly done the same two years before. The Monks had undertaken to make Kings stoop under the Pope's feet. The Clergy of the Sorbonne was inclinable to that Seditious Theology. Regal Authority was the sport of their Disputes and most people were wretchedly misled into that opinion. I do not wonder that they refused to allow the Reformed at that time to have the honour to defend their Sovereign, and that those Books were suppressed which they wrote upon that Subject: but yet methinks they should have, had a little more regard for the Catholics who maintained the same Cause. Nevertheless the Court handsomely acquiess'd to its own disadvantage. Richet only defender of the King's Rights, and of the Liberties of the gallic Church, and who maintained the propositions which the Clergy has lately defined, was oppressed by Duval, another Doctor seconded by the Monks: and the Court interposing in that Dispute, he was obliged to part with his place of Syndis of the University, to suffer the Condemnation of his Books, without saying any thing, and to suffer his Brethren, and even the King himself whose Interests he did defend, to treat him as an Heretic. But whereas the Reformed had a great share in that Dispute which was renewed in the States, I think it will be necessary for their Honour, to relate somewhat at large how that affair passed.  
The Clergy fell out into an Excess of Passion against ●…e Authors of that proposition. They made as much 
Passion of the Clergy.  noise as if they had designed to take away their vast Revenues, or to set the Reformed Religion upon the Throne. They drew the Nobility into their Sentiments: and having put Cardinal Du Perron at the head of a solemn Deputation which they sent to the Third Estate, he opposed ●…e good Intentions of that Body with all his might. The 
Harangue of Cardinal du Perron.  did Cardinal made a long studied discourse upon that ●…atter, to render the said proposition odious: and he maintained the Interests of the Courts of Rome with so much confidence, that he seemed only to make use of the Grandeur to which the favour of Kings had raised him, to destroy them, and to make them subject to a Foreign Power. The turn he took to make an Impression upon the minds of ●…e Catholics, was to represent that Doctrine as a branch of Heresy, in order to create jealousies about its Original. ●…e maintained with a boldness suitable to a more odious ●ame, that before Calvin the whole Church, and even the gallic Church did believe that when a King did violate the ●ath he had taken to God and to his Subjects, to live and ●ye a Catholic; and not only turned Arian or Mahometan, ●ut even proceeded so far as to War against Jesus Christ, ●…at is, to force the Consciences of his Subjects, and to oblige ●…em to follow a false Religion, he might be declared deprived of his Rights, and his Subjects could be absolved in conscience and at the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Tribunal, 〈…〉 the Allegiance which they had sworn to him: and that it belonged to the Pope or Council to make that Declaration. ●…e maintained that this Sentiment exposed no body to the Anathema, and did not deprive those who held it of the communion of the Church He declared more than once that ●…e Oath which the King of England had exacted from the Catholics, was the Patron of the Doctrine of the Third Estate, which at the bottom was the substance of that Oath. ●…e alleged several inconveniences which might arise from the enterprise of that House; for Instance that it would be a Snare for Consciences, to make people read as an Article of Faith taken out of the word of God, a Doctrine the contrary of which had been and was still held by all the rest of the Catholic Church; That it was dangerous that Laymen should undertake to decide matters of Faith, without being guided by a Council, or some other Ecclesiastical Judgement; That it might create a Schism, to declare a Doctrine Impious, which was approved by the other Catholics, which they did separate from by that Declaration; That under pretence of securing the Life and Grandeur of Princes, they would be exposed more than ever by the troubles which a Schism causes. He had the boldness to say, that the Murder of Kings could be prevented no otherwise than by the fear of Eternal Punishment; and that nothing but Ecclesiastical Judgements can give a real Terror of Punishments. He seconded all this with Examples, and Testimonies set out with a great deal of Pomp; displaying as he used to do the most fabulous and most false Reports: and he endeavoued to prove by subtle artificial answers, the Examples and Testimonies to the contrary.  
He also endeavoured to refute the Objections drawn from 
Why the Heriticks are tolerated.  other Causes, and among the rest that which was taken from the Toleration granted to Heretics: from whence it might be concluded that if Just Laws were made to preserve their Lives, their Estates, and their Honours, Kings were much less to be deprived of theirs under pretence of Heresy. He answered it in a manner which showed, that according to his opinion the Laws under which Heretics lived, did only suspend the execution of those which were against them: and insinuating, that incase a new Heresy should arise, which might be oppressed without danger by reason of its weakness, they would not fail to deprive the professors of it both of their Estates and Lives; he showed clearly enough that it was only the power of the Reformed, which he meant almost every where in naming them Heriticks, which made their safety. This alone might suffice, if men were equitable, to apologise for their Precautions and Difidences: since nothing can be more natural and just, when People are threatened with Punishments and Masacres, than to take ●easures to prevent them. He did not forget in that place 〈…〉 relate the usage Servet had received at Geneva, and the ●…rians in England.  
Speaking of the fourth inconvenience which he found in 
Distinctions of the Cardinal.  〈…〉 Doctrine of the Third Estate, he reduced his about the ●…ety of Kings to distinctions of Tyrants by Usurpation, and Tyrants by Administration, and some others which might ●…cover how much those pretended Sureties were illusive. ●…e Case was not to preserve the Lives of Kings against the ●…rts that are Lanced in the disputes of Colleges, where ●…ose distinctions might have been of some use; but against Assassinates, whose fury could not be repelled by a Distinguo. This subject requires, and I say the same of most of those which ●…ate to practice in important matters, Principles Independent ●…all such subtleties; which may at once give the most ignorant, a clear Idea of the Duties that are imposed upon ●…em.  
In order to end that long discourse by a conclusion wor●y 
His Conclusion.  of the rest, he endeavoured to persuade that it was a ●…eat moderation in the Popes, to suffer such to remain in ●…e Communion of the Church of Rome, which held the Doctrine of the Third Estate: and according to him they were very much obliged to the Court of Rome, for not being Excommunicated by them, and declared Heretics. Finally, to dispose his Auditors the better to relinquish that Article, he ●…cus'd the Reformed of being the Authors of it, and to have ●…pt in that proposition, which he called the Apple of Discord, 〈…〉 the 
* Pe●ion or Address.  Cahiers of some Provinces, to sow Division among ●…e Catholics. He said that they had long threatened that ●nterprise; That the said project came from Saumur: That nevertheless both the Synods and Ministers would refuse to ●…gn that Doctrine: which he proved by their Confession of ●…aith; by the exceptions which they added to the protestations of their Obedience and Fidelity; and by their taking 〈…〉 Arms, when ever the Court had attempted to deprive them of the Liberty of their Consciences.  
Whereupon we may observe first, That he applied their 
1615.  Doctrine to his with a great deal of malice; since there 〈…〉 
Reflections  a great deal of difference between not obeying Kings, whe●… they will force Consciences; or making them liable to deposition by virtue of an Eeclesiastical Censure, and exposing them to the Daggers of Murderers, under the pretence o● anathemas. The one was the Sentiment of the Reformed▪ the other was the Opinion of the adherents of the Cou●… of Rome, the impudent pretensions of which the Third Estate would suppress. Secondly that the Reformed in taking Arms never intended to revoke the Oath of Allegiance they ha● sworn to their Kings; but only to secure themselves again●… violence and oppression, being still ready to lay down the●… Arms, as soon as their persecutors had done the like. ●…nally, that the Cardinal justified against his will according to his principles, those Wars which the Catholics have 〈…〉 often reproached: since they never did take Arms but whe●… their Princes violated that Oath made to God and to the●… to make them live in peace and liberty under the protecti●… of their Edicts. It was a usual thing among the most viole●… Votaries of the Court of Rome, to impute those very thing to the Reformed as high Treason which that Court teach●… as a duty to the Catholics.  
This Discourse produced no effect in the 
* House of Commons. The third Estate Persists. Character of Miron, Precedent of the Chamber of that Order.  Chamber of the Third Estate, by reason that Miron who presided in it maintained the importance and necessity of the Article with Vigour and Capacity. He neither wanted Wit, Learning, o● Courage: and as he equalled the Cardinal in that, he had the advantage of a great probity over him. Moreover he was seconded by the Parliaments, whose Hereditary Doctrine he designed to pass into a Law: and all the good French, whether Reformed or Catholics, were very desirous that his proposition might be converted into a Law of the State.  
So that he would perhaps have carried it in spite of the Clergy, and have disabused the Nobility, had the Court taken care of their own Interests. But the Queen stood in need of the Clergy, either to maintain her Authority, or to accomplish the Marriages with Spain which she earnestly desired. ●…e was obliged to pleasure the Court of Rome and the Spa●…rds, who interested themselves very much in that dispute: ●…e one to take the advantage of the weakness of the Government, and to make some Encroachments upon the Kings of ●…ance, who had preserved their Independency better than ●…ers against their pretensions: The other to sow jealousies ●…d difidences in the Kingdom, which they might take the ●…vantage of in favourable occasions. The Jesuits who were 〈…〉 Pope's faithful Servants at that time, and very powerful at ●…urt, where they had the direction of the Consciences of the ●…g and Queen and of the principal Ministers, did not be●… themselves on that occasion; being sufficiently concerned 〈…〉 the Assassinations which the Third Estate had a mind to ●…vent, to think it necessary to prevent the Condemnation ●…he Doctrine which authorises them. Therefore the Cler●… obtained of the King under pretence to avoid disorder and ●…susion, to refer the said Dispute to himself and his Council. 〈…〉 whereas the said removal only suspended the question, ●…n which the Third Estate seemed resolved to press the King 
The Court silences the Third Estate.  〈…〉 give his judgement, they thought fit to silence them quite ●…n that Article. They were commanded to put that Article ●…te out of their Cahier, where they designed to put it at 〈…〉 head of all the rest. Thus the Queen sacrificed the Inter●… of the King her Son to her particular ambition; and hin●…d him from improving the greatest example of fidelity ●…t Subjects can give to their Prince.  
The Clergy nevertheless in order to acknowledge that 
Illusive Decree of the Clergy.  ●…mplaisance, and to show that they were not Enemies to 〈…〉 safety of Kings, put an illusive proposition in lieu of the ●…icle of the Third Estate, of causing the Doctrine of the ●…uncil of Constantia upon that matter to be published: a ●…ctrine which maintaining the interest of Crowned Heads 〈…〉 appearance, submits them nevertheless to the Censure of 〈…〉 Pope's; and exempts them no longer from the Rebellion 〈…〉 attempt of their Subjects than while the Popes maintain 〈…〉 favour them. In effect the Council only condems this proposition: All Tyrants may and ought Lawfully and Merit●…ously to be killed, by any of their Vassals or Subjects, even by secret Machinations, and by Artful Flatteries, notwithstandin●… any Oath whatever taken to them, or any treaty they ha●… made with them, without staying for the sentence or Order 〈…〉 any Judge whatever. Without minding the other equivo●… Terms in which the said Article is drawn, it is evident 〈…〉 least in consequence of that last Clause, Without staying 〈…〉 the sentence or order of any Judge whatever, that it leaves 〈…〉 Prince's expossed to assassinations and perfidiousnesses, agai●… whom Conspiracies are made after the Sentence or Order of certain Judges, that is, after the ordinance of a●… Council or Pope: since that, according to the Doctrines Cardinal Du Perron, there is no Jurisdiction but that whic● can stand up against Kings. Now this was properly what 〈…〉 Third Estate would prevent; in order not to expose Temporal power to the discretion of a See, which has only sounded its Grandeur upon the ruin of Princes. So that by 〈…〉 shameful and perfidious illusion, the Clergy substituted instead of the remedy which the Third Estate and the King good Subjects word oppose in favour of King's again●… the enterprises of the Popes, that very evil which 〈…〉 Third Estate and the said good Subjects endeavoured ther●… to remedy.  
But the Clergy did not think they had carried the Prevarication far enough by that Artifice. After hav● 
And their shameful Prevarications.  proposed to the King the Publication of that Decree, th● beghought themselves; and in order to render the Lives 〈…〉 Sovereignty of Kings more dependant of the Popes, th● only thought fit to order, that his Holiness should be intre●…ed to Confirm that Decree, and to order the Publication●… it. This way of proceeding was pretty conformable to wh●… Cardinal Du Perron had done in other occasions. In cert●… public disputes in which he had assisted, he had conclude after a pompous displaying of false Erudition, that one mig●… maintain the said matter pro and con with a safe Conscience 〈…〉 and that all the Doctrine of the Independency of King's ●… ●…ly Problematical. In the mean time all Persons of Honour trembled to think that in order to secure the Life and ●…own of Kings, there was, as they said, a necessity to ob●…n a Pareatis of the Pope. The Clergy pretended in vain ●…at in sending the thing to the Roman See, the said Decree ●…uld become more Universal, and more Authentic: That 〈…〉 the King caused it to be published, it would only serve 〈…〉 France; whereas if it were done by the Pope, the Doctrine 〈…〉 the Decree would become that of all the Catholic part 〈…〉 Christendom. The Answer to it was that the said Decree ●…ng only an Illusion, the Publication thereof would only ●…ve to render the Illusion more general: and that incase it ●…re of any Virtue, it mattered but little what strangers ●…ght think of the Kings of France, provided all the French●…de ●…de it a point of Honour and of Conscience, to believe that ●…ir Kings were only responceable for their Crowns and ●…tions to God.  
The Clergy did not forget in that affair to gain the Prince 
Inequality of the Prince of Conde.  〈…〉 Conde on their side, who at first seconded the Third Estate. ●…ey used the same reasons to blind him, as had prevailed ●…th others. They told him that the Reformed employed 〈…〉 to make a Doctrine pass unawares to him which came ●…m them; and which tended secretly to ruin the Catholic ●…ligion. The Prince's proceeding in this matter proved ●…qual▪ and did not answer the hopes people had of him. ●…e advice he gave in the Council upon that Subject is diffe●…tly related. It is true that he took the thing upon a high●…tone, after the Dissolution of the Estates: but he succeed●… no better in it, since he obtained nothing but words. In 〈…〉 mean time the Clergy having obtained all they desired, 〈…〉 having made the Doctrine of the Council of Constantia 
Preseverence of the Clergy in that Doctrine.  ●…s for the Faith of the State, persevered in that opinion hear 〈…〉 years': and some years before they recanted it, those that ●…mpos'd their Memoirs by their order, not foreseeing that 〈…〉 would be condemned within five or six years' time, In●…ted the Cardinal's Speech, and the Articles of that As●…bly in them. This may serve to prove that the Faith of the Clergy of France depends on the strongest; That when the Government is weak, and involved in troubles, they Sacrifice the Interests of the Crown without hesitation to the Roman See; and that when there is more profit to be expected from Servitude in devoting it to Temporal Powers, they likewise Sacrifice the pretended privileges of the said See to the Grandeur of Kings.  
During the Session of the Estates, there broke out a Sedition 
Sedition at Milhau.  at Milhau, on Christmas Eve, in which Town the Reformed were the strongest: and if we may credit the Complains the Bishop of Rhodes made about it in the Chamber of the Clergy, the Catholics and particularly the Priests, suffered very much by it: The Reformed took up Arms, routed the ecclesiastics, broke the Crucifixes, and the Crosses; Tore the Ornaments; broke down the Altars, profaned the Relics; took the Pix out of the Tabernacle; flung down the Consecrated Hosts, and trampled them under their feet. Then had already been such another Sedition in the same place, under the preceding Reign, against which the Clergy had complained: but either for want of proofs, or for other reasons, the prosecution of it was laid aside. It was renewed upon this new incident, of which the Circumstances were aggravated, in order to have a better reason to renew the first complaints. The Clergy resolved to speak to the King about it, and invited the two other Chambers to join their Deputies to theirs, which they promised to do. It was performed two days before the dissolution of the Estates by the Archbishop of Lions, who made a long discourse to the Queen, in the King's absence, upon the Restoration of the Roman Religion in Bearn; upon the reunion of Navarre to the Crown; and upon the Sedition of Milhau. The Queen told him that she had already Nominated Commissioners to inspect those matters.  
On the 23d. of February the Bishop of Lucon, since Cardinal 
The Bishop of Lucons' Speech.  of Richelieu, presented the 
* Petition or Address.  Cahier of the Clergy to the King. His discourse was not Eloquent, though he pretended to Eloquence even to his dying day: but it was very violent against the Reformed, accusing them of polluting holy ●aces by their profane Burials; of keeping Churches in ●hich the Catholic Service could not be performed, ●…d of enjoying Ecclesiastical Estates. He also complained 〈…〉 the excesses committed at Milhau, and desired that it ●ight be revenged: but for fear of alarming the Reformed, 〈…〉 declared that he only meant upon such as were guil●…, and that as for the rest the Clergy thought no farther on ●●em than to desire their Conversion, and to promote it by ●●eir Example, their Instructions, and their Prayers. The remainder of his Speech only related to the Grandeur of ●●e Clergy, which he represented as an affair of as great consequence as if the welfare of the State had depended ●●on it. Notwithstanding those earnest entreaties about ●●e affair of Milhau, and the Kings Answer, which is said 〈…〉 be, That he thought himself as much obliged to revenge the Stabbing of his God, as the Parricide of his Fa●●er: the Clergy did not obtain the Vengeance they de●…. The reason of it is that the Reformed likewise brought ●…complaint to Court of a greater violence committed ●●ainst them in those very parts, soon after the sedition at ●●ilhau. They had built a Temple at Belestat, where they had 
Sedition of Belestat.  ●…right to perform the exercise of their Religion by the ●…icts. The Catholics pulled it down, and not being con●●ted with that, they acted great Violences against the ●●form'd that lived there, who were Plundered, Beaten, ●ounded, and very Barbarously used. It looked as if the catholics had done this upon the account of Reprisals, and 〈…〉 be revenged of the violences that had been committed 〈…〉 Milhau, by those of Bellestat. The King receiving the complaints of both sides much about the same time, it was difficult to do Justice to the one, without doing it also to ●●e other. So that the best expedient the Court could ●●ink on, to avoid greater inconveniences, was to satisfy ●●e Parties with general promises, and to refer them to ●●dges that might take a particular cognisance of their complaints. It remained in agitation till towards the latter ●●d of the year.  
In the mean time the Clergy had composed their Ca●… which contained upwards of 300 Articles, among which thos● that did not relate to their own Grandeur, tended only ●● 
Cah ere of the Clergy.  preserve to the Queen the Authority of the Government which she was very jealous of; or to betray the interes●… of the State, and to encroach upon the Edicts, under whi●● the Reformed were maintained. Such were upwards of 6; Articles, which directly or indirectly tended to disturb the● in the possession of their Liberties. To that end they desired the Restoration of the Roman Religion in all pla●● under the King's dominion; particularly in Bearn, and into all the Places newly reunited to the Crown: The Condemnation of Books and Discourses that were injurious to the Pope, lately Printed: The Revocation of Pension given upon Benefices to persons that were not qualifie● for them; specifying among the reasons of Incapacity the Pretended Reformed Religion: Prohibitions to the Parliament 
Leave, Permission.  to meddle with the observation of Festivals: The Exemption of Imprisonment for ecclesiastics; and leave for Bishops ●● condemn to the Gally's: Leave to apply themselves to th● next Judge Royal for the execution of Ecclesiastical Sentences, incase the ordinary Judge were of the Pretende● Religion: a great extension of the Rights of Tith●● Besides this there were complaints that the Kings Office● or those of the Pretended Religion hindered the Bishops from rebuilding their Churches and their Houses. Other Articles desired that such Monks as should be met o●● of their Habit and Convent without Letters of Obedience, should be chastised as Apostates; which related directly to the Monks that embraced the Reformed Religion: That the Jesuits might be reunited to the University 〈…〉 Paris; That the King would be pleased to judge their Cause's himself, and to take them under his protection; That the Printers might be reduced to a certain number in every City; and that they should print no Books without the Diocesian's Liscence; That all Books from abroad should be prohibited unless they had the same approbation; Th●● the Marriages with Spain might be accomplished; ●hat the King should take back again the Towns of ●●stage given by the Treaty of Ste Menehould; That ●●e Principality of Bearn, and the rest of the Kingdom of ●…var should be reunited to the Crown; That all the ●●urch Lands there should be restored to the ecclesiastics, ●…thout allowing them to be employed for the use of the ●●form'd, which was styled a profane use; That a Party ●●amber should be established at Pau; That the Reform'd●●dges ●●dges there should not be allowed to take Cognisance 〈…〉 Ecclesiastical Causes; That Militrary Offices, and such 〈…〉 related to Justice should be given to Catholics; That 〈…〉 Edict of Settlement should be made between the Catho●…ks and the Reformed; That the Garrisons should be re●…v'd out of such Towns as were not seated on the ●…ntiers. That Article did not relate to the Places of Sure●…; which another spoke of directly, and desned the King 〈…〉 take them again: but this has contributed considerably 〈…〉 enslave the Kingdom; by reason that it served for an ●●erture to disarm all those that were able to descend ●…ir Liberty. The next desired the Prohibition of all sor●…gn Correspondencies, 
Continuation of the Cahier.   
Others proposed the restoring to the ecclesiastics their ●…uses and Castles within the space of three Months: 〈…〉 oblige those that were ordered to prove their being ●●form'd, meaning the Catholics that embraced the Re●●●m'd Religion to make their Declaration before the ●ge Royal, six Months before their being allowed to ●ove their Causes to the Chambers of the Edict. That ●e was sufficient to ruin them in the Parliaments. Others ●…ir'd that all the Causes in which ecclesiastics were ●…cern'd might be removed before the Parliaments, Presidials, ●…d other Catholic Judges: and that the Chambers should 〈…〉 be allowed ' to receive their Appeals. 
Articles proposed a●●ect ●…●a●nst the Reformed.   
Thirty two others followed these, which were di●…tly against the Reformed. The first of them was to ●…press the exercise of their Religion; That in the mean time they should be reduced to the Concessions of the late King; and that all they had obtained during the minority should be revoked. The others imported that they should restore the Churches to the Catholics: That they should not be allowed to Bury their Dead in the ancient Churchyards, or in the Churches, and that the Catholics should be allowed to oppose it by force of Arms: That they should be forced to restore the Churchyards they had shared with the Catholics; That they should be forbidden to write against the Sacraments of the Roman Church, and against the Authority of the Pope, on pa●… of rigorous punishments; That the Ministers should n●… be allowed to go into the Hospitals, even to comfort th●… Sick; That Masters should be obliged to suffer their Servants to perform the rites of their Religion, and to allow the Curates to visit them when sick; That the exercise of the P. R. R. should be prohibitted in Lands that were held in homage of the Church; That the Catholics tur●… Protestants should not enjoy the exemption of contributing towards the building of Churches, etc. Until a year a●… their signification of their profession in the Register Office▪ That their Temples should be a thousand Steps dis●… from the Churches at least; That the Patronages of the Reformed should be transferred to their nearest Catholi●… Relations, or in default of any to the Ordinary; That 〈…〉 prohibition should be made on pain of corporal punishments, to impose upon the Catholics the Sums raised 〈…〉 those of the pretended Religion; That the Reformed Lord●… should not be allowed to have Sermons in any of the●… Houses, but that in which they made their principal abode▪ nor to make use of the King's Confession for the others▪ That an Order should be made for the King's Officers to be admitted in the Synods: That the Briefs should be recalled which granted to the Reformed Benefices, Stewardships, or Pensions out of Ecclesiastical Estates; That ecclesiastics whether Secular or Regular might be challenged by the Bishops, after their having▪ embraced the Reformed Religion, though no Information was made be●…e their Change; That the manner of electing the Judg●… that were to serve in the Chambers, being prejudicial 〈…〉 the State and to the Church, the King would be plea●… to revoke it, and to cause them to be chosen accord●… to the Order of the Register; That the Chambers ●…uld not be allowed to take Cognisance of any Eccle●…tical affairs; and that whatever state a Cause were 〈…〉 even after the conclusion of the Process, an Ecclesi●…ck Interposing the whole should be removed to the ●…liaments; That the Reformed of Calais should not be ●…w'd to Preach in Dutch, or in any other Language 〈…〉 French; That the Temple built near Bourg in Bresse, 〈…〉 the convenience of Boesse Pardaillan who had been ●…ernour of it, should be taken from the Reformed; ●…t at Pont de Ves●e, the Temple being only divided 〈…〉 the Church by a Wall, the Reformed should be ●…g'd to provide another place; That Fathers or Guar●…s hindering their Children or Pupils from turning ●…holicks, the Attorney's General should be ordered to ●…ecute them for it; That the Children of a Catholic ●…er, bred Catholics, should remain so after his ●…th, though their Mother was Reformed; That the ●…eutenants General, and other Judges of that Religion 
* Chief Justices.  〈…〉 Bayliwicks', should not be allowed to take Cognisance ●…he Possessory of Benefices, or other Beneficial matters; ●…t the Colleges, and Semminaries that had been found●…y the Reformed at Charenton, at Saumur, at Clermont ●…oivoisis and in several other Places should be taken 〈…〉 them; That they should not be allowed to have ●…igners for their Doctors, Rectors, and Tutors; and 〈…〉 no Foreigners should be allowed to teach any Do●…e but that of the Catholic Church within the King●….  
An Article, which followed them, imported that all the Provinces and Governments had charged the Instructions 〈…〉 
Sequel of the said Articles.  their Deputies with Complaints against the enterprises 〈…〉 the Reformed; and the next desired they should not be allowed to perform the exercise of their Religion, not 〈…〉 keep Schools in Towns, nor in the Suburbs of Episcopal Cities: accusing the Commissioners that were sent 〈…〉 the Provinces in 1611, of having favoured the Reform▪ ● beyond reason, upon that Subject, under pretence of p●…ting the Edict of 1577 in Execution. In which there 〈…〉 a manifest fraud in the Clergy, which did not mention t●… Edict of Nantes here; as if the Commissioners of 16●… had not been the Executors of it; or that the said Ed●… had not confirmed that of 1577, in the Article of t●… first places allowed in bailiwicks. Nothing had be●… done beyond reason in delivering to the Reformed Pla●… for the exercise of their Religion which had been promised to them by two solemn Edicts: And the Clergy, 〈…〉 whom Henry the 4th had granted as a favour, that Episcopal Cities should be exempted from being given as 
* Places in which the Reformed were allowed to perform the public exercise of their Religion.  Second places of bailiwicks, should not have dissembl●… that the said exception, made in their favour for the second did confirm the General Law for the first. The next desired that the King should not grant Ecclesiastical Ca●… or Towns for the future for places of Hostage; and t●… the Government of Mas d'Agenois should be taken fr●… Calonges, by reason that the Clergy pretended that 〈…〉 Reformed had neither the exercise of their Religion allowed there, nor a Garrison before the year 1600. In the very next the Clergy was not ashamed to desire contra●… to a Law which Christianity and humanity have established that the Judges of the Party-Chambers might not be allowed 〈…〉 pass in Mitiorem, incase they were divided in their op●…ons in Criminal Cases, under pretence that that Le●… prevented the punishment of Criminals. They desired t●… in such a Case the Cause might be removed to the other Party Chambers, or to the Chambers of▪ the Edict. ●… ●hat when the accused had reason to expect according to that equitable custom, to see an end put to their Trial by some moderate Punishment, the Clergy thought fit to make them dance through all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom, and to keep them always in dread, and in Fetters, until that after having passed through all of them, they should fall at last into the hands of a Chamber in which they might not find a sufficient number of ●…dges to save them from Perishing. This may serve to judge ●f the Charity the Roman Clergy was capable of; since they would not have it in the power of Judges of their own Religion to spare humane Blood; and to reverse a sentence, in ca●…s in which Custom does authorize it, which ordained the spil●…ng of it. They complained in the next place of the demo●…shing of Ecclesiastical places, pretended to be done by the Reformed since the peace granted by the Edict of Nantes: The ●…shest example they could allege of it, was a thing which had ●een done above 15 years ago.  
They concluded all this, beseeching his Majesty to cause, what 
Conclusion of the C●…her.  ●…e should be pleased to grant the Clergy to be Registered and ●…violably observed: So that the Reformed would not have ●een able to subsist long if the Clergy had obtained their demands. Moreover in a particular * Cahier of regulations which ●…ey called Spiritual, and which they humbly begged his Maje●…y to Authorise, they desired that the right of Burial in Church●…s, and in Church-Yards should be denied to the Reformed, and 〈…〉 such as should be killed in a Duel, dying without Confession, whatever Quality they were of. This Article also shows ●he nature of their Charity to the Reformed, which they compared in this place not only to persons they esteemed to be dam●ed without redemption: but to persons condemned by all the ●aws, whose fury was the object of public detestation. It 〈…〉 also observable that in all those Articles, in which they spoke ●f the Religion of the Reformed they Transposed the word Pretended, to render the signification of it the more Odious: cal●…ng it always Pretendue Religion Reformee, instead of Religion ●retendue Reformee, or barely the Pretended Religion.  
The End of the Third Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. VOL. II. BOOK IU.  
A Summary of the Contents of the Fourth Book.  
Proposition disliked by the Nobility. Declaration of the King, which does not cure the Evil. New Intrigues, in which the People are drawn, the Parliament and the Reformed, who solicit to obtain another place instead of Grenoble; and obtain Gergeau; which does not please them, and they desire Grenoble again; to which the Court consents. Assembly of the Clergy. Settlement for the Pensions of Converted Ministers. Conduct of the Court, and of the Prince of Conde, who invites the Assembly of Grenoble to join with him. Diversity of opinions. The King's Progress. The General Assembly sends Deputies to him. Those Deputies are adjourned to Poitiers. The Queen waves the Prince's propositions, and performs her Progress without hindrance. Particular Cahier of the Assembly. General Cahier. Answers which are not satisfactory. The Deputies are amused, they Communicate their fears to the Assembly. Lesdiguieres keeps them in awe. They remove to Nimes, inspite of him; and excuse themselves at Court, which does not approve it very well. They are jealous of the Lords. Lesdigueres and Chatillon are engaged in the Interest of the Court. The Duke of Candale embraces the Reformed Religion. The Reformed are hated by the Favourites. The Duke d' Epernon hates them mortally. Treaty of Union between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde, under divers reservations: which revives the Prince's Party. New Declaration which confirm the Edicts after an argumented Preface. Effect of the Declaration. The Reformed are disarmed ●● Bourdeaux. The Consistory discontinues the exercise of their Religion. Two Advocates acquaint the Parliament with it, which order the usual Assemblies to be continued. The Ministers withdraw. The Consistory citys the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace: who appeal to the Parliament. The Consistory suspends them publicly from the Communion Severe Decree. Passion of the Advocate General. Facts disowned by the Ministers. Absurdities, and ridiculous pretention. Proceedings against the Ministers. Sequel of the ill will of the Parliament. False Decree of enrolment of a Declaration against the Prince of Conde. Propositions of Peace. Deputies and Lets, from the Assembly of Nimes. The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable. The King of England offers to be Mediator of the Peace, which the Council of France refuses. conference and Peace of Loudun. Translation of the General Assembly ●● Rochel, from whence they send Deputies to Loudun. unjust proceedings of the Court. The Assembly is almost forced to accept a Peace. Edict of Blois. Private Articles. Sequel. enrolment and modification of the Edict.  
Have enlarged upon the preceding Articles presented by the Clergy by reason that they may be looked upon as the Plan or Scheme of the Persecution the Reformed 
Propositions disliked by the Nobility.  have undergone from that time, until our days. As the ●●●●gy thereby showed how little they were inclined to Peace 〈…〉 Equity, the Nobility which followed their inspirations 〈…〉 movements, did not appear better disposed. They 〈…〉 during the Session of the Estates, to Petition the 〈…〉 to maintain the Catholic Religion, according to the 〈…〉 he had taken about it at his Coronation. The Re●●●●'d who were present took that proposition to be made ●●●●nst them, and were persuaded that the Nobility aimed 〈…〉 Religion. And indeed those that were acquainted with the nature of that Oath, which I have set down in ●●●●her place can think no otherwise; since that the King ●●●●ising thereby utterly to destroy all Heretics declared 〈…〉 so by the Church, the Application of it fell naturally 〈…〉 the Reformed, who are looked upon as such by the catholics. Therefore the said proposition was warmly ●●●●ed, between the Reformed Gentlemen who were pre●●●● and the promoters of it: in so much that they were 〈…〉 to proceed to great extremities. The King was acquainted with it, and he hindered it from going any further 〈…〉 promises: and whereas people's minds were strangulated by that dispute, he issued out a new Declaration on 12th of March, which Confirmed all the Edicts.  
〈…〉 began with great Eulogies of the Queen's conduct du●●●● 
Declaration of the King.  the Regency, and of the care she had taken to con●●●● the Edicts, in imitation of the late King, and to reme●●●he infractions of it, as soon as she was acquainted with 〈◊〉: which the King looked upon as the true Cause, which 〈…〉 to the assistance of God had maintained his Subjects 〈…〉 the bounds of their Allegiance to him, and in ami●●●mong themselves. After which the King expressed that 〈…〉 good effect of the Queen's Prudence had obliged him, after the Declaration of his Majesty, to entreat her to continue to assist him with her Council, with the same authority as if the Administration of the Kingdom were still in 〈…〉 hands. That by her advice he had issued out another Declaration, of the same substance with that she had publish●… and caused to be verified at the beginning of her Rege●… to signify that it was her earnest desire to make his Subje●… live in Peace and friendship, and to observe the Edi●… Inviolably. In the next place he declared that he was so●… for what had happened in the Estates, upon the proposi●… of the Nobility; and in order to satisfy the Reformed, 〈…〉 rejected it at first, as little necessary, or rather absolut●… useless, since he was resolved to profess the Catholic Religion to his dying Day: but after that he excused it, proceeding from the Zeal of the Nobility towards the preservation of the Roman Religion, without a design of g●…ing offence to any body: whereupon he said that 〈…〉 Catholic Nobility had declared it to him first separat●… and then altogether: That they had protested to him 〈…〉 they were very desirous of the observation of the P●… established by the Edicts: That they had entreated him to 〈…〉 the reunion of his Subjects to the Providence of God, 〈…〉 the usual means of the Church; being but too much ●…▪ swaded by experience, that violent Remedies had ●…▪ served to increase the number of those that had left 〈…〉 Church, instead of teaching them the way to return to 〈…〉 Therefore in order to remove the jealousies of the Refo●… who avoided factions and ill designs, and all pretence of ●…▪ sturbances from those that endeavoured to promote 〈…〉 The King confirmed anew all the Edicts, Declarations ●…▪ vate Articles, Settlements, and other Letters and Decr●… given in favour of the Reformed, both by himself and 〈…〉 Late King, upon the Interpretation and Execution of 〈…〉 Edict of Nantes; and ordered the same to be observed ●…▪ olably.  
This Declaraton which remained upwards of 〈…〉 
Which does not Cure the Evil.  Weeks before it was verified in the Parliament of ●… not cure the Evil the aforesaid Contestaion had cre●…. It hardly served to Pallitate it: And indeed it was very likely that it should satisfy any body, considering it was Penned. It was natural to suspect that a Constant Law could not be the Sequel of a Preface without ●…h. That Imitation of Henry the 4th's Prudence it In●… so much upon, had never appeared in the Queen's ●…duct. On the contrary she had abandoned all the late ●…s projects; altered, confounded, and destroyed all ●he had done for the Peace and grandeur of the King●…; and concluded the Alliance with Spain, for which ●ad expressed an Invincible Aversion to his dying day. affectation of always speaking of the Imitation of a Prince whose Maxims had been overthrown, offended those 〈…〉 grieved to see how much the Regency had disfigured Government. It is odious to boast of a thing the con●… of which is notoriously known by every body: and 〈…〉 protestations of performing a Duty which one 〈…〉 from by a Thousand Actions, seldom persuade a 〈…〉 which Effects contradict. Moreover every body too sensible how many Cabals and Factions had torn Kingdom during the Minority to relish the praises that 〈…〉 given to the Queen of having maintained it in Peace. ●…es the Mystery of the Court appeared too openly in ●…d Declaration; in which the Regency was continued ●…g the Majority to the same Person, who upon the ●…nt of the Majority should have renounced it: and the contents found a fair pretence to murmur, in that a who was Major, sound in body and mind, remained under the directions of others; only alleging the ●…nce of his Majority, to secure his Mother's authority; ●…nly made us of the Privilege of the Age he had 〈…〉 to put himself under the Yoke of a second Guar●…hip. The King was the only loser by the Declation ●…s Majority, and by the Session of the Estates. The 〈…〉 remained Regent under another Name. Foreigners ●…out merit whom he had advanced, to the Exclusion of the Native French, and even of the Princes, exerted the Authority in the King's name, by the means of 〈…〉 Princess whose mind and heart they governed. The ●…form'd were sensible of the Equivocation of those wo●… by the means that are usual in the Church, by reason that 〈…〉 had learned at their Cost by a dismal experience, 〈…〉 Massacres and disingenuity are means much more in 〈…〉 in the Roman Church for the Conversion of pretended ●…ticks, than Sermons and good example. So that peop●… minds being prepared by those Reflections, easily took●… again at the first occasion that offered itself.  
The Prince of Conde who expected to raise his Autho●… 
New intrigues  by the means of the Estates, on the contrary lost the●… he had left by the prevarication of the Clergy, and of t●… Adherents; and the Queen caught him in the same snare● had set out for her. She remained in possession the Government in spite of him; she got the approb●… of the Marriages she had concluded; she obliged the P●… to Surrender the Town of Amboise to her, which she had ●…ven him for his security at the Treaty of Ste. Menchould● in order to tyre the Patience of the French to the utmost made Conchini a Marshal of France. The Marshal de B●…lon had served her usefully in that Conjuncture of A●… in hopes that his Credit and Capacity, which appeared that occasion, would oblige that Princess to give him ag●…er share in her favour. But she was unwilling to put 〈…〉 self into the hands of a man of his Capacity; and 〈…〉 who liked him as a Counsellor, would neither allow●… to be his Master, nor his Competitor. Therefore the 〈…〉 shall finding that no more notice was taken of him than●… fore, resolved to be revenged, and renewed Intrigues 〈…〉 finally ruin'd the Queen's Affairs: but which had the 〈…〉 fortune at the same time to occasion the decay of 〈…〉 Reformed Religion, and the Slavery of France. The P●… of Conde being very much disatisfied with the Estates, 〈…〉 yet more with the Queen, willingly gave ear to new pro●…sitions and he judged that things would be disposed to fa●…ur new designs.  
It was necessary for him to set three wheels a going to 
To which they engage the People.  ●…ve more success in his present discontents than he had 〈…〉 in the preceding, which had only served to discover his ●…eakness. There was a necessity to get the People, the Par●…ment of Paris and the Reformed of his fide. The People ●…as sufficiently disposed to join with the Malcontents, up●… the account of their natural aversion to Foreigners. It 〈…〉 easy to persuade them that Foreigners have less regard 〈…〉 them than those that are born and bred in the same ●…ountry with them: and they excuse the excesses which am●…tion and avarice make their own Countrymen Commit, ●…th more ease, than the least attempts of a Foreigner. moreover the Deputies of the Provinces had received ●…t little satisfaction from the Court. The King had re●…s'd to examine the 
* Petition and Addresses.  Cahiers of the Estates before their ●…ssolution: a Maxim of great use to wave the Complaints 〈…〉 the People, not to hear them, while they are in a Ca●…city to solicit answers to them. The Court took but very ●…tle notice of those Cahiers, after the departure of the De●…ties. But the Clergy, which had served the Queen according to her mind, obtained almost whatever they designed. ●he Deputies of the other Orders obtained nothing but ●…ain, general promises, of which they were sensible that ●…ey should never see the effects; and that the People ●ould be obliged to seek out other remedies to redress ●…eir Grievances.  
The Prince had good Friends in the Parliament, which 
The Parliament.  ●…ere dissatisfied; and thought themselves bound in Duty ●…d Honour, to redress by their Authority the Affairs which ●…ere ruined by the false Policy of the Court, But that ●…rhaps would not have produced great effects, had not ●…e Court given an Overture to it, by an excess of severity. ●he Parliament seeing how the Intentions of the well mean●…g part of the Estates were evaded, gave a Decree towards the end of March, which invited the Princes, the ●…eers and Officers of the Crown that sit among them, to Assemble with them to remedy the disorders of the State The Court was very much alarmed, and offended at th●… Boldness. They sent for the Parliament to have an account of their enterprise, reversed their Decree, and forbade the execution of it. But that August Court was no wise disheartened; and after several deliberations they made very grave Remonstrances to the King, and such a● became a Senate that loved the Glory and Peace of the State▪ They spoke boldly upon all things that deserved to be observed in the present Conjuncture: and as they insiste●… vigorously upon the Article of the Third Estate, which the Court had rejected, they did the same upon whatever related to the advantage of the people. All their discourse in ● word tended to inspirethe King with maxims of an equitable Government. I should swerve from my subject, in relating 〈…〉 the Articles of their Remonstrances. Therefore I shall only observe that among 29 or 30 others, there was one which related to the Edicts, and which desired the King to preserve t●… Splendour and Dignity of the Roman Religion, witho●… swerving from the Edicts of Pacification. So that 〈…〉 Parliament, which had formerly made so much dificul●… to pass the Edict, had finally found by experience the necessity of its observation. The King received those ●●monstrances ill, either because they were too just to please ●● Court, in which the people only thought of making their ●…tune at any rate; or because they were too free to ple●… such as only aimed to oppress Liberty; or finally because 〈…〉 was thought necessary for the King's honour, who 〈…〉 often declared that he would not allow any to be made 〈…〉 him The Queen looked upon them as Invectives ag●… her Regency; The Marshal d'Ancre as an affront offered 〈…〉 those that envied him; The Precedent Jeanin, as a repro●… of the discipation of the Finances, which were not impro●… in his hands. The Duke's d'Guise and de Epernon, who w●… dissatisfied with the-Parliament, offered their Services to 〈…〉 King against that venerable Senat. So that all things seem●… to conspire to mortify that Illustrious Body. The next day ● Decree was given in the Council, in the King's Na●● which ordered the Decree of the Parliament to be ●… ●…ated, as well as their Remonstrances; That the Decree ●…ould be taken out of the Registers, and that of the Council ●…t in the room of it: all this was preceded by very abusive ●…pressions, styling the behaviour of the Parliament unlawful; which was a treatment they were little used to. Whitsun●…de falling out while the Parliament was deliberating upon affair, and afterwards the King's Progress towards Pyrenees, spended Peoples minds, and made them forget the thing for while: but that injury done to the most venerable Body of ●…e Kingdom, strengthened the Prince's Party with a specious ●…etence of complaint, and increased it by a great number 〈…〉 Malcontents.  
The Marshal de Bovillon laboured on the other hand, to 
And the Reformed.  ●…evail with the Reformed by his Intrigues to join with the ●…ince of Conde- He flattered Rovuray who was one of their ●…st heads, and who was one of the Deputies General, with ●…e hopes of being sent Ambassador to the United Provinces; ●…es Boards Mercier, who had been Deputy General with the ●…omise of a Counsellor's Place in the Parliament; Berteville, ●…ith the assurance of the General Deputaion, which he had ●…ng aspired to. He blinded all those that harkened to him, ●…ith the expectation of a great Reformation in the Govern●…ent, which would secure the Edicts against the attempts of ●…pain and Italy; revenge the King's Death, recover the ho●…our of the Monarchy against the prevarications, of the Clergy; amend the lavishness of the Finances, and deprive the foreigners who were universally hated of their odious authority. But his strongest argument to prevail with the majority of the Reformed, was the concequences of the Alliance with Spain; and to frighten them with the secret Articles ●…hat were agreed upon. Moreover he writ to the Court to ●…how among other things the Reasons they had to dread the ●ffect of those Marriages. Jeanin made an Answer to him ●pon that Article which might have satisfied the most difficult, if he could have persuaded that there was any since●…erity, in the promises and words of the Court. The Laws, said he, established in France to live in Peace, which have been observed so long already; will make us look with horror on any Couneils that might tend to disturb it. Therefore unless some wicked and ill advised Subjects occasion a breach, the Peace and Tranquillity established by the Edicts will last for ever. That was very fine, if the Reformed could have believed it true. But experience made them sensible that there was no trust to be given to promises: and that while they were attacked almost publicly by a thousand Wiles, it would have been ridiculous to imagine people did not laugh at them, when they preached such unlikely things to them. So that the Marshal easily found ●…e disposed to believe that those discourses were no oracles; or that Jeanin did not hold the Maxims of the Court  
During those Transactions the Reformed continued their solicitations, 
Why Solicet to ●…ain another pla●● instead of Grenoble.  to have another place granted them instead of Grenoble, where they were allowed to hold a General Assembly. While they endeavoured to obtain another place, for sear of not being free there, the behaviour of Lesdiguieres gave them a new pretence to refuse it. The Husband of Mary Vignon, whom he had kept scandalously along while and whom he had made Marchioness the Treffort, was kill●… in such a manner as persuaded every body that Lesdiguieres was the author or accomplice of his Death. That new scandal created a horror in the Reformed, who could not resolve to put under the Authority and in the Power of a man capable of such actions, a great number of their most considerable Members; who should be obliged to pay a thousand respects to a man who was suspected to be guilty of so odious a Crime: They were afraid, with reason, that their Enemies would take an occasion from thence to accuse their Religion of being too indulgent and toremiss in their Morals 
And obtain Gergeau.  The Court being willing to gratify them in that point, consented at last that they should hold the Assembly at Gerge●…, where another had been held in the late King's Reign. This place pleased them no better than the first. Their pretence was that the preceding Assembly had been inconvenienced there for want of Lodging: but the true reason was that theey thought that place too near Paris; and that they were sensible that the Court had pitch`d upon it to keep the Assembly in Awe.  
The Deputies General made new Petitions to obtain a ●…re convenient place: and whereas the Court refused to 
Which they are not satisfied with.  ●mply it● occasioned divers imovemerts in the Provinces, 〈…〉 which some proposed to take a more convenient place, without relying on the Courtesy of the Court to no purpose. They also proposed a meeting at Montauban, there to agree ●…out a place in which the Assembly might neither want Liber●… nor Convenience. In the interim some extraordinary affairs ●…ling out, which obliged Lesdiguieres to make a Journey 〈…〉 Court; and they expecting to be freer in his absence, which 'twas thought would be long enough to afford the As●…mbly time to form their resolutions, they thought fit to ●…sire Grenoble again, and to declare publicly that they ●…ould make use of the Brief they had obtained the preced●…g year. This alteration at first created jealousies in the 
And desire Grenoble again.  ●…ourt, who could not imagine it to be done without Lesdiguieres having given the Reformed some secret assurances of not ●…posing them. He had shown by the manner of his assist●…g the Duke of Savoy, against whom the King of Spain made ●…ar, that he stood upon his honour some times. The Queen ●…d engaged that Prince in that War, and had promised by ●esdiguieres to assist him. But after the conclusion of the ●arriages, she refused to execute that Treaty; by reason ●…at she was willing in order toplease the King of Spain to ●…rce the Duke of Savoy to makea Peace. However Lesdiguieres●…ssisted ●…ssisted him, notwithstanding the reiterated orders he re●…iv'd not to do it, and whereas he could not do it in the ●…ing's name who disowned, it he did it in his own. The example seemed to show, that though he was devoted to the Court, he knew nevertheless how to disobey when he pleased. ut after that bold action, he made his peace so soon and with so much ease, that it looked as if the Court had con●…ived at it underhand. As for the suspicion the Court had of his being engaged secretly with the rest of the Reformed, ●…e easily destroyed it. He assured the Court of his Services and of his Fidelity; and sent Bellujon there on purpose with his Instructions, and to receive their Orders. He had ●…ong resisted the removal which the Reformed did solicit, being as desirous to have one of their Assemblies in his po●…er, as they were fearful of trusting it into his hands. Therefore 
And the Court Consents to it.  when he found that they desired it of their own accor●… he was one of the first that took them at their word: a●… the Court being satisfied with him gave them a new Bri●… which allowed the holding of the Assembly at Grenoble. B●… whereas Lesdiguieres presence was more useful to the Co●… at Grenoble than elsewhere, they put of his Journey to another time. The Reformed being deceived on that side, h●… no pretence left to go from their word: The Deputies ●…pair'd to Grenoble towards the middle of Jully: and contra●… to all appearences, the Prince of Conde's Intrigues prevail●… over the credit and cunning of Lesdiguieres.  
But during those Petitions of the Reformed, and the del●… 
Assembly of the Clergy.  of the Court, the Clergy as I have already said, Assembly at Paris, for the renewing of the Contracts they commo●… make with the King once in Ten years. But whereas they ●…ver give, any thing without receiving, they did not fail 〈…〉 advance their Enterprises against the Reformed and to purs●… the project of their Ruin which they had formed in the 〈…〉 states. It was with that Intention the Coadjutor of Roans ma●… a Speech to the King on the 8th of August. he represented t●… State of the Roman Religion in Bearn to be so dismal and 〈…〉 deplorable, that for want of Priests the Catholics co●… not christian their Children there till they were 20 years' 〈…〉 Age; and he represented as one of the greatest misfortune that the Ministers were paid there with the Revenues of the Church. He said moreover in order to make the Reformed more odious, that the Roman Religion was favoured mo●… by the Turks, than by the Reformed of Bearn: and those 〈…〉 cities though plainly disproven by the replies of the Reformed, an● by the knowledge of all People▪ were dispersed and receiv●● as undeniable Truths. He complained that the Abbey of 〈…〉 Anthony de Viennois had been lately given to a young Secular, presented by an Heretic, and to move the more p●… against that injustice, he said that miracles were perform●… about the Tomb of the late Abbot. He also returned th●… King thanks about the reception of the Council of Tr●… which he had promised: but he made a little too much haste ●…on that Article. It is true that the King had promised to ●…blish it, but it was prevented by the Troubles that began 〈…〉 break out: and perhaps he was glad that one of the Ar●…es of the Peace of Luudun, disengaged his word, and hindered 〈…〉 from doing what the Kings his Predecessors had constant●… refused to do. Before the end of the same month the Bishop 〈…〉 Beauvais began the same Song over again; and made strange ●…licitations about the affair of Bearn, complaining that the catholics were deprived of the use of the Sacraments both 〈…〉 their birth, and at their Death, for want of Priests to 〈…〉 minister them. He was very pressing upon the affair of ●…lha● which happened the Winter before: and though the Catholics had done as much at Belestadt since, he desired that 〈…〉 compensation might be made of those two affairs. Nevertheless, the reciprocal solicitations of the Catholics and 〈…〉 the Reformed, did not permit those affairs to be seriously dicussed. Their complaints only produced a delegati●… of Judges who neither pleased the one, nor the other; ●…d whose judgement proved inefectual. The Peace of Lou●…n abolished the remembrance of those two affairs, and the ●…e passed thus in spite of the Clergy, for a compensation 〈…〉 the other.  
In the same Assembly, the Clergy, who had no success in the ●…nquest of Ministers, drew an ample Regulation for the distribution of 30000 Livers which they had designed for the Pensions of ●…ose that should turn Catholics: and being sincible that the number of those Proselytes was as yet too small, to employ that little ●…m, they consented that until their zeal had made a● greater progress they should give the remainder of the said Sum to others besides Ministers, provided it were only given to persons of Me●…t. It appears by those Regulations, that the Clergy was disa●…sfi'd even with those they had corrupted, since they took so much ●…re to hinder that Money from falling into ill hands. But notwithstanding all that, they met with no success in their ●…retended Conversions; and even after the affairs of the Reformed were ruined they were forced to employ their Money to ●…ther uses.  
In the mean time the Court had no manner of regard 〈…〉 the People, and broke their promises with as little rega●● 
●…ur of the ●….  as if they had designed to make Malcontents. They re-e●…blish'd La Paulette, or the annual duty they had been obli●… to revoke, because it had been desired with great Earnestre●… and the Queen went herself to the Bastille from whence 〈…〉 took 800000 Crowns, which were remaining there of 〈…〉 fourteen Million in ready Money, which the Duke of ●…ly had hoarded there by his good management. So that it loo●… as if they had a mind to favour the designs of the Prince 〈…〉 Conde, who was preparing to hinder the accomplishment 〈…〉 
And of the Prince of Conde  the Marriages with Spain. His Discontents had removed him 〈…〉 degrees from the Court; and in that Retirement he flatt●… himself of being powerfully assisted both at home and ab●… he was in hopes that the King of England and the United Provinces, who could not be pleased at those Marriages, wo●… assist him powerfully; and indeed he had received great promises of it. He expected that the Forces which were be●… Useless, by the Peace of Savoy lately made, and wereup●… the Frontiers of Germany, would assist him: and perhaps 〈…〉 would have proved so, had he had Money to buy them. 〈…〉 every thing failed him; and he found himself Engaged in a●… which he could never have got honourably out of, had 〈…〉 the Reformed succoured him at their own Cost. The Queen 〈…〉 secretly prepared every thing for the accomplishing of her ●…▪ signs, amused the Prince with Negotiations: and Sent Vill●… several times to Coussi, to confer with him there about 〈…〉 means of an Agreement. But during those Treaties they 〈…〉 bauched his Creatures from him; either by persuading t●… that the Prince only designed to make his own Peace, and 〈…〉 it was already far advanced, or offering them more po●… and profitable advantages under her, than they could exp●… under the Prince of Conde. Insomuch that many of them ●o●… Gratifications, or were dazzled by Promises. They broke 〈…〉 the measures he took with Strangers, and made all his de●…miscary.  
None but the Reformed were still able to do something for him; but they were slow to declare themselves. Their Assembly 
The Prince of Conde invites the Assembly of Grenoble to join with him.  had been opened at Grenoble on the 15th of July; and Lesdiguieres having refused the Presidentship, which was offered to him by all the Deputies, they had Elected De Blet, Deputy for the Nobility of the Province of Anjou for their Precedent; and Durand Minister of Paris, and Deputy for the Isle of France, for his Associate; and Boissevil and Maniald for Secretaries. The Prince of Conde sent a Gentleman thither to invite them to join with him, in order to procure a good Reformation of the State; in which he promised to make the Reformed find all the Sureties they could reasonably expect. A considerable part of the Assembly inclined towards that Union; and the Pretences the Prince used were so plausible and so Noble, that they could hardly fail of making an Impression upon many People. To pass the Independence of the Crown into an Act of the State; to secure the King's Person against Assassinations, Excommunications, and Depositions; to revenge the too long neglected Murder of the late King; to hinder the Publication of a Council against which a great King had Protested, and which was very prejudicial to France; to reduce Taxes and Impositions at reasonable Rates; to remove the excessive Authority of Foreigners, and to call them to an Account for the Abuses introduced during their being in Favour; to settle the Edicts of Pacification beyond Reach: All these were great designs, which appeared so Just, so Lawful, and so necessary, that no body questioned but they would be attended with the Blessing of God, and that all true Frenchmen would unanimously favour them. But others were of Opinion, that the Assembly ought to leave the management of the Political part of those Projects wholly to the Prince of Conde, and to apply themselves solely to take measures for the safety of the Reformed Religion. They did not question but the Prince had a Right by his Birth, to endeavour to purge the Government of all the Abuses that were slipped into it; but they did not think it proper for the Reformed to engage in it otherwise than by Prayers to God, and most humble Remonstrances to the King. Some Provinces had given their Deputies Instructions to that Effect.  
The diversity of Opinions, managed by Lesdiguieres for the 
Diversity of Opinions.  Interest of the Court, having appeared at the overture of the Assembly, satisfied the Queen, that the Reformed would not be ready so soon, but that she might have time to put her designs in Execution, before the Prince and they could be in a Posture to oppose them. She had given great Causes of Complaint to the Duke of Rohan, whom she was Jealous of upon that Account. Therefore being desirous to oblige him by some Favour to forget what was past, she took the occasion of a difference, between the Houses of Rohan and de la Trimoville, about the Presidentship of the Estates of Brittany, to which they both aspired, with such Equal Rights, that it was impossible to decide the question, otherwise than by adjudging the said Privilege to both, to enjoy it Alternately. The Duke de la Trimoville who was lately returned from Travelling, designed to appear in the Estates, and so did the Duke of Rohan. They refused to yield to each other, which concurrence could not fail of being attended with ill Consequences. The Queen being desirous to pleasure the Duke of Rohan, by seeming to declare herself in favour of him, either to employ him elsewhere, while she performed her Progress, or to oblige him in an Affair of Precedence and Honour, sent him an Order to repair to the Estates to preside there; and at the same time sent a contrary Order to the Duke de la Trimoville, whose displeasure she did not Value, by Reason that he was very young, not much known, and far from that degree of Credit and Power, in which the World had seen the late Duke his Father. This availed the Queen but little; by Reason, that her Refusal of the Governmént of Poitou to the Duke of Rohan, to whom she had formerly Granted the Survivorship thereof, made a deeper Impression upon him, than her pretended Favour about the Presidentship. He made no use of the Order he had received from the Court, and Presided that time by consent of the Duke de la Trimoville, by Virtue of an Accommodation procured by their mutual Friends to hinder those two Potent Families, that lived in Friendship at that time▪ from coming to a Breach.  
Nevertheless the Queen, being so well satisfied with the then State of Affairs as to assure herself of success, resolved 
The King's Progress.  to improve it, and to do her Business before the Prince could have time to oppose it. Therefore all of a sudden, while the Negotiation of Peace seemed to draw towards a happy Conclusion, she sent an Order to him from the King, to repair to his Majesty with all speed, to accompany him in his Progress, in Order to the Accomplishing of his Marriage. And lest he might plead Ignorance, she acquainted him with the very day he had pitched upon for his departure. The Prince complained highly at this Precipitation, and took occasion from thence, to take up Arms; but with so small a Number of Men, and so little prospect of Relief, that he was like to sink under it. In the mean time the King set forward, and continued his Progress slowly; tho' some of the most Judicious, and best skilled in Affairs of State, were of Opinion that it was a Rash Resolution; by Reason that the King removing from the Centre of the Kingdom, left a kindled Fire in it, which would have time and opportunity to do a great deal of mischief, while the Court remained at one of the Extremities of the Kingdom the most distant from the Conflagration. The Assembly of Grenoble, which after all the delays 
The General Assembly ●●nds Deputies to the King. ● P●….  occasioned by the diversity of Opinions, had at last determined to try what they could obtain from the Court, before the taking any other measures, had deputed three Persons to the King, to present their * Cahiers' to him; and had charged them expressly, humbly to beseech his Majesty to consider the Prince of Conde's Remonstrances. Those Deputies were Champeaux, Des Boards Mercier, and Maill●ray. Champeaux had the greatest share of Honour in that Deputation, by Reason that he was the Head and speaker of it: But Desbordes had more Credit, because he was a Man of better Parts, besides his being engaged in the Prince of Conde's Interest, to which the Marshal de Bovillon had drawn him, as I have already said, by very fair promises. The King was gone before the Deputies reached Paris; and could not overtake him, till they came to Amboise, from whence, the King 
The Deputies are adjourned to Poitiers.  having heard them, adjourned them to Poitiers for an Answer. This delay was ill resented by the Deputies, who looked upon it as an instance of the little regard that would be had to their Entreaties. And indeed, one of the Propositions of the Prince of Conde, which they were to insist upon in the behalf of the Assembly, was either to break, or to put off the Marriages with Spain until another time: And instead of hearing them upon that Subject, they were adjourned for an Answer to a Place, where the King having performed half his Progress, it was not very likely that he would go back, without making an End of it.  
It is true, that the Queen declared freely, that had it been desired sooner, that Journey might have been put off to another time; but that it was then too late to think upon it, that it was impossible to Retreat with Honour; That the Place was fixed, the Day appointed, and that they were too forward on their Journey to go back. There is no Reason to believe that she spoke in earnest, or that the Impending Storm she beheld, made her sensible that she had Used too much precipitation, and that it would have been better for her to have given some satisfaction to those that opposed her designs, in order to break their Measures. She was undoubtedly very well informed with the Intentions of the Prince before her departure. But in reality, the forwardness of the Journey affording her a good pretence to end what she had so well begun, without heeding Remonstrances to the contrary, it was easy for her to pay those with a specious Excuse, whom she had no mind to give a solid satisfaction to. The best Excuse that can be made for a Refusal, is to pretend that the Request is made too late, and that it would have been Granted, had it been proposed sooner. The Fault then, seems rather to proceed from want of diligence in the Petitioner, than from want of good Will in the Person that refuses. However, it behoved the Queen to show that she had Power enough to do whatever she pleased, in spite of half the Kingdom. Therefore she continued her Progress without Interruption, and without the least accident as far as Poitiers: But as soon as she Arrived there, her Measures were like to have been broke by Misfortune that could admit of no remedy. Madam fell sick of the Smallpox, and the Court that could do nothing without her, was obliged to tarry there two Months for the return of her Health.  
This delay seemed to afford the Prince of Conde the time to 
The Queen gets to her Journeys end without Opposition.  prepare himself for War, which the Queen's diligence had deprived him of. However he could only raise a small Body of Men, which happily escaped the Pursuit of Marshal de Bois dauphin, who was ordered by the Queen to observe him, and followed him close. He was accused by some of not improving the occasions that offered themselves to beat the Prince's Army, by reason of his Irresolutions; but others were of opinion that he was Commanded not to Engage in a Combat with the Prince, but only to amuse him, until the Exchange of the Princesses of France and Spain were accomplished; because it was thought that then it would be more easy to satisfy the said Prince. But whereas the Assembly of Grenoble deferred to declare themselves, and expressed their desire to favour the Prince's Arms, more by Words than Effects. The Court did not meet so many Crosses in that Journey, as they might have done, had there been more Union or Diligence in the contrary Party, or had the Prince's Forces been as ready to take the Field, as his Declaration to appear. The Duke of Rohan had been powerfully solicited to take up Arms, and did it at last being nettled that the Queen expressed no more consideration for him: And after the Peace was concluded, he had the boldness to tell her, That his Inclination did prompt him to serve her; but that finding himself despised, he resolved to show that he was capable of something. His Friends had promised him Six Thousand Foot and Five hundred Horse, and had they been as good as their Word, he would have been able with such a Body to stop the Court, and to afford the Prince of Conde time to join with him. But the Promises that were made to him, were reduced to a third part, and notwithstanding his utmost Endeavours, he could not raise above Two Thousand Men. Moreover he lost a great deal of Time in making Montauban declare itself, and in vain Endeavours to obtain a Reinforcement from the other Cities which refused to give it him. So that the Queen had as much time as was necessary to repair to the Frontiers, there to exchange the Princesses, and to bring back the King and the new Queen to Bourdeaux.  
During the Abode the King made at Poitiers, he could not 
Particular Petition of the Assembly.  refuse to read the 
* Petitions or Remonstrances.  Cahiers that were presented to him by the Deputies of the Assembly, and to answer them according to his Promise at Amboise; and though the Answers did not appear sufficiently positive to them, yet they concluded that the present Conjuncture had Induced the Court to make them more favourable, than they would have been at another time. There were two different forts of Cahiers, the one General, the other Particular. The last contained Complaints and Demands upon particular, though considerable Cases, viz. That the King would be pleased to cause the Letters Patent for the Exemption of Ministers to be Registered, the Verification of which had been depending about three Years; and to send an Express Order to the Parliament, and to the Court of Aids to that end: That the King would also be pleased to annul the Prohibitions made by the Judge of the Provostship of Paris, about Erecting a College at Charenton, by reason that since his Majesty had confirmed the Right of the Exercise of their Religion in that place, it followed of Course that they were allowed a College for the Education of their Children: That the Chamber of Accounts of Provence might not be allowed to take Cognizance of the Affairs of the Reformed: That the Declaration which referred it to the 
* In which the Judges were half Catholics, and half Protestants  Party-Chamber of Grenoble, in which it had been Verified, might be confirmed by another obliging the Chamber of Accounts to Register it: That Poor Gentlemen and Maimed Soldiers of their Religion, having obtained 
* Oblats, or Secular Monks.  Places in Abbeys, with the Maintenance of a Monk, might be received in the same as well as the Catholics: That the same Privileges the King had granted to the College and Academy of Montelimar, might also be granted to the Academy and College of Die.  
But the General Cahier contained 25 Articles, the substance 
General Petition.  of which was as follows. That the Independency of the Crown might be looked upon for the future as a Fundamental Law, according to the Article of the 
* The Commons.  Third Estate, and to the Remonstrances of the Parliament: That an exact and diligent Inquiry might be made about the Death of the late King, in order to discover and punish the Authors thereof, according to the Memoirs that should be given about it: That the King should refuse to publish the Council of Trent, according to the Petitions and desires of the Clergy and Nobility: That as to the Article of the said Petitions, which required the Observation of the King's Oath at his Coronation, to which the said Clergy and Nobility had refused to add the Reservation of the Edicts, notwithstanding the King's earnest Desire and Command, and all the oppositions made by the Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion; Deputed into the Chamber of the Nobility, his Majesty would be pleased to declare that the said Coronation Oath did not regard the Reform; and to give them full assurances that whenever he should answer the Articles of the said two Chambers; he would reject the proposition of publishing the Council, and make such a Declaration as was necessary about his Coronation Oath. That such ecclesiastics as were of the King's Council, and others who were justly suspected by the Reformed, might abstain from the Trial and Cognisance of the Affairs of the Reformed depending before the said Council. That the ecclesiastics of Bearn might not be admitted into the Council of the Country, into which the Bishops of Oleron and of Lescar, together with a Canon of the said place, had lately endeavoured to introduce themselves: That the Promises made in the King's Name at the Assembly of Rochel by Rovuray one of the Deputies General, about the Terms of Pretended Reformed Religion, and the Toleration of Provincial Councils might be put in Execution. That in the new settlement that should be drawn of the Places of surety, they should employ those that were dismantled in the Provinces that had the Loire on the North: That the King would be pleased to declare the Office of Berger vacant, by reason of his being turned Catholic, and to oblige the said Berger to deliver it up to him, in order to bestow it upon a Person of the Reformed Religion, according to the Edict; by reason that it was one of the Six Councillors Places created by the Edict in the Parliament of Paris, in order to be enjoyed by the Reformed: That the S●… granted by his Majesty for the Salary of Ministers, might be augmented and better paid for the future: That the Governors of the Places of surety, might be chosen by the King upon the Nomination of the Churches: That the Nomination of the Deputies General might be restored upon the former settlement; insomuch that the Assembly should only be obliged to Nominate two which should be accepted of by the King, instead of six out of which he was to take his Choice: That the Places of surety might be left to the Reformed for the space of Ten Years longer▪ That his Majesty would be pleased to continue the Protection of the Sovereignty of Sedan, in the same form, and upon the same Conditions his Predecessors had Embraced it: That the King's Council might be reformed: That a stop might be put to the Proceedings of the Sovereign Council of Bearn, against the Deputies of that Country who assisted at the Assembly at Grenoble; since no Prosecutions were ever made against the Bishops of the Country, for meeting at the General Assemblys of the Clergy of France: They offered Reasons upon this Article, and alleged the Example of the last Estates General, in which a Deputy of Bearn assisted in the Chamber of the Clergy: And that of the Assembly of the Clergy then sitting at Paris, into which the Bishop of Oleron was deputed. They maintained that this Rigour had never been practised against the Deputies of Bearn, that had assisted in other Assemblies; and they cited the Example of the late King, who being but King of Navarre and Sovereign of Bearn, had assisted in Person at such Assemblies: That the Country of Bearn might be allowed to summon a National Synod in their Turn, like the other Provinces; and finally, that the King would be pleased to have a regard to the Prince of Conde's Demands.  
The Particular 
* Answers. Petition.  Cahier received a pretty favourable Answer: And though there were several Articles in the General Petition which the Court could have wished the Assembly had not inserted in it, because they related to the Government, the Reformation of which did not belong to them, yet they answered it: But it was only by making plausible Illusions pass for a solid Satisfaction▪ The Court had made fair Promises at the Assembly of Rochel, in order to its Dissolution, which were forgotten, as soon as ever it was dissolved, so they promised many things upon these new 
* Petitions.  Cahiers, which they never designed to perform: They accepted the good Intentions of the Reformed, about the Independence and safety of Kings; observing nevertheless that it was an Affair which did not belong to the Assemblies. They promised to make a more exact Inquiry into the Death of the late King. They declared that the Reformed enjoying the benefit of the Edicts were not comprised in the Coronation Oath. They granted that the ecclesiastics should withdraw out of the Council, whenever the Affairs of the Reform should be treated of there. They refused to allow their Religion any other Title than that which was contained in the Edicts: But they drew a Form of Attestation which Ministers might use, to attest the Religion of such as should stand in ●eed of it. It was conceived in these Terms; I Minister of the Church Established in such a Place according to the Edict, do hereby certify, that such a one is a Member of the said Church, &c underneath which a Notary was to add, Before Us, etc. has appeared such a Minister, above named, Living at, etc. who has acknowledged the Writing and Signing of what is above written, and that it contains nothing but the Truth, etc. The Reformed Advocates, were allowed in speaking of their Religion, to Name it by the Title specified by the Edict, instead of calling it Reformed▪ They promised the Creation of a new Office, to supply the place of Berger. They continued the Protection of Sedan. They granted that the Deputies of Bearn should be allowed to assist both at the Ecclesiastical and Political Assemblies of the Reformed, which should be allowed by the King. But they gave no favourable Answer to the other Articles that related to that Principality; nor to those that mentioned the Augmentation of the Sums granted for the Salary of Ministers; or the Nomination of Governors and Deputies General, and the keeping of the Places of surety. So that at the bottom, that which was granted had more appearance than effect in it; whereas they refused whatever was most important and most solid.  
These Answers were made on the 12th of September: And the Deputies to whom they had been partly Communicated, acquainted the Assembly that they had no reason to be satisfied 
The Answers of the Court give no satisfaction.  with them. Their Reasons were that the Jesuits Preached at Court, and declared openly that the Marriages which the Court was going to Accomplish, had only been resolved upon in order to Extirpate Heresicks; and that when Complaints were made to the Chancellor about it, he barely answered, That there was no heed to be given to what the Jesuits said, since they did not Govern the State; which was no satisfactory answer to Persons who were sufficiently Informed of the Power the Jesuits had over the Consciences of Sovereigns and their Ministers. The Assembly was also very much troubled to find 
They amuse the Deputies.  that though the 
* Petitions.  Cahiers were Answered, yet the Deputies were not dismissed, their Journey being daily put off under some pretence or other, which gave them reason to believe that the Court designed to amuse them, to prevent their forming any Resolutions before the King's Departure from Poitiers, where the Princess his Sister remained long and variously Sick. Finally to get rid of their Importunity, upon their earnest desire that the Answers to their Cahiers, which they were assured were favourable, might be delivered to them, they were told that the King would send them to the Assembly by Frere Master of Requests. This Frere had been sent to Grenoble, to observe the Motions of the Assembly, and to be directed in all things by Lesdiguieres. But when the Deputies departed from the Assembly to go to the King to present their Cahiers to him, Frere left Grenoble at the same time, to give the Court an account of the State in which he had left Affairs there. He pretended that the design of his Journey was to dispose the Council to give the Assembly satisfaction about their Demands: But the Deputies soon discovered that his Intentions were very different from it, and that he inspired the Court with the Delays and fair words they were amused with. The Truth is that Lesdiguieres had ordered him to assure the Queen of his good Intentions, and to let her know that she might safely continue her Progress, without troubling herself about the Resolutions of the Assembly.  
This Answer convinced the Deputies that the Court designed to pay them with Illusions as they used to do; and the precaution 
The Deputies Communicate their f●a●s to the Assembly.  that was used to send the Answers to the 
* Petitions or Addresses.  Cahiers they had brought by a Man who had his dependence on the Court, to be delivered by him to the Assembly itself, made them sensible that they designed to use the Reformed at Grenoble as they had done at Saumur; and that Frere would be ordered not to deliver the said Answers till after the Nomination of the Deputies General, to Command the Assembly expressly to break up, and to Authorize the Inferior Number against the Plurality of Voices, in case they should refuse to Obey. However the Court being informed that this way of proceeding might be attended with ill consequences, finally complied with the earnest Solicitations of the Deputies, and delivered the said Answers into their Hands. But that did not cure the evil, since they found that nothing was granted them that could be looked upon as a favour, and that only such things were left to the Reformed as could not be taken from them. The keeping of the Places of Surety indeed was allowed them for six Years longer; but it was visible that the Court did it more by Compulsion, than out of good Will, because they could not help it; besides they were of opinion that their Demands were but reasonable in desiring it for Ten Years, at a time when so many just reasons of fear rendered the renewing of their Sureties so necessary. The Assembly being informed of the Proceedings of the Court by their Deputies, remained under the same Apprehensions: And lest Lesaiguieres should second the Commission of Frere by his Authority, they resolved to 
L●●●●guires keeps a great Awe over t●●●.  remove from a place in which that Lord had an absolute Power, and kept an Awe upon them, which looked very like Slavery. They soon discovered that it was in vain to expect any Protection or favour from him; and that his Engagements with the Court upon the Account of his Grandeur, surpassed his Affection for the public good, and that which in Justice and Conscience he ought to have had for the Reformed Religion. All his Councils, all his Prudence, all his Intrigues only tended to divide the Members of the Assembly; and all the Demonstrations of his Good Will, were reduced to this Conclusion, That they ought to Obey, and to leave the Management of Public Affairs to the King's Council. But the Reformed seeing the Conclusion of an Alliance, of which they were persuaded that the secret Articles obliged the Court to oppress them, looked upon such an advice, to be Just like that of suffering their Throats to be cut, without defence.  
Thus the Assembly, which for some time had had a mind 
The Assembly removes to Nimes.  to come out of Captivity, resolved absolutely upon it, when they were informed that Frere was to come back from the Court along with the Deputies: And having sounded the Intentions of the City of Nimes by St. Private, who reported to them that they would be very well received there, they resolved to remove thither. Lesdiguieres being informed of their Design, endeavoured to break it by Remonstrances, in which he employed all his Cunning: But he obtained nothing but Thanks for his good Will; and the very next Day the Deputies prepared themselves for their Departure. He was extremely 
Against his Will.  nettled at their expressing so little regard for his Reasons; and perhaps the more yet because it would show that he had been too lavish of his Promises to the Court, and that he had not so much Credit among the Reformed as he pretended. So that in the first heat of his Anger, he resolved to stop the Deputies, and caused the Gates of the City to be shut; and Cha●fepié a Minister, one of the Deputies of the Province of Poitou was stopped at one of the Gates as he was going out, only with an intention to take the Air. But after he was cooled a little, and had reflected on the Consequences of that Violence, he considered that his best way was to allow what he could not hinder; and to cause the Gates which he had ordered to be shut inconsiderately, to be opened again. He only forbid the Deputies of Dauphiné to follow the others; and acquainted the Court with the Departure of the Assembly.  
On the other hand, as soon as the Deputies came to Nimes, being desirous to Justify their Conduct, they acquainted the Gourt that they had been forced to remove from Gre, noble, upon the Account of a Contagious Distemper which began to Reign there, of which even some Members of the Assembly were Dead. The Deputies that were sent with these Excuses were received and used as favourably as if the Court had not been in the least concerned at their Escape out of the constraint into which such a Man as Lesdiguieres might have kept them. They seemed to approve the Reasons of the Assembly, and acquainted Lesdiguieres that he would do well, to suffer the Deputies of his Province to follow ●hem. This seemed to be done on purpose to express a perfect consent to the Removal of the Assembly: But the real Motive of it was, to have People there, who not daring to disoblige Lesdiguieres, would of necessity follow his Inspirations and Orders; and would serve for Spies to give him a faithful Account of all Transactions there. Moreover in Order to put the Assembly in a place where they might have no more Liberty than they had at Grenoble, the Court Resolved to remove them from Nimes; and Ordered Frere to transfer them to Montpellier. This seemed to be done for the Interest and Honour of the King, to the End that the Assembly, which was only Lawful by his Permission, might seem to receive from him the appointment of the place where they might continue their Deliberations. But the secret Motive of the Council, was that Montpellier was at the disposal of a Lord, from whom the Court expected as great services as from Lesdiguieres. It was Chatillon, Grand Son to the Famous Admiral. That Consideration, and his own Merit had acquired him a great deal of Credit among the Reformed. He was of a Mild Temper, and was an Enemy to Troubles and Confusion, but he had not the Zeal of his Grandfather for the Reformed Religion, in which his only Son was so ill Educated, that he did not ●arry for his Father's Death to turn Catholic. Moreover he was Ambitious; and the Court knowing his Foible on that side, flattered him with the hopes of a Marshal's Staff, which was given him some years after, as a Recompense for his having abandoned the Affairs of the Reformed. So that he was a Man like Lesdiguieres in two Respects; First in holding a great Rank among the Reformed, and Secondly, in being accessible to Hopes and Rewards. The Reformed still confided in him, as they made it appear several years after it, by Intrusting him with their Affairs in the Circle of the Lower Languedoc. There had been an Example not long before, how much he was liked on both sides The Government of Aiguemortes having been taken from Rambures, the Reformed had made great Complaints about it; and the Court not being inclined to restore it to him, whatever Promises they had made about it, by Reason that they were desirous to maintain Berticheres in that Post, whom the Churches were not pleased with, they were obliged to agree upon a third Person to keep the Place, until the Case were decided. Chatillon was proposed: The Court accepted of him, and the Reformed agreed to it. But soon after that, in Order to put a stop to the Jealousies which the Enterprises of the Court upon divers places belonging to the Reformed might Create in them; Rambures gained his Cause and was Restored.  
The Assembly had not as yet laid aside the Confidence the 
The Assembly mistrust the Lords.  Reformed had reposed in Chatillon till then, but they had already a general diffidence of the Fidelity of those Eminent Persons, who only know how to Obey Sovereigns, and who never join with their Inferiors, unless it be to Command them; who never unite the Interests of their Party to those of their Fortunes, and who look upon the Services of the People, and the Recompenses of Kings as things that are equally due to them. They had Learned at Saumur, that the Reformed Lords were capable of promoting their private Interest, at the Cost of others; and that the common Cause may become the sport of their Ambition, and of their Intrigues. Those diffidencies were increased at Grenohle, from whence the Assembly departed very much dissatisfied at the Behaviour of Lesdiguieres: Therefore they refused to put themselves in the Power of another, who might put them to the same hardships, and so remained at Nimes; pretending, that they were afraid of displeasing Lesdiguieres, by putting themselves at 
Lesdiguieres and Chatillon, are engaged in the interest of the Court.  the Discretion of Chatillon; as if they designed to show, that they confided more in the one than in the other. However, those two Lords used all their endeavours to hinder the Assembly from joining with the Prince of Conde: And as they had Creatures among them; they delayed the Conclusion of the Treaty a long while. The Prince of Conde tempted them both to join with him, and sent some Gentlemen to them, with Reason's and Offers to persuade them. But it was to no purpose, because they expected greater and more speedy advantages from the Court, than they could possibly expect in following the Prince, who had not managed his Affairs well, and who seemed almost reduced to the necessity of submitting to the Mercy of the Court.  
But an unexpected Accident broke all their Measures, and 
The Duke of Candale Embraces the Reformed Religion.  made them lose the Fruit of their Intrigues and Pains in the Assembly. The Duke of Candale, Eldest Son to the Duke d'Espernon, being dissatisfied with his Father, from whom he had endeavoured to take the City and Castle of Angouleme, threw himself into the Party of the Reformed, and Embraced their Religion publicly at Rochel. They received him with great Demonstrations of Joy, and of greater hopes for the future. They gained one of the most considerable Houses in France by it: The Example of it might prove Fortunate, and invite other Persons of Quality to do the same: So that they omitted nothing to express their Respect and Esteem for him. The Assembly of Nimes, paid him great Honour, and made him General of the Cevennes, and gave him so great an Authority over them at the very first, that he broke through all the Oppositions of Chatillon and Lesdiguieres, and made them Resolve to declare themselves in favour 
His Levity.  of the Prince. But that was all the Good or Ill he did, while he was Reformed. The Duke his Father was not Tractable in point of Religion. He had begun to hate the Reformed from the time of his being in favour with Henry the III. It seemed to be one of the Proprieties of their Religion, to be exposed to the hatred of Favourites; perhaps, because 
The Reformed are hated by the Favourites.  they were not so willing as others, to bend their Knees before those Idols, which the Gapricio of Princes, or of Fortune Raised above them; and that they complained highly of the profusions that Ruined the State, to Enrich those Objects of an unruly Favour. I will say nothing in this place, of the Cardinal de Tournon under Francis the I. Of the Constable of Montmorency, under Henry the II. and under his Children of the Duke of Guise Father and Son under the same Kings, and under Henry the III. But at least the Dukes of Joyeuse and of Epernon, Favourites to that last King, had ever expressed an invincible Aversion towards them: And under Lewis the XIII. the Marshal d'Ancre, and the Constable de Luines, showed the same Passion to destroy them. But besides this General Reason of Hatred against the Reformed, he had another which was Personal, because they suspected his having had a Hand in the Death of Henry the IV. Some 
The Duke d Epernon hates them Mortally.  looked upon him as an Accomplice to the Conspiracy which succeeded so fatally against the Person of that Prince: And those who spoke with most Modesty about it, made no scruple of saying, that sitting next to the King, he might easily have warded the second Stab that was given him, had be been so pleased: So that, whenever the Reformed mentioned the Revenging of the late King's Death, and the making of an exact Enquiry after those that had a Hand in it, he was in the Right to take the thing upon himself, and to believe that they aimed at his Head. Therefore the Duke being enraged to see his Son engaged in the Religion and Party of the Reformed, took so much Pains and Care, displayed the Marks of his Tenderness, and of his Anger so properly, made Use of Hope and Fear with so much Art and Power, employed the Promises and Illusions of the Court so effectually, that his Son Embraced the Roman Communion again, with as much Levity as he had quitted it; so that after some years Travel in most parts of Europe, not forgetting to Visit Rome and Italy, he returned into his Father's Favour again.  
During these Transactions, the Treaty between the Assembly 
The Treaty of Union between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde.  and the Prince of Conde was agreed upon, and Signed on the 10th of November. After the usual Preamble before all such Acts, containing Protestations of only taking Arms for the King's Service, against those who Abuse his Name and his Authority, and of having no design to depart from their Allegiance: The Treaty imported, that the End of that Union was, to provide for the safety and Preservation of the King's Person: To make an exact Inquiry after all those that were concerned in the Death of Henry the IV. To hinder the Publication of the Council of Trent, as a thing which derogated from the King's Authority, the Rights of the Crown, the Liberties of the gallic Church, and the Edicts of Pacification: To oppose the ill Consequences which the Marriages concluded with Spain, might produce: To Reform the Council, in removing from the Government such as were mentioned by the Remonstrances of the Parliament: To provide for the Performance of the Edicts, Declarations, Letters, and Briefs Granted to the Reformed; and to see justice do e to the People of the Principality of Bearn: To restore such to their Employments as had been, or should be dispossessed of the same upon the Account of their Religion: To hearken to no Treaty unless by a mutual Consent; and not to abandon each other, until they had received satisfaction upon all their demands. The whole concluded by a Promise of keeping a constant Correspondence together; and to impart to one another all the Resolutions, and Advices that might be taken for the Public Good.  
Nevertheless, the Assembly had intermixed some Articles, which limited the Prince's Power in some Measure. They retained the direction of the Forces, and Sums the Reformed were to furnish, by the Authority, and with the Commissions of the Prince, who should deliver them in Blanc; and be received by none but persons belonging to the Assembly. They also reserved to themselves the Power to dispose by way of Commission, by Letters Patent from the Prince delivered to them in Blanc, of all Places, and Governments, Offices of Judicature and of the Public Revenues, which should become vacant during the War: And they obliged themselves to cause those Commissions to be Converted, if possible, by a Peace, into Warrants for Life. They desired, That provisions should be made for the safety of the Provinces that should be the Theatre of the War; either by yielding to them some of the Places they were in hopes to Conquer; or by giving them others instead of those they might lose. They added, That the Prince should not be allowed to make any Innovation in the places belonging to the Reformed; That such among the Reformed as should be obliged to quit their Habitations upon the Account of the War, should be received for their safety into Places held by the Prince or his Adherents, and that they should enjoy the free Exercise of their Religion in the same, as also in the Armies in which they should have Forces; and that those Refugies should enjoy the Estates of those that should quit the Places Conquered by the Prince, or that should be turned out for refusing to Obey him.  
The Prince promised every thing, because his Affairs were 
Which revives the Prince's Party.  in an ill Posture, and that in case the Reformed had failed him, he would have been forced to fly out of the Kingdom, or to submit to the Pleasure of the Court. Tho' the Queen had a good Army and was very well served, yet she was frighted, when she was told at Bourdeaux, that the Prince was happily got out of so many Defiles and Rivers, and that the Royal Army Commanded by the Marshal de Bois Dauphin had not been able to stop his passage, and that he was coming to tarry for him in the Way to his Return. She had yet less Reason to despise him, when she found that the Reformed were joined with him, Reinforcing his Army by the Duke of Soubise's Forces; and assisting him in other Places by considerable diversions. The Duke of Sully himself embraced that Party after many Irresolutions, and increased the Prince's Army by his Forces, by his Friends and by the Towns he possessed in Poitou and elsewhere: But that was the only Action in which he showed some Resolution, from the time of his Disgrace at Court until his Death. The Duke of Rohan, who was neither well Attended, nor well Obeyed, Seized upon the Town and Castle of Leitoure; by the Intelligence he held with Fontrailles; which neither the Duke of Guise, who Commanded the Royal Army in those Parts, nor yet the Political Assembly of the Upper Languedoc that was held at that time, in the Neighbourhood thereof, but refused to meddle with those Differences, notwithstanding the earnest solicitation of the General Assembly, could prevent.  
The Court being exactly informed of whatever past in the 
Letters, Declaration which confirms the ●●d●cts.  Assembly at Nimes, received a particular Account of what they had done in favour of the Prince of Conde; so that they had time enough to prepare a Declaration upon that Subject, which gave the Reformed a fair pretence to remain quiet in their Houses. It appeared the very same Day the Treaty was Signed between the Prince and the Assembly: As if the King's Intelligence had been so Critical, as to know before hand the day on which it was to be concluded; or that chance had ordered the Minute for the Remedy, at the very hour of the Disease: The main End of the said Declaration was to keep those of the Reformed, within the bounds of their Allegiance, who were not yet departed from it; and to bring back such as had joined themselves with the Malcontents; and to render those inexcusable who should resuse to lay down their Arms, after having been earnestly invited to it. Therefore the Declaration was very full; and all the pretences that could serve to excuse the Resolutions of the Assembly were refuted in it, with a great deal of Art. They enlarged at first upon 
After a very Argumental Preface.  the King's Kindnesses, and the care he had taken, as well as the Queen his Mother, to cause the Edicts to be observed; and to remedy the infractions thereof: Therefore they alleged, that the Reformed aught to have kept within the Bounds of their Allegiance out of Gratitude, and in remembrance of the favourable Usage they had received from the Late King; Especially, at a time when the King's Minority ought to Excite the Virtue, Courage, and Fidelity of his good Subjects to maintain the Authority which God had given him, as the Basis of every Man's safety, as well as that of the Public. In the next place, they complained that this way of proceeding of the King, had not produced the Effect that was expected from it upon all people; That several sided with the Prince of Conde, some through Ambition, and a furious desire of raising their own Fortunes by the disorders and ruin of the State; Others out of simplicity deceived by the false Impressions which they had received from turbulent Persons; who endeavoured to persuade them that they would be persecuted, unless they put themselves in a Posture of defence; telling them that there were secret Articles in the Treaty of the Marriages with Spain, which contained a Conspiracy to drive them all out of the Kingdom, or to exterminate them. They said that this Imposition, or surprise that was put upon them, rendered their Fault excusable, and made them fitter Objects of Pity than of Chastisement. In the next place, they endeavoured to prove, that this Terror was vain, because those Marriages were concluded by the ways of Honour, as it's usual among great Princes; from whence it followed, that Spain could not require Conditions of the King, which would have made Deserts and Sollitudes in the Kingdom; which the King did confesses must have proved the consequence of such an unjust and Cruel Usage towards the Reformed, as it was Published by some, with an ill design. They added, that nothing had been done with an ill Intention, in promoting of those Alliances; that all had been Communicated to the Late Count of Soissons, to the Prince of Conde, and even to the Duke of Bovillon, who were present in the Council in which those Affairs had been deliberated; and that they did not oppose it; That the said Marriages had not created the least Jealousies, or Suspicions in other Sovereigns, after they had been informed of the King's good intentions; yet that some People would needs persuade the World that he was so inconsiderate, as to consent to make France the Theatre on which that Bloody Tragedy was to be Acted, and to decide the difference of Religion by Arms; tho' nothing could be farther from his thoughts, since it was his Opinion, that the decision of that Controversy ought to be left to God, who would at his own time Use the best Remedies to Reunite all Christians to the Catholic Church, which the King looked upon to be the best, and in which he was resolved to Live and Die. After which they praised the Zeal and Loyalty of those that had refused to take up Arms against the King; who had on the contrary offered their Services to him, and had resisted the Solicitations and threatenings of the others. They cried up the Number and Quality of those Loyal Protestants, among which there were considerable Lords, Gentlemen, Cities, Communities, and even Places of surety. They likewise Exaggerated the Rebellion of the others, who had hardened themselves against those Examples; who endeavoured to debauch the Peaceable from their Allegiance; endeavouring ●o persuade them, that they would be forced to take up Arms at last, or expose themselves to Ruin, by suffering those ●o perish that had taken them up already; which his Majesty ●oped would not prevail upon those Loyal Persons. Finally, ●hose Assemblies were Styled Unlawful and Conventicles, which favoured the taking up of Arms, as being composed of suborned Persons, who without Order or Power, and often ●gainst the Commands and Orders of their Superiors adhered ●o the propositions of the Factious, for their own Ends to ●he prejudice of the Worthy Persons of their Religion. This ●ong Preface was followed by a Declaration from the King, That he would not impute the Faults of some particular Members to the whole Body; for which Reason he confirmed ●ll the Edicts, saying, That they had been observed till then; Commanding at the same time, that in case they had been infringed in some Places, it should be forthwith Remedied. Secondly, in consideration of the Fidelity of an Infinite Number of the Reformed, among which there were Persons of great Quality, who deserved singular Marks of his Affection, ●●e pardoned all those who had taken up Arms, and that they should enjoy the benefit of the Edicts as well as the others, provided they returned to their Allegiance, within a Month after the Publication of his Declaration in the Bailiwicks: That they should declare the same at the Registry of the next Court within their Precinct, and restore the Places they had taken in the same Condition, in which they were before those Troubles; which being done, and they not relapsing into a New Infraction, he would take them under his Protection, and grant them a full Pardon for all that was passed. Finally, he condemned as disturbers of the public Peace, all those who should persist in the Rebellion after the expiration of a Month; he deprived all the Cities and Corporations of all the Favours, Immunities and Privileges that had been Granted them; and did forbid all Governors, and Lieutenant's General to let them enjoy the Liberties mentioned in the Edicts; which they should render themselves unworthy of by persevering in their Revolt.  
This Declaration produced the Effect of all other Declarations of that kind, That is, It left every Body in their former 
Effect of the Declaration.  Opinion. Those who had not taken Arms, either because they had no prospect of safety in it, or because they expected more favour from the Court than profit by the War, remained quiet for the most part. Those who had taken them, only laid them down by a Treaty. Many refused to Engage in it for fear of a greater evil, or out of simplicity, imagining all the Words of an Edict to be so many Truths. Nevertheless those who did reflect on the Intrigues begun against them by Spain, so many Years before the Death of the late King; upon the Propositions that had been made to him so often to destroy the Heretics; upon the Maxims that were introduced in the Council since his Death; upon the Passion of those who were entrusted with the Management of Affairs; upon the Projects formed by the Clergy, in the Estates, and in the Assembly that succeeded them; upon the Divisions the Court had sown among the Reformed; upon the Illusions wherewith they had paid all their Demands; in a word, upon all the Proofs they had received of the Ill will of the Council, and of all the Catholics towards them: Those I say did not suffer themselves to be deluded by the Specious Arguments of the Declaration: And the Remembrance of the Interview, for which under the Reign of Charles the 9th. the same place had been chosen for the same Powers, who had now had a new Meeting there, under pretence of the Exchange of the Princesses, created no small Jealousies in them. A Queen of the same Name; the like Conjuncture of Affairs; a strict Alliance with a Crown that was an Enemy to their Religion, gave them cause to fear that something was concluded there against them, according to the Bloody Maxims which the Duke of Alva had then inspired to the Council of France. It is reported that the Reformed Ministers being prejudiced by those Suspicions Preached in sundry places, that Persecution was at hand. The Catholics on their side expressed their Zeal a little too much; and spoke publicly of a War of Religion, as if it had been resolved upon. The Sermons of the Jesuits were particularly Animated by the same Spirit that is observed in their private Conversations; and divers marks appeared in sundry places of the Notions they inspired their Penitents with at their Confessions. And yet it is most certain that Religion was not the real Motive of that War. It was a pure Affair of state, into which none but the Lords on the side of the Reformed did engage with a small number of their Creatures; ●he People, several entire Provinces, and almost all the Cities remained within the bounds of their Allegiance. So that the declaration spoke the Truth upon this Subject, in saying that ●he greatest number of them remained Peaceful and Loyal.  
But the King's return to Bourdeaux, after the exchange of 
The Reformed disarmed at Bourdeaux.  ●he Princesses, and the Declaration of the Assembly of Nimes, ●● favour of the Prince of Condé, were attended with very ●●l Consequences. Although the number of the Reform'd●here ●here was very inconsiderable compared to the Catholics, and ●●oreover most of them Merchants, whose Genius and Pro●ession is not inclined to War, the Sheriffs thought fit to disarm ●hem after the King's Departure. This Precaution only served to fling them into a strange Consternation and Despair. They fancied that the Catholics had a design to be rid of them ●y a Massacre; and that their Arms were only taken from them ●o dispatch them the sooner. The Reformed had already been used ill in several parts of the Province, but particularly at ●as o' Agenois, where they had been accused of favouring the ●esigns of the Duke of Rohan, and to have held Intelligence with Cilonges one of his Captains, in order to deliver up the Place to him. From whence they concluded that the Reformed being every where suspected of holding a correspondence with the Prince of Condé, according to the Resolution of their Assembly, their Enemies would make use of that pretence to exert a thousand Violences against them: And that it was not safe for them to remain without Arms at the Mercy of so Mutinous and so Seditious a People, as those of Bourdeaux were. Therefore the Consistory being assembled at Begle, the usual place in which 
The Consistory discontinues the Public Exercise of their Religion.  they performed the public Service of their Religion, about a League distant from the City, resolved to discontinue the said Exercise, for fear of exposing the whole Church to a Massacre, which would be easily executed they being all Assembled together. The Service of the said Church was performed at that time by two Foreigners, Cameron and Primrose, Learned Men full of Zeal and of great Credit, who seconded the Resolution of the Consistory. But there were two Advocates of the Parliament among the Elders, called Saint-Angel and Auvergnat, who opposed it, and used their utmost Endeavours to hinder it. Nevertheless the Authority of the Ministers prevailed. Whereupon the said Advocates, whither out of fear of losing their Practice, in case they should consent to a Resolution which showed a diffidence of the sincerity of the Court; or whether 
Two Advocates declare it to the Parliament.  they held any secret Intelligence there; or lastly whither they designed to distinguish and set a value upon themselves by some extraordinary proceeding, accused the Consistory before the Parliament, and represented the said discontinuation of the Exercise of their Religion as a very odious Enterprise tending to fill the Minds of People with Alarms and Jealousies▪ as also very injurious to the Magistracy, that had taken the Reformed under their Protection, and had promised them a Guard for the safety of their Assemblies. The truth is, th●● the said Resolution struck a Terror every where: And the People supposing that the Consistory had powerful Reasons ●● fix upon that Expedient, looked upon this proceeding as a ●●g● that they did not confide in the Protection promised by the last Declaration. And that there was no relying on that Phantasm of the Public Faith, so often violated.  
The Parliament received the Deposition of the two Advocates; 
1616.  and on the 5th of January of the following Year, they 
The Parliament ordains the Continuation of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion.  made a Decree, Commanding the Reformed to continue the said Exercise as they were wont to do at the usual place, ●● pain of being Punished as Criminals of leze Majesty. But they did not think it safe to Obey; since that being deprived of Arms to defend themselves, they would be exposed to the Mercy of Friends and Foes, both at the place of their Worship and by the way. They did not think the Guards that were promised them sufficient to defend them against the Troops that served the Prince, or those that were in Arms for the King, or the Seditions that the Indiscreet Zeal of the Catholics might excite against them. But then they were afraid of exposing their Ministers to the Indignation of the Parliament by their Disobedience. Therefore they thought fit to remove them from the City to secure them; and accordingly they did send the one to Tonneins and the other to Royan: So that the said Reformed of Bourdeaux having no longer any Ministers to perform Divine Service, had a lawful pretence by their absence to discontinue the same and to keep at home. But after the Peace was made, the Church having recalled their Ministers, and reassumed their former Exercises of Religion, the Consistory Assembled as they used to do; and the first thing they did, was to call the two Advocates to an Account for what they had done in that Affair. Saint-Angel was more obstinate and passionate than the other, who harkened to Reason, and at last submitted to the Censures of the Consistory ●t the Request of his Friends. So that all the Indignation of 
The Consistory citys both the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace.  ●hat Assembly fell upon Saint-Angel, who would never submit. But before he was abandoned by his Companion, the Consistory cited them both to appear before them, according ●o the forms prescribed by their Discipline. Saint-Angel had alleged in order to excuse his opposing of the two Ministers, ●hat the Discontinuation of the Public Exercise of their Religion, would prejudice the Right granted by the Edicts, to which the Church would seem to renounce, by interrupting ●he course of the Assemblies. But when he found himself ●ress'd by those that brought the Citation of the Consistory to ●im, he concluded that they would laugh at his Pretence, in ●ase he should appear, and that they would lay some Mortifying Censure upon him. For that reason he refused to obey 
They appeal to the Parliament.  ●he said Citation; and in order to secure himself and his Colleague against the Censure, he appealed to the Parliament: But ●e did it with so much Violence and Inconsideration, that he exposed himself to the utmost Degree of Public Indignation. He accused the Ministers of High-Treason there; and upbraid●d them with their Foreign Extraction: He endeavoured to represent them as Men infected by the Maxims of their own Country; according to which they made no difference between Absolute Authority and Tyranny. He complained of ●he Elders that had Cited him, without leaving him a Copy or Act of the Citation; as if he had been ignorant how different Ecclesiastical Formalities were among the Reformed from Civil Proceedings. He published the Speech he made to the Parliament, when he presented his Petition; and the Ministers replied to it, by Printed Apologies, in which he was severely used. His Request was granted; and the Consistory ordered to cease their Prosecution. Whereupon the Ministers entered their Protestation, and appealed to the 
* A Chamber composed of Catholic and Protestant Judges.  Party-Chamber which was then at Nerac.  
In the mean time as the recourse Saint-Angel had had to the 
The Consistory suspends them publicly from the Communion  Parliament, and the Prohibitions he had obtained were esteemed contrary to the Liberty of Exercising the Ecclesiastical Discipline, which was granted by the Edict of Nantes, the Consistory did not think themselves obliged to suspend their Proceedings: They Condemned the Advocates to a public Suspension of the Communion; and the said Judgement was pronounced against them the very next Day after the signification of the Order they had obtained from the Parliament. They were treated in the Act of that Censure, as Contemners of God, Rebels to the Consistory, and Disturbers of the Peace of the Church. This Affront transported Saint-Angel beyond all measure: And whereas at that time he still drew Auvergnat after him, they appealed from that Judgement as an Abuse; they presented new Complaints to the Parliament; called the proceeding of the Consistory Illegal; desired a Decree against Cameron; and leave to inform against the Authors of that Affront; that the Secretary of the Consistory might be obliged to produce the Books in which they entered their Acts, the better to know what they had done. They obtained all: The Secretary was prosecuted to 
A severe Decree.  produce the Books: And after all the Delays and Evasions he could contrive, he was finally obliged to produce them at the Register-Office of the Parliament. Cameron was Cited, and appeared to demand a Removal: About a Month was spent in these Transactions, without regard to the Removal demanded by the Ministers: A Decree was given conformable to the Desire of the Advocates: The Censure was reversed being Abusive; the Consistory was commanded not to use the like Proceedings for the future; Cameron was Condemned to a small Fine: And because Saint-Angel had the Impudence to complain that he went in danger of his Life, he was received under the Protection of the Parliament, and was allowed to Inform against those that had threatened him. Yet though the Decree was so favourable, he was allowed no Costs.  
Du Sault, Advocate-General, spoke in that Affair in Terms 
The Advocate-General Passion.  which require my giving an Abstract of his Discourse in this place, because it shows a Passion without bounds, and without the least Moderation, in which he proceeded so far as to allege things as Matters of Fact, which were ever denied by the Ministers; and to maintain as Infallible Maxims, Propositions which are opposite to Common Sense. This was his Character in Affairs of Religion; and he has given proofs of that unruly Passion to his very Death. He opened the Cause from its first Original; and affirmed that upon Saint-angels 
The Ministers disown the things alleged by the Advocate-General.  Request the Ministers were summoned before the Council-Chamber; in which they cleared themselves by Oath of any Intention to leave the City; that they promised to continue their Preaching at Begle, although there were no Body to hear them; That the Court at that time did Command them not to retire from Bourdeaux; that they were received under the King's Protection; that the Sheriffs were ordered to guard them safely both in going or coming, and the Ministers enjoined to produce the Witnesses they had of the threatenings made against them. The Ministers maintained the clean contrary; that they had promised nothing, far from Swearing any thing; that they made no Reply when the pleasure of the Parliament was declared to them. That their silence was not of the Nature of those which could be Interpreted as a Consent, since it was forced, and that it was impossible for them to speak without Transgressing the Respect that was due to the Deputies of the Parliament, and without exposing themselves to the hazard of being secured, by declaring that they could not Obey. They said also, that the safeguard that was offered them was not sufficient: That the putting of them without Arms into the Hands of the Sheriffs, who were only attended by Catholics in Arms, was to expose them to the Mercy of those that occasioned their Fear; That though the said Guards had not been composed of suspected Persons; yet they were not capable to defend them against all the Parties they might chance to meet in their way; That St. Angel himself being more frighted than the rest, cried out in a full Assembly, when the said Convoy was proposed, and who shall secure the Guards? Intimating, that they were not capable to secure others from a Danger, they could not avoid themselves.  
After divers Reflections upon the Course of the Proceedings, Du Sault pretended that Cameron's Appeal was not allowable; 
Absurdities▪  by reason, that it was a Case in which the Government was concerned. He said, that the End of the Suspension pronounced by them, which was supposed to be in order to the Amendment of those that were Condemned to it, was a mere Chimaera; that the said Judgement was an Attempt against the Authority of the Court; That it was a manifest abuse of Censures contrary to the Holy Decrees; which was a very absurd Observation, from an Advocate General against the Reformed, who did not trouble themselves to observe in their Discipline what he called the Holy Decrees; which are the Canons of the Roman Church, and the Decrees of the Popes. Nevertheless, it was upon that weighty Observation he laid the stress of his Argument, to prove that this was a Case reserved to the Parliament, as an abuse tending to interrupt the Course of a Lawful Proceeding. He Added, contrary to the Faith of the Edicts, and contrary to the Common Practice, that the Benefit of Appealing to the 
* Chambres Miparties, in which the Judges were half Catholics and half Protestants.  Party-Chambers was not allowed to Foreigners; and he pretended, that the Parliament had often adjudged it so: Which might be true, without being Just; by reason that the said Parliament, notwithstanding that it was Just to preserve and allow those Chambers the Extent of Jurisdiction that was Granted them by the Edicts, did nevertheless lay hold of all occasions to dispute it, and to encroach upon it by a thousand Attempts.  
In the next place du Sault coming to the Merits of the Cause, endeavoured to prove that neither the Consistory, 
Ridiculous Pretensions.  nor Cameron had any Right to Excommunicate, having neither Jurisdiction; nor Orders: And the better to enhance this gross pretention, he added that the Liberty of Conscience which the Reformed profess, dispenses every one of them from all Laws and Censures, either of theirs or of the Roman Church; and that their Discipline extended only on such as were willing to submit to it. He added with the same Spirit, that their Suspension was not the Suspension of a Sacrament, because their 
* Cene.  Communion was not a Sacrament: And whereas Auvergnat had acknowledged his Fault, and submitted to the Consistory; he affirmed that his Submission did no wise prejudice St. Angel whose Suspension contained an intolerable Error, being pronounced against a Man who had done no ill; who had done nothing but what was good; who had done nothing but what he was obliged to do, in acquainting the Court with the Resolutions of the Consistory. After which he cited the 35th of the particular Articles of the Edict; and affirmed, as if he had never read it, that the said Article allowed Ministers to be Sued, and Cited in Cases, in which the King or State were concerned: From which he concluded that this was the Case, since the Consistory proceeded against a Man, and would Censure him, for applying himself to the Court. In this he committed at least two Faults equally Gross and Malicious: The one in corrupting the sense of the Article, which mentions nothing of prosecuting the Members of a Consistory, in cases in which the King or State are concerned; but exempts them from being called as Witnesses before Justice, to depose what has been revealed in their Companies or Assemblies, by scandalous Persons that are Summoned there, or by the Elders and others of which they are composed, unless in Cases in which the King, or State are concerned. The other in applying the said Article to St. Angel, who had only drawn the said Censure upon himself by a spiteful Calumnious Accusation, which he had preferred to the Parliament against the Ministers; though not Ignorant at the same time, that in case he had a just cause of Complaint against them, and sufficient Reasons not to apply himself to the Assemblies and Synods, he ought at least to have summoned them before their proper Judges, and to have made his Application to the Party-Chamber. This may serve as an Example, to show how disaffected Parliaments knew how to abuse the Edict: And it is easy to Judge by their unjust Explications of it, and their manner of applying it, how they performed the Execution thereof.  
It was upon these Foundations the Decree was given, and that after the usual Informations, Primrose and Cameron were Summoned Personally; and that for non-appearance, the citation was converted to an Order for Imprisonment, and that after the usual delays they were Cited to appear within the space of three days. They were not Idle on their sides during these Rigorous proceedings: But in Order to stop the Violence of a Parliament, which the Reformed were ever Jealous of, they applied themselves to the King, from whom they obtained a Decree, with a Warrant to Summon St. Angel before the Council, within the space of six Weeks; enjoining the Ministers also to appear there; together with a Suspension of all the Proceedings in the mean while. As for St. Angel, he got nothing by this extraordinary way of proceeding: And while he Tormented the Ministers of Bourdeaux, by Wranglings, and Disputes which did not permit them to Publish his Suspension, another Minister did it for them. Hesperien came to Preach at Begle and publicly 
A continuation of the ill Will of the Parliament.  pronounced the said Censure. In the mean time this Affair cooled in the Council; and time having freed the Ministers of this Trouble, they continued their Functions in the Church of Bourdeaux, from whence Cameron was removed about two years after, to be Professor in Divinity at Saumur. However the Parliament being dissatisfied, at their not having been able to obtain their Ends of them in the preceding Affair, omitted none of the occasions that offered themselves to Trouble them: I will relate one Example of it, and no more. Th● following year, some Persons accused of Piracy, being put into Prison, were denied a removal to the 
* Chamber-Mipartie in which the Judges are part Catholics, and part Protestants.  Party-Chamber, under pretence that the Privilege of the Edict did not extend to Pirates. Perhaps other Judges would have used them with less severity than that Parliament, that had ever signalised itself, by Violences against the Reformed, who were looked upon by them, as Guilty and Convinced of what ever was laid to their Charge. But the said Parliament retained their Cause, and Condemned them to Death. They submitted to it with so much Constancy, and received it with such Signs of Christian Resignation, that Cameron thought himself obliged to Honour their Memory with a short Relation of what passed at their Death. It was a kind of Reflection upon the Parliament, to Write a Book in Praise of Persons who were Condemned to a shameful Death by them. Moreover there were some strokes in it, which reflected directly upon them, because the Reformed thought that they had Violated their Privileges. Therefore they revenged themselves upon the Work, until an occasion offered itself to be Revenged on the Author; and the Book was Condemned to be Burnt Publicly by the Hangman.  
After the Prince of Conde had taken Arms, the Court did 
A False Decree of enrolment of a Declaration against the Prince.  not fail to Proclaim him a Rebel, and to publish the usual Edicts in such Cases against him and his Adherents. The Parliament of Paris to whom the said Declaration was sent refused to pass it; by reason that the Prince had too many Friends in that Senate, and that the Pretence of his Arms was grounded on the same Abuses, that had occasioned the Remonstrances of the Parliament, which were so ill received. So that after divers Contestations, the Plurality of Voices declared against the Verification of the said Declaration; and a Decree was made upon that Subject, by which the Court declared, that they neither could, nor ought to Register the same. The Party which followed the inspiration of the Court and of the Favourites, caused the Words nor ought to be omitted out of the Extracts of the Decree which were Published. And soon after it they had Credit enough, to forge another Decree of enrolment without any Exception, which was found in the Register, in the room of the first. We may easily imagine, that this bold Falsification of a Solemn Decree, in a Case of such consequence, was highly resented. It created great disputes among the very Members of the Parliament, who proceeded on both sides to invectives and Protestations. The Prince resented it highly, as he had reason to do; and being at that time in a better Condition to speak than he had been at first, he complained of it by a Declaration full of the Marks of his displeasure. He took occasion from thence to make New Demands; one of which was to punish those that were concerned in the Falsification of the Decree.  
Nevertheless, when all things seemed to be in the greatest Confusion, they were disintangl'd all of a sudden; and 
Propositions of peace.  a Peace was talked on before the end of the Year. The Queen having gained her ends, by the King's Marriage, Judged a Peace necessary to enjoy the Fruits of that Alliance, to disarm and divide her Enemies, and to maintain her Authority and her Creatures. On the other Hand the Prince seeing the Marriages were accomplished, and that his Arms would prove ineffectual in that point, finding himself moreover sufficiently formidable to make an advantageous Peace, forgot his Promises and Treaties of a sudden, and only thought of clearing his own Affairs. The Duke of Vando●● who declared himself, and raised Arms for him in Bretagne, and the Duke of Nevers who likewise raised Men without declaring himself, rendered him the more considerable: The one by seconding him by a Potent Diversion; and the other, because he had the power to do it, in case the Court refused to buy his Forces at his own Rate. The most obstinate were sensible, that it was impossible to dissolve the Marriages, not yet consummated indeed, by reason of the infancy of the Parties, but Celebrated with all the Forms, for the performance of which France and Spain had interchangebly given Hostages. Had the Infanta of Spain been received ill in France, Spain had a Daughter of France in their Power, on whom they might Revenge themselves. Thus all things inclined to a Peace; and Public good seldom being the True Motive, but the pretence of Princes, it was the thing that was least thought on during the Treaty. The very Assembly of Nimes sent Deputies to the King, to beseech him to grant a Peace to his Subjects; and those Deputies were received as if the Court had had no reason to complain of those that sent them.  
The Truth is, That they were not looked upon as Deputies from a General Assembly; because it was not held in a place allowed of by the King, and that the Court was unwilling ●o look upon their Resolutions as those of all the Reformed, ●f which a considerable Number disowned them. Those Deputies presented Letters to the King from the Assembly, 〈…〉 which they justified their Conduct in Terms which showed that they did not think it Criminal. Those Letters were Pathetic and Eloquent. The Apology they ●…ade for the Reformed was grounded upon the just fear they ●…ad conceived, seeing the Distempers of the State increased, ●…e Remedies rejected, the Remonstrances of the Prince of ●…nde and of the Parliament, hardly taken into consideration. ●…e have seen, said they, in the said Letters, your Sovereignty disputed, and brought into question, the Independency of your ●…own undecided; so that, We whose Subsistance, next unto ●…od, depends on the firmness of your Sceptre, had Reason to ●…ink it high time to look about Us, when we found that Endeavours were used to shake the very Foundations of it. Soon ●…ter continuing to allege the Reasons that had obliged them 〈…〉 Arm: We have seen, added they, Armies Raised on all ●…rts, and have heard several speaking the very sense of their heart's, presaging the Felicities of Your Majesty's Marriage, by ●…e Design of our Ruin; as if that Alliance were to be Ce●…ented by the Blood of your most Faithful Subjects, which we included they would no longer defer to spill, than till their practices on our Patience had opened a way for them to do it. They added to those Complaints of the threatenings against ●…em, the Contempt that had been expressed towards the assembly; the Refusal of an Answer to the 
* Petitions o● Addresses.  Cahiers that ●…ere presented at Tours; the removing of the most conside●…e among the Reformed out of their places; the advancement of their greatest Enemies. They desired the King to apply proper Remedies to all those hardships, which he himself might reap the Chief Advantages of. They excused ●●e Refusal of the Assembly to repair to Mompellier, by the ●…me Reasons that had induced them to remove from Greno●…l●, which his Majesty had been pleased to approve of, namely, that they did not enjoy their full Liberty there. They 
1615.  also declared that the Assembly had hindered those of the Lower Languedoc from taking Arms which the Dukes of Monmorency and of Vantadour could Witness for them. After which they concluded with the usual Protestations of Obedience, and with hopes that for the future they should have more favour and Justice done them.  
It is most certain, that the lower Languedoc had no share in 
The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable.  the Troubles, whither it were that it proceeded from the care of Lesdiguieres, who had taken his Measures with Alincourt Governor of the Lionnois, and with the Dukes of Monmorency and of Ventadour, to preserve that and the Neighbouring Provinces in quiet; or that the Assembly were desirous for their own safety to hinder the War from breaking out so near them; or finally, whither a reciprocal fear had obliged both the Reformed and Catholics to remain in quiet. It is no wonder that two Enemies who do not know one another sufficiently to know the weak side of each other, or that know one another too well to despise each other, should remain in Peace, notwithstanding the opposition of their Interests▪ by reason that they mutually dread each other. Berteville who was one of the Deputies that brought those Letters, made a Speech to the King partly suitable to the substance of the said Letters. The King answered, That he was willing to grant his Subjects a Peace without the Intercession of any Body. The reason of this Answer was, that the King of England was 
The King of England offers his Mediation for a peace.  desirous to have a hand in this Treaty. That Prince had promised the Prince of Condé a considerable Supply before the beginning of the War: But whereas he was not much inclined to Arms, and that a Controversy pleased him better than a Battle, he contented himself with the Quality of a Mediator. The Prince of Condé desired that the English Ambassador might assist at the Conference. The Marshal de Bovillon also desired it. The Assembly of Nimes was of Opinion, that the 
The Council of France refuses the said Mediation.  Treaty would be more solemn and solid, by the Mediation of a Foreign Prince, out of respect to whom all Promises would be better kept. But the King's Council would allow no Mediator●; being sensible that he who interposes in that Quality between the Sovereign and his Subjects; deprives him commonly of the acknowledgement and merit of what he grants ●t the request of another. Therefore the Ambassador was only allowed to come to the Conference as a Witness: The Prince of Condé and his Adherents agreed to it; but King James neither got much Honour by it, nor the Cause he de●…gn'd to Favour, much Advantage.  
Loudun was pitched upon for the place of the said Conference, 
1616.  which was opened on the 10th of February. The King's 
Conference and Peace of Loudun  Commissioners repaired thither; and the Prince of Condé gave notice to those of his Party to do the like, or to send Deputies ●ut he troubled himself no farther with their Interests, than was just necessary for the advantage of his own. The Marshal de Bovillon found his account in it, by reason that the Court was willing to favour him so much, as to oblige him not to renew the Troubles. The Dukes of Rohan, and of Sully got nothing by it. Nay, the first was neglected ●o that degree, that he was not so much as summoned to appear ●…t the Conference, in which he came without being Invited ●hither. But it was not long before he showed the Prince of Condé, how sensible he was of that slight. The Duke of Sully contributed considerably towards the Conclusion of a Peace; and it would have been very difficult to have persuaded the Reformed to it without him. Yet he was never the more favourably used for it in what related to his own particular Affairs; and he received no manner of favour beyond the General. The Reformed were not mentioned until all the rest were satisfied; after which the Prince of Condé obtained some things for them, lest he should seem to farsake them quite, after having received so proper and so necessary a succour from them. But the Court did not forget their old Maxim, which was to grant them nothing but what they could keep in spite of them; and to favour them as little in the rest as possibly could be.  
The Conferences lasted about three Months at Loudun, during 
The removal of the General Assembly to Rochel.  which time the Assembly of Nimes obtained leave of the King to remove to Rochel, to be nearer to the place of the Treaty. Thus from a Conventicle which was looked upon as particular, disowned by the rest, and unlawful, it became a General, Authorised Assembly. The Prince of Condé fell dangerously sick during these Delays. His Illness changed the face of Affairs; and Projects were forming already of what was fit to be done, in case he should die. The Queen who seemed to be most concerned in that Accident, because the Prince was the only Person who could dispute her Authority, nevertheless dreaded the Death of her Enemy, because she foresaw that it would break of the Treaty of Peace; which would expose her and her Creatures to new Dangers, and the State to new Confusions. So that the Prince's Recovery was looked upon on both sides as equally advantageous to all; and the fear of his Death had disposed every body to put an end to those Tedious Conferences. He became more tractable himself while he thought he should Die, and thought he was obliged in Honour and Duty to end a War before his Death, which he had occasioned: He persisted in the same Sentiments after his Recovery, being desirous of rest. The most difficult having made their Conditions, the Assembly of Rochel only remained disatisfyed. Sully undertook to prevail with them to receive the Conditions his Majesty was pleased to grant them. In order to which he repaired thither with the English Ambassador, who joined with him in order thereunto. The Assembly was better united than they had been at N●mes: And whereas their Resolution of joining with the Prince of Condé had only been carried by two Voices, their Opinions proved more uniform about the Sureties they thought necessary for the execution of the Treaty of Peace: So that Sully's undertaking proved pretty difficult. Nevertheless he succeeded in it, because he omitted nothing that could persuade, making use of Reasons, of Authority, and even of Money, which often proves the most convincing of all Arguments. He prevailed with the Assembly to send Ten Deputies to Loudun with a Power to accept 
The Assembly sends Deputies to Loudun.  the Conditions that had been agreed upon with the King's Commissioners. However they only granted them that Power, on Condition that they should have leave to continue their Session until the Verification of the Edict were passed; That the Armies should be actually Disbanded; That Tart●● should be restored to them; which place the Reformed pretended had been taken from them by Surprise: and that Commissioners should be dispatched forthwith; to put the Edicts in Execution in the Provinces.  
But Sully at his return, far from receiving Thanks for his 
Disingenuity of the Court.  pains, was disowned for having engaged so far in the Prince's Name; and in order to show that he had done nothing without Authority, he was obliged to produce his Instructions. The Reason of this disavowal was that the Court would not consent to the Continuation of the Assembly after the Conclusion of the Treaty. However that difficulty was removed by obtaining leave for the Assembly to remain at Rochel until a time prefixed; and that the said delay should be employed by them in the Nomination of Deputies General. Sully drew an Instrument upon that Subject, which was at first approved of by all Parties only altering a few words. Moreover the Assembly sent a new Power to their Deputies to Authorise them to approve it: After which the King's Commissioners retracted, and would alter the Instrument in several things. This Game was played twice or thrice: Sully was disowned, and then owned again in what he did: The Writing was agreed to and altered so often, that those who were employed about it had no longer any Patience. The Reason which made the Commissioners so difficult, is that the principal Persons being satisfied, the Court had a mind to use the Assembly haughtily, and to oblige them to receive what they would give them with submission. They were sensible that the Lords would not renounce the Advantages they obtained, to better the Condition of the People.  
Finally the Prince being informed by Sully of the Difficulties 
The Assembly is almost compelled to accept a Peace.  which delayed the Conclusion, put an end to them like a Prince who considered no body but himself. He whispered something to Villeroy; and soon after did the same to Sully: After which he declared that Villeroy had granted what was desired; and at the same time he Signed the Treaty, without allowing any body time to answer him. This abrupt Conclusion vexed the Deputies of the Assembly extremely; but they could find no Remedy; They discovered by several Instances that it was a designed thing, to oblige the Assembly to receive whatever Conditions the Lords had thought fit; and that they had only been desired to send Deputies out of Formality. On Tuesday Morning before they had Signed, even before their having given their Consent to what the others had concluded, Orders were sent to the Minister who was in his Pulpit, to acquaint the People that the Peace was made, and to exhort them to return God thanks for it. This made those murmur, who knew that there were difficulties undecided; and made them judge that it was a forced Peace, which they were obliged to accept of for fear of falling into greater Inconveniences. And indeed the Marshal de Bovillon himself forgot the Interests of the Common Cause, because he had secured his own. He Exclaimed higher than any Body against the Assembly, though they had only followed his Motions. He declared that he would look upon those to be Enemies to the State, who should refuse to sign the Peace. Moreover he was accused of having engaged himself to the King's Commissioners by writing to March against the Assembly, and to make War against them, in case they should disown what their Deputies had done, or should continue their Session beyond the Term granted to them. The Duke de la Trimoville his Nephew who was Young and Easie, and who did not tread long in his Father's Steps, did the same in Imitation of his Uncle. But the Marshal de Bovillon designed thereby to show, that he was the Moving Spirit of the Party; that his Advice was sufficient to incline them to War, and his threatenings to make them accept a Peace. The Assembly gave him no cause to proceed to Extremes against them: They submitted to the Treaty; they did Nominate Deputies General: And Berteville to whom the Marshal had given hopes of obtaining that Deputation, was Elected according to his Promise; Maniald was joined with him: After which the Assembly Dissolved itself, without staying until the time that was granted them.  
This Treaty was thus published, and Entitled, An Edict 
Edict of Blois.  given at Blois in the Month of May. It contained 54 Articles, among which those that had a relation to the Public Good, were soon Converted into Illusions, by the turn of Affairs that followed soon after. Most of them only contained such things as are commonly employed in general Pardons. The Third Article was in favour of the Roman Catholic Religion, which was to be restored in all Places where their Worship had been Interrupted during the Troubles. Their Ministers were maintained in the Liberty of their Functions; in the Enjoyment of their Estates; and in the Possession of their Houses, of which the Restitution was ordered. The Fourth was a weak Injunction to make Inquities into the Death of the late King, under pretence that the King was informed that his Officers had been remiss in it, notwithstanding their having received express Orders about it from the Queen, both by word of Mouth and in Writing; and the King promised to Write to all the Bishops of the Kingdom, to cause the Decree of the Council of Constantia to be published in their respective Dioceses, which speaks of the Life of Kings and Sovereign Princes. The Fifth reversed a Decree of Suspension of those which the Parliament of Paris had given in favour of the Independency of Kings, provided that such things as were Imported by those Decrees should remain unperformed, which had not been put in execution yet; which related to the Assembly of the Princes and Officers of the Crown with the Parliament, in order to the Reformation of the State. That is, the King reversed those Decrees in Terms which seemed only to reverse the Suspension of them. The Sixth presupposing that the Court had gone a great way in answering of the 
* Remonstrances and Demands.  Cahiers of the Estates General, promised that they would proceed in it without any Discontinuation. The King engaged himself by the Seventh to Examine the Article of the 
* The Commons.  Third Estate: But he did not oblige himself to pass it into a Law. The next Imported that the King would give no more considerable Places to Foreigners: But he destroyed the said Promise at the same time, reserving to himself the Power of bestowing them on such, under the pretence of singular Merit, or of great Services. Some others followed these in Course which seemed to be useful to the State; but were couched in Terms as Illusory as the preceding. The Fourteenth confirmed the Edicts and all that related to them. The next Created a new Office of Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, to be given to one of the Reformed in the room of that of Berger, who had only changed his Religion on condition that he should not be dispossessed of the said Office. The Sixteenth restored the free Exercise of the Reformed Religion, in all places where it had been Interrupted upon the account of the Troubles. The Seventeenth allowed the Proceedings of the Prince of Conde, and of his Adherents both Catholics and Reformed: Even of those who composed the Assembly of Nimes, which was at Rochel at the time of this Edict. The Twentyfourth only related to Rochel. The Forty seventh ordained the Restitution of the Places which had been seized by the Adherents of the Prince: And whereas Tartas had been taken by Surprise from the Reformed, the King ordered the present Restitution of the same, before they should proceed to the Restitution of the others. But in order to punish the People, as it is common for the folly of the Great ones, the King re-established some old Impositions which he had occasion for to pay the Peace he was obliged to buy.  
There were also private Articles, which were no less important 
Private Articles.  than the General ones. The last promised 1500000 Livres to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party. The Court had no mind they should be seen by the Parliament, for fear of Contradictions. Therefore they were sent to them Sealed up; and the 53 of the General Articles, was very positive in ordering them to be put in Execution. The First maintained the gallic Church in its Liberties. The Second disowned the pursuit of the Clergy for the publication of the Council of Trent; and promised that it should have no Effect. The Third excepted Leitoure from the Article about the Restitution of Places; because there was a Dispute between Fontrailes and Angalin about the Captainship of the Castle. The Dispute was begun before the War; which was the reason that Fontrailles favoured the surprising of the said place by the Duke of Rohan, who turned out his Competitor. He made a shift to maintain himself in it until the year 1620, and then only quitted it upon good Terms. In the mean while, the Article Imported that until the decision of the Dispute, the King would deposit it into the Hands of an Exempt of his Guards, or some other Reformed Officer. The Fourth regulated a very particular Affair. Villemereau Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, and le Maitre, one of the Masters of Accounts of the said Court, had embraced the Reformed Religion. The Courts which they belonged to, had hindered them from Exercising their said Employments upon that Account. The Reformed took it very much to heart; and seeing that Berger did not lose his place, tho' he was turned Catholic, they pretended that the others ought not to be used worse, for embracing the Reformed Religion. The Catholics urged, that the Number of Reformed Counsellors was Limited to Six by the Edict; and that therefore Villemereau's place ought to be taken from them; or at most that they could only pretend to keep it in compensation of that of Berger. The Reformed on the other Hand, pretended that the Edict only Limited the Offices they were to have of necessity; but that it did not ba● their Access to all others, which they were declared capable of by the Edict. So that Berger's place could not be taken from them without injustice, since it was one of the Six allowed them by the Edict; nor yet, that of Villemereau, which he had not rendered himself incapable of according to the Edict, by turning to their Religion. This Article decided the thing in their behalf; which was the most considerable point in favour of them in the Treaty; thereby gaining a New Office in the Parliament, and another in the Chamber of Accounts, which is one of the most considerable Courts of the Long Robe.  
The Fifth confirmed the Exemption of the 
* A Land Tax and heavy Imposition upon the People.  Tailles, which had been Granted to Ministers, by a Declaration of the 15 of December 1612. which had not been Verified▪ The Seventh abolished the Remembrance of the Sedition of Milhau; and put the Catholics under the Protection of the Reformed for their Safety. The Eighth did the same about the Affair of Belestat, and put the Reformed under the Protection of the Catholics. The Tenth restored the place of Master of the Ordinance to its former extent, in favour of the Duke of Sully, from whom they had retrenched something of it to Vex him. The other Articles contained some favours Granted to some particular Persons. Moreover, the Reformed also 
enrolment and Modifications of the Edict.  obtained a Brief for an augmentation of 30000 Crowns for the keeping of their Garrisons, and for the Salaries of their Ministers, besides what the King had already allowed them more than his Father.  
The Verification of that Edict was not delayed long. The Court of Aids passed it on the 8th of June; but with several Modifications; Principally upon the 14 of the General Articles, and the 15 of the Private ones. The Parliament did not do it until the 13, after reiterated Remonstrances. They Modified the 14th Article and the following, which they declared should be no Precedent for the Future. That which stopped these two Courts in the 14th Article, was not the Confirmation of the Edicts which they had so often Verified: But the Briefs that were mentioned in it, which being unknown to them, gave Cause to suspect that the King promised immense Sums in it to the Reformed. They opposed it so much the more Vigorously, by reason that they were not Ignorant that Kings often make such Gifts, in hopes that they will have no Effect. It costs them nothing to make such Grants, by reason that they are sensible that they will not pass in the Courts in which the Letters of it are to be Verified. But in this occasion, the Queen was willing the thing should pass, by reason that she was desirous to expect a more favourable Conjuncture, to retract her promise. This was an Edict, like to those in which nothing is refused; which they are resolved to keep no longer, than while they may revoke them with safety. In the mean time the Parliament and the Court of Aids refused to pass those Briefs, without examining the Contents, or Use of the Sums which might be mentioned in them. The Parliament made great Oppositions to the Article which related to Villemereau; and the Reformed were never fully satisfied upon that Subject; because a War was declared against them before it was determined. The Chamber of Accounts did not Verify the Edict, until the 28th of the Month; and as to the Article about le Maitre, they said, that before he should be allowed to enjoy the Benefit of that Article, he should clear himself of some things he was accused of; as it had been ordained by the Chamber, by a Decree of the 23d of March. Thus an End was put to the War; and the State beheld the Renovation of a Peace, of which the Sweets proved as Short as Flattering.  
The End of the Fourth Part.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES. VOL. II. BOOK V.  
The Summary of the Contents of the Fifth BOOK.  
A Declaration upon the Coronation Oath. The Prince Authorize● himself at Court. The Queen puts him into Prison; which occasions great Disturbances. The Reformed make themselves Masters of Sancerre. A Declaration upon the Edict of Peace. The Duke d▪ Epernon makes War against Rochel. Privileges of that City. Pretences of the Duke. Rochel has recourse to the King, and makes an Ill Defence. The Duke retires after reiterared Orders. Importance of his Enterprise. The Circle Assembles at Rochel, and summons a General Assembly: Which is not approved of by every Body. The Deputies of the Circle are ill received at Court. Reasons to prove that the Assembly is necessary. Extremities to which the Malcontents are reduced. The King's Temper. The Original of the Fortune of Honoré Albert de Luines. Some questioned whither he was Nobly Born, Character of his Confidents. Death of the Marsh●● d' Ancre. Alteration of Affairs, and confirmation of t●● Edicts. Luines Marries into the House of Rohan. The Assembly of Rochel deputes to the King, and receives an order to break up. They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn. Their 
* Petitions and Remonstrances.  Cahiers. National Synod of Vitré. Deputation to the King. Letters to the General Assembly, and their Answer. The Churches of Bearn and of Auvergn●●●● disturbed. The Count of Sancerre commits Host●… the City. The Churches of the Province of the Country ●● Foix, and those of Provence ill used. Leave given to Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies. Places of Bailywicks' established but not exactly. Rogueries committed by the converted Moors. The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen▪ The Jesuit Cotton out of favour; Arnoux succeeds in his place. A Sermon Preached at Court by him. The Answer of the Ministers of Charenton, to an Information exhibited against them. Writings on both sides. The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers. Assembly of the Clergy. The Bishop of Macon's Speech. The Jacobins turned out of Mompellier. They refuse to admit a Jesuit Preacher there. The State of Bearn ill represented. The Effect of this Speech. A Decree Authorising the Jesuits to Preach at Mompellier. A Decree of restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands in Bearn. Reunion of that Country to the Crown; which is opposed ●…e Estates, La Force and Lescun. Deceit of the Co●●t. A Dissertation upon this matter: Discontinuation of Homage: Inconveniencies of the Dis-union, and Advantages of the ReVnion. By whom the Union is pursued. Motives of the Opponents, and their answer to the Dissertation. Publication of the Edict of Reunion. The Clergy obtains the Decree of restauration of Church Lands, which declares, That the Deputies have been heard, and the Writings seen. Subtilty of the Clergy. A Violent Speech. The Bearnois endeavour to ward the Blow. Remonstrances of Lescun. Libels. The State of Religion in Bearn. Lescun obtains only Words. Those of Bearn persist in their oppositions. Writings in favour of them. Why the Clergy refused to take the reimplacement themselves. An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois. The Sequel of the Answer. Injustices against the Reformed throughout the whole Kingdom. Erterprises upon the Cities of Surety. The free Exercise of Religion hindered in sundry places. Injustices of the Parliaments. Jesuits. Burials. Answers to the 
* Petisions or Addresses.  Cahiers. Illusory Remedies.  
WHILE the Prince of Conde was still uncertain whither he should go to Court there to gather the Fruits ●f the Peace: The Queen who was unwilling he should have ●●e honour of procuring some Advantages to the Reformed, ●●om whom he had received such good Services, granted them 〈…〉 Declaration suitable to the Answer the King had already gi●en to their 
* Petitions, or Demands  Cahiers, about his Coronation Oath. It imported that though the King had sufficiently evidenoed his Intentions, by the Confirmation of so many Edicts, nevertheless being informed that some Reformed still entertained Suspicions, ●y reason of what was happened between the Deputies of the Nobility in the Estates General, he was still willing to give ●hem farther Proofs of his good Will towards them; and in ●rder to remove all their Scruples about the Propositions made ●n the Estates; he declared that it had never been his Intention ●o include in his Coronation Oath those of the Reformed Religion, who lived in the Kingdom under the benefit of the E●icts, Secret Articles and Declarations given in favour of them: And that in order to their better observation for the future, ●he confirmed them anew. This new Edict was dated the 20th of July, and was verified within a few Days after.  
But the Public Tranquillity did not remain long ●●disturbed: And the very Conditions on which it was obtained gave an occasion to renew the Troubles. The Prince of Con●●●●● ●●● 
The Prince Authorises himself at Court.  bethought himself; during the Treaty of Peace, to make two new Demands, after all the rest were granted to him, which gave the Queen a great deal of Vexation. The one was, That the Queen should take from the Marshal ●▪ A●●●●, with whom the Duke of Long veville, Governor of ●ic●●●●, could not agree, whatever he had left in that Province. The other was, To grant him to hold the Pen in the Council; which was the power of Signing the Decrees of the Council, the Weekly State of the Finances, and the Accounts of the Exchequer: That is, he desired an Authority, which would be so much the greater in the Affairs of the State, the Quality of first Prince of the Blood, being joined to that of first Minister. The Queen had Spies at Loudun, which had given her an account of those Propositions of the Prince; before Villeroy, who had engaged himself to obtain the approbation ●● that Princess, had acquainted her with it. She thought that those Novelties had been Inspired to that Prince by that Minister, who had been favourable to him all along in the Tr●●ty; as if he had designed to Employ his Credit against the Marshal d' Ancre, who designed to ruin him. But as soon ●● he had spoken to the Queen, she immediately granted the Prince new favours, though she had expressed a great deal of ●…y to it to her Confidents. The Reason of that ●●teration was, that Villeroy hinted, That in case the Pr●●●● should make an ill use of that Power, contrary to the Quee●● Intentions▪ it would be in her Power to secure him whenever she thought ●●●. Nevertheless this Expedient, which the Queen improved so well soon after, did not reconcile Villeroy with the Marshal d' Ancre, who put him out of favour in a short time. However he was restored to his Places again, as soon as that Favourite was Dead; but he did not live long to enjoy th●●▪ The Prince coming to Court, after some Delays, soon saw ● Crowd of Courtiers attending on him, and even the Marshal himself speaking before him, to secure himself against the Public Ha●●ed. The Queen seemed at first cordially recon●●●il'd to him, and the Prince of Conde who was satisfied with ●he degree of Authority he had obtained, sincerely desired on ●is part to live in good understanding with her: Insomuch that ●e took the Marshal d' Ancre into his Protection at the Queen's ●equest, and promised to secure him against all Insults. But ●●at occasioned so many Complaints and Reproaches against ●im, from those who had assisted him during the Wars, ●nd who were all Enemies to the Marshal, that he chose ra●●er to retract the Protection he had promised him, than to ●●se so many Certain and Useful Friends, for one Man, who ●as odious to the whole Kingdom. Whereupon the Marshal ●as obliged to remove from the Court, and to retire into ●●s Government of Normandy. The Queen was extremely concerned to see her Authority fallen to that degree, that it ●as not in her Power to maintain the dearest of her Crea●●res, without the Assistance of the Prince: But it received a considerable Addition, when she found herself at the Mercy 〈…〉 a reconciled Enemy; for whom the whole Court had almost abandoned her. Therefore, according to the Advice, 
The Queen puts the Prince of Conde in Prison.  〈…〉 which she had received the Overture from Villeroy, she ●…t him in Prison. This Enterprise as bold as unexpected, ●●ould have been greater, and perhaps would have secured ●●e Authority of that Princess for a long time, had she dared 〈…〉 resolve three or four days sooner, to seize the other three principal Heads of the Cabal with him, who were all come ●…considerately to expose themselves to be seized upon. But ●●e durst not undertake it, not being prepared for it; and ●ereby she lost the benefit of the Prince's Imprisonment; 〈…〉 reason that the others having reflected on their preceding ●●prudence, exposed themselves no longer as they had done; ●hat at the first Notice they received of the Prince's Prison; ●●ey all made their escape as well as they could; that they ●●ok up Arms again for their common defence, and that ●●ey never laid them down, until the Marshal Ancre's●eath ●eath, and the Queen's Retreat had changed the State of affairs.  
In the mean time this Imprisonment occasioned great Alte●●tions. 
Which occasions great disturbances.  The Inhabitants of Paris revenged it upon the House and Rich Furnitures of the Marshal d'An●re, which the Queen suffered to be pillaged for three days together, for fear of exasperating those Riotors by opposition. The Reformed did rise in divers parts; and dreading that Affair would be attended with general Consequences, which might bring all those into Question, that had been concerned in the last Troubles; they took some measures to avoid being prevented. This first Act of Authority done in the King's Name since his Marriage, renewed all their Former Fea●●; and taught them to judge by what had been undertake● against the first Prince of the Blood, after a Solemn Treaty, what the Court might be capable of doing to the Prejudice of the Edicts, against odious people, whose Ruin had been Swo●● for so many years. Among other things which those diffidences put them upon Acting, they made themselves Ma●… of Sancerre, a City that had been Famous ever since the 〈…〉 
The Reformed seize Sancerre.  Siege and cruel Famine they endured under the Reign of 〈…〉 the IX. They looked upon it as one of the Places of Surety and had possessed it as such, under the Title of 
* Places that were annexed to ●●●ers.  Mar●… with that of Thovars'. But the Count of Sancerre Lord o● the Place, animated with the same Spirit as all the other Catholic Lords, who had made sundry such undertaking in divers places, being unwilling to leave his City in 〈…〉 Power of the Reformed, had found the way to re-establish himself in it, and to get the upper hand there. Cou●… Marans his Eldest Son lived there, in order to keep all things in the State his Father had settled them: But the Inhabit●… turned him out, alleging, that since the said City had been surprised from them, they had a right to retake it. Moreo●… the only thing in debate in this Affair, and in all others of the same Nature, was barely the Guarding of the said places. They neither disputed the Revenues, nor Rights of Fie●● with the Lords; but they pretended, that there ought to be no Garrison settled by them in the same, and that those 〈…〉 of places were to be left to the Guard of the Inhabitants. The Affair was carried before the Council, which at any other time would undoubtedly have favoured the Lord against the City, because their design was to make the Reformed lo●… their places of Surety, beginning first by those of Marriage, and by such as they held against the Inclination of the Catholic Lords. But the Court had other Prospects at that time. They were unwilling to increase the Party of the Malcontents by vexing the Reformed. Therefore they deposited the City and Castle of Sancerre into the hands of the Inhabitants, 
Declaration upon the Edict of Peace.  to be Guarded by them, until farther Orders: For which Letters Patent were Granted to them. The same reason induced them to publish a Declaration on the 30th of September, which confirmed the Edict of Blois and the Treaty of Loudun. The pretence of it was, that all the Lords who had left the Court, after the Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde, had only done it out of Fear that they designed to revoke it: and they added farther, as if it had been certain that they ●●d had no other reason for it, that they had assured the ●…ng of their good Intentions; and had expressed to him with Respect, that they only desired to live in quiet. All ●…is was Invention, and it only tended on their part to ●…ke their time and measures: And the Queen made use of with great Policy to persuade distant Provinces, that the affairs were in a fair way of Accommodation; and thereby to destroy the Correspondencies that might be formed there against her Authority. The Duke of Sully who was come back to Court again after the Peace, and who was called to council, was against that Declaration, which he neither ●…ok'd upon to be sufficient to bring back the Malcontents, or Honourable for the King; because that the Lords who were gone would have time to show the falsity of what it con●i●'d, before it could make such Impressions in the Provinces as the Queen desired: But the Court was in hopes of the contrary, having so often experienced the Credulity of the people, that they did not question, but they would be decided by those specious Protestations.  
The Duke d'Epernon was one of those, the Marshal d'An●… 
The Duke d'Epernon makes War against Rochel.  was Jealous of, because his haughty Humour did not per●it him to humble himself before him. Therefore, seeing ●…s Enemy recalled to Court, and more in favour than ever; ●…e Old Ministers turned out, and the Queen's Creatures put in their Room; the Bishop of Lucon Secretary of State; and Mangot Keeper of the Great Seal, he was afraid lest the hatred of the Favourite might prove prejudicial to him. He resolved to put himself in a posture of defence, in case any should dare to Attack him: But his Pride not allowing him to join with the other Malcontents, because he could not have the Chief Command among them, he was forced to seek another pretence to take up Arms. Rochel afforded it to him. He pretended, that important City was one of the 
Privileges of the said City.  Dependencies of his Government. The City on the contrary pretended an immediate dependence from the King; not to be obliged to suffer any Soldiers but their own Inhabitants; or to have any Governor but their Mayor, whom they Elected yearly. Their Pretence for it was, that having formerly been under the Power of the English, they had voluntarily submitted to France on that condition. The Truth is, that the most Ancient Historians confess, That they obtained so many Privileges, and such advantageous Conditions, that they tended as much to put them at Liberty, as to change their Master. The only Objection against them was, that having been taken since by the English, and afterwards retaken by the French, they were no longer to be considered in the State in which they were put by the first Treaty, but 〈…〉 having received new Conditions, when retaken by force by the Kings of France. The Duke d'Epernon made use of that Pretence: And the Council also used the same, when they resolved to ruin the Power of that City, which so many Privileges daily increased. But they replied, that the Inhabitants had not violated their Treaty, when the said place was taken by the English; that having only been forced to submit to a Superior Power, without Fraud or Treason, at a time when the King was not in a Condition to succour them, they had not forfeited their first Conditions; that the English after the taking of it had left them their Privileges; Tha● the French not having retaken it by Storm, and against the Will of the Inhabitants, could not deprive them of them; that the City had contributed towards its return under the French Dominion, both by the Affection the Inhabitants had preserved for it, and the little Assistance they had given the English; Whereby it was evident, that they had lost nothing by being restored to the Power of their Lawful Sovereign; and that they were restored to it with their former Advantages. They added, that the Kings of France had confirmed all their Privileges, several times since their being retaken; and moreover had augmented them by New Concessions: Whereupon they laid a great stress upon what happened to Lewis the XI. a Prince who having oppressed the Liberty of his Kingdom in many things, was not of a humour to do that for a City that had lost her Freedom, which did not belong to it by an evident indisputable Right. He made his Entry in Rochel on the 24th of May 1472. He Swore before Gaubert Cadiot who was Mayor of the Place, to preserve all the Privileges of the City, which are all set down in the Act. The King was upon his Knees before the Crucifix during the Ceremony, and obliged himself to succour the City in case of need, even with his Person, and to Death inclusively. We may say, that the said Oath is the most perfect Abridgement of the Fundamental Obligation of a Sovereign towards the Preservation of his Subjects. After this Oath was taken, the Mayor Cadiot took the Oath of Allegiance to the King in the behalf of the whole City.  
This did not hinder the Duke d'Epernon from taking up 
The Duke's Pre●●nsiens.  Arms, under pretence to force the said City to pay him those Devoirs they refused him; and to obtain satisfaction for some Injuries he pretended to have received from them. He complained, that the Rochelois had surprised the Castle of Rochefort, which he pretended to be in his Government, and that they had put a Garrison in the same. He Published a very severe Manifesto, and full of Invectives against the Reformed in General; and at the same time marched against Rochel with 6 or 7000 Men, and committed some Spoils about it. The City did not expect those Acts of Hostility; whither they thought that the Duke would not dare to proceed to an open War against a City that was Powerful of itself, and seconded by all the Reformed Party; or whither they expected a speedy Relief from the adjacent Provinces in case of being attacked. This 
1617.  was the Reason that they were unprovided, that they made an ill defence; and that the World beheld with Astonishment that formidable City, which had been attacked in vain by so many Kings, reduced to suffer the Incursions of a Private Person, without being able to free the Estates their Inhabitants possessed in the Country from the Pillage of his Soldiers. Their Recourse was to the King, to whom they 
Rochel applies itself to the King and makes an ill defence.  made their Complaints against the said Duke: And whereas the Court was otherwise employed at that time, and that they were desirous to see the Duke lay down his Arms, those Complaints were harkened unto, and the Duke was ordered to leave the Rochelois in Quiet. However, he did not desist at first. Boissise who was the first that was sent to him, could not prevail with him to give over his Enterprise; and was even constrained to throw himself into Rochel, to acquaint the Inhabitants that the King disowned the Duke's proceeding, and to give them leave to take up Arms for their defence: Which however, could not hinder him from being suspected of double Dealing. Vignols' being sent sometime after him, to renew the same Orders to the Duke, found him better disposed. The Duke, properly speaking did not lay down his Arms: But he withdrew his Forces from the Territories of the Rochelois; and his Excuse for his so easily granting what was desired of him at that time, was that he was sufficiently Revenged by the devastations he had committed. He Writ very boldly to the King to excuse his Enterprise, considering that he was a Man who had much to fear, and who was not beloved.  
The Glory of that Expedition has been mightily cried up 
Importance of his Enterprise.  in the History of his Life; and that Exploit mentioned in it, as if it had been the first Cause of the Siege, Cardinal de Rocheli●u laid before the said City; because, say they, That the success he obtained in that small War, made the Court sensible, that since they could not defend themselves against the Forces of a private Person, it would not be impossible for the King's Forces, taking a favourable occasion to reduce them to reason. But the Truth is, that the said Action is too much Honoured in it. It neither answered the Noise the Duke had made, nor the threatenings of his Manifesto. He ought not to have laid down his Arms, without having first dismantled that Proud City, and made it a lasting Monument of his Vengeance, and of his Power. Nevertheless, all this dwindled to the Pillaging of Peasants, and destroying of the Estates of some private Persons: Which a Band of Thiefs might have done as easily as a Regulated Army. After which, he retired home, having only seen the Walls of the City at a distance: Very well pleased to cover his Retreat with the King's Authority, who had laid his Commands on him to lay down his Arms. Therefore, the Reformed had some Reason to turn the said Expedition into Ridicule, and to relate in the form of extraordinary News, That the Duke d'Epernon had made his Entry before Rochel.  
But during this small Trouble, Rochel having implored 
The Circle Assembles at Rochel.  the Succour and Council of their Neighbours, Assembled the Circle, according to the Regulation made at Saumur; that is some Deputies of the Provincial Council of five Neighbouring Provinces, to deliberate about the means to repel the Duke d'Epernon. Those Deputies observing great Marks of a good understanding between the Duke d'Epernon and Vignolles, and little or no Effect of what had been promised; being moreover dissatisfied about the Conduct of the Court, which gave good Words, but came to no performance; suffered themselves to be persuaded by the Marshal de Bovillon to do something extraordinary, in order the better to mollify the Court and the Duke d'Epernon. The Duchess of Bovillon, who seconded her Husband pretty well, passing in those parts, under pretence of going to Turenne by his Order, solicited those who had a respect for him so powerfully, that the Circle resolved to Convene a General Assembly at Rochel for the 15th of April; and that they sent Deputies to the King, to ask his Leave in order thereunto. The Marshal 
And Convenes a general Assembly.  had a great interest in that Affair. As he was one of the Malcontents, who had made a New League against the Marshal d'Andre, he had been declared a Criminal of State; and according to the Maxims of the Court, he was none of the least Guilty, since that besides his Religion, and his being Esteemed the Primum Mobile of that Cabal, it was very well known, that he endeavoured to strengthen his Party abroad, when he required Money and Men. Therefore, he was also desirous to make an Interest at home, to the end, that in case his other Measures should fail, he might at least be able to make his Peace, or to save his Person, by the Credit of a General Assembly.  
This Convocation did not please every Body. Many thought it unnecessary, because the Court promised to see Justice done to Rochel, and that in Effect, the Duke d'Epernon began by degrees to perform what he had promised, and not executed. They added, that it would be dangerous; that it would displease the King, who seeing it formed at a time when the Troubles began to be renewed in his Kingdom, would think that it was held against to his Service. They said, that it was convened contrary to the Settlements, which did not allow a Province which had no Grievances to desire it. They endeavoured particularly to insinuate, that Rochel, upon whose particular Account it was desired, would abandon the rest of the Reformed, as soon as they had received satisfaction from the Court. These were the sentiments of those who preferred Tranquillity to all things; and especially of the Reformed, who lived in the Neighbourhood of Paris, who commonly were more inclined to Timorous, Slow Councils, than to bold precipitated Resolutions. But the others replied, that if the King had received ill Impressions concerning the designs of those who desired the Assembly, it was necessary to remove them by the good Resolutions they should take in it; that a General Assembly being capable to reunite all People to the desire of a Peace, was the best expedient that could be taken to procure it, and above all to obtain it from the King's Clemency, by most humble Supplications; that nothing was done contrary to the Settlements, considering the Just Cause of Complaint they had; that the strongest of all Laws, in a time of Confusion and Disorder was Necessity; and that Rochel would not abandon the common Cause, for the particular Offers that were made to them.  
However, the Deputies of the Circle were not well received 
The Deputies of the Circle are ill received at Court.  at Court; from whence they departed without obtaining the permission they desired. Besides, the usual reasons the Court had to dread Assemblies, they had some that were particular for this. The Troubles were so great every where, that they could not Authorize a General Assembly, without being guilty of Imprudence; by reason, that whatever side they inclined to, they were capable to give the upper hand to the Party they should Embrace; and perhaps ●…rm one apart, which might take the advantage of the Weakness of the others. It was generally believed, that the Duke of Vendome designed to put himself at the Head of the Reformed; and it was publicly discoursed, that he kept a ●…an on purpose at Rochel, to Treat in his Name with the Assembly. There was no time to make Rome Relish that permission, the Council of which had taken such an Empire over that of France, that they regulated all their proceedings. The Queen had been obliged to give the Cardinal de ●…ye●se ample Instructions before the Assembly of Saumur, 〈…〉 excuse the favour she had Granted to the Reformed upon ●…e account of Necessity; either in confirming their Edicts ●…y a Solemn Declaration; or by allowing them to Assemble 〈…〉 a time, when they could draw such advantages by their ●…nion. It would have been difficult to use those Reasons at present, which might have passed for good at that time, because they could not have been insisted upon, for fear of discovering the Weakness and Confusion of the Government. The shortest way was to refuse the permission desired by the Deputies of the Circle, in hopes that those who did not approve that Assembly, would have Credit enough, to perwade the rest to have patience. Nevertheless, that Refu●… aggravated matters instead of suppressing them; and it did not hinder them from inviting the Provinces to send their Deputies to Rochel on the appointed day, so that as they persisted in the Resolution to hold the Assembly without leave, in case they could not obtain the consent of the Court, they thought fit to Publish their Reasons about it.  
Therefore they Published a kind of Manifesto, in which 
K●as●ns to prove that the Assembly is necessary.  they observed, that people were in Arms every where; that the two Parties, who aimed to destroy each other, pretended equally the King's Service; which might occasion the Ruin of the State, and of the Churches, unless a distinction were made a what the Real Service of the King consisted, in order to side with that; that particular Persons, apt to divide themselves, according to their Interests and Inclinations, were not proper Judges to decide that Question; that its General Assembly was more capable to do it; that the Edicts of Nantes and of Loudun were daily violated as to what related to the Churches; that the Deputies General having made their Complaints to the King about it, without having obtained the least Redress, there remained no way to Remedy the same, but by a General Assembly; that the Commissioners promised by the Court in the Assembly, which was held at Rochel at the time of the Treaty of Loudun, had not been in the Provinces, or at least, that whatever was favourable to the Catholics having been Executed long since, nothing had been performed of those things which were advantageous to the Churches; that the Court had refused the so often promised Creation of two Offices of Masters of Requests for the Reformed; that a Fort had been demolished in one of the Suburbs of Gergea●, in Order to render that Town of Surety Useless to the Churches, and to deprive all the Reformed between the Seine and the Loire of a secure Retreat; that they had refused to put a Reformed Governor in Sancerre, according to Henry the 4th's Promise; that Fontrailles having promised to go to Mass, provided he were maintained against Angalin in Leitoure, which rendered him incapable of Commanding there, because it was a Place of Surety, of which the Governor ought to be a Protestant, his Proposition had been heard, and that Angalin was not re-established, although the Change of Religion of his Competitor had removed all the difficulties of that Affair; that the Parliament of Paris had suppressed the Place of Co●drai, which was one of the Six allowed by the Edict to the Reformed, under pretence of that of Villemerau which they had gained; which showed, that they would not admit them without distinction into Employments; that la Ferté Vidame had been taken by Surprise from the Vidame of Chartres, a Reformed Lord, at whose Charge a Garrison had been put into it, tho' he had never been suspected, nor a Rebel; and that no regard had been had to his Petitions; that the Swissers of the Reformed Religion that were Quartered at Poi●iers, had been forbidden to go to Church; which was looked upon as a step to do the same to the Scots and Swissers of the Guard; that instead of protecting the Duke of Bovillon against the Archduke's, he had been declared a Criminal of State; which alone required a General Assembly, in Order to consult about it: That the Council had resolved the reunion of Navarre, and of the Principality of Bearn●o ●o the Crown, to have a pretence to introduce the Edict of Nantes there, contrary to the Edict of Loudun, and that which had been Published in consequence thereof; that the said Union was attended with several Inconveniencies; Viz. that the Ministers, and the Colleges would be deprived of their Subsistance; that the Presidentship in the Estates of Bearn, would be given to the Bishops; that la Force would be deprived of the Government, and his Son of the Survivorship; that the Garrison of Navarreins, an important City, provided with Canons, and Munitions would be disbanded, and that the said City would thereby remain exposed to the Surprise of the Spaniards. They added to all this, considerations upon the Enterprise of the Duke d'Epernon against Rochel; and from all those Subjects of Complaint, concluded that the Assembly was necessary to redress them.  
Those Reasons were so much the stronger, by Reason that 
Extremities to which the Malcontents are reduced.  the Court had been informed of those Injustices by the Petitions of the Deputies General, who had not been able to obtain an Answer to them: Another Consideration likewise, made them exceedingly more weighty. The Party of the Malcontents was reduced almost to the utmost Extremity. They had but one Town left; and the Duke of Mayenne was Besieged in Soissons, and no longer in a Condition to defend himself, had he been vigorously pressed. They were afraid, that the Marshal a'Ancre after this, being Proud of their Defeat, and moreover an Enemy to the Reformed, would inflict a Punishment upon them for the Resolutions taken at N●●es, which had reduced him upon the very Brink of the Precipice. But his unexpected fall removed the pretence of those Terrors. When Fortune seemed to have placed him, above the reach of his Enemies, a Tragical End was preparing for him, by means which he never could foresee, nor prevent. The 
The King's Temper.  King was hardly minded at Court. He was young, and of a Weak Constitution. He Loved Hawking and Music, and passed his time in those little Amusements, leaving the sole Authority of the Government to the Queen his Mother. He was nevertheless Jealous of his Power even to Excess, though he neither understood it, nor could enjoy it. During the whole Course of his Life, he never could exert it himself, nor suffer it into the Hands of another. It was equally impossible for him, not to raise his Favourites to a vast degree of Power, and to endure them when Possessed of that Grandeur to which he had raised them himself. By making them Rich, he put them in a State to displease him. The Excess of his Complaisance for them, was as it were the first degree of his Hatred: And I question, whither an Example could be found in his History of any Favourite, whose Death, or Ruin he was concerned for. But his Sentiments were concealed in his own heart: And whereas he only Communicated them to few, those who are of Opinion, that there is always a Mystery in the Conduct of Princes, accused him of a Black and profound Dissimulation. To say the Truth, the reason of his silence was, that he neither confided in himself, nor in others; and that he had a great deal of Timorousness and Weakness. Most of those who have spoken of him, acknowledge that he had Courage; and that he did not lose his Judgement in danger; that he loved and understood War; that he was a good Scholar; but that he was not capable of 
Original of the Fortune of Honore Albert de ruins.  Reigning.  
There was a Man about him, whom no body was Jealous of, because his parts were too mean to be feared. He was suffered with him as a Man, who amused him with the pleasure of Hawking, which those who had the Authority were very well pleased to see him employed about, to the ●nd that they might do what they pleased. They say, that this Man begun to insinuate himself into the King's Favour, by ● present he made him of two 
* Pigriesches.  Wary Angles, taught to Fly ●t small Birds in Hedges. This Animal is not much larger than a Sparrow, and is naturally addicted to peck others, ●nd to keep them from his Nest: So that Application and Care may easily form him for that small War; to which he ●s naturally inclined. This Present Enchanted the King, who ●ook a great deal of Pleasure to see those little Birds imitate those of a higher Flight. They diverted him at all times. ●n Rainy Weather h● made them fly in his Chamber, or in some Gallery. He affected to go often to Mass to the Capu●ins; their House being conveniently Seated to afford him that pleasure; by reason, that his way thither was through ●he Thuileries, a Royal Garden, in which he met with Birds, which he caused to be taken by those Wary Angles. He had a little Net set up at the End of the Hedge, into which those Birds being thus pursued, never failed to Entangle themselves; and he took abundance of pleasure to see them plucked by those little Animals, which he often carried himself upon his Finger, with Bells and Varvels like Hawks. And l●st that Pleasure should fail him sometimes for want of Birds, he caused abundance to be taken and bred, which he never set free again, but to be taken by those Wary Angles. Whereas the Reader may perhaps never find in any other Book, which were the beginnings of the greatest Fortune that ever a Subject was raised to: I thought I might make this digression to oblige him.  
The Person I am speaking of was Luines, a Man almost 
It has been questioned wh●ther he was a Gentleman  unknown, and even during whose Favour, some questioned whither he was born a Gentleman. It is certain at least that he was very Poor: And 'tis reported, that when he came first to Paris with Brantes and Cadenet his two Brothers, they had but one Cloak amongst them▪ which they wore by turns, two of them remaining at home while the other was in the City, or at Court about their common Affairs. No Body thought him capable to persuade the King to any thing but the Pleasures of Hawking: But they were mistaken; and Luines having found the Ascendent he had over the King's Mind, made use of it to destroy the Marshal d'Ancres. Whither he were put upon it by the Malcontents who had gained him; or whither he were Animated by the Spaniards, who dreaded the Marshal's growing so Powerful, as to have no longer occasion for them; or whither he designed to raise his Fortune upon the Ruins of that Wretch, he took the advantage of the King's Foible which he knew; and stuffed his Head with Jealousies and Vexations, against those who abused his Authority and Treasure. Three Men served Luines in that design: Deagean a Suttle, Violent and Ambitious 
The Character of his Confidents.  Man, who was first Clerk to Barbin the Queen's Creature, betrayed his Master, and came every Night to give the King an Account how they played with his Power. Marcillac an inconsiderable Person, who Trafficked for his Service, seconded in the day time by his Discourse, what the other had advanced. Desplans, a Soldier in the Guards, had a share in the said Conspiracy. Deagean was the only Man of Parts among them: But he had too much Genius for Luines, who in order to be rid of him, bounded his Fortune to a Place of Precedent in the Chamber of Accounts of Grenoble, where he sent him to reside, under pretence of watching the Conduct of Lesdiguieres. The King being persuaded by those Agents of Luines, who among other things, never failed to acquaint him with the Murmurs of the People against the disorders of the Government, was at a Loss which way to rid himself of his Wardship. He had a mind to Fly to Meaux, there to Summon his Subjects from all Parts to his Assistance. Some proposed to him to go to the Parliament upon some Pretence; and there to cause the Marshal to be seized in his Presence, and to give an Order for his Trial. But Luines either Dreading the King's Weakness, or the Queen's Authority, chose to have him Seized in the Lovure. The King gave Order to Vitri to do it, who apparently had received secret Orders from Luines about it, to whom the King having sent him back again, to know his Pleasure, he carried the thing farther than it was designed. He caused 
Death of the Marshal d'Ancre.  him to be killed on the 4th of April, under pretence that he had leave so to do, in case he made any resistance. Yet he made none, but only expressed his Astonishing by some Words, when Vitri acquainted him that he was his Prisoner. But this Action of Vitri was justified, and that Service made him a Marshal of France.  
The State of Affairs was quite Altered by that Death. The 
Alteration of Affairs.  Queen being penetrated with Grief, was deprived of all Authority. Her Creatures lost their Places; those she had removed from Court were recalled: The Malcontents submitted themselves; and the King Granted them a General Pardon in the Month of May, in which acknowledging that they had only taken Arms for their safety, against the Insolent, Violent and Pernicious designs of the Marshal d'Ancre, who employed the King's Forces contrary to his Intention to ruin them; that after his Death, they returned immediately to their Allegiance, and that they had implored his Pardon very submissively, he revoked the Declaration that had been given against them, Abolished the remembrance of what was passed, confirmed the Treaty of Loudun, and the Edict of Blois, and Ordered that all his Subjects, as well Catholics as Reformed should live in Peace, under the Benefit and Authority of his Edicts. After which the favour of the New Favourite was exerted against the Miserable Remains of the Marshal's Family, even to Inhumanity. His Lady was Executed for pretended Crimes, of which she was found Guilty, more upon the Account of the hatred of the Public, than by any solid Proofs. Luines was Adorned with his Spoils, and saw himself so great-all of a sudden, that he was Astonished at his own Fortune. He made use of his Authority in a manner yet more Odious than the Marshal d'Ancre, whom, to say the Truth, he neither surpassed in Birth or Merit. His Favour was only for himself; he enjoyed it amidst Seditions, and Civil Wars; and he engaged himself into Foreign Cabals, to the great detriment of his Country.  
I must also add, that in order to maintain his Credit, he Married the Daughter of the Duke de Mombazon, of the 
Luines Marries into the house of Rohan  House of Rohan. This persuaded the Duke of that Name, that he would be considered by that Favourite, who was Honoured by his Alliance. But the Duke being come back to Court, after the Treaty of Loudun, had reconciled himself sincerely to the Queen, who had received the Excuses ●● made to her about his taking Arms very favourably. All that he had obtained by the Treaty was the assurance of the Government of Poitou, provided he could obtain the Duke of Sully's Demission; because there was an Article in the Edict which promised expressly that the King would Grant no more Survivorships. When he had obtained the Demission, he was obliged to come to Court in Person to obtain his Letters Patent for the same. He did it boldly enough; though he thereby exposed himself to the Mercy of Persons, of which some hated him Mortally; and the others were very Faithful. Nevertheless, it proved to his Advantage; and the Queen gave him his Patents, which the change of Affairs hindered him from enjoying. Yet notwithstanding, he applied himself to the Service of that Princess with so much Fidelity, that he made an End of Ruining himself at Court; and that far from drawing an advantage by the Alliance of that New Favourite, he created an irreconcilable hatred between them. It will be necessary to know the particulars, which were the Motives or occasions of the following Wars.  
During these Transactions, the Deputies of the Provinces that were Invited to Rochel, were got thither for the most 
The Assembly of Rochel sends Deputies to the King.  part; and that Assembly created equal Jealousies, on all sides▪ by reason that the State being divided into several Parties, ●● body knew which they would join with. But the Marshal's Death, and the Queen's Exile having appeased the Troubles the most specious Reasons of the Assembly were removed▪ They sent Deputies to the King upon this unexpected▪ alteration, to Congratulate the recovering of his Authority. Those Deputies did not see the King, who refused to treat them as Deputies from a Lawful Assembly: But after that the Answer ●…e sent them was not disobliging. The King referred to hear 
And receives an Order to break up▪  them when the Assembly should be Dissolved; they were desired to behave themselves as good Subjects ought to do, when they have something to desire of their King; to draw their 〈◊〉 Cahiers: To separate forthwith; and to retire into their 
* Petitions and Demands.  Respective Provinces: That upon that Account the King would favour them in all things that were reasonable and ●…st. Therefore they broke up at the return of their Deputies, 
They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn  according to the Advice of the Wisest, who remonstrated to them with a great deal of Vigour, That it behoved them to ●how by that mark of Obedience, that they did only Assemble when they had just reasons to fear; but that they dissolved of themselves as soon as ever those fears were dissipated. They ●●serted an Article in their Cahiers which related to the Churches of Bearn, desiring that no Innovations might be ●ade in that Principality, either in Church or State. But they showed yet better how much they concerned themselves ●● the Affairs of that Province, by an Act they made, which obliged all the Churches to assist those of that Province, in ●…ase of Oppression and Necessity, by some Alteration of the State, ●…ither in the Ecclesiastic or Politic part, if those Churches ●…plor'd the assistance of those of France. They ordered the Provinces of the Upper Languedoc, and of the lower Guyenne, to Assemble by their Deputies with those of that Sovereignty, of necessary, to endeavour to prevent their being oppressed. They writ to the great Lords to Intercede for the Reformed of Bearn, and they exhorted all the Councils of the Provinces to recommend them to the Deputies General. The Affection they expressed for those threatened Churches proved useless: And the King's very Answer to the Article which spoke in their behalf, destroyed by one word which was Inserted in it on purpose, all the hopes of their being favourably used. The King promised to preserve all his Subjects of the Country of Bearn, both Catholics and Reformed in the Possession of their Ancient Privileges; and to maintain Peace and Union there as among the other Subjects of his Realm. The Equivocation of the word Ancient was a plain Argument, that the Council designed to look upon the present State of Bearn as a Novelty▪ And to restore the Catholics there to all the Advantages they had lost, by the attempt they had made against their Lawful Queen.  
The Assembly Inserted in their * Cahiers' some other important 
Their Petitions.  Articles; viz. Concerning the Exemption of the Ministers, and the Declaration given upon that Subject, which the Court of Aids still refused to verify; the Necessity of Reformed Associates for the Instruction of Criminal Causes; the discharge of certain Offices which were imposed upon the Reformed, though▪ they thought they could not Officiate them without wounding their Consciences; concerning the Privilege of Reformed Magistrates and Officers, not having discharged their Trust in their Offices, to be prosecuted in the Chambers of the Edict, and before no other Judges; and several others, to which they received Specious Answers; but without Effect. Besides all these Articles there was an Instruction which they charged the Deputies General with, to beg of his Majesty to put the Prince of Conde at Liberty. This was the only effect produced by the Solicitations of the Princess his Mother, who was at Rochel, and who endeavoured to oblige the Assembly not to break up before they had obtained his Deliverance. Nevertheless they were obliged to give over that pursuit, because the State of Affairs was not disposed towards it, and that the new Favourite was not in the least inclined to put a Prince at Liberty▪ who would soon get the better of him in the Management of Affairs.  
While the Assembly was still in being, the National Synod 
National Synod at Vitré.  assembled on the 18th of May at Vitrë. The Principality of Bearn had obtained leave in the preceding Synod to Convene it: But all things were altered since that time; and that which was looked upon then to be useful towards the preservation of that Province, seemed to be of ill consequence against their Privileges, as soon as it was known that the Council did propose to reunite it to the Crown. In submitting to the same Discipline with the other Churches of the Realm, they seemed to act against their own pretensions, that they could not be subjected to the same Laws with the rest of the Kingdom; and by making but one Body Ecclesiastic with the rest of the Reformed, they afforded a reason to say that it was not inconsistent with their Privileges, to be united ●…o the other Provinces depending of the Crown, as part of one and the same Body Politic. Those Reasons were approved ●…f. The Synod excused them from submitting to the Discipline of the other Churches, and to the National Synods, du●…ng the present Conjuncture. But they allowed the Deputies ●…f that Country to assist at their Deliberations, and to give ●…eir Votes, unless some of them desired the contrary. So ●…at they appeared in that Assembly as Deputies not of subject ●…hurches, but of Churches that were Allied by the Commu●…on of the same Doctrine.  
Immediately after the Overture of the Synod, they deput●… 
Deputation to the King.  four Persons to the King, with Letters filled with the usual ●…ubmissions and Protestations of Obedience and Loyalty. 
Letters to the General Assembly; and their Answer.  they also writ to the Assembly of Rochel, to give them an account of what they had done; and to express their Inten●…on to remain in perfect▪ Union with them. The Answer of the Assembly was made in the same Terms; and moreover ●…ontain'd an Article, by which they demanded of the Synod ●…e Contribution of certain Sums for the General Affairs. This contribution, which was to be raised out of the Sums granted ●…r the Salaries of the Ministers, appeared dangerous as to the consequences of it: but whereas there was Money due to them, ●…nd that the Concessions of the Treaty of Loudun had made ●…he Churches pretty easy, they would not refuse all, and ●…anted something at the Request of the Assembly. In the ●…ean time the Deputies were well received at Court; and ●…ame back to the Synod with Answers capable to satisfy them, ●…ad fair words been sufficient to redress the Evils they com●…lain'd of. The King writ very obliging Letters by them, in which he praised the Loyalty of the Reformed, and gave them ●…ssurances of his Protection for the future▪ and to maintain whatever was promised by the Edicts, in case they persevered in that Conduct.  
That would have been very well, if while they were exhorted to be Loyal, the Court had not at the very same time 
The Churches of Bearn and Auvergne disturbed.  laboured openly by a thousand Vexations and Injuries to t●… their Faith and Patience. Besides the dread which the Prosecutions of the Clergy created among the Churches of Bearn, those of Auvergne were also very much tormented. They had not as yet been able to enjoy the benefit of the Edict there peaceably, by reason that the Catholics had opposed it. There were potent Families in that Province who were altogether inclined to a League, and who thought it a point of Conscience to hate the Reformed, and to Persecute them without Mercy. They used them Cruelly in all respects; and the Reformed were not in a Condition to resist them, because their Number was inconsiderable. The Court might easily have put a stop to those Violences, had they been well inclined; but it is easy to judge of their Disposition in that respect, by the little care they had taken to redress the Wrongs done to the Reformed of that Province: The Synod gave express Orders to the Deputies General, to make earnest Solicitations to obtain a redress for those Afflicted Churches; and to press the Court to send Commissioners thither, in order to regulate those long Differences by some Decisive Decree: which had already been desired often to no purpose.  
Moreover the War continued between the City of Sancere▪ 
The Count of Sancerre exerts Hostilities against the City.  and the Count de Marans; who did the Inhabitants all the harm he could. He proceeded on his part to Surprises, Outrages, and Assassinations: And he was accused of having lately caused Captain Bouchard, in whom the City reposed great Confidence, to be Murdered. So that the City had two great Affairs in hand; the one to preserve their Privilege of being a City of Surety which was disputed, and the other to defend themselves against the Hostilities of the Count As they had a greater Extent of Ground than Riches, they were soon drained by the great Expenses they had been obliged to make; and they could not hold out much longer, without being assisted. Therefore they had recourse to the Liberalities of the 
Churches of the Country of Foix.  Synod. The Churches of the Country of Foix were reduced to the same Misery of late Years. They were forced from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction, about the Quality of Places of Sure●…y: which the Cities in which they performed the Exercises of their Religion had had till then: So that they had troubles upon that Question in the Parliament, in the 
* In which the Judges were part Catholics and part Reformed.  Party-Chambers, and in the Council of State. This was a subtlety of the Council, either to weaken the Reformed, by taking from them ●…veral Towns they held by that Name, the Title, or Quali●… of which was disputed by their Enemies upon divers pre●…nces; or to put them upon some desperate Resolution, by ●…ese Proceedings, in order to have a plausible occasion to ●…mplain of their Behaviour. For that reason the Court affected, whenever they renewed the Permission of keeping them to slip in some Equivocal Terms in the Briefs; to the ●…d that being favoured by that Ambiguity, they might say, ●…at those they designed to take from them were not comprised 〈…〉 the same.  
Provence was also exposed to great Vexations. The Reformed 
And those of Provence ill used.  were very much divided there; and the Catholics ●…ok an occasion from those Discords which they themselves ●…ad sown, to do them all manner of Injustices. That Pro●…nce overwhelmed the General Assemblies and the National ●…ynods, with Complaints, which the Members of one and ●…e same Church brought in there against one another: And ●…e Deputies of those Different Parties, often mutually disputed the Right of their Deputation. Nevertheless ●…ere were so few Churches in that Province, that they were not able to furnish the Number that was necessary to di●…ide it into two Assemblies; and that it had been proposed some times to annex them to those of Dauphine, to make but ●…ne Synod of them. So that their own weakness rendered ●…heir Union the more necessary, by reason that they weakened themselves still the more by their Division. The Synod recommended all those Affairs to the Deputies General; and did not forget the Edict of Exemption which the Ministers had been amused with for five Years together, without their De●…uties having been able to get it into their hands, to pursue the Verification of it, which the Court did not press in the ●…east.  
The Synod allowed Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies, which had been forbidden by the former Synods. The 
Permission given to the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies.  reason of it was that those who had given an occasion to make that Prohibition being either Dead or Revolted; and the Discontents of the Duke of Bovillon being cooled, there was no reason to exclude the Ministers from those Assemblies, in which they might sometimes prove useful by their Zeal and Prudence. But the Synod at the same time desired the Political Assemblies to Exempt the Ministers from Deputation to the Court; whither it were that they looked upon themselves as Persons that were odious to those that Governed; or whether they thought the Intrigues of the Court not suitable to the Profession of the Evangelical Ministry; or whether they thought that as they were Persons dedicated to Preach the Truth, it was not fit to Expose them to the Temptations, which till then, had rendered the Air of the Court so fatal to Men of their Character. The Synod also Nominated four Deputies to assist at the General Synod the State's General of the United Provinces did propose to Assemble, to determine the Disputes of the Arminians, which were called Remonstrators; and of those who called their Doctrine a Novelty, which were called Counter-Remonstrators, or Gomarists. But the Council of France did not approve that Deputation, as I will relate in another Place.  
Moreover it appears by the Acts of the said Synod, that 
Places of Bailywicks' established with little Exactness.  until then the settlement of the 
* Towns or Villages in which the Public Exercise of the Reformed Religion was to be performed in the said Bailywicks  Places of Bailywicks had been made with little Exactness. They had sometimes been desired in Places that were so inconvenient, that they had built no Churches in them. The Truth is that the Catholics had not as yet bethought themselves to maintain, that the Right of performing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in those Places, was lost by a Prescription of some Years. Therefore the Reformed were Allowed to resume the use of them when they pleased, notwithstanding their having left them as it were in suspense for sometime: And sometimes also they Transferred the said Privilege from one place to another, by a kind of Concession, which the Commissaries, or Judges of the said Pla●… did not refuse to Authorise by their Ordinances. Thus Tingri being given for a Place of Bailywick in the Province of Champagne, that Right remained long without Effect; by reason that Lorraine, in the Neighbourhood of which the said Town was settled, and from whence it was hoped that the Reformed would repair thither to hear Sermons, could not furnish a sufficient Number of People to maintain a Church there. Therefore the Synod being unwilling to lose that Considerable Right, ordered it to be Transferred to Langres, where there was more likelihood of forming a Considerable Church.  
It likewise appears by the same Acts, that some Moors be●…g 
Rogueries of the Converted Moors.  Invited to remain in France, upon the account of the Edict ●…e late King had Published on their Behalf, when they were ●…rn'd out of Spain, stopped in the Places that had been as●…gn'd to them. Though the Edict only allowed such to re●…ain in the Kingdom as should embrace the Catholic Reli●…n, yet several of them Embraced the Reformed. But where●… for the most part those that remained were only such as had nothing to carry away, it was not Conscience that inclined ●…em more to one side than the other: It was only a prospect 〈◊〉 subsisting one way or other. As their Conversion was on 〈◊〉 Interest, it soon degenerated into Public Roguery. The ●…oor being neglected in the Roman Church, whereas the Re●…rm'd had the Reputation of assisting them with more Order ●…d Charity, all the Beggars turned Converted Moor; and ●…nning from Church to Church to surprise Alms, they re●…c'd the Consistories and Synods to take measures to secure ●…emselves against this sort of Plundering. The Catholic ●…al did not murmur at that time to see the Reformed Religi●… preferred to the Roman: And they did not envy this Honour 〈◊〉 the Reformation, because they could not deprive them of it without Expense. The same Zeal being refined in our Days, ●as not been able to endure things to remain upon the same ●…ot; they chose rather to let the Jews and Mahometans re●…ain in their Error, than to permit them to embrace Chri●…ianity by Embracing the Reformed Religion. However these ●…retended Moors being very troublesome to the Churches, the ●…ynod I am speaking of resolved to apply proper remedies to it. They ordered People to Watch the Conduct of these Converts, and to take certain Precautions, by giving them Testimonials, to prevent those Impostures.  
During these Transactions Luines, who knew the King's 
The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen.  Easiness by Experience, suffered no Persons of any Genius to be near his Person, nor any of those who had had any Engagements with the Queen. The Bishop of Lucon, so famous since under the Name of Cardinal de Richelieu, was one of the Creatures of that Princess, and one of those whose W●● and Parts were most capable to inspire Jealousy in a Favourite. Therefore Luines was so far from suffering him to live at Court, that he would not so much as allow him to remain with the Queen. The Bishop being sensible that he was obnoxious, removed out of the Kingdom: But yet being unwilling to give over his hopes altogether, he retired to Avignon, where he thought himself secure under the Pope's Authority. Nevertheless the better to remove all manner of Suspicions, he feigned to renounce Politics, and to apply himself for the future in things more suitable to his Profession. In order to which he took up Controversy, and Writ against the Reformed; taking an occasion so to do from the Affairs I am going to relate. Luines also removed from the King Cotton the Jesuit, who had been all along engaged in the Queen's Interest, and who endeavoured to persuade the World, that this sudden Retreat from the Court was only the effect of his disgust of the World, though it was only the effect of a very Mortifying Disgrace. But Luines put in his room a Man of the same Society, 
Disgrace of Cotton the Jesuit. Arnoux succeeds him.  who being obliged to him for his Promotion, seemed to him a fit Instrument to manage the King's Inclination to his Advantage. But he was cruelly deceived; and this Villain paid him for his good Will, like a true Jesuit: So that he also was forced to retire at the end of some Years. Thus the King left the Management of his conscience as well as of his Kingdom to the discretion of his Favourites; and changing his Affection according to their Pleasure, he allowed them to Reign into the most secret parts of his Confessions and of his Thoughts. This Jesuit was Arnoux, known at Court by Conferences and Sermons, which had gained him some Esteem. Amongst the 
A Sermon Preached at Court by him.  Sermons he was most noted for, he Preached one at Fontain bleau before the King, in which he attacked the Confession of Faith of the Reformed, and maintained that the Passages cited in the Margin were falsely alleged. This Accusation could not fail of being taken notice of, in a Court in which there were abundance of Officers and Lords who did profess the Reformed Religion. So that upon the Disputes occasioned by the said Sermon, the Jesuit who had not advanced this Proposition with an Intention to retract it, gave a Memoir of the Falsi●…ies he pretended to observe in the said Quotations to a Reformed Gentleman who desired it; and the said Gentleman gave it to Du Moulin.  
The Ministers were not as yet reduced to suffer every thing 
The Ministers of ● Charenton's Answer.  without making a defence: Moreover they were firm and vigorous in their Repartees; and particularly when they met 〈◊〉 Jesuit in their way they never failed to speak of the Merits of his Sect. Therefore Du Moulin who had a Sprightly Wit, 〈◊〉 Fruitful Imagination, a heart full of Zeal, and who, as it ●as been owned by his very Adversaries, did Write with as much Politeness as Force and Ease, was not long before he Answered the Jesuit, having first Consulted Montigni, Du●ant, and Mestrezat his Colleagues in the Ministry. They gave it the Title of, Defence of the Confession of Faith of the Reformed Churches of France, against the Accusation of Arnoux the Jesuit, etc. which they Dedicated to the King. They mentioned with some Vigour in the Dedication the Services the Reformed had done to the State; and they used the Jesuits in it, in the same manner as all Persons of Honour had used them till then. They did not forget the last Estates held at Paris, and the Controversy that had been moved there concerning the Independency of Kings, who, they said, had lost their Cause by the Faction of the Clergy. Arnoux and the Jesuits being nettled at this Letter, caused a great deal of Noise to be made about it: So that almost as soon as the Book appeared 
Against whom Informations are given.  they informed against the Work, against the Author, and against the Printer. The Lieutenant Civil, or Common Judge having first taken Cognizance of it, that Affair was soon after removed before the Parliament, which occasioned a Dispute in point of Jurisdiction between the Great Chamber, and the Chamber of the Edict: The first pretended to retain the Cause, as being a Civil Cause; and the last would have it Tried before them, as being an Affair of Religion. This Contestation was determined by a Decree of the Council, bearing Date July the 20th, which referred the Cause to the King: And within a fourth Night after it, another Decree was made, in which the King forbade the Dedicating of any Book to him without his express leave; suppressed that of the Ministers, forbade the reading of it, or to keep it, under certain Penalties; and ordered the Provost of Paris to Prosecute the Printer.  
This Decree dictated by the Jesuits, only served to set a 
Pamphlets on both sides.  greater value upon the Book. Divers Pamphlets were dispersed on both sides upon that Subject; among which there was one which acknowledged Arnoux the Jesuit to be the Aggressor, and that pretended that it was a Crime in the Ministers to have dared to defend themselves. So that according to the Maxims of that Writer, the Condemnation of the Ministers could only be looked upon as an Oppression of Innocence, so much the more Unjust that though those who had been attacked had been punished, the Aggressors had not so much as received a ●light Reprimand. It was agains this Book of the four Ministers that the Bishop of Lucon resolved ●● Write. He insisted particularly upon their Letter, and endeavoured 
The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers.  to prove, that they had filled it with falsehood. He made all his Efforts to justify the last Estates: But he did it by Reasons which he knew to be false better than any Body; which most of those that had been concerned in what past, there could easily have convinced him of. That manner of Writing was an effect of his fear. It was the Style that best pleased the Jesuits, whom that Bishop was then as loath to offend, as he despised them since, when he found himself in a more prosperous Fortune.  
About the time the Synod was at Vitre, the Clergy was Assembled 
Assembly of the Clergy. The Bishop of Macon's Speech.  at Paris, and vigorously prosecuted the Project they had formed in the last Estates in Order to the Ruin of the Reformed. The Bishop of Macon made a Speech to the King ●● the second of June, at the Head of the Deputies of that Body: And it is easy to Judge by the Style of it, that the Catholics were no longer inclined to use the Reformed equitably. He called the Reformed Monsters, and compared their Church to Agar, styling it a Concubine. He acknowledged that the Clergy dissembled with them, and only Tolerated them for the sake of Peace. He maintained that the Catholic Churches were happier under the Turks, where the free Exercise of their Religion was allowed, than in those Places where the Reformed were Masters. His Complaints were grounded particularly upon Three Points. The first was, that the Bishop ●f Mompelier having been desirous to introduce Reformed Jacobins 
Jacobins turned out of Montpelier.  into the Monastery the Friars of that Order had in the ●aid City, by the Consent, as he said, of the Old ones, of the General of the Order, and by the Authority of the Parliament of Thoulouse, the Inhabitants instead of allowing that Alteration, had not only refused to receive the New ones, but ●ad turned the Old ones out of the City. But the Bishop did not say what had induced the Inhabitants to do it. The Bishop of Mompelier had for a long while occasioned continual disorders and disputes there, and had offended the Reform'd●y ●y the boldness of his Enterprises. Whither it were then, ●hat they were afraid that these New Friars, under pretence of an Austere Reformation, might be endued with a more selitious Spirit, and consequently more capable to second the said Prelate in his designs; or whither it were that remembering the Original of that Order, which had Signalised itself from its first Formation, by a thousand Massacres, and who had acquired the Government of the Inquisition in Spain by such Qualifications, they were afraid these New comers might introduce this Spirit of Fury and Cruelty in Mompelier, and might have secret Instructions from their General ●ending to that End; Whither, I say, it were for the first, or last of these Considerations, the Reformed refused to admit such Guests. They involved the Old ones with the New, by reason that the one having given their Consents to the Introduction of the others, it was evident by that, that they were animated by the same Spirit. 
They refuse to suffer a Jesuit Preacher.   
The second cause of Complaint was, that the same People had refused to suffer a Preacher in their City, whom the Bishop had pitched upon to Preach there in Advent and in Lent. The Governor had undertaken to obtain their leave for it; and after having used Persuasions he had employed Commands. But the reason the Reformed urged was that the said Preacher was a Jesuit, and that the Members of that Order endeavouring to imbroil every thing where ever they came; it was but just to keep them out of Cities, in which the Reformed had so much Interest to hinder Seditions and Disorders. It was so evident that the Jesuits only sought to introduce themselves in those Places, to Plot something against the Repose of the Reformed, that apparently their Reasons could not fail of being understood and approved of by all those who were not prejudiced by Passion. Moreover, there was a General Reason, which obliged the Reformed to oppose all the Alterations the Catholics endeavoured to make in the Places of Surety; which was, that one of the Conditions granted with the Places of Surety, imported that no Innovations should be made there. So that the Bishop of Mompelier's Enterprises were Unjust; since they were two important Innovations, the one to introduce a New Reform of Friars into that City, and the other to call a Preach●… thither of a suspected Society, which had no right to send any. Yet the said Bishop was Fenovillet, for whom Sully had obtained the said Bishopric, as I have related elsewhere.  
The Third Complaint was the Use that was made in Bearn, 
The State of Bearn falsely represented.  of the Estates that did formerly belong to the ecclesiastics. He spoke about it in the most Violent terms; as if it had been a Horrid Sacrilege, to apply to the Use of the Reformed Churches Estates which had been so lawfully confiscated and taken from those that did formerly possess them. To move pity the more, he desired that Mass might be re-established in above one hundred Parishes of that Principality, affirming with as much boldness, as if he had spoken the Truth, that out of thirty persons there, there were five and twenty Catholics. This was notoriously false; and I need not give a farther Proof of it in this place, than that in our Days after the Alteration of Religion, occasioned in that Province by Oppression during the Civil Wars; by the Establishment ●f several Monasteries, that had seduced many Families; by whatever the Art, Violence, Promises and Threats of the Catholics, and the Inconstancy and Weakness of the People ●ad been able to contribute towards it, there still remained more Reformed there than the Bishop calculated by his Speech. Of about 33000 Families which Inhabited in Bearn, there were reckoned about seven thousand of them professing the Reformed Religion Ten years ago. But the Clergy seldom leave their Affairs imperfect, when after having put them ●n a pretty good condition, they only want an Imposture to make an end of them.  
Nevertheless, this Speech proved effectual; and the Turn 
The Effect of that Speech.  ●e gave to his Remonstrances was very well relished by the Court, which was resolved to satisfy him, even before he had been heard. He had the boldness to say, that he did not ●esire his Majesty to cross the Seas, to drive the Enemy of the Christian Name out of the East; but only that he would be pleased to restore an entire Liberty to some Catholic Churches of his Kingdom, which he pretended were oppressed by the Injustice of the Reformed. This was the Character of that Prelate's Eloquence, that he filled his Discourse with little Allusions, among which some happened to be well applied. That which he made in this Place, alluding to the Cruisadoes undertaken to Conquer the Holy Land, and particularly to that of a Prince of the King's own Name, who was Canonised in recompense of his having ruined his Kingdom, by those Wars beyond Sea, flattered the King agreeably, who aspired to imitate his Predecessor. Besides, the Tacit Comparison he made of the Reformed that enjoyed Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn, with the Mahometans Possessors of those Places, to which an Ignorant Zeal leads so many Pilgrims, pleased all those who were prejudiced against the Reformed with a Blind hatred, and already resolved to Sacrifice them to the Passion of the Clergy. So that the Bishop did not fail to obtain part of what he desired. 
A Decree authorising the Jesuits to Preach in Montpelier.   
A Decree was made by the Council of State, on the 10th of November following, which allowed the Catholics of Mompelier to have Jesuit Preachers, and such others as the Bishop should think fit to send thither: Declaring that the King by his Briefs never designed to deprive the Catholics that inhabited in such Cities as were held by the Reformed, of the Liberty of having such Secular, or Regular Preachers as the Dioces●… should think fit to call thither: which was said by way of Interpretation of the Answers the King had given to 
* Petitions, or Addresses.  the Cabien of the Reformed in 1611. and 1612. which they made use of to keep the Jesuits out of the Places of Surety. The truth is that this Interpretation was Contradictory to the Answer: But they began to introduce a certain Policy into the Council, which makes a sport of the Credulity of the People, and which finds a way to destroy the most formal Laws, and those that are most clear, under pretence of Interpreting the●. This singularity was also observed in the said Decrees, that the King did not so much as order the said Preachers to observe the Edicts, and to abstain from such Terms in their Sermons ●s might give Offence. Neither did the said Decree prove sufficient to Introduce the Jesuits-into considerable Places; a● the Reformed opposed the said Innovation, as long as possible they could.  
But the Bishop's Speech had a more speedy and greater effect, 
A Decree of Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Estates that had been formerly confiscated in Bearn.  as to what related to the Affairs of Bearn. They obtained a Decree of Restauration, which gave a beginning to the Civil Wars, which only ended by the so long and so earnestly wished for Ruin of the Reformed. Therefore I will enlarge a little upon this Subject, tho' there are some things in it which seem to be beyond the bounds of my Chief Design. In order to which I will repeat in this place, that the Affairs of Bearn had been very much discussed in the Chamber of the Clergy during the Session of the last Estates; and that their Deputies had chiefly demanded two things, of which the one tended to the other, and served as a Degree to arrive to it: The first was the Reunion of the Principality of Bearn to the Crown: The second the Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Estates, which had been Confiscated about threescore Years before by the Authority of Queen Jane. The Council resolved to begin by the Reunion, as being that which admits of the most plausible Reasons, and which concerned no ●ody particularly. Nevertheless the Bearnois judged otherwise 
Reunion of that Country to the Crown; which is opposed by the Estates.  of it; and being persuaded that the Clergy only stirred 〈…〉 it, for their own advantage, on to oblige the Court in one ●…ing, in order to obtain other favours from it in Recompenses, they used their utmost Endeavours to ward that blow ●hich they believed to be fatal to the Liberty of their Coun●…y. La Force was their Governor, a Man of Sense and 
La Force.  Courage, who had Noble Places, and a great deal of Experience; and who was much better pleased with being Governor ●f an Independent Principality, which was only considerable ●y its Sovereignty; than with a small Country which would ●e inconsiderable, being once mixed with the other Provinces ●hat were United to the Crown. Therefore he did not fail to represent the Consequences of that Affair to the Bearnois, and 〈…〉 second their Endeavours with great Courage and Vigour. ●e was nevertheless accused of having only been difficult to satisfy in that matter, to make himself the more considerable; ●nd that his only aim in opposing the Court was to be Indemnifyed for what he was to lose by that Alteration.  
But there was another Man of great Authority in Bearn in 
And Lescun.  whom the Reformed who were the strongest there, reposed a great deal of Confidence. It was Lesoun a Councillor in the sovereign Council of the Country; a Sprightly, Resolute, ●igorous Man, who had Courage, Learning and Eloquence: And the Bearnois held him in great. Veneration for that generous Love for his Country, and for the Public Good, of which ●…ve find no more Examples, unless it be in Ancient Histories. The Court on the contrary made him pass for a Factious Turbulent Person: And took a pretence to make him perish as a Perturbator of the Public Peace, by reason of the Undefatigable Zeal he expressed for the Welfare of his Religion, and of his Country. It is by those Rigours that all those who have ●im'd at Despotic Power, have stifled in all Hearts the Seeds of that Virtue, which was formerly the Noblest Character of the Hero's: Those were used by them as Criminals of State who looked upon a Man of Honour to be obliged above all things to preserve the Privileges of his Country: And they were sensible that Men would lay aside that greatness of Soul, formerly so much Reverenced, finding it only attended with Disgrace and Misfortunes: And that all such would be sent to the Gallows, or to the Block to whom Antiquity would have raised Triumphal Arches and Statues. This Lefcun was deputed to the Council, after the Clergy had caused the Bearnois to be summoned there to be present at the Trial of the Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands they pretended: But he was employed at the same time in the Prosecution of both those Points; and he was amused long at Paris, without being expedited. Finally whether the Court was ashamed to try those Affairs in his presence, and that they were at a loss about his Titles, Remonstrances, and Reasons; or whither they were not as yet fully resolved about it, at a time when the Kingdom was threatened with a thousand other Troubles, he was se●t back again: And to remove all manner of suspicion of their designing to try the business after his departure, they returned him the Pieces he had produced; and they made a Verbal promise to him that they would not end those Suits without first giving him notice of it, and without hearing him.  
Nevertheless they broke their Word to him: And in the sequel 
Deceit of the Court.  they made use of the Writings he had produced, as a pretence to say that they had heard his Reasons and seen his Papers. Therefore at the beginning of December in the Year 1616: in order to prepare People to receive the Edict that was published some Days after it, they put out a pretty fine Differtation, upon the particular Question of the Reunion of Bearn to the Crown. It presupposed that the said Reunion had already been made before by Henry IU. When he did reunite Navarre by a solemn Edict, in the Month of July 1607. the 
Dissertation upon this matter.  general Terms of which extended the same Reunion to all the Estates that did belong to him; before the Crown fell to him: So that the thing in Debate was not properly the Reunion of Bearn; but, to put the said Reunion which was already made in Execution. The Author of it pretended that it was granted upon Right, and confirmed by several Examples; That King's did contract a kind of Marriage with the Kingdom that fell to them; That the Reunion of their other Estates with that Crown, was a Gift which they were obliged to make to it upon the account of that Marriage, which became part of that Crown; That several Kings before Henry IV. had done the like; and that the Case of Bearn was the same. And as one of the main Reasons the Bearnois alleged against those Examples, was that they only related to moving Estates, and such as paid Homage to the Crown of France; whereas Bearn was an Independent Principality; They refuted this Pretention by a long Chain of Contrary Proofs. The first was drawn from the Ancient Division of France, whereby it appeared that Bearn had been part of the Kingdom of Aquitain. The second was taken from the Privileges the Bearnois possessed in France, where they were reputed Natives; and were not obliged to ●ake Letters of Naturalisation, to enjoy the Prerogatives of Frenchmen. The third was grounded upon the Prince of Bearn's having paid Homage to the Kings of England, Dukes of Aquitain; That the same Princes had often appealed from the Judgement of their Barons to the Parliament of Guyenne, ●nd from thence afterwards to Paris; That by some Passages of the fifteenth Book of the Registers of Innocent III. it did appear that the Duke of Aquitain had Commenced a Suit against the Vice-comte of Bearn, as a Lord to his Vassal. They alleged for the fourth, That the said Principality had been sometimes under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse; and they added finally, That when the Lords of that Country had refused to pay Homage for it, War had sometimes been declared against them to constrain them to do it.  
They granted that there was a Prescription of many 
Suspension of Homage.  Years in favour of the Bearnois: But then they said, That it could be no Plea for them, by reason of this Despotic Maxim, That no Prescription can avail against the Rights of the Crown, which are sacred, and can never be Alienated. A Maxim very opposite to Natural Right, which ●ever prejudges in favour of Liberty; and which wills that Servitude should be Established by great Titles, but that they should be Abolished by short Prescriptions. Moreover they grounded the Nullity of the said Prescription, upon its proceeding from the Suspension of the Rights of France in favour of a King of Navarre, who having been deprived of part of his Dominions, and reduced to retire with all his Court in Bearn, had not been prosecuted for the said Homage, upon the account of his Zeal for the Service of France, for fear of adding Affliction to the Afflicted. They denied that ever the said Province was Enfranchised by Charles Martel, as they pretended. They alleged the Example of the Reunion of Bretagne, which had been done notwithstanding the pretensions of the People who thought their Country Independent of the Crown; and who had formerly given the Name of Mauclere to one of their Dukes, named Peter; because th●● 
* Ill Clerk.  not understanding his Rights, he had acknowledged himself a Vassal of France: So that they claimed a Right, derived from an Injustice committed against the Britons, even contrary to the Articles of the Treaty made with them when Charles VIII. Married their last Duchess, to do the same to the Bearnois. These are the Maxims of those who pretend to change the Nature of things by saying, I will have it so. What they have done once, whither justly, or unjustly, becomes an Example for the future; and whereas they have done it maugre the Complaints and Murmurings of the Parties concerned, they have acquired a Right of doing the same as often as new Occasions offer themselves.  
In the next place they endeavoured to prove, That the withdrawing 
Inconveniences attending the dis-union; and Advantages of the Union.  of Bearn from the rest of the Crown would be liable to a Thousand Inconveniencies; that considering what had happened to Navarre, by the Invasion of the Spaniards, who had Usurped it from a Prince who was too weak to defend it, every body ought to desire to see Bearn Incorporated in a State potent enough to defend it; That its situation at the Foot of the Mountains which serve for a Barrier to the two Kingdoms, required to be united to that on the side of which it was seated. Moreover that they had no Intentions to ruin the Privileges of that Principality, nor to meddle with the Sovereignty of their Laws; That it was necessary to create ● Parliament there not as in a Conquered Country, to keep them within the Bounds of Obedience: but to honour it as a Country in which Henry the Great was Born; That there were many Examples in Antiquity of Honours done to places ●…hat were remarkable by the Birth of great Princes; That it was necessary to preserve the old Laws and Customs of the Bearnois; and to dismember some Lands that were under the ●…urisdiction of the other Parliaments, in order to afford a larger extent of Jurisdiction to that which should be Created in Bearn. They added to all this, great Eulogies of Marquemont, Archbishop of Lions, who had seconded this Proposition in the last Estates. They represented that Reunion as very advantageous for the whole Kingdom of France, which would ●hereby be freed on that side of forcing Incursions; and for the Country of Bearn itself, who would become a sharer in the Glory and Happiness of the rest of the Kingdom. Finally 〈…〉 order to render the Reformed Odious, as if the Opposition ●…d only proceed from them, and from a Spirit of Faction, ●…e Author spoke of that Reunion, or Conjunction as of a ●…hing which the Bearnois earnestly desired, and he begged it ●…f the King in their Names in very pressing Terms.  
Nevertheless the Bearnois in general were very distant from 
By whom the Reunion was pretreated.  ●…hat Thought; and the major part of the Catholics concurred with the Reformed in the Design to prevent that Important Innovation. There were none but the Clergy seconded by the House of Grammont, which was at odds with La Force, ●…nd some others either too Credulous, or prejudiced by Bigotry, or such as expected to raise their Fortunes by such an alteration, who furthered that Enterprise. No body was ignorant that the Clergy were the Authors of the aforesaid Dissertation; and none looked upon them to be so well inclined to the Public Good, as only to design the advantage of others. Moreover there was something very singular; in that the design of that Reunion had been Inspired by the Council of Spain, which endeavoured it with all their might: Imagining perhaps that those People who are naturally hot and presumptuous would never suffer their contractual Laws to be Violated, without taking up Arms to maintain them: Or that the Reformed Churches of France would never behold the ruin of ●hose of that Province without renewing the Civil Wars. It is most certain at least, that during the delays of that Affair, Spain did powerfully excite the Council of France. They furnished the Reasons and Proofs which were alleged against the pretensions of the Bearnois, and which were visibly taken out of the Titles of Convents, or Spanish Historians; out of the Registers of Barcelonna, the Archieves of the Metropolitan Church of Tarracona, and other places. Several Libels which were dispersed upon that Subject, which seemed to be Printed at Avignon, were nevertheless brought from Spain. It was easily proved by the way by which they were brought; and even without that it was easy to judge at the first reading, that Spain had a hand in them. The Style of the League was apparent in them, which in all their Writings mentioned the King of Spain. One of those Libels, after having admonished the King not to suffer himself to be persuaded out of it, added these Words. What would the Prince of the Church say? What would the Catholic King say? What would the Emperor say? Which sufficiently showed that those Foreign Powers had a hand in it.  
Persons of Judgement easily saw, that the Promises of preserving 
Motives of the Opponants.  the Rights and Privileges of that little state were nothing but an Illusion: Since the method they observed to effect the said Reunion violated their most Essential Rights; which consisted in not being members of another Body, but to be a Body a part, although in the Hands and under the Authority of the same Master. Besides, according to the Constitution of that Principality, no Law could be made there, nor reversed unless by the Approbation of the Prince and the Estates: Whereas the Prince would make that Reunion, like an absolute Master, contrary to the desire, and in spite of the opposition of the People: which was properly to trample upon the Law, which they called Fundamental and Contractual. As for the Reformed they were very sensible that the Council would not stop there; That this first step was only a Trial, to reduce the Reformed Religion in Bearn, on the same Terms as it was in the rest of the Kingdom. The Policy of our Days would not allow such Countries as were not united to the Crown at the time of the Edict of Nantes, to enjoy the Privileges of that Edict, because they could not be designed to be ●…mprehended in it at that time: But yet under Lewis XIII. it ●ould needs have it, that at whatever time the said Reunion ●…as made, it was sufficient to introduce the Roman Religion ●…ere according to the Edict, in the same Splendour in which 〈…〉 was thereby Established elsewhere. So that the Reformed 〈…〉 Bearn seeing Religion and Liberty were equally concerned 〈…〉 that Affair, omitted nothing to Ward a blow which would ●…casion the ruin of both. Whereupon their Enemies up●…aided them as being guilty of a very shameful, or very Criminal Inconstancy, in having formerly desired their Churches 〈…〉 be United to those of France, in order to make but one ●…dy in the National Synods, and in the General Assemblies; ●hereas they now expressed so much Repugnancy to become members of the same Body Politic with the rest of the King●●m. But that Reproach did not move them, by reason that the ●…id diversity of Sentiments had been produced by the ●…versity of Conjunctures. They had desired to be United with ●…ose Churches, in order the more to engage themselves in the communion of their Doctrine: And they opposed the Union 〈…〉 their Country to the Crown, as a thing which would serve 〈…〉 introduce the General Oppression of their Consciences and 〈…〉 their Persons.  
Therefore they answered the Dissertation I have already 
And their Answer to the Dissertation.  ●…ention'd, applying themselves more to destroy the Conclu●…n, than to refute the Arguments one after another; which were composed of those kind of Probabilities, which become demonstrations in the Cause of the strongest; but yet which ●o not hinder People in point of Politics to be ready to main●…in the contrary, when their interest requires it. This Pamphlet under the Name of a Gentleman of Navarre, maintained ●hat the greatest Princes had ever been pleased to preserve the ●…itles of their Ancient Possessions, as Monuments, of the Grandeur of their Predecessors; That some of them still re●ain'd the Titles of Kings of Jerusalem, and Princes of Antioch; That Henry III. himself after having lost the Crown of Poland, ●ad kept the Title of it; That the Republic of Venice, tho' deprived of the Kingdom of Cyprus, would not suffer the Arms of that Sovereignty Carved upon a Column before the Church of St. Mark to be razed out; That those who were least favoured by Fortune took as many Titles as they had Castle▪ That those who proposed the Reunion of Navarre, and of Bear● to the Crown, seemed on the contrary only to be desirous to extinguish the Title of King of Navarre, as if it were inconsistent with that of King of France; that though it were true that according to the General Acceptation of the World the greatest draws in the least, yet that it did not follow that the Glorious Name of France should Abolish that of Navarre, and reduce the State of it into a Province by destroying th●● Rights and Privileges; That it lessened the Authority of Kings to change their Kingdoms into Provinces; That the Tre●●● Grown of the Popes, and the Thiara of the Kings of Per●●●, showed sufficiently that it is an honour to wear several Crown●▪ That the King of Spain did not confound his Kingdoms; That the Emperor though elevated above other Princes, was ●●● ashamed of the Titles of King of Bohemia and of Hungary; That it was true that the King of France bearing the Name of those two Crowns, preserved the Right of Lawful Sovereign over both; but that in case all the Laws of the Kingdom were violated; it signified nothing to retain the bare Title of it; That God having made the Fundamental Laws of Monarchies, they cannot be Trampled upon without Sacrilege. That they were like the fixed Star, which cannot change their Place unless when the Firmament turns.  
These were partly the Reasons of those who were afraid, 
The Edict of Reunion published.  that the Court designed to submit as it came to pass, those remains of a free State, in which Oppression was still unknown to the Laws of a Kingdom in which the King's Authority began to grow excessive. But yet neither these nor the others could prevent the publishing of the Edict of Reunion, in the same Month in which those Writings appeared. The E●… of Bearn opposed the said Edict, and nominated Deputies 〈…〉 the Syndicks of the Country to draw their said Opposition in form. They positively maintained that Bearn was 〈…〉 Lordship distinct from all other Sovereignty; That the Bearnois being Governed by Laws and Customs had only E●●cted Sovereigns in order to maintain those Customs, without allowing them the Power to Alter, Correct, or to reform them without the Estates of the Country, and by their Consent. ●hat this was their Contractual Fundamental Law, which the ●rince was obliged to swear to keep at his Inauguration; That ●●cording to that, the King could not alter it; That Henry●● ●●. himself had rejected the Proposition of it, being unwilling to wrong a Country in which he was Born. Those Considerations made them hope that provided they could be heard 〈…〉 the Council, they might obtain something favourable from ●…▪ But instead of receiving any satisfaction from them, they ●●ve them fresh Causes of Complaint; and the Assembly of ●●e Clergy obtained a Decree of Restauration of the Church 
The Clergy obtain a Decree of Restauration.  ●●nds, after having so long solicited for it. Maniald, one 〈◊〉 the Deputies General, who stayed at Paris while his Colleague went to Vitre to assist at the National Synod there, be●●g informed that the Council was preparing to give the said decree, remonstrated on the 21st of June, that it was fit to ●●low Lescun time, according as it was promised to him, to ●●pair to the Court again to give in his Reasons, and to deli●●r those Papers into the King's Hands which were returned to ●●m the preceding Year. But the Clergy prevailed notwithstanding this just Remonstrance. Du Vair, who was made ●eeper of the Great Seal, and who did not think himself unworthy of a Cardinal's Cap, belied in this occasion, as in ●●veral others, the Reputation of Probity he had acquired, ●●fore his being raised to that Dignity: And in order that all ●●e Clergy might share the favour of one of the Members of ●●eir Body, he pushed on that Affair with all his Credit. So ●●at on the 23d of the said Month in the presence of La Force, ●ho used his utmost endeavours to hinder it, a Decree was ●●ven in the Council, by which the King ordered the said process to be brought before him: And two Days after it a definite Decree was given to the satisfaction of the clergy.  
This Decree declared positively that the Deputies had been heard, and that the Council had seen the Writings and Answers; and ordained three things. 
Which declares that the Deputies have been heard, and the Writings seen.   
First, The Restitution of Church Lands, and the Restauration of the Catholic Religion, throughout the Principality of Bearn.  
Secondly, The preservation of the Reformed in all their Privileges; and the Reimplacement of the Sums that were taken from them by the said Decree of Restauration, upon the Ancient Demesne of Bearn; and in case that were not sufficient, upon the Demesnes of the Adjacent Places; according to which it was said, that the Sums should be stated upon the Expense of the Household, as ordinary and local Charges, which were to be acquitted before all others, the Assignments ●● which should not be Converted to any other use. They ●●● bethought themselves of this Illusion of Reimplacement, ●● render the said Decree of Restauration more tolerable ●● such as only judge of things by appearances: And indeed the Churches and all particular Persons seemed thereby to be Indemnifyed.  
Finally the Decree adjourned the Demand of the Clerg● to be admitted into the Estates of the Country, to the return of the Commissioner the King would send thither to put th● said Decree in Execution. After which the King writ to those who had the management of the Ecclesiastical Affairs in Bearn to send some body at Court to be present at the making of ●●● said Reimplacement.  
It was an Exquisite Subtlety of the Clergy, to order th●● 
Subtilty of the Clergy.  Affair in the Nature of a Civil Process, as if it had only be●● a Contsteation between private Persons: Whereas the thing in question was to revoke a Law, passed by the Authority ●● the Sovereign, with the Consent of the Estates, for the punishment of a Rebellious Clergy, who had betrayed their Lawful Princes, and caused their Subjects to take up Arms to deprive them of their Inheritance. But they were sensible that it would prove an easier Task to judge a Process, than to revoke a Law grounded upon such good Reasons. Nevertheless as Decrees are no Laws in France, they were obliged afterwards to convert the said Decree into the form of an Edict, ●o the end that the enrolment of it might be performed with ●ore Formality. In the mean while the Clergy being unwilling to appear Ingrateful, caused the Bishop of Are to 
A Violent Speech.  ●eturn the King Thanks on the 18th of July; whose Speech had ●ét more Violence in it than the Bishop of Macon's. Among ●he Complaints which followed those Thanks, there was one ●gainst the Book of the four Ministers, and against their Dedication to the King. He called them Impudent, Ministers of irreligion and of Falsehood, and he styled their Religion the Whore ●f Satan. He bragged that they had been forced to lay down ●he Cudgels in the Conferences of Nantes and of Fo●taine●●ea●. He▪ Elevated the Fidelity of the Clergy very high; ●nd in order to create Jealousies about the Reformed, he applied to them what the King of England, had sometimes said ●● the Independents of his Kingdom of Scotland. After this, ●…hen the Assembly broke up they charged their Agents with a 〈…〉 Cahier containing 46 Articles: And they acquitted themselves 
* Petition.  so well of what was recommended to them upon that subject, that exeepting only one Article they obtained all ●●eir Demands, as I will observe elsewhere.  
The News of this Decree being carried into Bearn, the Estates 
The Bearnois endeavour to Ward the Blow.  who were Assembled at Orthez resolved to undergo any ●●ing tather than to put it in Execution, being equally offended at the thing, and at the manner of it. A Decree given ●●ntrary to the Promise made to Lescun, and without having ●eard half of what the Parties concerned had to say▪ especially a Decree which in a Despotic manner abrogated Laws ●●at had been made with all the required Solemnities, seemed 〈…〉 them unjust, not being sensible as yet, that Modern Policy ●●lls nothing Justice but the Will of the Strongest. They Deputed Lescun to the King with humble Remonstrances, and to ●●treat him to allow that the Deputies his Majesty should de●●re them to send to him to be present at the making of the ●●eimplacement, might be chosen in an Assembly composed 〈…〉 the three Estates of Bearn, and the Deputies of all the Churches of France. Lescun took Letters in his way from ●ochel, from whence the Assembly was already gone. He could not obtain an Audience at St. Germains before the 17th of September. La Force presented him; The Deputies General seconded him; and acquainted the King that all the Churches of the Kingdom would have written to him as well as Rochel, if they could have met together again without offending him.  
Lescun made an Excellent Speech to the King, and seconded 
Remonstrances of Lesc●n.  the Petition he presented to him from the Estates with powerful Reasons; alleging that the Contractual Law had been duly observed for the space of above three hundred Years, and that there was no example of its having been Violated; or that ever the Customs received in Bearn, according to that Law had been altered, otherwise than by the Consent of the Estates. He desired an Answer to a Cahier of Grievances, and to divers Petitions he had presented; and begged a Pro●cution might be made against the Authors of a Libel, Inti●u●… 
Libels.  Le M●ine, which had been written upon the Affairs of Bearn in a stile full of Venom and Violence. One may judge of it b● what the Author said; that it was in the power of the Catholics to destroy the Reformed, and that the only thing which hindered them from doing it, was that they valued the Life of one Catholic more, than the Death of a hundred Huguen●…. In another which introduced two Peasants speaking about the Affairs of the Times, they made one of them say, That the Huguenots were Impudent to complain of St. Bartholom●… Day, and to call the Butchery of it, a Massacre; by reason that it was one of the most Equitable Acts of Justice that had ever been, or that ever could be done. Moreover Lescun denied whatever had been said of the State of Be●● by the Bishop of Macon. He affirmed that the Catholics were 
The State of Religion in Bearn.  so far from being Twenty five in Thirty there, that on the contrary the Reformed were Ten to One, particularly among Persons of Consideration; and that they sustained almost all the Charges; That the Catholics were so far from being ill served in the Exercises and Rites of their Religion, that they had upwards of 300 Priests, besides Bishops, Canons, and Preachers; whereas the Reformed had but 60 Ministers; That the Catholics were also so far from being inconvenienced in their Worship, being forced to seek out places distant from their Habitation to perform the same, that most of them had ●ass said at home, or very near them; whereas the Reform'd●n ●n several Cantons went to Church at three ●eagues distance from their Houses; That the Catholics had three parts ●● four of the Churches, and possessed two thirds of the Ecclesiastical Revenues; That the number of those which were Enemies to their Churches daily increased, whereas of late ●he Places of Ministers which became vacant by Death, were suppressed by the King's Authority.  
These Cases were considerable enough to deserve to be 
Lescun only obtain Words.  ●lear'd, before a Definitive Judgement were given in that Affair: Since that if L●scun spoke the truth, nothing could be more ridiculous or false than the Complaints of the Clergy, ●or more Inhuman or Unjust than their Ambitious Prosecutions. But Equity had already for some years been banished ●●om the Court. Justice and Sincerity were Buried with the ●ate King; and as little care was taken to raise them out of the Grave as to revenge his Murder. Principally in Affairs of Religion, the false Assertion of a Bishop though contrary to what was publicly known was believed to the prejudice of the Reformed when they alleged Truths attested by Proofs above ●ll Exceptions. Therefore Lescun obtained nothing, but leave ●o treat of the Affairs of the Churches of Bearn jointly ●ith those of the other Churches of the Kingdom, and by the same Deputies. The meaning of this was that by virtue of the Reunion, they were looked upon as making but one ●ody with the others; That their particular Complaints were laid aside, and ordered to be Annexed to the General Affairs; and that whereas the Court only granted Illusory Words to the rest of the Churches upon their Remonstrances, ●hose of Bearn were to expect the same Treatment.  
Accordingly, while the Estates of Bearn were preparing 
The Cahi●● of the Clergy is favourably answered.  their Instructions, and that L●scun was ready to carry them to the Court, the King answered the 
* Petition or Address.  Cahier left by the Clergy ●o their Agent; and without acquainting Lescun, or the Deputies General in the least with it, the King granted them on the last of A●g●st, besides the restitution of all the Ecclesiastical Houses, and Churchyards on certain Conditions, the Presidentship in the Estates of the Country; The admission into the Common-Council and Sovereign Courts; The Exemption from all Jurisdiction but the Popes; The Establishment of Jesuits in Bearn, without restriction of Number, ●● of Functions, and without retrenching any thing of the Privileges of Scholarship from those who should study in their Houses. One Article only was excepted against. The Clergy desired four Cities of Surety in Bearn. This could be of no use to them, in a Country where according to their own relation there were six Catholics to one Reformed. Moreover the said Proposition was most ridiculous in the mouth of those very Persons, who had imputed it as a great Crime to the Reformed, to have taken such Precautions with their King. But 'tis the Nature of Mankind: We daily see Persons who Exempt themselves from Common Laws; and think those things Lawful in them, which they impute as Crimes to the rest of the World.  
After this great Victory, the Bishops of Bearn went to 
1618.  Bourdeaux, and to Thoulouse to obtain the Verification of the 
The Effect of those Advantages is prosecuted without.  Edict published upon the aforesaid Restauration: After which the Bishop of O'eron came back to Court, and the Bishop of Lescar repaired into Bearn, in order to press on both sides the Accomplishment of an Affair so far advanced. He had the Cunning to flatter La Force with the hopes of a Marshal●… Staff, and a Sum of Money to Indemnify him; by which means the said Lord promised to obtain the Approbation of the Edicts of Reunion and Reimplacement in Bearn. But ●● soon perceived that the Court Laughed at him. They thought they might dispense with his Credit, because they had a Party in Bearn which would get the upperhand, though never so weak, being seconded by the King's Authority. This Party consisted of the remainders of the Faction of Gramm●●t, which had been so famous for the Disputes between them and that of Beaumond their Rival, which had finally occasioned the loss of the Upper Navarre, which Ferdinand had Usurped. The Count of Grammont was a professed Enemy to L● For●e, being Jealous of his Authority, and for other particular ●easons: Insomuch that his Relations and Friends being joined ●o those which the Zeal of Religion, the Credit of the Bishops ●nd Confessors, the Pensions, or the hopes, the Levity, or the imprudence of the People could engage in the same Interest, ●ere preparing a considerable Succour for the Court. Moreover Luin●s hated Lafoy Force; either because he had an Aversion ●or all those who had Merit and Capacity; or because Force●ad ●ad two Sons at Court, who began to get too great a share 〈…〉 the King's Favour, to expect any from a Favourite full of Ambition and Jealousy. They were Aimet and Mompovillan, who had been bred with the King from their Infancy, and ●ad wherewithal to obtain a preference before all others of their Rank. Particularly Mompovillan advanced apace towards the highest degree of Favour; and he seemed only to want a little more Age, to have as great a share in the Government, as he possessed already in his Prince's favour. Luines●ad ●ad employed him to raise his own ●ortune upon the Ruin of ●he Marshal d'Ancre. The Clergy had used their utmost Endeavours at that time to obtain the aforesaid Decree of Restauration; and Luines told Mompovillan, in order to animate ●im the more against that Odious Favourite, that he was the Man who seconded the Pretensions of the Prelates; and moreover that he designed to take the Government of Bearn from ●a Force, lest he should hinder by his Credit, the alterations they proposed to make in that Principality. So that Mompovillan, a young Man without Experience, thinking to promote the advantage of his Family, promoted Luines, speaking continually of the said Marshal to the King, as of a Man that Usurped his Authority, and did abuse it to the prejudice of every body. By this means he ruined his Favour, to lay the foundation of another's: And when Luines had destroyed the Marshal d' Ancre, the only Recompense he bestowed on Mompovillan, who had served him so effectually in that Affair, was to involve his whole House in his Personal Disgrace. Neither was it likely that Loins would promote the Fortune of the Father, since he dreaded the Progress of that of the Children; nor that a Man whose Favour was not yet settled, would suffer the Children of an Ingenious Man near the King; or that the Jesuits would permit that Prince to honour Heretics with his Confidence and Affection.  
La Force by endeavouring to keep measures between the 
Inequalities of La Force.  Court and Bearn, as if he had had a prospect thereby to reader himself the more necessary on both sides, by forming difficulties which he should have the honour to remove, crea●●● Jealousies on both sides: And finding that he was played upon by the Court, he was obliged to protect Bearn a little more than he had done, in order to preserve some Credit and some Recourse. But the Marshal de Bovillon only had the Art ●● gain by those Intrigues; and to behave himself with so much prudence, or good Fortune; that he was equally courted o● both sides; That he was at once the Author of the Leagues that were formed by his Advice, and the Mediator who dissolved them by his Intermission; ever in Credit with the Princes and Lords, over whom his Genius had an Ascendent; and ever caressed at Court, because they could never dissipate the Confederacies he had formed without him. Nevertheless Lafoy Force finding at last that neither his Merit, nor his Services could procure him the Recompenses that were due to him, and which had been promised him while Henry IV. was alive, took the contrary Party like a Wise Courtier: And being sensible that the best and most effectual way to obtain what o●● desires from the Court, is often to make one's self to be feared, he raised so many Obstacles against his Enemies, that they were forced in order to retrieve him, to grant him, what they had refused in order to keep him.  
This Affair occasioned several Assemblies to be made in Bear● 
The Countryof Bearn pursues in this Opposition.  several Oppositions, and several Decrees by the Sovereign Council: And the Court omitted no means to succeed in the said undertaking. They were sensible that according to the Rigour of Right the Enterprise was unjust: But the Clergy being little sensible to Reasons of that Nature, and allowing a large Extent to the old Maxim which permits to Violate Right in order to Reign, think that they may trample upon it to promote their Interest. Moreover the King was Embarked in that Affair: And according to the new Policy, they were of oinion that a Prince being once engaged can never retract. ●he injustice of a design is no longer a reason to break it, when ●…ce it is formed; by reason that Injustice ceases as soon as Sunbeam Power is engaged. A Sovereign makes and destroys ●●ght by a Word. Whatever is just, or unjust before he has pronounced, altars its Nature as soon as he says, I will have it ●…▪  
During these Contestations, as several Libels were published 
Writings on their behalf.  against the Reformed and against the Bearnois, these al●● set forth Volumes of Manifesto's and Apologies. There ●●pear'd a Writing of that Nature Printed in London, Entitled, A Discourse of the Seizure of Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn, ●…c. The Author treated the thing at large, and began by ●●e occasion of that Seizure. He related the Conspiracy of ●●e Catholics of the Country against Queen Jane and the princes her Children, which I have mentioned elsewhere; ●heir Retreat to Rochel during the revolt of their Subjects; ●he Reduction of the Country to their Allegiance by Mongom●●ry; The Seizure of the Estates in order to punish the Ecclesiastics; The Reformed established by the Queen's Authority, and by the approbation of the Estates; The Assignment ●f the Ecclesiastical Estates for the maintenance of the Minister's, the Poor, Scholars, Colleges, and the Rectors, or Superiors of the same: Of the Garrison of Navarreins; of the ●ing's Lieutenant; of the Council and the Sovereign Court; ●f the Captains of some Castles; of the Counsellors and Au●…itors of the Chamber of Accounts, and of other principal ●nd necessary Officers: The Institution of an Ecclesiastical ●●na●e, composed of two Councillors, two Auditors, two Gentlemen, two Ministers, two Qualified Persons from the Third Estate, an Ecclesiastical Attorney, and a Treasurer General to have the direction of the said Assignments; The Oath taken by the late King in 1581. to preserve the Old Laws and Customs, and all the Advantages and Grants to which his Predecessors, or himself had consented; the Suppression of the Ecclesiastical Senate some years before by Miossans, who nevertheless made no alteration as to the Designation of the said R●…es; The Protestations of the Estates against the said Enterprise; The reiteration of their Opposition; The Confirmation of all the Regulations made by Queen Jane by the Edict of 1599 which restored the Roman Religion in Bearn; and that which Lewis XIII. had made in 1610, 1611, 161●, 1615. of all the Edicts of the late King and his own. After which the Author made Reflections upon the manner in which the said Restitution had been made: And he observed very justly upon the Edict of Reimplacement, that it could not be of more force than those which had been revoked; That the Pope and the Clergy would never be at rest, until those new Regulations were violated, as well as others that were more Authentic; which were treated at Rome as liable to Destitution the Princes concerned in them as Favourers and Promoters of Heresy; That the Demesnes of Bearn were unalienable, and that the Successor was obliged to redeem the Engagements made by his Predecessor; That a perpetual Engagement of the Revenue is an effective alienation of the Estate; That the remainder of the Assignments were given out of the Country to their Privileges, and in Suspicious Places, among the Enemies of the Reformed Religion. ' He added Remarks upon the Nature, Original, and necessity of Tithes; and ●e concluded that the Reformed could not lawfully be obliged to pay theirs to Catholics. Finally he said that the King learing the Ecclesiastical Estates in Bearn in the same Condition in which Queen Jane had put them, might have made the Reimplacement of the Sum to which the Revenue● in dispute amounted, upon his Demesnes in favour of the Clergy. This Expedient would have looked more reasonable undoubtedly▪ And the Clergy would have been better able to improve the said Reimplacement, by their Credit in the Council, than the Reformed, to whom all things were contrary.  
But the real truth is, that the said Indemnification was only 
Why the Clergy would not take the said Reimplacement for themselves.  a blind to deceive the Bearnois, and to induce them to beat the rest with patience: Therefore the Clergy who did not think it safe, were not so ill advised as to content themselves with it. The Court which had granted that Reimplacement upon the Remonstrances of Du Plessis controller General of Navarre; and at the Entreaty of the Duke of Rohan to persuade the World that they proceeded in that matter, upon ●●e hearing of the Parties, and an ample knowledge of the ●●use, would have wanted no pretence to make it void at 
An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois.  ●●easure. A reply was made to the said Writing of the Bear●●is in the Name of the Catholics: But the Author of the ●●eply did not meddle with the Conspiracy of the Catholics 〈…〉 Bearn against their Sovereign. Being favoured by this silice he represented the War made against those Rebels by ●●ongommery, by the Authority of the Queen and of her Children, as a Chain of several Massacres: He said that the Seizure 〈…〉 the Estates belonging to the Clergy, had only been made provisionally; but he did not add that two years after it the ●●een had actually Converted it into an adjudged Fact, insti●●ting perpetual Administrators of the said Seizures, which ●ere to be employed by them to other uses. He pretended that ●●e Estates that had made the said Alteration, could not be ●●ked upon as lawful, since the ecclesiastics had been ex●●ded, which were to compose part of them: As if there ●●d been no Lawful Estates in the World before there was a ●●ergy; or that a whole Country concurring with their So●●raign, had not naturally a Right to alter some Circumstances in the form of the usual Government. He added that ●●ose new Laws could not pass for Fundamental ones, by rea●●n that such Laws must take their Births with the States: A maxim which the Clergy had adopted in the last Estates General, to oppose the Article which the Third Estate pretended ●●e for the surety of Kings: But a very false Maxim, since ●is most certain that entire Estates composed of a Head and members, may give the force of Fundamental Laws to all ●●ch as they agree upon, and that are necessary to secure the ●●ranquility and Prosperity of the Public: Otherwise no●●ing would be more unfortunate than Humane Society, if ●●e first Laws under which they were formed being either ren●●r'd of no force by Artifice, or violated by force, it were ei●●er impossible or unlawful to re-establish them upon new ●●undations. He affirmed with the same boldness, that Princes never Swear to observe the Laws of their Predecessors; ●hich is proved to be false, by all sorts of Testimonies, by all the Lights of Reason, by all that can be called Right and Justice, and by all those things which make the certainty of Humane Affairs. In the next place he declared, that the la●… King designed to do what his Son had done: And that the only reason that had hindered him from so doing, was that he d●… not: A falsity often advanced by the Clergy, since that Princes being no longer in a condition to give them the Lie; and which has been extended by the Missionaries, and by tho●… that have drawn the Plan of the Persecution of our Days, even to his own Edicts, though he was really so Jealous of the●… that he would never have attempted the least thing against them. His known Integrity, his great Designs, his rei●…ted Protestations, and his constant practice during the space●… Twelve Years, are sufficient Testimonies of his Disposition towards the Religious Observation of such useful Laws.  
Nevertheless in order to prove that the said Prince had designed 
A Continuation of the said Answer.  to alter the State of Bearn, the Author recited all the Grants he had made to divers Bishops in those Parts, to the●… Chapters, to the Curates, Abbots and Priors, and to all the ecclesiastics: From which the Reformed would have h●… more reason to conclude, that the Clergy is never satisfied▪ than the Clergy to conjecture that the late King would have been capable to break his Word. He repeated the Instance made by the Clergy during the Estates General in 1615. a●… in their Assembly in 1617. and because an Illusive Aud●… had been given to the two Diserote Father and Son, Ministers●… Bearn, before that Affair was judged, he maintained that th●… had been admitted to make a full defence. He Laughed at the Precription of Fifty Years which the Bearnois pleaded; and opposed that of the Clergy to it, which he ridiculously made● amount to 1500 years: As if the Possession of the Clergy ha●… preceded not only the Temporal Greatness of the Bishops, b●… even the first Preaching of the Gospel at the foot of the P●renean Hills. The rest of the said Writing was abusive. He spoke of the Reimplacement as if it had been the effect of a pure Favour, which rendered the opposition of the Reformed very unjust. He talked of the Tithes as of a thing which having belonged to the ecclesiastics before the Seizure, aught to be restored by the Edict which revered it; and he main●…in'd moreover that the Estates of the Church were unalienable, as Estates of which God was the Proprietor: A Mona●…ical Maxim, which making God Possessor of Lands and Re●…nues, and Titles of Vanity, shamefully debases to a Ter●e●…ial and Temporal Nature, a Reign altogether Spiritual and Heavenly, which Jesus Christ exerts over his Church. He endeavoured to Insinuate to the King, that the Reformed de●…ing to be freed from paying of Tithes to the ecclesiastics, ●…esign'd to keep for their Ministers both the Tithes and the ●…ms that were granted to them in lieu thereof. He concluded by a Maxim very proper to remove the force of the most ●…lemn Edicts, viz. That they only served to preserve an anci●…nt Right in favour of those for whom they were made; but ●…at they did not create a new Right. According to which ●…otion it was easy to revoke whatever passed for a new concession, or that was derogatory to the Ancient Right, in ●…he Edicts which had given a Peace to the Kingdom.  
But the Reformed of Bearn were not the only People against whom Injustices were committed. The Court was not more ●…quitable towards those of other Provinces. The Commissioners that were sent to redress some Contraventions, made ●…one but Illusive Ordinances: And whereas in the foregoing ●…eign all Difficulties were for the most part decided favourably for the Reformed, they began under this to give nothing ●ut advices of a removal to the Council, of sharing or dividing Judgements in which the Artifice of the Catholic Commissioner rendered the clearest Rights doubtful, which even those of his own Religion were ashamed of. So that the Reformed finding that the Commissioners did them no good in the places where they had been sent, did no longer desire the Court to send any elsewhere, lest they should do more harm than good. Renard who was sent into Bearn, was at the same ●…ime Commissary in Guyenne with Lusignan: But when they ●…ress'd him to perform his Commission, at least in such places ●…s should happen in his way, he refused it; and the reason he alleged for his refusal was, that he would first see the effect of his Journey into Bearn; as if he had had a mind to insinuate, that in case the Reformed of that Principality did not content him, he would make the others answer for it. And indeed he had received orders from the Court to behave himself so, to keep the Reformed of the Adjacent Provinces in suspense; to the end that the hopes of being gratified by the Commissioners, and the fear of losing the benefit of their Commission, should hinder them from engaging too far in the Affairs of Bearn, which they were unwilling they should meddle with. The Parliament of Paris refused to receive the two Places of Counsellors which have been so often mentioned; of which the one was that of a Catholic who had embraced the Reformed Religion, and the other was to serve 〈◊〉 Indemnify them for the loss of that of Berger who had made himself a Catholic. They had obtained from the King upon that Subject an Edict, Mandates, and Verbal Orders, which appeared very express: Nevertheless the Parliament did not yield; and the Court of Aids was not less severe upon the Subject of the Exemption of the Ministers. But under 〈◊〉 very absolute Government, which exacted from all the Orders of the Kingdom base Submissions towards the Favourite, this Disobedience persuaded the most suspicious that there was a Guile, and that the Court was willing the Parliament should disobey.  
So many Enterprises were made upon the Places of Surety▪ 
Enterprises▪ upon the Cities of Surety.  that it was hardly credible that it should be attempted without secret Orders. Some were made upon Tartas, upon the Mount of Marsan, upon the Mass of Verdun. Though Fontrailles had promised to turn Catholic whenever they pleased he still continued in Leitoure, and feigned that he was still of the Reformed Religion. They judged by the little regard 〈◊〉 expressed to the weak Orders he received from the Court, th●… his deceit was not ill received there. Desportes who was a Capital Enemy to the Reformed, maintained himself in a Fortified Castle, of which the Reformed had ordered the Demo●…tion by a Decree of the Council: It is true that for fear he should obey, they had given another which removed the Affair before the Commissioners, and still left Desportes in Possession; which occasioned great Troubles in the Cevenes and the Gevaudan. Antraguers, against whom they made divers complaints, kept his Governments in spite of them.  
The free exercise of the Reformed Religion was hindered in 
The Exercise of the Reformed Religion hindered in divers places.  ●…ivers places; particularly at Ruffec in Saintonge, where it ●…ight to have been allowed according to all Rules. The Mar●…ioness de Ruffec alleged for her reason that it was done without her Consent: As if that Consent had been necessary for ●…ose Places in which there was an evident Possession, in the ●…rms of the Edicts. The Duke de Vendome having taken Possession of the Castle of the City of his Name, by an Agreement he had made with the Governor, did not fail to demo●…sh the Temple the Reformed had built at the foot of the said ●…lace. He caused that Violence to be committed by his own ●…ivery Men, without keeping the least measures of Honesty, 〈◊〉 Formalities of Justice. The Church of the said Place made complaints to him about it, which were the better ground●… by reason that he had promised to leave all things in the ●…me Condition he had found them. He seemed to be inclined to make some reparation for that Enterprise; though he re●…ly did not design it. He declared that he could not suffer in 〈◊〉 place, which he pretended to make part of his Basse-court, the free exercise of a Religion contrary to his: Besides he had 〈◊〉 mind to take the advantage of the Reformed of Vendome, who having been in possession of that Place from the very time of Queen Jane, thought that no body would dispute a Right acquired by so long a Prescription: For which reason they had forgot to take other Sureties from the late King besides the ●dict. They were obliged to apply themselves to the King, in order to obtain the restauration of their Temple. Commissioners were sent on purpose to examine that Affair upon the very spot; but they could not determine it without great difficulties. The Catholics were often ready to proceed to the utmost Violences; and the Reformed were not much wi●…er. Finally the business was made up, these being obliged to relinquish part of their Right to secure the rest; the Exercise of their Religion was removed out of the City, near one of the Gates, by a solemn Ordinance; and the King was at the Charge of building the Temple, and of the price of the Ground on which it was built. Nevertheless this showed the Reformed that the Court had no mind to favour them, since that in doing them Justice, even in the most reasonable things, they still abated something of their Right. The Parliament of Bourdeaux refused to remove Criminal Causes in which the Reformed were concerned to the Chamber of Nerac: And in 
Injustices of the Parliaments.  order to have a pretence to retain them, they had the boldness to say, that all the Crimes the Reformed were accused of, were so many Crimes of Treason, by reason that they were of a Religion contrary to the State. They were prosecuted in divers places for Crimes abolished by the Edicts; and particularly by that of Blois. The Jesuits increased in credit▪ more 
Jesuits.  and more; and had not only obtained a Decree on the 15th of February, which allowed them to keep an open College at Paris for all sorts of Sciences, without regard to the Decrees to the contrary made by the Parliament, nor to the oppositions of the University: But also caused a Decree of the Accademi'so●… Theology and Arts, to be reversed, which declared that they would admit none to the Degrees or Privileges of Scholarship, but such as had studied in their Colleges, or in those of the Academies that were in Confederacy with them. They endeavoured also to slip into the 
* Cities, Towns and Castles, granted to the Reformed for their safety by the Edicts.  Places of Surety. Rego●rd being sent to Leitoure by the Bishop, in the quality of a Preacher, The King took it ill that the Consuls had given him a Summons to depart from thence, alleging the quality of the place. He wrote to the Inhabitants to order them to suffer the Jesuit to remain and to Preach there; telling them that he hoped that he would keep within the bounds of the Edicts. A thousand Disputes were made about the Burial of the Reformed. The Countess de Roussi being Buried in the Choir near the Altar of the Parochial Church, the Attorney General took the thing in hand for the Curate; and declaring that the Church was Polluted by the Burial, obtained a Decree of 
Burial.  the Parliament at Paris, which ordained an Information to be made against the said Contravention, and that the Church should be reconciled, if it had not been done already▪ Which implies the removal of the Corpse by which the said Church had been profaned.  
All these Complaints, and many more being inserted in a long 
* Petition, or Remonstrance Answers to the Cahiers.  Cahier, a Council was held on purpose at the Chancellors on the ninth of July, in which 33 of these well expressed Articles were examined: But instead of any effectual satisfaction, they only obtained removals to the Chambers, and ineffectual Letters to the Governors and Judges of the said places. The Cahiers presented at the beginning of the Year had been answered in the same manner; and were not dispatched until the 21th of February. The Answers, tho' favourable in appearance, were only Evasions, to free the Council of the Importunities of the Deputies General. It is easy to judge of it by that which was written on the side of the 13th Article, in which the Reformed complained that the ecclesiastics of Languedoc sued them for the Demolishing of Churches and Convents during the Troubles; and Indicted them before the Parliament of Thoulouse, where the said Causes were retained, without any regard to the Removals desired by the Reformed. This was one of the Crimes that are always abolished by the Edicts of Peace; and which are looked upon as unavoidable Consequences of War, the Necessities of which neither respect Palaces or Churches, when they are places the Enemies may improve to their advantage. The King's Answer was, that he would not suffer any prosecution to be made upon the account of the Materials of the said Demolishments employed to other uses during the Troubles; and he reversed▪ all Decrees to the contrary. This seemed to be to the purpose; nevertheless it did not put a stop to the Prosecutions; and they were obliged to renew their Complaints. The truth is, that the form of the late King's Answers was partly the same: But there was this essential difference between his and his Sons, that the Fathers only served, as it were, for Memoirs of the Commands he was to send into the Provinces to the Governors, and other Officers of Justice: Insomuch that the Answer had the force of a Law, by an express order to put it in execution; which he never failed of sending to such places where it was necessary: But the Son's Answers were only words, to free the Court of Importunities & Solicitations: And whereas as soon as the Deputi's were out of sight, they forgot their Promises, the Reformed received no benefit by it in the Provinces, where they Laughed at their answered Cahiers.  
The same Fate attended the other means, which had served 
Illusive Remedies.  under the late Reign, to put them out of Trouble. A Removal or Appeal before the Commissioners was become a Jest, by reason that the Reformed Commissioner was ever at the Devotion of the Court; and that the Catholics having no favourable Instructions, suffered themselves easily to be prevailed upon by the Clergy and by the Jesuits, which Persons of that Character have ever endeavoured to oblige. A Confirmation of some Articles of the Edict violated by the Catholics was but a Song; by reason that the Answer which granted it, not being seconded, could not obtain more respect than an Edict, so solemn as that of Nantes; or a better observation of the Settlements, which an Edict of that Consequence could not secure against the Injustice of a false Zeal. A Declaration of what the King would, or would not have, being weakened by the little earnestness that was expressed to put it in Execution, met with no Obedience. Perhaps I may enlarge more upon this Subject in another place: But this is sufficient in this place to show the Effect of the Remonstrances and Petitions the Reformed were daily obliged to present; viz. to obtain Illusive Remedies for real Evils; and to see the Clergy authorised to raise greater Persecutions against them, by the little redress they met with from the King's Authority, to oppose the first Attempts.  
The End of the Fifth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES. VOL. II. BOOK VI  
A Summary of the Contents of the Sixth BOOK.  
Extreme despair of the Bearnois. An Assembly refused at Casteljaloux and at Tonneins. They meet at Orthez, and are prescribed. Sedition at Pau. Maliae of the Commissioner. Presages and Devotions. C●●ft of the Council. First and Final Mandate directed to the Sovereign Council of Bearn: Followed by Decrees of the said Council. Sentiments of some particular Persons upon those Affairs. Dispositions of the Grandees. The State of Foreign Affairs. Dangerous Consequences of Moderate Councils. An Apology of the Conduct of the Bearnois. Artifice of the Bishops of that Country. Remarks upon the Speech of the Bishop ●f Macon. Difficulties against the Reimplacement: Against the Tithes. Prescription. Conclusion. The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois. The Prince of Conde is put at liberty. The Assembly os Orthez Transferr'd to Rochel takes the King's part, and breaks up. Another Assembly allowed at Loudun. Their Preliminary Demands. Why the Reformed have so often renewed the same Demands. The Court refers the Complaints to the General * Cahier, and other Articles of Complaints. The Assembly prohibits the Preaching of Jesuits, or other Monks in the Towns of Surety. Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary. Deputation, Letters and Remonstrances to the King. The Reformed were inclined to serve the Queen Mother. A Vexatious Answer from the King, and the Effect of it. Oppositions of the Catholics against the Settlement of a College at Charenton. Assembly of the Clergy. They are exempted from pleading in Courts where all the Judges are Reformed. Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up. An Expedient of Accommodation. An Unexpected Declaration against the Assembly. The Prince of Conde deceives the Reformed. Affected diligence of the Attorney General. The Assembly remains steady. The Negotiations are renewed. The Assembly obeys upon the Words of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite. Effect of the separation of the Assembly. New Intrigues against the Favourite. The Duke of Rohan sides with the Queen. Scruples of the Queen Mother. The Power of the Party she forms. Useful Advice of the Prince of Conde, and ill advice of the Bishop of Lucon. Reasons of the Bishop. Defeat of the Queen's Forces, followed by a Peace. Unexpected Journey of the King in Bearn. Faults of the Reformed, and the Cause thereof. Remonstrances cannot stop the King: He arrives at Pau● Makes himself Master of Navareins: Takes the Oath: altars the whole frame of the Government. Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans. Treatment of the Reformed. Injuries, threatenings, Violences. The Evil increases after the King's departure. Wickedness of the Bishops. Cruelties of Poyane. Divers Relations of the King's Journey. National Synod of Alais. Political Settlement. The Ministers deputed for the Synod of Dort give an account of the opposition they have met with to stay them. Affairs of the Synod crossed by a thousand Artifices. They resolve to send Deputies to the King, and revoke their Resolution. All manner of Succours is refused to the Deputy of Bearn. Important Considerations waved. News of Consequence suppressed. Treachery of some Ministers unpunished. Affairs of Privas, and their Original. Accommodation broken off by the Lord thereof. The Place is deposited. V●olerces of the Garrison, and Calumnies against the Inhabitants. An Assembly at Anduze. Behaviour of Chatillon. Churches attacked. Invectives against the Synod of Alais. Assembly at Gergeau. Important Propositions. 1st. Whether they shall Vote by Heads, or by Provinces. 2ly. Whether they may Exceed their Instructions. Deliberations of the Assembly. Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy. Divers complaints of the Reformed in those Provinces. General Alarms of the Churches after the Alterations made in Bearn. Assembly at Milhau crossed by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and Chatillon. Effect of the Promises made to the Assembly of Loudun. Councillors received in the Parliament of Paris. Leitoure taken from Fontrailles. The Brief Signed for the keeping of the Places of Surety is not given. The interest of Favas hastens the return of the Assembly at Rochel. Declaration which styles it Unlawful. The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Guaranty to the Reformed. A supposed Letter under the Name of the Duke of Mombazon.  
DUring these Transactions People's Minds were strangely 
1618.  agitated in Bearn, and they lost all manner of Patience, 
Extreme Dispair of the Bearnois.  when they heard how the Court had received their Deputies; and the Intercession of the Deputies General. The Council would not allow the Deputation of the Bearnois to be real, and though it had all the Marks that were necessary to Authorise it, they rejected it, as being made in the Suburb of St. Germains, by Persons who had no Authority. They would hardly look upon the Cahier that was presented by those Deputies: And after having seen it, they granted nothing of what it contained. Moreover the King forbade the holding of any Assembly upon that Affair, and refused to hear either Apologies, or Remonstrances. These hard and absolute Proceedings cast those People into Despair, who had been used to a milder Treatment; and who judging of the Future by the present, forefaw that the oppression of which the first steps were so fierce and so cruel, would undoubtedly reduce them in the sequel to the most dismal Extremities of Slavery. Therefore those who had the management of that Affair, resolved to improve the Determination of the Assembly of Rochel, and to summon the Deputies of the Councils of the three Neighbouring Provinces, to Implore their Advice, and Assistance, to secure themselves. In order whereunto after having celebrated a Fast in all the Churches 
The Assembly refused at Casteljaloux.  of Bearn, to beg of Almighty God a happy success in that Enterprise; they Convened an Assembly of the three Provinces at Casteljaloux: But the thing being done publicly, by Persons who had no private ends, and who did not look upon that proceeding to be Unlawful, the King had timely notice of it, and sent orders to the Consuls of the place before the Deputies arrived there. He also writ to the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and to the Chamber of Nerac to impeach all such as should be concerned in the said Assembly, and to use them as. Infractors of the Edicts, and Perturbators of the Public Peace; which the Parliament did not fail to effect with their usual Passion. Whereupon the Governor and the Consuls of Casteljaloux refused to admit the Deputies within their Gates, being unwilling to displease the Court. Tonneins whither 
And at Tonneins.  the Deputies repaired from thence, treated them in the same manner. This made them fearful that they would meet the same treatment throughout Guyenne, and that while they lost their time in seeking a safe and convenient place, the Court would oblige the Bearnois to do that by force which the ●●●ovi●●e was not in a condition to hinder. They also con●●●ded that it would not be proper to hold their Assembly in a p●●●● ●oo far distant from that which might stand in need of their assistance.  
Therefore they repaired to Orthez in Bearn, where they 
They repair to Orthez.  were certain of a kind Reception. The Court could not pre●ent the effect of that Resolution, by reason that it was held secret until the very moment in which it was put in Execution. As soon as the Assembly was formed they writ to the ●ing, who would neither receive their Letters, as coming from an Unlawful Assembly; nor yet give a hearing to the Deputies General. On the contrary he put out a very severe 
And ar● proscribed.  Declaration, on the 21st of May, against the Authors, and Members of the said Assembly. In the mean time the Court expected to hear the Effect of the Journey of Renard, Master ●f Requests chosen by the Clergy, who had been sent into Bearn to put the King's Orders in Execution, and to get the Decree of Restauration Registered in the Sovereign Council, ●he Edict of Reimplacement, and the Decrees of Verification ●t Thoulouse and at Bourdeaux, and that of the Council given ●n consequence thereof, which ordered the Council of the Province to do the like. The said Commissioner was very ill ●eceiv'd at Pau, where the Common People and all the Scho●●●rs 
Seditino at Pau.  stirred a great Sedition against him. The Wisest had not Authority enough to hinder it. The Assembly of Orthez, and the Council of the Academy endeavoured it in vain. So that Renard was obliged to retire: But he did it like a Man who was willing to aggravate Matters. For which reason he 
Maliae of the Commissioner.  refused some Honours that were offered him as to a Commissioner from the King: He refused to Communicate his Commission, he only distributed some Letters among those the Court was sore of, by which they were commanded to assist him: He would not accept the Sureties that were offered him to come to Pau, to acquaint the Sovereign Council with his Instructions. Moreover he went away very abruptly after having sent a Verbal and very Violent Report to Court; charging La Force and the Sovereign Council with all the Disorder. He joined the Decree that Council had lately made to it, by which upon the pursuit of the Clergy, and upon the opposition of the Estates and of the Churches, they declared, That they could not make the enrolment; and that the King should be humbly Entreated to leave things in the Condition in which they were; and that every body should return home and live in Peace. The Bishops had excepted against Lescun, pretending that he was a Party against them, as if it had been a private Process: But their Recusation was not allowed of, by reason that Lescun had done nothing without Authority. The said Decree was made about the end of June.  
During these Transactions, the People ever curious of Presages 
Presages and Devotions.  and of Prodigies, did not fail to make great Reflections upon some Earthquakes, which were observed in some parts of Bearn, the very next day after the Departure of the King's Commissioner: And whereas those Signs are generally equivocal, and only signify what People desire or dread, every body drew Consequences from it, conformable to their Temper. Nevertheless as People are most inclined to dread, when they reflect on Accidents of which the Causes are unknown to them, most looked upon them as an advice from Heaven, which denoted to them that the Affairs of the State were threatened with a great alteration, and that both the Churches and the Country were going to suffer ruinous shake. For that reason the usual Devotions on such occasions were renewed in Bearn; and a public Fast was celebrated there on the 9th of July.  
The Court being informed with the ill Success of Renard; 
Craft of the Council.  Commission, nevertheless made an advantageous use of his Journey: And by an Italian Policy they pretended that the Cause of the Bearnois having been defended at large in the Council of Pau, was a sufficient reason to refuse an Audience to the Churches which desired that it might be pleaded before the King. This Evasion would have been plausible, supposing, what is seldom true, that Princes were informed with the particulars of the Affairs that are reported to them: And then they might without Injustice to the Bearnois have freed the King of the Fatigue of several tedious Audiences, by acquainting him with what had been said in the presence, or with the Participation of his Commissioners, who was to give him an account of it. But the Favourites, and the Ministers were unwilling to use the King to take so much Cognisance of Affairs. They knew he was easy, but withal capable to understand reason; and they were afraid, that should the Question he well explained before him, it would deprive them of the fruit of all their Craft. They satisfied him with Reflections upon Sovereign Authority which seems to be encroached upon by the Liberty Subjects take to come to plead in the very Council of their Princes against the Laws which they have made. This was the Character of Luine's Government, coun●ii'd by Spain and by the Clergy. He and his Creatures on●● preached absolute Power to the King, which Doctrine he swallowed as greedily, as if others had not exerted it in his ●●ead. The Clergy has followed the same Maxim at all times: ●eing persuaded that it would be more easy for them to manage the Hearts of Kings to their advantage, if they could ●inder them from hearing the Complaints of their Enterprises from the very mouths of those that are oppressed by them.  
Therefore instead of hearing the Remonstrances of that Unfortunate 
First and final Mandamus directed to the Sovereign Council of Bearn  Principality a Mandamus was issued out on the 25th of July, which, in order to express the more Authority, was ●…l'd first and final. It was Argumented, contrary to the Custom of Acts of that Nature, which being only Declarations of an absolute Will, seem not to require Reasons. They made the King declare in it that he had been obliged to make the Decrees and Edicts which related to Bearn for the discharge of his Conscience, which could not bear the affliction of the Catholic Church: To satisfy the vows of the King his Father, who had often expressed his Regret before his Death; for his not having finished the said Work: To secure the repose of the Reformed, which the Bishops would never have left in quiet while they were deprived of their Right: That he had considered and heard all before he did pronounce; that he had made provision for what was most material by the Reimplacement, which was a diminution of 78000 Livres of the Revenue of the State; That he had relinquished his own to satisfy the Reformed; That he still offered, after the enrolment of the Edict, to do Justice to the Interests of particular Persons who should complain of any damage; That he demanded Justice of the Connivance of the Council of Pau, in the late Sedition; That he would have such punished as had first taken up Arms. He complained of the Assembly of Orthez, and in general of all Bearn: Imputing nevertheless all the evil to some Factious Persons, without which he declared that he would have used the utmost Extremities. He threatened to take the refusal of the enrolment as a formal Disobedience; and he Commanded Lafoy Force to see it performed, and to assist the Council in the Execution of the Edict, even by way of Arms.  
While the Mandamus was preparing, Vispalie Advocate in 
Followed by Decrees of that Council.  the Sovereign Council of Bearn, being sent with Letters from the Assembly of Orthez to Rochel, and to all the other Provinces of the Kingdom, was seized at Bourdeaux and his Letters taken. Complaints were made about it, as of an act of Hostility in time of Peace; and Reprisals had like to have ensued. But the Remonstrances of the wisest appeased the hottest: And they only writ other Letters, and sent them more secretly and more safely. But when the Mandamus came in Bearn, it occasioned great Emotions. The whole Country was alarmed at that Novelty. They no longer questioned but the Court had a design upon their Liberty, since that instead of being moved by their Complaints of an Edict made against the Laws and Customs, and without the consent of the Estates, they attacked them in a new, but yet more dangerous manner, by Mandates, which are only used in Places where Princes are the sole Depositors of the Legislative Power: Not in such where the free Consent of the Estates is necessary to make a Law. Thus the whole Country was in a great Agitation. The Lay Patrons, the College of Orthez, the Garrison of Navarreins, which were paid out of the Forfeited Estates, the Syndicks of the Country and the Deputies of the Churches joined together in the fame Oppositions. Some Deputies from abroad also entered into it. The Synods of Castel-●●lo●● and of Mazieres likewise thought fit to send Deputies thither. During the greatest heat of this Agitation, the Council of Pau appointed a Day in order to give a decisive Judgement; and being Assembled on the 3d of October, they declared that considering the Nature of that Affair in which every body was concerned, there was no reason to allow the Recusations proposed by the Clergy. Finally on the 5th of the said Month a Decree was made, importing that before any farther Proceedings should be made in the matter, the King should be most humbly Petitioned to provide for the safety of what related to the Rights of his Reformed Subjects, according to the Edicts of his Predecessors and his own; and to hear their Remonstrances to that end: Nevertheless in order to put a stop to the Proceedings of the Clergy, and for the Repose of his Majesty's Subjects, it was ordered that the ecclesiastics should remit the answered 
* Petitions, or Demand.  Cahier, which was mentioned in the Edict of Restauration of Ecclesiastical Lands; and that the Attorney-General should also remit the Decree of the 25th of June. This Cahier was that in which the King granted to the Clergy of Bearn by his Answers all the Advantages I have mentioned elsewhere: So that the said Decree opened a way for a long Suspension, and to propose new Difficulties upon the Restoration of the Clergy in all their Ancient Privileges.  
Although, till then the Bearnois had only defended themselves 
Sentiment of some particular Persons upon those Affairs.  by ways of Right, by Petitions and Deputations to the King, by oppositions according to form, by Decrees of the Sovereign Council, yet there were prudent well meaning Persons that did not approve that resistance. The Duke de Rohan and Du Plessis Mornai were of that Number. They were afraid lest this should engage all the Churches to take up Arms without consideration. They were of opinion that it would have been better to accept the Reimplacement, as a proper Expedient to repair the prejudice occasioned by the aforesaid Restoration: And they would have engaged themselves to obtain leave from the King to resume the Church Lands, in case the Assignment of the Reimplacement were diverted, or appropriated to any other use. Not but that they looked upon the Cause of the Churches to be just; but they saw that Justice disarmed: They thought it better to suffer the loss of some Privileges, which they had not the power to defend, than to hazard all by an Infectual Resistance: That this would be the way to involve, even those that had not yet been meddled with in the ruin of those that were attacked: That it was fit to take care lest the Churches of the Kingdom, by protecting those of Bearn out of season should lose themselves what they would preserve for others.  
The Duke of Bovillon tired with Affairs and Broils, beginning 
Disposition of the great ones.  to feel the weight and Inconveniences of Age, engaged to the Court by Favours, minding the Settlement of his Children who were of Age to be introduced into the World, and being perhaps desirous to see how things would go, before he would engage himself, did not express the same heat in this as he had done in others. The Duke of Sully was hardly reckoned upon in General Affairs; and had neither renounced the Recompenses of the Employments that were taken from him, nor yet the hopes of being Restored. He saw that the Court was subject to such sudden Revolutions, that he thought they would want a Man like him. So that whenever any applications were made to him about the Affairs of the Churches, he only answered with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions. Lesdiguieres formed a Party, separated from the rest; and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known, the Reformed were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion. Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety; and was as much engaged to the Court by the first, as to Religion by the second. La Trimoville was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him. The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords, had produced no great effect, and had neither been able to unite them among themselves, nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause. The Duke of Rohan, Soubise his Brother, and La Force were the only Persons who seemed resolved to undertake every thing.  
Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that 
State of Foreign Affairs.  the Protestants would assist the Churches of France. The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom, began to execute their Projects in Germany; and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them, oppressed the Protestants publicly. Bohemia was full of Troubles; and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties, made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences. These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspense; expecting the Event to see what measures they should take. Prince Maurice was employed in the United Provinces; and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to engage in the Affairs of France. The King of England played the Theologian: And while on one side he suffered People to give the Pope great hopes, in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion, he disturbed all the North, with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe, it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn. The King's Forces not being employed elsewhere might 
Dangerous Consequences of the advice of the Moderate.  all be sent that way, and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reformed had taken their final Resolutions. Moderate Councils only served to break their Measures and occasioned great loss of time. They prevailed with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing, to forsake the Party of the others: And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consumed in useless disputes, when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey, he found no body ready to resist him. Too much consideration commonly ruins the Affairs of the People. A little boldness is better in those Cases, than slow considerate Proceedings: Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws, and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice, by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will. That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate: The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks; and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance, they afforded him time to prevent them.  
Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois published an Apology, composed by Lescun with the advice and approbation 
An Apology for the Conduct of the Bearnois.  of the Assembly of Orthez, to whom it was Dedicated. That piece was written at different times, as may easily be discovered by the management of it. The Style is not of a piece: The Arguments are distinct, and not well followed: It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ, and other Authors. But yet it is good and solid; and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough, to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness; particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power, altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observed in it. The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days: The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn; The Ancient Rights of the Country; The Examples drawn out of the Old 
* Laws of the Bar.  For, which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Sovereign, till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons, and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them, that he would Govern them justly, and that he would do them no prejudice: The said Oath was renewed in 1585. by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors. The Author proved at large in it, that the Laws only received their Force by, and never could be altered without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates; but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples. He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane; and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had obliged that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies: A Vengeance which even Molu●, one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reformed, looked upon as sent from Heaven; by reason that the said Count reduced all that Country in three Days time, and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners. 
Artifices of the Bishops of the Country.   
After that Lescun related the said Expedition, and all that passed upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands, until the Month of October of the said Year. He observed the Falsity of what had been advanced by the Bishops, who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authorised by the Catholics of Bearn; and to be seconded by the Catholics, told them that the King had ordered the aforesaid Reversion, or Restoration of his own accord: from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offered itself. Those good Prelates, ●● which one was of very obscure Birth, as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobbler, Butcher, and had kept a Cabaret, those Prelates, I say, who made so much noise whenever the Reformed took up Arms to defend themselves, made ●o difficulty of taking them up to attack. They made Assemblies, Fortified their Houses, gave Military Employments, kept Guards as in time of open War; and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men.  
In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech, 
Remarks upon the Bishop of Macon's Speech.  which I have mentioned before: And he made this particular Remark upon it, That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel ●ad been taken called, The English Catholic, written against Henry●… ●…. So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects; as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King. He approved the Book Printed at London concerning the Rights of Bearn; and he added divers Reflections to it upon the Violation of Promises, and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration. This among others was of great Consequence. D● Vai● had assisted at the Judgement by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper, though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council, when the Affairs of the Reformed were treated there; according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun, in which the King declared expressly that the ecclesiastics should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there. He observed the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree, made after having returned all the Writings and Productions to the Parties, ●s if they had designed to give it over; notwithstanding which ●t had been judged without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concerned: And to the end they might not say, that they had examined all the said Writings before the returning of them, he gives a List of several other Acts which he designed to join to the first Productions.  
He observed that the Reimplacement promised by the King, 
Difficulties against the Reimplacement.  might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer; whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex, and of Bearn itself, where the like Promises had proved ineffectual: That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable; That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation; and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reformed the more odious, as enjoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country; That without touching Regulations so often confirmed, the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops, who would have enjoyed it without fear of being deprived of it again; whereas the Churches being obliged to accept it, they might get it revoked when they pleased; That the King might think it a burden to his Conscience at some time or other, to see his Revenues employed for the maintenance of the Reformed Churches, since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use; and that it was to be feared that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reformed.  
He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes; maintaining 
Against Tithes.  that they are not due as a ground Rent, but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth, but by Persons, and concluded that the Reformed could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience. In the next place he proved a Prescription 
Prescription.  of 40 Years, and answered the two Exceptions of the Clergy, viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had entered against it from time to time; and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church, unless of a hundred Years. He replied to the first, that as often as the Clergy had renewed their Contestation they had been cast: And to the second that in Bearn, that Right is of ●● force against the Old Law, nor in France against Royal Ordinances. 
* For.  He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn, absolute Power was sounded high, and that they were not ashamed to publish, that the pretensions of Bearn were good in time of old, while they had a particular Lord; but that belonging now to a King of France, the Case was altered. That is to say, That the King's Right was only force, which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable ●n France, is only a Right among Barbarians: Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State, very different from the particular Will of the Prince, which may ●ary according to time, while the others are constant and unvariable.  
He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides, and their 
Conclusion.  Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings; and returned the Catholics some of the Darts they used to Lance against the Reformed, called the King Abraham, the Roman Church, and the King of Spain, Hagar and Ishmael, and the Reformed and their Church; Isaac and Sarah; complaining that Agar and ●hmael would turn out Isaac, and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham: And finally he protested in the Name of the Reformed, that not being the Aggressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might ensue, if being attacked they should be forced to make a Lawful defence. He implored the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief, and of all those that loved the good of the State; lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Mero● by the Israelites (J●g. 5. v. 23.) of not being come to the assistance of the Lord; and these to the Courtesy of the Cyclops. He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples. He taxed the Favourite by the by of enjoying Employments which were only due to Princes of the Blood: And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun, and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre.  
While Affairs were in this State in Bearn, the Queen Mother 
1619.  was tired with Blois, where she was under Confinement, 
The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois  as in an honourable kind of Prison. Luines, who had a mind to know her Secrets, put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her; and Fooled her and the Duke of Rohan, pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess, in order to discover those in whom she reposed a Confidence. He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit, who under pretence of Confession, discovered whatever she had upon her heart; which he acquainted the Favourite with, who improved it to his own advantage. The Jesuit, after so base a piece of Treachery, disdained to excuse it, and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begged God's Pardon for it. The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she received, resolved to make her Escape. She applied herself at first to the Marshal de Bovillon, whose Ability she was acquainted with, and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat. But he refused to engage in so great an Undertaking. He only advised the Queen to apply herself to the Duke d' Epernon, who was at Mets at that time, very much disatisfyed with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately; and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her, he carried her safe to Angouleme. Luines was stun'd with that Blow, which he did not expect. He was sensible that he had disobliged all the Kingdom: His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousy in all the Grandees; and the People oppressed by a thousand Vexations, imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite, Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations, than to let it increase itself by Negligence. Moreover he gave way either voluntarily, or by reason that the thing having been sued for without his knowledge, he was obliged to consent to it handsomely, to the return of the Bishop of Lucon to that Princess, on condition that he should dispose her to a Peace; and the Bishop being weary with studying of Theology which he was not very wellskilled in, aspiring only to return to Court, where he was in hopes of making himself useful, made no difficulty to acquiess to it. Thus after some Messages to and fro, the Peace was concluded. The Queen had the Castle of Angers and de Ponts de Ce for her Security, with leave to come back to Court.  
But the Duke de Luines who was afraid that she would find many Persons there who would rather follow her than him, 
The Prince of Conde is set at liberty.  and that she would soon resume her former Authority to his prejudice, and revenge the bloody Injuries he had done her, found a way to render that permission of no use to her. The Prince of Conde whom she had put in Prison about three years before, passed his Days dismally there, though the Princess his Wife had voluntarily confined herself with him to keep him Company. He amused himself in the Study of Controversies: But he did not apply himself to it like a Man that designed to understand the Questions throughly, and to take his Party after having maturely weighed the Reasons on both sides. This way of Study is too long and too tedious for Princes. They must have abstracted Methods, to shorten their Labour, and to free the Matters from the dryness and difficulties they are surrounded with. A little Superficial Knowledge passes among them for profound Science; and of all Arguments none are so proper for them as Prejudications. He was delighted with those little Reasons, which the Jesuits, and the Missionaries their Emissaries did begin to put in practice: And he rendered himself more troublesome thereby to the Reformed, whom he persecuted by Disputes, in which he would always be in the right, than he proved formidable to them in the War he waged against them with great Violence. Luines hoping that Resentment would induce that Prince to protect him against the Queen, secured himself with him, and put him at Liberty: And as if he did design to acquaint the Queen, that it was against her that he had sought that support, he obtained a Declaration for the discharge of the Prince, in which the Conduct of that Princess was indirectly taxed: But yet in such a manner that it might easily be perceived by any that had Common Sense She was so much offended at it, that she would not come to Court; and she expressed her Resentments so high, that it was easy to judge, that she would use her utmost Endeavours to revenge it. She was very near doing it, and Luines had been ruined had she been well advised.  
But while these Broils employed the Court, the Affairs of Bearn remained Dormant, by reason that the Court had no time to mind them. Moreover they abolished by an express 
The Assembly of Orthez Transferred to Rochel.  Declaration of the 5th of July, the Crime of the Assembly of Casteljaloux and of Orthez, which towards the latter end of the preceding Year after having been Converted into a General Convocation, had been transferred to Rochel, for the Conveniency of the other Provinces. The truth is that the said Convocation did take the King's part publicly against the Queen; and even refused to hear Chambret who was sent by 
Takes the King's part  that Princess to sound them. Besides which they declared all such Desertors of the Union of the Churches, who should side with any body but the King. After which they broke up on the 22th of April; upon the King's Promise of allowing 
And breaks up.  another Assembly in the Month of September following. The 
Another Assembly allowed at Loudun.  Brief of permission was Signed on the 23d of May; and the Assembly repaired to Loudun, where they began their Session on the 26th of September. The Court in reality ventured less than they seemed to do, by allowing that Assembly in a time of such Confusion. They were very well informed with the Divisions that reigned among the Reformed; and they had ready means to improve them; Artifices to delude the Simple; Recompenses to purchase those that were Self-Interested; threatenings to frighten the Weak; and all those being made useless to the Party, they had more Forces than were necessary to oppress the rest.  
Several Lords sent Deputies thither: Lafoy Force did not fail to do the same, and the Affairs of Bearn were canvased there, as soon as it was formed. Insomuch that they soon drew Seven preliminary Articles, which they gave to those that carried their Submissions to the King; until they could make more ample Complaints, to be sent by the Deputies General.  
The first demanded the Revocation of the Decree of Restoration, or at least a Suspension of it, until the Bearn●is had been heard.  
The Second demanded the continuation of the Places of Surety, and especially that an account should be given of those that were held by Lesdiguieres, who had all along refused to communicate it to the Churches of the Kingdom.  
The Third related to Leitoure, which Government they desired should be taken from Fontrailles.  
The Fourth renewed the Affair of the two Councillors in the Parliament of Paris, in which they refused to receive them: And the Court took but little care to oblige the Parliament to Obey according to the King's Promise.  
The Fifth mentioned the Creation of a place of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Parliaments of Paris and Grenoble, to be given to Persons of the Reformed Religion.  
The Sixth contained Complaints about the Surprising of Tartas, which had been taken from the Reformed by Craft in time of Peace, demanding the Restitution of the said Place.  
The Seventh remonstrated that the Catholics had burnt the Temple of Bourg in Bresse, and demanded Reparation for that Violence.  
I will observe enpassant that they endeavoured to make 
Why the Reformed have so often renewed the same Demands.  the Reformed pass for Troublesome Obstinate People who would never give over, and who did perpetually renew the same Demands, even after the King had declared by divers Refusals that he would not satisfy them. But there never was a more Unjust, or more Imprudent Accusation. The Truth is, that it was never urged against them until their decay gave way to their Enemies to make Crimes of all their Actions, and to take their very Sighs, and their most humble Petitions for a lawful pretence to destroy them. I own that they have often renewed the same Demands: But that was chiefly when they had received Promises which had never been put in Execution, or when those things were refused, which had been solemnly promised to them. So that it was not a Criminal Importunity, to press the performance of a Royal Promise on all Occasions. If there was a Crime, those were guilty of it who prevailed with the King to break his Promises, and to Engage his Word to Impose upon the Credulity of his Subjects. If there have been things on which the Roformed have Insisted, though they have been denied to them at the first Proposal, they have done no more in that than what all manner of Communities had been used to do, in things which they were in hopes of obtaining at some time or other: viz. to renew their Demands from time to time, for fear of giving cause to tell them, whenever they found a favourable occasion to speak a new about them, that having once given over the pursuit of them, they had no right to resume it. Among several Examples of this Practice, that of the Clergy admits no contradiction. That Body fond of their Liberties, thought them violated by the Concordat between Francis I. and Leon X. and not despairing to find a favourable occasion at some time or other to break it, they resolved to Petition the Court for the Restauration of the Liberty of Elections, whenever they should have an occasion to make Harangues to the Kings by their Deputies. They not only formed the design of it; they obliged themselves to it by Oath; and for above the space of a hundred Years, their Deputies have never failed to make this Liberty of Elections one of the Articles of their Harrang●ies. Nothing but an absolute command could oblige them to desist from that useless pursuit. If they were not troublesome to Kings by Petitions so often renewed, and which did attack one of the Privileges they have most reason to be jealous of; there is no reason to allege as a Crime against the Reformed, that they did not always acquiess to the first refusal, in things in which no body was concerned, which did no wise Encroach upon the Regal Authority; and which they thought necessary for their safety.  
Lafoy Moussaye, who together with four other Deputies carried that first 
* P●t●ti●●. The Court refers the Complaints to the General Ca●….  Cahier of the Assembly of L●udun, could not prevail with the Court to accept it; though several Persons endeavoured to satisfy the Court, that by redressing some of the main Grievances, the King would receive full Satisfaction from the Assembly. Lesdiguieres himself had sent the Precedent ●u Cross to the King, to Petition him to prevent the Demands the Assembly might make to him; and to give the Church's satisfaction upon some considerable Points, even before the Expi●ation of the Term of the Convocation. But he was said with the common Answer, of good Intentions, and of General Promises. So that according to the old Style of the Court, the Complaints of the Assembly were referred to the General Cahier, and they did not fail to exhort the Deputies to dispatch their Affairs speedily, to Nominate six Persons to the King, out of which he should choose two for the General Deputation, and to break up.  
The Assembly took at first pretty Vigorous Resolutions. 
Resolutions and Oaths of the Assembly.  They obliged their Members to take divers Oaths; to serve the Churches, to be secret, to obey their Resolutions, to speak their mind freely and without fear, to preserve their Union, not to break up, before their having seen what answer the Court would make to their 
* Petitions and Demands. Substance of the General Cahier and other Articles of Complaints.  Cahiers. They drew it with speed: And they did not want matter. The Edict was Violated so many ways, and in so many places, that there was sufficient reason to complain. Besides the concerns of Leit●●re, of Tartas, and of Bou●g in Bresse, the Catholics endeavoured in all places to obstruct the Liberty of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion. They had suspended it at Clermont d● Lodeve, which the Reformed held as a place of Surety; and when they endeavoured to re-establish it there, the Catholics took up Arms to oppose it. The Temples of Moulins and of Laval, where the Reformed of Guise went to Church, had been Demolished. The Reformed had been turned out by force of Arms of Baux in Provence. A great Sedition had been kindled against them at Banjenci, and the Alarm Bell rung out upon them. Two of them were flung out of a Garret Window, and one of them not being sufficiently hurt in the Opinion of the Mutineers, was run through with Swords. The Lieutenant General of Orleans in prosecuting the Fact, received the Depositions of those very Persons who had committed the Violence, as if they had been Lawful Witnesses: And when the said Case was brought before the Parliament of Paris, the Attorney General, who by his place was obliged to cause the Edicts to be put in Execution, abandoned the prosecution of it. The Ministers of Bourges and of Chataigneraye were turned out of the said Cities; and the Reformed had received the same Usage at Chalons, upon Saone, and in the Bearnois; though according to the Edict, they ought to be suffered in all Places whatever. The Exercise of their Religion was obstructed about Lions, Dijon, and Langres. The Officers Royal, the Consuls, and Seneschals, opposed the said Exercise of the Reformed Religion in Nineteen or Twenty Places in the Provinces of Guyenne, of Languedoc, of Provence, of Vivarais, of Forests, of Poitou, of Saintonge, of Perigora, and of Normandy; some by Prohibitions, others by Fines; although the said Exercise was Lawful in all those Places according to the Edict. The Catholics took away the Children of the Reformed without Redress. At Paris they had taken those of Le Maitre, who had a place of Master of the Accounts, and who had embraced the Reformed Religion a little before his Death. The same thing had been done at Royan, at Ambrun, at Milhau; and lately at Leitoure Regour● the Jesuit, for whose good behaviour the King had passed, his Word had stole away a young Child about 10 Years of Age. They had Violated the Sepulchers, or hindered Burials in the accustomed places at Aix, at Girds, at Mirebeau, at Ongles, at Saints, at St. George d' Oleron, and in divers places of Gayenne. They had turned out the Sick of the Reformed Religion out of the Hospitals, and such as were allowed there were tormented in their Consciences, to oblige them to change their Religion: Especially at Paris, those that had been received in the Hospital of St. Lewis during the Plague, had been deprived of the Consolation of seeing Ministers, which were not allowed to visit them. The Parliaments encroached upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers of the Edict. A Messenger who was Tried at Thoulouse, was Condemned there notwithstanding his appealing to the Chamber of Castres'; and the said Parliament refused to submit to the Decrees of the Council, which ordered the said removal. Some of the Inhabitants of Master d' Agenois being prosecuted at Bourdeaux, upon suspicion of their having designed to deliver the said place up to the Duke of Rohan, being joined in a Plot with Calonges their Governor, as I have related it in another place, the accused having desired a removal to the Chamber of Nerac, the Par●…ament had no regard to it; insomuch that during the Disputes of Jurisdiction, several of them Died in Prison: And upon the Information made about the surprise of Tartas, the Reformed who had been abused there, were used worse yet in the Parliament, which had retained their cause notwithstanding ●he Instances made by the Chamber of Nerac. The Parliament of Aix had no respect to the general Evocation the Re●…'d had obtained in the Parliament of Grenoble. Several considerable Alterations had been made at Montaud, Vareilles', ●…m, Montgaillard in Foix, which were reputed places of ●…u●ety, in which, at least according to the Brief of 1598., no innovations were to be made. Moreover the Reformed desired ● new Brief, for the keeping of the Hostage Cities; The Settlement of those of Dauphine; the Revocation of the Edict of Restauration of Church Lands; the Restitution of Privas to ●he Inhabitants, and the Reparation of the Outrages they had ●eceiv'd from the Husband of the Lady to whom the said lordship did belong.  
Some Examples of the said Facts are cited in the Articles 
The Assembly forbids to suffer Jesuits and other Monks to Preach in the Cities of Surety.  which I have here abreviated, which are not to be found in the General Cahier of the Assembly of Loudun, by reason that they are taken from things which happened since: Yet I thought fit to Insert them here, at once. While the 
* Petition or Address.  Cahier was drawing, the Assembly made a Rule among the rest, which forbade the Governors of the Places of Surety to suffer the Jesuits, or Monks of other Orders to Preach there, under pretence of being sent thither by their Diocesans. The said Rule made all the Catholic Party rise. The Parliament of 
Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary.  Paris made a Decree contrary to it, at the request of the Attorney General, like unto that which had been given for Mompellier. The Parliament of Bourdeaux did the same in favour of Tessier the Jesuit, who had been sent to St. John d' Ang●ly, by the Bishop of Poitiers: And the Parliament of Thoulouse forbade the Reformed throughout their Jurisdiction to refuse the Preachers sent by the Diocesan, whither Jesuits, or others: Directing the said Prohibition particularly to the Governors of Figeac and of the Isle of Jordan, who had given an Intimation of the aforesaid Rule of the Assembly to the Catholics of those two Cities. The Attorney General st●'d the said Rule an attempt against Royal Authority by way of Monopoly; as pretending to prescribe what Preachers should be allowed in the Roman Church, which he called the Fundamental Religion of the Realm: And cited the Decree made in favour of the Bishop of Mompelier, and the King's Letter to the Inhabitants of Leitoure.  
The Cahier was presented to the King on the 20th of December 
Deputations, Letters and Remonstrances to the King.  by three Deputies, Covurelles, Bouterove and Alain, who declared to the King the Resolution of the Assembly not to break up without seeing the Answer he would be pleased to give to their Complaints. They Remonstrated to the King how much reason they had to endeavour to secure themselves, considering the Injustices that were daily committed against the Reformed throughout the Kingdom; the surprising of several of their Places; the Inexecution of divers things often Sworn, the Effect of which the Deputies General had solicited in vain during many years; the Rebellions that were made in all Places against the Ordinances of the Commissioners, when they were any wise equitable. Those Remonstrances and the Letters of the Assembly were very respectful; and they protested both by the Mouth of their Deputies and in Writing, that it was not against the King they desired to be secured, but against the Enemies of the Reformed Religion. The King made a threatening Answer, by reason that Luines Inspired him with hard Sentiments. That Favourite 
The Reformed were inclined to the Queen-Mother's Service.  thereby thought to avoid the Fall he had cause to dread by reason of the Easiness of his Master's Temper. Moreover he was displeased at the Joy the Reformed had expressed at the Queen's Reconciliation. The Assembly of Loudun had sent Deputies to her as soon as the Peace was made: And the said Deputies not considering that they Harrangued that Princess before Brantes, one of the Duke de Luines Brothers, said many things to the advantage of her Regency, praised her for having caused the Edicts to be observed, and made great Submissions to her. These were so many Indirect Reflections against the present Ministry; for which reason this Deputation was ill received at Court. The King indeed promised to satisfy the Assembly, provided they did break up immediately; and to permit them to leave two Deputies with him until the Entire Execution of the things promised: But he declared at the same time that in case they did not break up, he would look upon them and their Adherents as Perturbators of 
A Dismal Answer.  the Public quiet, and that he would abandon their Persons and Estates, without any more ado to whosoever would fall upon them. The Assembly persisted in their Resolution, notwithstanding this Answer. They knew by Experience that 
And the Effect of it.  under that Reign promises of Satisfaction were as soon forgotten as made: And the Wisest among them were of Opinion, that some of the Articles of their Cahiers were too Decisive, and that the Subsistance of ruin of their Churches depended too visibly on them, for them to break up without knowing what Answer should be made to them. Nevertheless the Assembly Writ to the Churches upon that Subject about the beginning of the following year; and remonstrated to them, in order to give them an account of their Resolutions, that the Parliament of Paris had waved Ten Mandates, for the Verification of the Articles which related to the two places of Councillors, granted above three years before it; That the Edict was Infracted inall places; that so many Promises and Oaths, either Violated or Ineffectual, aught to excuse their fears for the future; and several things to the same purpose. But they mentioned particularly the Example of several Assemblies, that had continued their Sessions, until the Answer to their Grievances had been Communicated to them.  
One of the most sensible Afflictions the Reformed received 
Opposition of the Catholics to the Establishment of a Coll●ge at Charenton.  that Year, was the opposition that was made to the Establishment of a College they designed to Erect at Charenton. It had been spoken of for some time: And the design of the Reformed had been crossed on several sides; principally by the oppositions of the Judges of the Place. But whereas that year they seemed not to yield to those Obstacles, the University thinking that the said College would prejudice theirs, and that the Reformed settling good Rectors in the same, it would encourage People to send their Children thither, they took fire against that Enterprise, as they had done formerly against that of the Jesuits. The Muses of Colleges are commonly hot and Self-interested: Therefore they carried their Complaints in a very violent manner to the Count de Soissons, whom the King had left at Paris, during the Voyage he made to reconcile himself to the Queen his Mother; to the first Precedent, and to the Attorney General: their pretence was the grief of seeing a College of Heresy settled so near the Metropolis of the most Christian Kingdom in the World, there to contrive the manner of attacking the Catholic Religion; perhaps the said Opposition was also made in some measure out of Policy; by reason that the University having been so constant in refusing the Jesuits a small share of their Privileges, it would not have looked well for them to suffer the Establishment of an Heretical College within two Leagues of Paris without opposition. However those Complaints broke the Measures of the Reformed, and the Erection of the said College has never been mentioned since.  
The Clergy also Assembled that year at Blois, from whence 
Assembly of the Clergy.  the Bishop of Seez, and some others, were deputed to the King to Harangue him. They found him at Plessis Les Tours. The Bishop in his Speech insisted long upon the Affairs of Bearn; and he was very pressing upon the Execution of the Decree of Restoration. But moreover he desired a thing which appeared pretty new; viz. the Reparation of what had been written against the Chief of the Clergy; and he affirmed with as much boldness, as if the King himself and the Council had not known the contrary, that the Clergy did keep within the bounds of the Edicts. The Truth is, that lest he should be suspected of assuming a Spirit of Charity and of Toleration, he added that it was only to obey the King who would have it so. The Clergy had never bethought itself, till then to complain of the manner in which the Reformed used them in their Writings; and they had had the prudence to let them alone, while they thought they could not help it. The Complaints he made about it now in so extraordinary a manner, were a proof that Affairs were altered; and that though they were as liable as ever to hear those Truths, yet it was no longer safe to urge them. They obtained a Declaration on the fourth of September, which exempted them from answering 
Exemption which is granted them of pleading in such Tribunals where all the Judges are Reformed.  for the Possessory of the Benefices and other annexed Estates, to the Tribunals in which all the Judges were Reformed. The King allowed them a removal to the next Catholic Judge, whither Royal, or other: And in case the said Removal were denied them by the Reformed Judges, he annihilated that very moment, and from thence forwards all their Judgements. The said exemption was so great an Encroachment upon the Jurisdiction, the Reformed were declared capable of by the Edicts, that it could not be looked upon otherwise, than as a breach made to the very Edict. The Reason alleged by the Clergy was, that since the Reformed were allowed unsuspected Judges, it was but reasonable, that the Chiefs of the Established Religion should be exempted from answering before their Enemies. But the thing was not equal. The Reformed had never pursued the Clergy with Fire and Sword, as the Catholic Judges had pursued the Reformed, being moved thereunto by their Zeal, and by the Instigation of the Clergy. Moreover the Edict had regulated the reciprocal pretensions of the Reformed and of the Clergy: Insomuch, that there only remained to observe it bona fide, without daily renewing the remembrance of things passed by New Injustices.  
In the mean time, the King being resolved to oblige the Assembly 
Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up.  of Loudun to Obey, they persisting in their former Resolution after having heard the Report of their Deputies, sent Du Maine Councillor of State, and Marescot one of his Secretaries thither, to acquaint them more positively with his final pleasure. These Gentlemen having performed their Charge, more like Messengers who serve a Warrant, than like Commissioners who carry Royal Instructions, did not move the Assembly; which renewed their Submission to the King by a Third Deputation. That Prince gave a hearing to the said Deputies; but the only Answer he gave them, was to Order them to Command the Assembly to break up; and then Ordered them to retire. La hay who was Speaker of the said Deputation, having taken the Liberty reply, the King interrupted him, making a Sign to the 
1620.  Usher to turn them out. This was the behaviour Luines inspired to the King. He persuaded him that a Prince, after having given his Command, ought never to suffer his Subjects to use Replies, or Remonstrances. What ever Reason's people had to urge, he made him believe, that a King's Word was decisive; and that the Affairs of most moment ought to pass for decided, without Appeal, whenever he had said, I will have it so. This was very convenient for that Favourite, who not being very capable of State Affairs to which his Fortune had called him too soon, loved the way of Abridging them: So that after the pronouncing of a Word, every Body was obliged to submit to the Discretion of that haughty Favourite, who loved no body, because he was sensible that he was beloved by none. When those absolute Decrees engaged him into other Troubles, he had Recourse to Wiles to get out of them: And whereas he considered no Honour but that of Governing the King, he never thought his engaged in the breaking of his Word.  
The Deputies being gone to wait upon the Chancellor, after having received this Vexatious Answer from the King, 
Expedient of Accommodation.  believed that some Expedient of accommodation might be left yet; because he put them in hopes that in case the Assembly would send some Persons to the Court with a Power to Treat, some good Expedient might yet be found out. The said Proposition was accepted by the Assembly; and the Marshal de Lesdiguieres being at Paris at that time, in Order to take the Oath of Duke and Peer of France, he and Chatillon, who happened to be there at the same time, took upon them them the Quality of Mediators. In Order to they began to Negotiate with the Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines; with whom they agreed, that the Assembly should break up before the end of February; that immediately after their separation, the King should Answer the Cahier favourably; but that he should forth with remove Fontrailles out of the Government of Leitoore; allow the keeping of the Places of Surety for four years longer to the Reformed; and oblige the Parliament of Paris to receive the two Councillors so often mentioned. This was to be performed within the space of six Months; and in case it ●ere not done, the Prince and Duke promised to obtain ●om the King a New Brief of leave for them to Assemble ●gain. As for Bearn, that within a Month after the Six forementioned, after the Accomplishment of the three Ar●…cles I have related, the King would hear the Remon●…rances they had to make about the said Principality, and ●hat he would provide towards the satisfaction of the Estates ●nd of the Churches. Moreover, hopes were given them, ●hat in case any hindrance should be made directly or indirectly about the Reimplacement, the King would consent ●o their resuming of the Ecclesiastical Estates.  
The Assembly being informed with all this, and being perwaded that they might obtain something more yet, sent a 
An unexpected Declaration against the Assembly.  New Deputation to the Court again; for which they chose ●erteville lafoy Hay, lafoy Chappelliere, Minister of Rochel, la Miletiere, and Poixferre, giving them a full Power to Act in their Name. But while they were on their Way, Luines obtained a Declaration on the 26th of February, by which the King mentioned according to Custom his good Intentions for the Observation of the Edicts; his having allowed the Reformed to keep Deputies at Court, as they did under the ●ate King, to inform against the Infractions of the Edicts; ●eave to hold Provincial and General Assemblies, in Order ●o Nominate the said Deputies, and to draw the Cahiers of their Grievances. After which he spoke of the Motives which had induced him to allow the Assembly of Loudun; The Deputations they had sent to him; The Commands ●he had sent them to break up; the Petition they had revenued to obtain his Leave to continue their Sessions until ●he had Answered their Cahier. Finally presupposing that there were some disaffected Persons in the Assembly, who endeavoured to inspire ill Designs into the Rest, against the repose of the State, he Granted a New delay of three Weeks, to begin from the day of the Publication of the said Declaration, to Nominate the Deputies according to the Usual Method, and then to break up; in default of which he declared the said Assembly unlawful from that very moment, and contrary to his Authority and Service; those that should remain at Loudun, Guilty of High Treason, and deprived of the Privileges of the Edicts, and of all other favours he had Granted them; but particularly of a Removal of their Affairs to the 
* In which the Judges were part Catholics, and part Reformed.  Chamber of the Edict: And he commanded them to be prosecuted as perturbators of the Public Peace. And in Order to keep up the Division, which was but too great among them already, he did not only confirm the Edicts, in favour of those who should withdraw within the time prescribed by him, and of all those who should keep within the bounds of their Duty; but moreover he promised those Loyalists, that in case before the end of the time prefixed whatever their Number might be, they did Nominate Deputies to reside with him, he would receive their Nomination, and allow the Persons so chosen to reside with him, and there to perform the accustomed Function.  
This Artifice had not altogether the same Effect that time, as it had had eight or nine years before at Saumur; by reason that the said Declaration was too visible a Guile, 
The Prince of Conde deceives the Reformed.  and that it came out at a time, when by the Mediation of two considerable Lords, and upon the Parole of a Prince of the Blood, and of a Favourite, all things were looked upon as being accommodated. The Prince of Conde himself carried the said Declaration to the Parliament, in order to get it Verified; and in presenting it, he seconded it with several discourses▪ which the Refirmed might reasonably have looked upon as a Declaration of War. The Deputies of the Assembly were strangely amazed, when at their Arrival at Paris they found things so altered; and yet more, when going as far as Amiens to obtain an Audience of the King, they could not obtain it, and were obliged to come back without an Answer. The News of this Fraud occasioned the same Astonishment in the Assembly. Lesdiguieres Conduct looked very Suspicious; and they did not say what they thought of the Prince of Conde's. He had reason to think himself obliged to the Assembly, if Persons of his Quality could think their Inferiors capable to oblige them. They had taken his part on divers occasions. They had Petitioned his deliverance while he was in Prison. Their last Assembly had ●…en spoken too much upon that Subject, in the Opinion of ●…e Wisest. Those that had been made in every Province 〈…〉 Order to depute to Loudun, had taken his Liberty to ●…eart: And had not Luines made haste to give it him, the assembly General would never have desisted from desiring ●…▪ That perhaps was one of the Reasons which obliged the favourite to hasten to restore it to him, because that had 〈…〉 tarried too long, he should not have had the Honour of ●…▪ Nevertheless, while the Reformed were Treating with ●…es, as it were under the Auspexes of that Prince, they ●…w him going up to the Parliament, with a Declaration in 
Affected diligence of the Attorney General.  ●…s Hand against them, and a Discourse in his Mouth full 〈…〉 Violence and threatenings. The Attorney General made 〈…〉 End to spoil the thing, by sending the Declaration to ●…e Assembly by an Express out of Affectation: And all ●…is being added to what Duke Vair had said in a full Parliament, in which the King had appeared some days before, ●r the Verification of some Money Bills; that the said ●…ey would be of use for sundry things, but particularly 〈…〉 repress the Reformed; all these things made the most moderate sensible, that a War was designed against them, and ●…at in Order thereunto, the Court designed to render them ●…e Aggressors of it. 
The Assembly remains firm.   
For those Reasons, the Assembly became more United ●…d ●irmer than it was expected; and the Favourite dreading other discontents, which did not allow him to proceed ●…y farther in his Ill Will towards them at that time, had ●ecourse to Negotiations again. Lesdiguieres resumed them, 
The Negotiations are resumed.  excusing the precipitation of that unexpected Declaration, ●nd endeavouring to make it pass for an Effect of the Jealousy the Court had of some Members of the Assembly, which they had a mind to reduce to Reason, out of fear of falling into worse Inconveniences. In Order to resettle his Credit again, which was very much shaken by that last business, he caused his Deputy in the Assembly to Swear and Sign the Union, and Chatillon d●● the same. Whereupon the preceding propositions were resumed, and Du Plessis was of Opinion, that it would be the best way to accept them▪ The Assembly did not yield to it without resistance▪ But the Messages of Bellujon and of Gilliers, by whom Lesd●guieres pressed them to acquiess, which were constantly seconded by Letters from Du Plessis, whose Advice was preferred by them, before all things, finally Vanquished those difficulties. A great stress was laid upon the King's Word, given and Warranted by the first Prince of the Blood, and by the Duke of Luines. The Prince expressed that he took it as an Affront, that they would not look upon his Faith and Oath as a sufficient Warrant of a Royal Promise: And in Order the better to persuade, that the King would be a very exact Observer of it, he observed that it was the first the King had given to his Subjects. The Duke the Luines affirmed, that it was sufficient that he had given his, and that he would make it as good as a Brief, and even better. These were the Terms used by the Duke de Mombazon his Father-in-Law in speaking to Du Pl●ssis, who had written to him some time before a Large Letter, in Order to persuade him that the best way for his Son-in-Law, in Order to maintain his Credit, and to prevent the renewing of some Faction like unto the League, at a time when Affairs seemed deposed towards it, was to avoid all occasion of Civil Wars, as so many Rocks, against which he might lose himself.  
Thus the Assembly obeyed, being persuaded by Lesdiguieres, 
The Assembly Obeys upon the parole of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite.  by Chatillon, and by Du Plessis, to whom the other two had given the same Assurances, that as soon as they broke off, Satisfaction would be given them about the Affair of Leitoure, the keeping of the Places of Surety, and the Reception of the two Councillors; that in the next Place, the King would hear the Remonstrances of those of Bearn, and that in case all that were not performed in seven months' time, they should not only have Leave granted them to Assemble again, but that it should be Lawful for them to do it without a new Permission. This is the Snare in which Credulity made them fall, which they would not have done, had not Lesdiguieres and the others persuaded them not to insist to have the said Assurance in Writing, lest the Court might pretend afterwards, never to have made any such Promise. Finally, They nominated six Persons to the King, who chose Favas and Chalas out of the said Nomination, to exert the General Deputation; and soon after, the Assembly's having received Notice of the said Election, they broke up.  
The King seemed very well pleased with their Obedience, 
Effect of the Separation of the Assembly.  and expressed it in very obliging Words. Moreover, he added something to it, which might have been called Effective, had not a Project been formed at the same time to render it ineffectual; which was to add a Year to the Brief, that had been promised for the keeping of the Places of Surety, which were thereby left in the same Condition, in which they were, for five Years longer. But the Court might easily allow them a longer time yet without any Hazard, since they had already prepared Means to re-take them. The Court had a great deal of Reason to rejoice at the Breaking up of the Assembly Great Intrigues were forming there against the Greatness of the Favourite. The Queen had a violent Desire to return thither. The Bishop of Lucon, who 
New Intrigues against the Favourite.  was not come back to her to Confine himself to the Castle of Angers, was very solicitous for her to return there. But the main thing was to come there strong enough to reduce the Prince of Conde and the Favourite to her Pleasure. She easily formed a great Party, by reason that all the Lords being displeased with Luines, whom they despi●'d, thought it more Honourable for them to obey the Widow of Henry the Great, and the King's Mother, than a Man, whom Fortune had raised in one Night, whose Avarice and Ambition had no Bounds. The Duke of Rohan was one of those, that engaged furthest into the Queen's Interests. Though the Favourite was Allied to him, they were not Friends: Their Genius was too different to Sympathize. Luines had used the Duke of Rohan barbarously, while the Queen was Conf●●'d at Blois. That Duke had proposed a Reconciliation between them; and alleging to him, that he would find more Support in her than in the Prince of C●nde, he had advised 〈…〉 to leave the said Prince in Prison, and to recall the Queen to Court. Luines, who was unwilling to suffer any Persons there of more Authority than himself, did not set that Prince at Liberty, and seemed to hearken to the Duke's Proposition; but it was only, in order thereby, to penetrate into the Queen's Secrets, to discover her Confidents and Friends, to draw Advances from her which discovered somewhat too plainly her Passion to return to Court. He made use of it to ruin the Creatures of that Princess, and to make the King jealous that in case she should come back to Court▪ she would soon resume her former Authority there. This Prince being Jealous and Credulous, fancied straight that she had great Designs against him, and that perhaps she aspired to Deprive him of the Government. This was the Thing he was most sensible to, though at the Bottom it ought to have been indifferent to him, since another was to Reign in his Name, whither it were his Mother, or his Favourites. But the Duke de Luines proceeded farther in his Wickedness. He insinuated into the King, that the Queen might attempt against his very Life, in order to make the Crown fall to the Duke of Orleans, in case she could not otherwise secure the Authority to herself. In order there unto he taught him all the Mysteries of the Government of Catherine de Medicis; and he insinuated to him, that the Death of Charlis the Ninth had not been occasioned, as it was reported, by an Effort which had broken a Vein within his Stomach, but because he had declared too openly, that he designed to Reign himself, and to Resume the Authority which that Princess had kept too long. Some Lords belonging to the Court, having accidentally put the King upon that Subject, were surprised to find him so well acquainted with the Particulars of that History. It was easy thereby to judge that he had been taught it, in order to make him fear, what a Princess of the same House, and of an equal Ambition, and as full of Courage, was capable to undertake to Reign.  
Therefore the Duke of Rohan, who was already ill with 
The Duke of Rohan engages in the Queen's Party.  the Favourite, seeing moreover that the Prince of Conde was at Liberty, against whom he had given such a disobliging Council, and to whom he had written in a pretty insulting manner during his Confinement, took absolutely the Queen's Part, and used his utmost Endeavours to engage the Assembly of Loudun in her Interests. He failed but little of succeeding in it; and had not the Court found the Way to dissolve it, by the Illusion of the fair Promises I have mentioned, it was very likely that he would have performed it. He was one of those who were against their breaking up, and he promised the Queen that he would have Credit enough to hinder it: But the Advice of others being preferred to his, he notwithstanding was one of those that insisted most on the Sureties that were fittcst to be taken, once to find some good Effect of the Promises of the Court. So that he only Consented upon the positive assurances which Lesdiguiere and Chatillon gave, upon the Word of the Prince of Conde, and of the Duke de Luines, that the King would allow the Deputies to assemble again at Rochel, in case the Things promised were not put in Execution at the appointed time. He represented that Consideration to the Queen, and endeavoured to persuade her, that whereas the Court no longer kept their Words of late, the Assembly would not fail to repair to Rochel, at a time when the Designs of that Princess being ready to succeed, the Reformed would fully resolve to join with her: That the new Fraud of the Favourite would give them just Reasons to do it; and that their present Obedience would only serve to show, that it was against their Will they were obliged to proceed to Extremities. The Court was not ignorant of his Proceedings with the Queen, and as some public Negotiations were still kept on foot with the Queen, they acquainted her that the Duke's Abode at Angers was ill resented. To which she answered, that when she had received Satisfaction, she should easily know how to Discard him; but she relied too much upon 
Scruples of the Queen Mother  him, to oblige him to remove▪ and she was glad to see that the Favourite had some Jealousy of his Assiduity with her. After the Queen's Affairs were ruined, the Catholics published, in order to render the Reformed odious, and to persuade the World that she had not had great Designs, that they had offered their Services to her, and that she had refused their Offers. But Politicians would have found something very odd in that Pious Rebellion, which making the Queen take Arms against the Government, did not allow her to strengthen her Party by the Alliance of the Heretics, which, without doubt, would have been the main Force of her Party. The Truth is, that the Queen was not so scrupulous. She never refused to join the Forces of the Reformed to hers. She used all Means imaginable, after her Retreat from Angouleme, and during the Assembly of Loudun, to oblige them to declare for her; and she had many Creatures among them▪ She only stopped in one thing out of Scruple. She would sign no Treaty with them, lest her Name should appear in a Treaty with Heretics, and the Catholics should upbraid her with the Advantages the Reformed would have got by a League, which would have put the Widow of Henry IU. and the Mother of their King at their Head. This only excepted, she did not refuse their Services; and she was glad to be seconded by them, provided they could not convince liar of it under her own Hand. This Thought made her seem to be irresolute, and her Irresolutions created a Diffidence in most of the Members of the Assembly, who upon that account were as slow to declare themselves as the Queen. Those little Scruples ruined the▪ great Designs of that Princess; and it is most certain, that considering the Disposition of Peoples. Minds, the Separation of the Assembly proved a Masterpiece of the Duke of Luines.  
The Queen daily increased her Party secretly, by the 
Power of the Party she forms.  Concourse of the Malcontents that joined with her, and who were desirous to restore her the Authority she had lost. The Discontents were more universal than ever. The King's Power and Favours were reserved only for three Persons, who exhausted the Finances to Enrich themselves, and who Ingross'd all the best Employments, though others deserved them much better. No body could imagine where the Progress of a Fortune so rapid would terminate, which in three years' time had elevated three Brothers, whose Birth was hardly known, to Dignities, which the most Ancient Families could hardly obtain, after▪ Thirty or Forty years' Services. The Waste of the Finances was so Exorbitant, that in order to satisfy the insatiable Avidity of the Favourites, all the Fund of three years had been consumed beforehand, without so much as providing for the Necessities of the present year. Therefore every body joined with the Queen. The Duke de Mayenne, being either informed, or suspecting that the Court designed to secure him▪ 〈◊〉 from Paris, at the very time the King received the News of the Obedience of the Assembly; and the Satisfaction he received at that happy Success, obliged him, lest a different Treatment might alter their Minds, to grant them the Brief, I mentioned, so speedily, by reason that the Court did not know as yet, what Consequences might attend the Retreat of that Prince. But as soon as they had received Letters from him, whereby he assured the King, that his only Design was to secure himself, and that he had no thoughts of taking up Arms, they soon moderated that Eagerness of Good Will, and forgot the rest of their Promises. However, the Duke de Mayenne had only given these Assurances in order to amuse the Court, by reason that all those who designed to join with the Queen like him, were not as yet ready. Therefore he secured Guyenne, of which he had the Government, to the Service of that Princess. The Duke d'Epernon did the same in Angoumois, and all the other Governments and Places under his Command. The Duke de Rohan was doing the same in Poitou for her. The Reformed only tarried for the first Success to embrace the same Party. Normandy was almost prevailed with to follow these Examples by the Duke de Longuev I'll, to whom the said Government had been given, in Recompense of that of Picardy, which he had been forced to yield to the Duke de Luines. But when all things were ready to break out, the Advice the Prince of Conde gave to the King, and that which the Bishop of Lucon gave to the Queen, ruin'd all those Designs.  
* The Prince advised the King to secure Normandy before the 
Useful Advice of the Prince of Co●de, and ill Council of 〈◊〉 Bishop 〈◊〉 Lucon.  Queen could have time to get the upper hand there: and the bishop stopped the Queen at Angers, where her Forces were not capable to oppose a Royal Army; besides that, it was a very weak Place. The principal Members of the Queen's Party, and among the rest, the Dukes de Mayenne, and de Rohan, advised her to retire into Guyenne, where she had a very fine Army under the Duke de Mayenne's Command; where her Presence would not fail to oblige Bourdeaux and the Parliament to declare for her; since they seemed only to tarry for it, and where the Favourites would not have been able to follow her, without being stopped continually by some Town or other, that would shut their Gates against them; besides, the fear of leaving secret Enemies behind them, who as soon as they had crossed the Loire, might raise the Northern Provinces. To this they added, that on the Contrary, remaining at Angers, of which the Inhabitants were disaffected to her Service, she would be deprived of all Communication with her principal Forces, and have no Recourse after the least Disadvantage.  
The Bishop refuted those Reasons, by Remonstrating to 
The Bishop's Reasons.  the Queen, that in putting herself into the Hands of the Duke de Mayenne, she would disoblige the Duke d'Epernon. a proud haughty Man, to whom she had been lately highly obliged: That in removing farther from Normandy, she would lose the Advantance of the Correspondence she held there with many considerable Persons: That her Retreat would be looked upon as a Flight, which would be imputed to her Diffidency of her Forces: That it would discourage her Friends, who would be obliged to forsake her, not to expose themselves to pay for the rest of the Party. She did yield to those Considerations, which ruin'd her. Some have been of Opinion, that the Bishop was gained by the Duke de Luines, who gave him hopes of a Share in the Public Affairs; and that being thus blinded by Ambition, and relying upon Predictions, which promised him a glorious Ministry, he betrayed his Mistress by a Council, of which he knew the Inconvenience. The King, in pursuance of the Prince of Conde's Advice, marched with speed into Normandy▪ with such Forces as were ready near his Person; and while the Remainder of his Forces were assembling, he Subdued that Province without any Resistance. Prudent, Governor of the Castle of Caer, was the only Person who seemed to have a mind to defend himself; but he did it only to be entreated, and in few days he delivered bp the Place to the King. As soon as all things were quieted on that side, the King's Forces marched towards Angers, where the Queen found herself on a sudden, as it were Invested, unprovided, and surprised, not knowing what to resolve upon. Therefore a Peace was proposed, every body endeavouring by that Negotiation, to gain time, and to find Means to deceive the contrary Party. But the King's Forces having accidentally, and perhaps unwillingly 
Defeat of the Queen's Forces followed by 〈◊〉 Peace.  defeated the Queen's at Pont de Cé, the Treaty was broke off, and that Princess was obliged to accept such Conditions as were offered her, that is, to submit at the Discretion of an Enemy, who was not near so Powerful as herself; her Friends were forced to lay down their Arms, and all she could obtain for them, was a General Pardon.  
The King finding himself Armed thus, without any Enemies 
The King's unexpected Journey in Bearn.  to oppose him, and having moreover gathered the remains of the Forces the Queen's Friends had been obliged to disband in Guyenne, he resolved all of a sudden to make use of them, in order to force Bearn to obey, which was not ready to oppose him. He marched towards Bourdeaux with speed, without declaring his Design. The Reformed, either not being jealous of it, or wanting a Pretence to take up Arms, by reason that the six Months, in which the Court had promised to satisfy them, were not as yet expired, did nothing to put a stop to that Expedition. La Force, being surprised by that unexpected Journey, and having made no use of his Time, could neither put himself in a Posture of Presence, nor get any Assistance out of the adjacent Provinces, which were astonished at the Sight of a Royal Army. Therefore he came to the King at Bourdeaux, to persuade him to after his Resolutions by Remonstrances: He added Promises to oblige the Bearnois to obey, provided no Violence were used. But whether the Court did not trust him, or whether the Clergy expected more from the King's Presence, than from the goodwill of the People, the King continued his March. Lafoy Force met him again at Grenade, and brought him formal Proofs of the Obedience of the Estates. He renewed his Remonstrances; he represented to the King, what Dangers he was going to expose his Person to, in a Country, in which the Roads are very dangerous and Troublesome, where there is nothing but Heath and Mountains, and where Torrents and Floods are continually met with, and where the Passages being difficult at all times, were much more difficult yet at the beginning of Winter. But all proved ineffectual: The King refused their Submissions, and his Reasons could not move him. Therefore he was forced to go back, without having obtained any thing.  
The Memoirs of that Time accuse him of having neither 
Faults of the Reformed, and the Cause thereof.  known how to obey, nor yet to defend himself; and it is most certain, that in all that Affair, the Reformed did nothing but by halves; they dreaded the Rreproach of being Aggressors so much, and of renewing the Civil Wars without a Lawful Cause, that since the time the Catholics had begun to trouble them by a thousand Disputes, they had not been able to fix upon a certain Resolution; ever ready to satisfy themselves with Words, when the Court gave them good ones; and to feed themselves with Hopes, whenever they were flattered with the specious Name of Royal Faith. Several among them were sensible that the Court had formed the Design to destroy them, and that they only troubled them by a thousand small Vexations, sometimes harder to bear than great Injustices, in order to incline them to a Rising, which having no apparent Cause, might give them a reasonable Pretence to oppress them. But that very Consideration prevailed with them not to take Arms, in order to frustrate the Designs of their Enemies by their Patience. So that this Disposition of Honest Men, afforded those who were Corrupted by Pension, or Promises from the Court, a fair Field to make them neglect the Expedients, and lose the Opportunities to defend themselves. For which reason their very Enemies have reproached them, that, considering they were People who had acquired the Reputation of great Politicians, by the Success of their Affairs during several years, notwithstanding all the Forces and Artifices that had been opposed against them, they did not know how to improve their Advantages; and that they suffered with too much Blindness, and without seeking out a Remedy, the Preparations of their Ruin, which were making before their Eyes.  
The King continued his March as far as Preignac, and there 
The King proceeds, notwithstanding Remonstrances.  received the Remonstrances which du Faur and de Marca, Councillors at Pau, came to make to him in the Name of the Sovereign Council, to obtain an Audience for the Churches, according as he had been pleased to prescribe it himself. But it proved ineffectual; and he answered them, that since they had not been able to oblige the Bearn is to obey him, he was going to do it himself. He performed it accordingly, and he made his Entry at Pau on the 15th of 
He arrives at Pau.  October. Two days after it he came to Navarreins, a strong Place, which might have sustained a long Siege, had the Governor been pleased to defend it. But de Salles, who was a very ancient Gentleman, being desirous to obey, caused the Garrison to march out, to receive the King with more Respect; and the Inhabitants following his Example, repaired to their Arms, only to give a greater Air of Triumph to the Entry of their Sovereign. The only Reward de Salle received 
Makes himself Master of Navarreins.  for that Submission, was the Loss of his Government, without any Recompense for it, and that he saw the Survivorship thereof taken away from a Nephew of his, to whom it had been granted, and the Baron de Poyane, a Catholic, was put in his Room, with a Garrison of the same Religion. The King came back to Pau after it, where he had summoned the Estates of the Country; and, as if his Council had designed to Instruct him how to make a Jest of his Faith and Word, they allowed him to take the usual Oath to the Estates, before he 
He takes the Oath.  received that of his Subjects; but he began to violate it the same day. It is remarkable, that during the Course of that Expedition, the King only advised with three Persons; viz. the Duke de Luines, du Vair, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Jesuit Arnoux his Confessor. The very same day on which he swore to observe the Laws of the Country, grounded upon the Consent of his Predecessors, and of the Estates, he gave the Presidentship of that Assembly to the Bishops and Abbots, who immediately took Possession of it. He also caused the Declaration to be verified, which allowed 
Alteration of the whole Form of the Government.  them to assist at the Grand Council of the Country, with a deliberative Voice, and place next to the Precedents. He caused the Answer he had made to the Cahiers, presented to him by the Bishops three years before, to be Registered. The next day he caused the Edict of the Reunion of Navarre, and of Bearn to the Crown to be verified; and besides all the other Alterations that followed the Persecution, within a little time the Judges of Bearn were obliged to forget their Language, and to give all their Judgements in French. Finally, In order to leave nothing whole in that Country, he also caused the Edict of the Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans to be Registered, the Institution of which was as Ancient as the Principality.  
Those Parsans were Cantons, in which all the Youth were 
Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans.  Listed under a Captain, at whose Command they were obliged to take up Arms. So that in two or three days time, every Canton was able to Assemble all the Milita of its Canton, and to form among them all, a Body of Five or Six thousand Men. There were Six of those Cantons, who by that speedy Convocation, could easily defend the Entrance into their Country, even against powerful Armies. This is sufficient to show, that had they been as much inclined to Rebellion and Disobedience, as they were Zealous to Preserve the Liberty of their Country, and of their Conscience, those, who put the King upon that Journey, would have exposed him to receive an inevitable Affront. But they only resisted by Remonstrances and Sighs; and yet were used like Rebels, that Surrendered upon Discretion. They lost the Estates 
How the Reformed of the Country were used.  which served for the Maintenance of their Ministers, their Colleges, their Seminaries, their Poor, and their Garrisons. Their Temples and Churchyards were taken from them; they were constrained every where to bestow half the Employments on the Catholics. The Jesuits were allowed to settle wherever they pleased, and to perform whatever Functions they thought fit: That is, That poor Country was given as a Prey to their Greediness, and the King founded a College for them in particular at Pau, where he also established a Convent of Capucins. When he made his Entry into that City, he refused the Canopy, which the Magistrates offered him; but after he had restored the Cathedral to the Catholics, he caused the Sacrament, which the Catholics adore, to be carried in Procession. He assisted at it himself with a Zeal, which the Biggots admired, and which made the Catholics express great Marks of Hatred against the Reformed.  
All that Journey proved a Chain of Violences, like unto 
Abuses and threatenings.  those that have been practised in our days. The most moderate could not forbear threatenings of Exemplary Punishment; of Hanging, of Beheading, to abolish the Reformed Religion throughout the Kingdom, calling it a cursed Religion; to banish all the Professors of it, or to give them some Ignominious Mark. The Soldiers broke the Temple Gates, demolished the Walls, tore the Books and Pictures on which the Ten Commandments were written. They Stole from, and did Cheat the Peasants that came to the Market at Pau, supposing them all to be Huguenots. The Lord Keeper's very Servants were as furious as the rest. They forced the Reformed, that fell into their Hands, to make the Sign of the Cross, and to Kneel whenever Processions passed along. Women durst not appear in the Streets, for fear of being followed like Infamous Women, with foul Injuries, and insulting Cries. Some of them being with Child; were compelled to Swear, to cause their Children to be Baptised in the Roman Church, as soon as they were delivered. Children were forced from their Parents, and could not be recovered; and all that was done in the King's Presence. The Soldiers lived ●…n Discretion i● the Country, and published, that the ●…g had promised them the Plunder of the Reformed, forced away the Ministers, abused their Wives, and forced Men and Women to go to Mass with Cudgels: Attempted the Ho●… of Women, and even fell sometimes upon their Husbands, when they had the Courage to Defend them. An 〈…〉 of forced Conversions appeared in those days, of which ●● love now such fresh Examples before our Eyes. We may very well conclude that Lescun was not forgotten in that Confusion. The King took away his Place of Counsellor, and had he been found, he would have been scurvily used. The Baron de Benac was also forced to fly, for fear of losing his Head. Lafoy Force tarried, and he made a shift to be continued in the Government of the Country.  
The Violences continued after the King's Departure. The Garrisons that were left in Oleron, at Sauvaterre, at Nay, and other Places, abused their Landlords intolerably. Some forced them to advance the Oats and Hay for their Horses, in Expectation of their Musters: Others compelled Children to make the Sign of the Cross; others abus`d those who went to perform the Exercise of their Religion; and others endeavoured to hinder them from doing it with Stripes. The Bishops were the Ringleaders of those Insolences. The Bishop of Lescar feigned on purpose, that he was informed that, the Reformed designed to attack the Catholics on Christmas Eve, and to Murder all the ecclesiastics: And the better to persuade 
Wickedness of the Bishops.  that false Report, he caused the Gates of the City to be shut; caused armed Men to attend him, and carried Pistols along with him at the Mass of Midnight, as being resolved to defend himself. The Bishop of Oleron caused the Garrison to take Arms at the same time, and sent some Soldiers out of Town to search the gentlemen's Houses thereabouts; declaring that the Baron de Benac lay concealed in an adjacent Forest, with several armed Men. He alarmed even the Lower Navarre, where they broke down Bridges, and put Guards in the Passages, as if there had been an Enemy at the Gates. But the end of all this was to have a Pretence to send Verbal Reports to Court, to justify the Violences of Poyane. That new Governor exerted great Cruelties against the Inhabitants of Navarreins. His Pretence for it was, as they said, 
Cruelties of Poyane.  that they had held Correspondencies with some Gentlemen. Relations to the late Governor. Those Gentlemen named Bensins, being full of Indignation at the Treatment their Relation had received, made themselves Masters of a Tower in the Neighbourhood of Navarreins, which they fortified, and from whence they were in hopes to annoy that Place. Poyane Armed immediately to force them out of it; and easily dissipated their Enterprise. The Marquis de la Force told his Father, that he ought not to suffer Poyane to take Arms without his Approbation, and to Besiege a Place, which was not under the Government of Navarreins; but the Court sent lafoy Force a positive Order to let Poyane alone, by reason that the King approved his Conduct. So that he was forced to take Patience, and to digest that Affront without expressing his Resentment about it. After this Poyane exerted great Cruelties against the Inhabitants of the City; and though the Conspiracy was only attested or confessed by suborned Persons, and that all those who were executed about it, constantly denied their having any Knowledge of an Enterprise upon that Place; so many were put to Death under the Notion of Conspirators, that it might rather be called a Massacre than an Example of Justice. The King being persuaded that whatever was set down in the Bishop's Verbal Reports, was infallibly-true, justified what Poyane had done, and refused to hear the Complaints presented to him by the Reformed. Moreover, those that scaped that Butchery, were deprived of the Liberty of exercising their Religion, and the Minister was turned out of the Town, and was forbidden ever to return thither to perform his Functions.  
Books were written on both sides upon that Subject. It is 
Different Relations of the King's Journey.  thought that the King's Confessor writ the Book Entitled The King in Bearn, in which all the Transactions there, are represented just and lawful; and especially as a true Triumph of the Catholic Church. The Reformed, opposed The Tragical History of the Desolation of Bearn, to the said Book; by the bare Recital of which, relating the Circumstances of Time, Persons, and Places, it was plainly demonstrated to all equitable Persons, that there is no Impudence a Jesuit is not capable of.  
While the King was Marching towards Bearn, the Reformed 
National Syned of Alets.  Assembled a National Synod on the first of October in the Town of Alets. Great Complaints were made in it of the Injustices that were done to the Reformed throughout the Kingdom. Several Churches were mentioned there in which the Exercise of their Religion was interrupted. They considered the Affair of Privas, of Leitoure, and of Sancerre. They complained that at Severac, at Guides, at Vaux in Provence, at Serverettes, and at Langres they received molestations, which amounted even to Violent Persecution. Puimirol had been burnt during the Troubles; and the Temple of Montignac had been Demolished. But one of the Greatest Affairs that was examined there, was that of some Ministers, who being deputed to the Assembly of Loudun, had the boldness to Preach their private sentiments there, against the Resolutions of the Assembly. There were several of them in the Lower Languedoc, who were engaged in the Interests of the Court by a small Pension, and who occasioned a thousand disorders in the Political Assemblies of the Province, by reason that the Deputies that formed them, being Nominated by the Churches, there were too many Ministers. Even such as could not get the Nomination of some Churches, obtained the deputations of some great Lord, in Order to be admitted in them. The Synod being desirous to remedy a thing which had already been attended with ill Consequences, forbade the Ministers to accept deputations to the Court, o●… to great Lords or from them: And Ordered that for the Future, the Deputies for the Assemblies should be chosen 
Political Regulations.  rather by the Laity, than by the Churches. As that Regulation exceeded the bounds of Discipline, the Synod added, that the first General Assembly should be desired to approve it, and whatever else might free the Churches of Political Affairs.  
Du Moulin, Chauve, Chamier, and Rivet who were Named 
The Ministers deputed for the Syned of Dordrecht give an account of the reasons that have stopped them.  by the preceding Synod, to assist in the Name of the Churches of France to that which the United Provinces were Assembling at Dordrecht in 1618. about the affair of the Remonstrators, in which all the Reformed part of Europe sent Deputies, gave an Account of the Reasons that had hindered them from performing their Commission. Chamber and Chauve were gone in Order thereunto: But they received an Order from the King at Geneva not to proceed ●…ther. That Prince had been frighted with the Corre●…ondencies, that might be formed under the pretence of ●…at Journey, between the Reformed of France and those of ●…ther Countries, As the Catholics filled his Mind with whatever could render them Odious to him, they made him ●…ar Leagues against him; Republican Maxims, which would ●…e taught them in those Countries, in which the People had 〈◊〉 aversion for Monarchy: For which reasons he hindered Communication, which they persuaded him was very ●…gerous. And yet he had been solicited by his Allies, to ●…ow some Ministers of his Kingdom to assist at the said ●…od: Moreover, he had solicited the State's General him●…lf to allow the said Synod a full Liberty. But he was ●…sily prevailed upon to do any thing, when any Body per●…aded him that his Authority was concerned: Besides Bar●… Pensionary of Holland, was accused of having Writ●… secretly in France, to hinder the sending of any Body ●…r. The deputed Ministers went away without Leave, 〈◊〉 fear of a denial; preferring to excuse a thing done, ●…er than to expose themselves to be denied the underta●…ng it: But that precaution proved ineffectual; and the ●…'s Orders stopped them by the way. The Synod of Alets or being able to do any thing better, nor to express the Marks of the Uniformity of their Doctrine with that of Foreign Churches, and of the Synod of Dordrecht, any ●…he● way sub●c●b'd their decisions.  
The Affair of Bearn caused great agitations in that Assembly, 
〈◊〉 Bearn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  there were so many Members of it Corrupted by the Court, that they had the Credit for a long while to 〈◊〉 the Complaints and Remonstrances of the Depu●…es of that Province, who renewed them four times in three days, without being able to obtain a Deputation to the Court on their behalf. All manner of Artifices were 〈◊〉 in practice to persuade the World, that the report of the King's Journey was false. False Letters were Written to ●…vers Persons, to acquaint them that those Affairs were accommodated. They said, that the Synod had no right to meddle with that Affair, which was not Ecclesiastical; that the King would refuse to hear the Deputies of an Assembly, which exceeded the Bounds of their Power, in an affair of that Consequence; That the Principality of Bearn, only desired to be United to the Churches of France for their own Interest, and would be ready to separate themselves from it again, as soon as they had served their own turn at their Cost; Moreover, that in case the King were minded to oblige Bearn to Obey, he would no wise matter the Intercession of the Churches, since every thing submitted to his Arms and to his Presence. The Deputies of Bearn made a great deal of noise at that refusal to assist them; they cried that the Churches of France betrayed them; Cursed the day of their Union and made strange Imprecations against those that forsook them so shamefully. The People of Al●●● being informed of these disputes, took the part of the Bearnois; and Murmured highly against the Synod. They failed but little of coming to a Sedition.  
This Accident made the Court Cabal slacken a little, in 
They resolve to depute to the King.  spite of which, finally, after Ten or Twelve days disputes, they resolved to Write and send Deputies to the King; to beg his Leave to hold a General Assembly at Rochel, as he had promised in order to dissolve that of Loudun; and to entreat him to determine the Affair of Bearn, and of L●yto●…. They also resolved to Write to Lesdiguieres and to Cha●…, whom they looked upon as Guarantees of the said Promise, since they had received it from the Prince of Conde, and from the Duke de Luines, and carried it from them to the Assembly. But the Persons that were gained by the Court, spread so many false Reports in the Synod, that they filled every Body with Consternation and Terror; And that the Synod broke on the 13th of the said Month the Project of deputation, which they had formed the day before.  
The Bearnois were almost desperate at that Inconstancy: 
All manner of Succours is refused to the Deputies of Bearn.  But that did not hinder them from receiving new Causes of Complaint. Moreover, after the Synod was informed of what had passed in Bearn, they refused to send Deputies to the King, to interceded for that Wretched Province. They would not so much as Order all the Churches of the Kingdom, to make Public Prayers to God for the Ruined Churches of Bearn; which the Catholics themselves looked upon as a piece of Cowardice. In a Word, those that had sold themselves to the Court, ordered matters so, that they made the rest take and Change their Resolutions as they pleased; which appeared almost in all the Affairs that were proposed. Insomuch, that the least clear sighted discovered and Confessed that there were Traitors in the Company; but they wanted either means to discover, or Courage to Chastise them.  
La Planche Minister of the Province of Dauphine, made 
Important considerations evaded.  a great discourse of the Reports that were spread about the Affairs of Religion that were Transacted in Vateline, where it was said, that the Spaniards had committed a great Massacre of the Reformed; and about the designs that were forming in France to Ruin the Churches. He spoke of them like a Man, that had very good Informations. He affirmed that Canaples Grand▪ Son to Lesdiguieres, who soon after Married a Niece of the Duke de Luines, had Changed his Religion; That after the death of the Grandfather, whose Engagements to turn Catholics were not as yet known, there was no likelihood to preserve that Family; That it was publicly discoursed that the King would shortly take the Cities of Hostage from the Reformed; which he would do by retrenching the payment of their Garrisons; That the Governor of Grenoble was a Catholic; that those of Montelimar and of Liuron were Pensioners to the Court, and several things of that Nature: But the Pensioners prevailed so far, that those Considerations proved ineffectual.  
The News of the Alterations the King had made in Bearn, 
News of consequence suppressed.  and that of an Interview between the Duke of Guise, Lesdiguieres and Chatillon, under pretence of the War of Piedmont, but in reality to hinder the Reformed of the Provinces of Dauphine, of Languedoc, and of Provence from making a diversion, having reached the Synod, with Circumstances which did not permit them to doubt of it, the same Cabal had still the Credit to suppress them as long as it was necessary, 
1618.  to prevent the applying a remedy to the same, or to take measures to stop the Progress thereof. A Conference which was designed at Vsez, about the Affairs of the Country, was also prevented by the Artifices of the same Persons.  
Lafoy far Minister of Aubenas was accused of holding a 
Treachery of some Ministers unpunished.  Correspondency with Ornano, the King's Lieutenant in that Province: Yet tho' the Proofs of his Treachery were apparent, he was so well seconded by the Suffrages of his Adherents, that the Synod could not use him according to his desert. They only suspended him for two Months, without turning him out of his Church. Codurc who created continual Broils in the Political Assemblies, and in the Synods, and who deserved the most Rigorous Chastisements of their Discipline, had like to have saved himself by the same Protection. He was Minister at Ganges, where he had put the whole Church in disorder. He was accused before the Synod of Alets; but so powerfully defended, that the only punishment they could inflict upon him, was to deprive him of his living at Ganges. They would have given him another, but he refused it. He did propose to retire to Mompellier, there to lead a private Life▪ But the Synod having forbidden him ever to meddle with Political Affairs, he became thereby useless to the Court Party, in favour of which his covered Zeal could no longer create disorders and disputes. Some Conjectures might induce us to suspect, that the said Codurc is the same that was Corrupted by Deagean, the Story of which is worth relating. It will be found in another place.  
The Affairs of Privas were also very much talked of in 
Troubles of Privas.  the Synod; and whereas the Troubles of that City have had long and fatal Consequences, it is necessary to give an account of their beginning. Chamba●d a Gentleman of that Country, a Zealous Reformed, had Married the Heiress of Privas, which is a Baronny, the Lord of which has the Privilege, to enter into the Estates of Languedoc in his Turn. He was killed in the King's Service during the Wars of Piedmont; and his Widow forgot him almost as soon as he was l●●d in his Grave. She afterwards fell in Love, with Vice Comte Lestrange's Son, a very handsome young Gentleman, 
And their Original.  but a Violent Catholic, and Married him. The Inhabitants opposed the said Marriage to that degree, that the Vice Comte was obliged to enter the Lady's House by stealth, in order to Consummate the said Marriage. Chamb●●d had Married one of his Daughters to Brison, Governor of Pou●●●; who did not fail to join with the Opposants; both as being concerned in the Affairs of that House; and as pretending that the Government of the Castle of Privas belonged to him. The Example of Sancerre, one of the Cities that had been possessed the longest by the Reformed, taught them what they were to trust to, in case they suffered a Place like Privas to fall into the Hands of a Catholic; The said Place was none of the Largest, but yet strong enough to defend itself against a Royal Army. Moreover, Mass had not been said in the said City for sixty years past; and they were sensible that their New Lord would not fail to re-establish it there. So that, it proved an easy matter for Brison to excite a kind of War between the Lady and the Inhabitants of the Place: But it was soon after accommodated by Commissioners upon Conditions, which the Vice Comte only accepted, in order to break them at the first occasion. He 
Accommodation broken by the Lord.  seized upon the Castle by Surprise, and caused the Nobility of the Neighbourhood to Assemble there, under pretence to Congratulate his Marriage; but in effect to make himself the strongest. Whereupon, the Inhabitants immediately repaired to their Arms; and the Vice Comte accompanied by his Friends, having met some Citizens in Arms, Charged them before they Attacked him, and thus the War began 〈◊〉 New. Brison, who stood upon his Guard put Succours into the City, and forced the Vice Comte to abandon it. He complained of that Violence to the Duke Mommorency●…ernor ●…ernor of the Province, and to far the Intendant, who 〈◊〉 Britaut Master of Request along with him, endeavo●… to reconcile the Lord and the Subjects. But their endeavours proved ineffectual, by reason that after the unexpected Hostilities of the Vicecount, the Inhabitants would no longer confide in him, and refused to come to an Accommodation with him, unless they had very good Sureties.  
That Affair remained undecided until the Duke's return, 
The Place i● deposited.  who was at a great distance from the Province at that time. He took the Vice-Count's part, and drew near the City with 7 or 8000 Men. It would have been very easy to oppose it, had Chatillon whom the Reformed had entrusted with the Government of the Circle, undertaken it. But he did no wise oppose the Duke who was his Friend and his Kinsman, at the approach of whom, Brison quitted the City, though he had near 2000 Men to defend it, besides the Inhabitants. Mommorency was received in the Place, and put one of his Followers and a Garrison of 50 Men into the Castle, until the King had ordered otherwise about it. So that, that Affair took the Form of a Process among private Persons: The Reformed pretended, that the said Place having been in their Hands at the time of the Edict; It was to be Esteemed a Place of Surety, since it was included in the General Terms of the Briefs, which allowed them the keeping of all the Places they were in Possession of at that time: The Vicecount on the contrary maintained, that as the said Place did belong to a Private Person of the Reformed Religion, it had lost that Quality, by falling into the Hands of a Catholic Lord. In the mean time, the Garrison committed 
Violences of the Garrison and Galum●●es against the Inhabitants.  a thousand Violences; and even during the Session of the Synod of Alets, the Soldiers cut an Old Man over the Head, and forced another Inhabitant, whom they pursued on purpose to abuse him, to fling himself into a Precipice, to avoid falling into their Hands. And yet they had the Impudence to Complain that the Inhabitants abused them, and to send for Commissioners to redress their Wrongs. But the Commissioners finding that the said Complaints were ill grounded, went away again without doing any thing: And as they did the Inhabitants no harm, by reason that they found them Innocent, neither did they do them Justice for the Violences the Soldiers were guilty of.  
A particular Assembly was held at Anduse, upon the Account of those Troubles: But they did not redress the 
Assembly at Anduse.  hardships that distressed City suffered, by reason that Chatillon, who alone had the Power to do it, did nothing to defend them. That Affair was in this Condition when it was brought before the Synod of Alets, which only succoured Privas by Recommendation, and with the Sum of 200 Crowns. The Truth is, that they ordered a Collection in the Province, to help them to defray the Charges of the War. They Wrote to Chatillon, to entreat him to awaken his Zeal in favour of that important Place. Those Letters produced some Effect: Chatillon seemed to recover out of his Lethargy: Brison Besieged it a New; and forced the Garrison of the Castle to March out of it upon Terms. But 
Chatillons behaviour.  Chatillon having had an Interview with Mommorency, the Zeal of that Lord slackened all of a sudden, which made the Storm, we have mentioned elsewhere, to fall upon that poor City.  
The same Synod before their breaking up, used their utmost 
Cha●… Attacked.  endeavours for the preservation of the Church of G●g●…, which was daily plagued by the Bishop of Mompelier; who had sent for Marion there on purpose, a Minister who was lately turned Roman Catholic, in order to draw in others to embrace the same Communion by his Solicitations and Example. They also took Measures to hinder the Bishop of Vsez from coming to live at St. Ambrois, where he was capable of doing the Reformed more harm, than at Vsez itself, by reason that they had more Power there then he, both by their Number, and by the Protection of the Lord thereof, who being at odds with the Bishop, was glad to maintain the Reformed against him. But those little Remedies applied to great Evils, proved inconsiderable to Cure them. It is impossible to imagine, how much those, that managed the design of destroying the Reformed, Exclaimed against the Assembly of Anduse, which seemed to be Summoned for the defence of Privas; and against the Synod of 
Invectives against the Synod of Alets.  Alets, notwithstanding the Court Cabal had all along been predominant in it. The most Violent Invectives, and the blackest Colours, wherewith it is possible to describe the Worst of Rebellions, fall short of those wherewith the Conduct of those Assemblies was aspired. And yet all that could be said of them with Justice, is, that whatever passed there, were only unprofitable Marks of the Affliction of a Wretched People, who found themselves betrayed by their own brethren without daring to punish the Traitors, and who found themselves sinking, without daring to Complain, or to defend themselves, because there were Persons among them, who styled their Complaints Insolence, and their Defence Rebellion.  
The rest of the Kingdom was not more at rest; and I 
Assembly of Gergeau.  will give an account in this Place of what passed in an Assembly of the Provinces of Orleans and of Berry, in order to show that there were Transactions in all Parts, which foretold the approaching decay of the Reformed. The said Assembly was held in the Month of July at Gergeau: It was composed of the Deputies of 28 Churches, and Fortified besides by the Deputies of the Adjacent Provinces, by those of the Provincial Council, and by those that did assist at the last General Assembly. Chatillon and Sully who had Lands in that district, did not fail to Write to them to give them assurances of their Affection for the common good. The main design of that Assembly was to hear the Deputies that had assisted at Loudun, who were to give an Account of what passed there. They brought some propositions which the General Assembly had referred to the Provincial Assemblies to be Examined by them, and to be inserted in the Instructions of the Deputies that should be sent by them into the next General Assembly. There were two among the rest, which tended to prevent the Corruption of the Deputies. The 
Important Propositions  first was, whither when a Church desired that the Votes should be taken by Provinces, the opposition of another could hinder it. The second was, whither the Deputies upon pretence of New Cases, which had not been foreseen when their Instructions were made, could deviate from their said Instructions. Those two Propositions had been suggested by those who held a Correspondence with the Court. They became useless when the Votes were given by Provinces, by reason that their Colleagues, not being corrupted like them, might carry Affairs by the Plurality of Voices. They were yet more at a loss when they were tied to their Instructions, which being drawn in Provincial Assemblies, were seldom conformable to the Instructions of those that were corrupted. Those two Questions were attended with Difficulties. The first had often occasioned Disputes in 
1. Whether they should Vote by Heads or by Provinces.  Councils, and in the Estates General. The Popes had often lost their Cause when Councils gave their Votes by Provinces. For that reason they refused to allow that manner of Voting in the Council of Trent, in which the Number of the Italian Bishops, which surpassed that of all the Prelates of the Remainder of Europe, that assisted at it, would have been reduced to one Voice, in case they had not Voted by Heads; which would have given a great Advantage to all those, that had a mind to reform the See of Rome. In the State's General, the Brigues and Solicitations of the Court often proved ineffectual, when they Voted by Provinces. So that the Assemblies of the Reformed being liable to Brigues and Corruption as well as the others; the same Question might be of use in it, as well as in all the others.  
The second Question was not without Difficulty neither. It seems to be a Maxim of Right, that those who only act in a Cause as Attorneys for others, ought never to swerve from the Instructions which limit their Power. But in Affairs, of which the Conjunctures change from Morning to Night, it seems both unreasonable, and very dangerous, to tie Deputies so Inviolably to their Instruction, that they may not be allowed to do that of themselves, which it is most likely their Principals would order them to do, if they had time to Consult with them about it: Particularly, since it is to be supposed, that those who intrust any body with their Power in Affairs of great Consequence, look upon them as honest Men, it would seem to be a Reflection upon them, not to allow them to swerve from their Memoirs in unexpected Cases. Too much Regularity in such a Case, may either occasion tedious Delays, or lose an Occasion which may be difficult to recover. This was the Reason why those Questions 
1610.  were not decided every where alike. To Vote by Heads, and not to depend upon Instructions was liked best, especially in such Provinces, where the Court had many Pensioners; But they were of a contrary Opinion in this; and the Synod of Alets, as we have already seen, endeavoured to make the General Assembly approve the same Sentiment. Moreover, they added, that it would be necessary to make the Precedent his Assistant, and the two Secretaries set their Hands to the Memoires of the Deputies that should assist in the same; and to oblige them, in order to avoid Deceit, to produce them, whenever they should advance Propositions, which they should pretend to be contained in the same.  
This particular Assembly finding itself Considerable by 
Deliberations of the Assembly.  the Number and Quality of its Members, treated of several great Affairs: of delaying the National Synod; of hastening the Assembly of Rochel by way of Continuation of that of Loudun; to oblige the Duke de Sully to Watch the Preservation of Gergeau, a Place of Surety, which was unprovided with Men, and ill paid. They made divers Reflections upon the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun by the Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines, by which it was easy to judge, that they did not trust much to it. The Communication of those particular Assemblies with their Neighbours, maintained so general a Correspondence among all the Churches, that they were all instructed with what past in any of them, so that the same Affairs were partly treated of in all of them. Therefore it may very well be concluded, that the same thing was done in that which was held at Saumur at the latter end of the same Month of July; and in that of Burgundy, which was held at Pont de Ves●e on the 5th of the following Month. There had been Deputies of those two Provinces at Gergeau; and the Province of Orleans sent 
Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy.  theirs reciprocally in those two Assemblies, so that for the most part, all things passed there in the same manner.  
Divers Complaints were made in those Assemblies, of the Injustices that were done to the Reformed within their respective 
Divers Complaints of the Reformed in those Provinces.  Jurisdictions. The free Exercise of the Reformed Religion was hindered at Chartres. A private Person had been turned out of the Shrievalty at Remorantin, barely upon the Account of his Religion; and the Election of another was opposed upon the same account. The Judge of Orleans had Condemned a Temple to be demolished within the space of a Week, which was all built, the Covering only excepted, upon a piece of Ground given at Chilleurs by Chemerolles, who was High Justicer of the Place. Their Malice went farther yet at Montrichard. The Catholics were forbidden there to assist the Reformed to carry their Dead into the Ground; which Prohibition extended even to Servants towards their Masters; threatening them, in case they did not obey, with Ecclesiastical Censures, and even with Excommunication. The Parliament of Paris had refused to regard the Warrants of a Sergeant Royal, because he was of the Reformed Religion, and that he had served an Execution upon a Catholic, at the Suit of a Reformed. The same Parliament made two Vexatious Decrees in a short space of time, upon the Subject of Burials; the one on the 2d of July, which ordered the Reconciliation of the Church of Lonlac, in which the Heirs and the Widow of Buchon Sieur de Lallier were accused of having deposited his Body with Violence and Force of Arms. The other on the 1st of August, in the Chamber of the Edict, upon a Sentence of the Seneshalship of Angoumois, which Condemned the Baron d'Etangs to take his Mother out of the Ground, whom he had buried in the Chapel of M●ssignac two years before. The Sentence was confirmed; but the Fine of 200 Livres, to which it Condemned the Baron, was moderated to 48 Livres in Alms for the Bread of Prisoners; to which was added, that before they should proceed to the Removing of the said Corpse, the Attorney General should take Information, whether it could be done conveniently, in order to proceed to what should be thought reasonable, after the hearing of the said Information.  
But the Noise of the Alterations made in Bearn, stifled those slight Complaints; and the whole Kingdom talked of 
General Alarm of the Churches, after the Alteration of the Churches made in Bearn.  the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun, in the King's Name, which was violated in every Article. All the Neighbouring Churches to that oppressed Province were particularly alarmed. Lescun not daring to appear at Home came to Montauban, where the Assembly of Rovergue sat. He made his Complaints there; and they gave him a full Hearing. The Circles of the Upper Languedoc, took his Affair to Heart, the rather, because it was reported, that the King designed such another Progress in Languedoc the following Year. This Report could not be looked upon as false, by reason that a Copy had been produced in the Synod at Alets, of a Letter written to Mompelier by the King, in those very Words; and those who produced it, affirmed, that it was taken from the Original, Dated October the 9th. This showed evidently, that the Catholics had already formed the Design to destroy the Reformed, and that the Court only endeavoured to amuse them by Promises, in order to find them at odds and disarmed, when they should attack them, the better to destroy them. Therefore those Circles resolved to protect the Churches of Bearn, and Convened a Provincial Assembly at Milhau on 
Assembly at Milhau.  the 26th of October, where they agreed to assist the Churches of that Principality; to send Deputies to the Reformed Lords, to invite them to join with the Assembly in order thereunto, and that it should remain at Montauban, until the Meeting of the General Assembly at Rochel. They Authorised Count d'Orval, the Duke of Sully's Son by a Second Venture, much more Zealous than the Duke his Father, and the Marquis his Brother, and well seconded by his Mother, a brave courageous Lady, to Arm in Rovergue: the Marquis de Malaise, to do the same in Quercy and in Albigeois: St. Rome to do the same in Lauragais That Power was only▪ provisional under the Authority of that Assembly, until the Session of the General one. Moreover, they exhorted the Cities to repair their Fortifications, to make new ones, to provide Ammunitions, and to stand upon their Guard. They did write to Lesdiguieres, and to Chatillon. They regulated the Form and Power of the Abridged Assembly that was to remain at Montauban, which they only Authorised to Elect a General with the Consent of the Provinces. They ordered the Assembly to meet forthwith, to nominate a Governor under certain Restrictions.  
Those Resolutions were extremely opposed by two Men 
Opposed by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres, and of Chatillon.  who were present. The one was Bellujon, Governor of Villemur, who only acted by Order from Lesdiguieres, and who had a great deal of Credit at Castres': The other was Des Hippolites, Deputy of Chatillon, who was very much respected at Milhau. Those two Men gained the Deputies of Chartres and of Milhau, who having opposed nothing till then, by reason that all the preceding Propositions were not as yet decisive, opposed that of drawing the Settlement of War; and threatened also to oppose the Effect of the first Deliberations, unless that Affair were referred to the General Assembly. This was the way to wave all the other Resolutions, and to waste the time of those who did concern themselves for the Churches of Bearn, and to abate their Courage. But that did not hinder the Assembly from proceeding on, which, having exhorted those Deputies to give over their Oppositions, they continued to form their Settlement of War in spite of them.  
The Desolation of Bearn being then publicly known, every 
Effect of the Promis●● made to the Assembly of Loudun.  Body was very sensible that the Reformed had a just Cause to Complain that the Court had deceived them, and had a Right to Assemble again, according to the Power the Assembly of Loudun pretended to have received so to do. The Truth is, that in order to blind the World, the Court had done some things which they designed to pass upon them, as an exact Observation of their Promises. The Parliament had 
Councillors received in the Parliament of Paris.  ●t last received the two Counsellors, the Affair of which, had been depending for four Years together; but they had done ●t, and the King had caused it to be done in a manner, which showed sufficiently that they did not do it with a good intention. The Prince of Conde went to get it passed into an Edict; but he only obtained it upon the account of the present Occurrences, and lest in refusing it, the Reformed might have a Pretence to Assemble again. Moreover, some People were of Opinion, that he had whispered Reasons for it, which he did not speak in full Parliament; and that he had affirmed, that it would be the last Favour that should be granted to the Reformed. The Parliament on their sides put inconvenient Restrictions to it.  
The Restitution of Leitoure was not performed; and the 
Leitoure taken from Fontrailles.  Court would oblige the Reformed to take the grossest Illusion in the World, as a real Satisfaction upon that Subject. The King being at Bourdeaux, removed Fontrailles out of the said Place, and allowed him a Recompense of 50000 Livres for it. But he did not restore it to the Reformed, neither did he give the Government of it to Angalin, from whom Fontrailles had usurped the Castle; nor to la Chesnaye, nor to Clausonne, nor yet to the Son of Favas, one of the Deputies General, who had all been flattered with the Hopes of it. It is true, that he gave it to Bleinville, a Reformed Gentleman, who had neither the Consent of the Churches, nor an Attestation from the Assembly; and who was an Officer of his Household; and of the Number of those Reformed, who, provided they kept their Places and Pensions, did not much trouble themselves with the Safety of others. Moreover, lest his Religion should induce him to do any thing for the Advantage of the Churches, they gave him Subaltern Officers, and a Garrison of Catholics; consequently very unfit to keep a Place, for the Preservation of those they esteemed Heretics.  
The Brief for the Places of Hostage had been promised and 
The Brief, expedited for the Keeping of the Places of Surety, is not▪ given.  expedited; but it was not delivered: So that the Demonstrations of Kindness, which the King had given after the Obedience of the Assembly of Loudun, were degenerated into a Court-Mockery. The Affair of Bearn gave yet a greater Subject of Complaint. They reckoned upon a Suspension of six Months, after which the King had promised to hear the Deputies of the Country, and to use them favourably upon their Remonstrances. In the mean time the King marched into that unhappy Province with Force in hand, before the Expiration of the first six Months, and before any of the other Promises were sincerely executed. There seemed to be no manner of ground to deny that the Reformed might Lawfully assemble again; and Favas pressed it with all his Power. He thought thereby to obtain the Government of Ley●oure from the Court; and when he perceived that they amused him with Words, and had a Design to give it to another, to the Prejudice of his Son, he threatened to Convene an Assembly at Rochel; and in order to show that his threatenings 
The Interest of Favas.  were not vain, he Writ into all Parts to give an Account how things past, and did it perhaps more Faithfully than otherwise he would have done, if he had not had a Personal Reason for it.  
His Letters finding every body full of Indignation for so 
Precipitates the return of the Assembly at Rochel.  many Deceits, and General and Particular Injustices, did not fail to produce the Effect he expected; and Rochel; which had been Impower'd by the Assembly of Loudun, assigned one to meet there on the 20th of October. Luines being informed of all this, but certain of the Chief among the Reformed, whom he had engaged by secret Negotiations, pursued his Design, and performed the Expedition of Bearn, without being afraid of the Dispair into which that Breach of Faith might throw all the Churches. He obliged the King to write to the Major, and to the Peers of Rochel, to inform them, that he had not given the Assembly Leave to meet there, and to forbid them to receive it. But that proving ineffectual, 
Declaration which makes it pass for an Unlawful. Assembly.  he issued out a Declaration at Grenade on the 22d of October, which declared that Assembly unlawful. In order to ruin their Pretence, the King denied his having promised any thing to the Assembly of Loudun at their Breaking up: And ●●id moreover, that all the Articles he had promised were actually performed; and as if the Desolation of Bearn had not proved the contrary, they made him say, that the Reason of his Journey to Bourdeaux, was only to get Leitoure out of the Hands of Fontrailles.  
The Noise the Reformed made upon this Breach of Word, was 
The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Garrantee to the Beformed.  great, and proved ineffectual. Besides the Vexation of being deceived like Children, they had the Grief to find that the Court denied it all. The Prince of Conde, and the Duke de Luines, Lesdiguieres, and Chatillon failed in their Garrantee. It was not very easy though to persuade so many Persons, to whom the same Promise had been made so solemnly, that they had promised them nothing. Therefore they began first with Cavils very much below Persons of that high Rank. They found out little Equivecations upon the time of the beginning and ending of those six Months. They said that the Prince and the Favourite had promised nothing in the King's Name; that they had only spoken in their own; and that they had only engaged to interceded with the King, who had been the sole Master of the Event. The Duke de Mombason, bred in another Reign, in which Sincerity was accounted Virtue, remembered his having been the Bearer of that Promise to 〈◊〉 Plessis; who having written a very sharp Letter to him about it, the Duke sent him an Answer on the 1st of November, in which he declared positively, that he had said nothing to him, but what the King and the Duke de Luines had charged him several times to say, in proper Terms. But whereas a Witness of that Consequence was irksome 
A supposed Letter written in the Duke de Mombason's Name.  in that Affair, the Jesuit Arnoux writ another Letter in the Duke's Name, Dated December the 10th. It was full of Excuses about the Conduct of the Court, conformable to the Declaration of Grenade; which consequently left the Complaints of the Reformed in their full force. That feigned Answer was printed, to destroy the true one, which had been printed also; and the Duke durst not disown it publicly, for fear of Offending his Son-in-Law; but yet he owned in private, that he was the Author of the first, which du Plessis had received, and that he had not written the Second. Nevertheless, as all these Illusions did not appear sufficient to excuse a Breach of Word, the Jesuits suggested another Pretence; viz. that the Reformed being Rebels, they had forfeited 
They begin to use the Reformed as Rebels.  all the Favours that might be granted them. It passed at first for an adjudged Case that they were Rebels; they were Condemned without Inquiry or Examination, as if it had been notorious. They pretended notwithstanding, that their Conduct had been very Innocent, since they had only taken Arms till then for Affairs of State, in which Religion was not concerned, and in which the Catholics had been concerned as well as the Reformed, the Motives of the Conduct of which, the King had approved by solemn Treaties; but in their own Affairs, they had employed no other Methods, but such as were ●…llow'd of since the Edict; viz. Assemblies, Deputations, Petitions, Remonstrances, etc. Nevertheless, that Pretence was so conformable to the Designs of the Court, that it was received there as a Principle, and by Treating the Reformed as Rebels, they forced them to become so.  
The End of the Sixth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES. VOL. II. BOOK VII.  
A Summary of the Contents of the Seventh BOOK.  
THE ecclesiastics are seized upon at Montauban: which the Consul's excuse, and the Catholics aggravate. The like Transactions elsewhere. Character of Masuier, who writes to the King with Malice. Division of the Judges about the enrolment of the Declarations at Castres'. Troubles at Nimes, occasioned by a Jesuit. Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel. Retaking of the Castle of Privas. All manner of Justice refused to the Reformed, who are driven to Despair. Collusion with Chatillon and Mommorency. Orders from the Court to lay down Arms. Taking of Walons. Siege and Taking of Wals. Walons is retaken, and Restored. Assembly of Rochel. Lesdiguieres falls ou● with the Assembly. The small Affection he had for his Religion. He Marries Mary Vignon, against the Discipline of the Reformed: Of which he makes public Acknowledgement. Stratagem of the Duke de Luines, in order to gain him. Double Commission to Treat with him. What Empire Deagean takes over Lesdiguieres. Feigned Disputes of Religion. Bressieux employed to ruin the Work of Deagean. Bullion succeeds in it better than he. Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his Friends. Policy of Deagean. Luines is made Constable. Lesdiguieres remains at Court. Mediation of the Dukes de Roh●n, and de la Trimoville, rendered ineffectual by Favas Du Plessis and Du Moulin solicit the Assembly to break up. Du Moulin in Danger of being made Prisoner. Coldness of James the First about the Affairs of the Palatinate. Du Moulin writes to him; and his Letter falls into the Hands of the Council of France. He makes his Escape happily. Effect of his Letters to the Assembly. Difficulties, which put a Stop to the Negotiation. New Conditions of Acommodation. Seven Articles, which the Court agrees upon to amuse the Reformed. The old Councillors of State are against War. The Duke de Luines is not inclined to it neither; but the Queen, the Prince of Conde, Puisieux, the Clergy, the Pope, and the Spaniards, prevail for War. Some are for Exterminating all: and others are for Sparing the Peaceable. Reasons of the first Advice. Reasons of the Second: which is followed, and succeeds. Reason's Published to Blind the Reformed. New Difficulties about the Time of beginning the War. How those Difficulties were removed. The King goes away from Paris unexpectedly; and takes away the Offices of Receipts from the Reformed Cities. Settlement of War in the midst of the Negotiations of Peace. New Troubles in Bearn. The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither. Cowardice of the People of Orthez. La Force Retires. All Bearn is subdued. Blindness of the Reformed. Seditions at Tours and elsewhere. The Court steps the Progress of it. The Sedition Revives. Punishment of some of the Guilty, which deceives the Reformed. New Declaration. The General Assembly defend themselves in Writing. Particulars of their Complaints. The Marshal de Bovillon writes to the King. Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly. Lesdiguieres Breaks off with them. The Assembly draws a Project of Defence. Division of the Provinces in Circles. The Marshal de Bovillon refuses the Place of General. Irreparable Fault of the Assembly. Generals of the Circles. Seal of the Assembly. The Peaceable among the Reformed are disarmed: Which causes a great Desertion. Treachery against du Plessis, to get Saumur out of his Hands. The Court amuses him with Promises, even in Writing. He is upbraided by the Assembly. Declaration of the King against the Cities of Rochel and St. John de Angeli; which obliges the Reformed to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing. Interested Cowardice of the Governors of the Cities of Surety. The King Dismantles the Fortifications of the Towns that are delivered up to him. Apology of the Assembly. Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux. Relation of what passed since the Assembly of Loudun. Relalation of the Stratagems of the Court. Why the Assemblies refused to break up before their Cahiers were answered. A violent Answer in the King's Name. Kidnapping of Children. The Reformed excluded from all manner of Favours. The The Catholics are excused from giving Church-Yards at their own Cost, in lieu of the old ones, which they took again. Writing of Tilenus against the Assembly of Rochel. Siege and Reduction of St. John de Angeli. Declaration from the King, which Abolishes the Privileges of that City.  
WHile the Churches of Bearn were exposed to the 
1620.  Violences, I have mentioned heretofore, the 
The ecclesiastics are seized upon at Montauban.  Inhabitants of Montauban thought that they should serve their Brethren, by frightening the Catholics with Reprisals. So that one day, after a long Deliberation upon the News of the Cruelties exerted at Navarreins, they seized upon all the ecclesiastics, and kept them a little above Twenty four Hours Prisoners in the Bishop's House. At the same time they gave Notice to the other Inhabitants that were at Thoulouse, or in the Country, to retire into the City, lest the Catholics should also use Reprisals upon them. The very next day those Prisoners were let out again, and only had the City for Prison, with Leave publicly to perform all the Exercises of their Religion in the Church of St. Lewis, where they used to perform them. But whatever Assurance, and Liberty was given them, they refused, upon vain Pretences, to continue their Functions; to the end that the News of Divine Service being interrupted at Montauban, being carried to Court, might render the Conduct of the Inhabitants the more Criminal. Soon after it, they were allowed to go out of the City, taking Leave of the Consuls; but no manner of Outrage was offered to their Persons, during the Process of that Affair.  
The Consuls writ to Masuier, first Precedent in the Parliament 
Which the Consul's excuse.  of Thoulouse, to acquaint him with their Reasons. They told him, that the cruel Execution of Navarreins having strangely moved the People, they had secured the ecclesiastics, only to save them from their first Fury. But the ecclesiastics 
And the Catholics aggravate.  gave a different Account of it, and made it pass for a very heinous Attempt. They also writ to Masuier, as soon as they were at Liberty; and though their Letters only contained the same Facts which the Consul's owned, yet they made them seem to be very Guilty. The Truth is, that there 
The l●ke Transactions elsewhere.  happened some Transactions very like those, in the County of Foix, where the Reformed of Saverdun, of Cazeres, and of Pamiers, seized upon the Catholics, and upon some Houses seated upon the Passages, and searched some Travellers, suspecting that they carried Advices or Orders against their Safety. They also endeavoured, but in vain, to surprise a strong House belonging to the Bishop of Pamiers. Those Proceedings did not please every body; and the abridged Assembly, which was at Montauban, was against confining the ecclesiastics closer than within the Walls of the City. But the Spirit of Reprisals was predominant in the People of those Parts; and even at Castres' they threatened the Counsellors of Thoulouse, who served in the Party-Chamber, to use them according as the Reformed should be used elsewhere by the Catholics.  
Masuier being informed with all this, writ a very violent 
Character of Masuier.  Letter to the King about it. He was one of the most violent Persecutors in the World; and according to the Character another Precedent of the same Parliament has given of him, the greatest Villain that ever was at the Head of an Authorised Society. He was a Man without the least Politeness; a down right Barbarian in his Temper, in his Language, and in his Manners. He was Covetous even to a degree of Infamy, and Cruel to the utmost. He neither understood Justice, or Equity, in point of Religion. It is reported of him, that being engaged in a Treaty made with some Persons, about the Creation of several new Offices, he had the Confidence to come into the Parliament, to preside at the Decree of Verification of the same. The Attorney General knowing that he had a Share in the Treaty, recused him, and his Recusation was allowed of. Masuier was Censured in a full Parliament for his ill Conduct, and the said Censure was entered into the Register. The Prince of Conde, who was at Thoulouse at that time about the same Affair; and who being as Covetous as Masuier, was suspected of being Concerned in it as well as he, came the next day to the Parliament, and had much ado to cause the said Censure to be taken out of the Register; but he had not Credit enough to blot it out of People's Minds, and an undeniable Witness has preserved the History of it. The same Author, speaking of the Zeal of that unworthy Man against the Reformed, says, that he would have been praiseworthy, had he been more moderate. He was beloved at Court, by reason that he was a Slave to all the Orders that came from thence, and that he knew no Rule of Justice beyond a Signet Letter; but he was hated by the People. The very Inhabitants of Thoulouse Conspired against his Life, and upwards of Four thousand Billets were dropped up and down the said City against him one day, in which they threatened him with the utmost Extremities. Had he been to be tried for any Crime, though there had not been sufficient Proofs against him, the Hatred of all those that knew him, would have been sufficient to supply the Insufficiency of the Proofs. The Reformed have often had the Comfort to see that their greatest Enemies were Men of that Character.  
Masuier therefore writ to the King, as if the ecclesiastics 
Who writes to the King with Malice.  had only been seized at Montauban, in order to Massacre them, at the first News of any Ill Treatment acted any where else against the Reformed. He gathered all the Reports the Catholics spread up and down, and grounded Designs of the whole Party, upon the least Word that fell from any overra●n Person. He endeavoured to persuade, that there were some peaceable Persons in Montauban, who did condemn those Proceedings; but in order to lay the Blame upon the Generality, he said, that they were at the Disposition of the Factious. He affirmed that the Enterprise upon Nava●… had been resolved at Milhau; and he even proceeded so far, as to specify the day, on which the Reformed were to take Arms. He had no other ground for either, but malicious Suspicions, or Reports spread on purpose to persuade that the Reformed were the Aggressors. Nevertheless, the appointed day, which was the 25th of December, passed, and the Reformed did not commit the least Act of Hostility; and they gave the King so much time to prepare himself, that he had enough to prevent them. Moreover, that pretended day, was an Invention of the Bishops of Bearn, who took Arms themselves that very day, under that Pretence, as I have related elsewhere.  
Masuier envenomed the Conduct of the Reformed Councillors 
Division of the Judges of Castres' about the enrolment of the Declarations.  at Castres' extremely in the same Letter, and imputed their Dividing upon the Prohibition of the Assembly of Milhau, and upon the enrolment of the Declaration given at Grenade against the Assembly of Rochel, as great Crimes against them. But whereas there were Reasons for that last Division, it is proper to give an account of it. The King not being satisfied with prohibiting of that Assembly, and ordering the Members and Adherents thereof to be prosecuted, ●…d moreover by an express Clause derogate from the Privi●…ges of the Edict, which referred all the Civil or Criminal Affairs of the Reformed to the Chambers; and he referred ●…e Cognizance of that particular Crime to the Parliament. The Division only related to that one Article. The Catholics passed it without Difficulty; but the Reformed reserved the Cognizance of those Affairs to the Chambers, with the usual Condition, to make Remonstrances to the King about 〈◊〉. There really was a great deal to be said upon that new Clause, which first appeared in the Declaration given against the Assembly of Loudun. It was a Breach of one of the most considerable parts of the Edict, of which the Consequences were visible. It was a great one for the Example of it; since ●…hat in case they did allow such an Encroachment upon a Jurisdiction so well settled, and so necessary, it would encourage those who had inspired that first Enterprise, to attempt them upon all the rest, and by degrees, to ruin all the Articles of the Edict by the like Exceptions. It was also considerable, ●…s to the thing itself, by reason that a General Law becomes ●…llusive, when under pretence of Confirming it in the main, 〈◊〉 Custom is made to derogate from it in particular Cases. It was also very considerable for the Danger to which it exposed all the Reformed, who might thereby easily be Involved in those sort of Crimes. The Parliaments of Thoulouse, and of Bourdeauz particularly, had admirable Secrets, to convert all the Affairs of the Reformed into Crimes of State. It was sufficient, in order to convince one of those Heretics, to accuse him before those passionate Judges; the very Name of Reformed was a sufficient Conviction; Proofs were only desired for Form sake. Those Reasons being added to the peculiar Interest of the Chamber, occasioned the Division of it, by reason that they lost as much by it for themselves, this Clause taking away part of their Jurisdiction, as for the Public of the Reformed, for the Life and Safety of which, the Edict had made them Depositaries.  
This is what Masuier imputed as a great Crime against the Reformed Councillors of Castres'; and upon which he 
Trouble at Nimes, occasioned by a Jesuit.  desired an Order from the Court to Condemn them, to remove the Modification of that Clause, on pain of Suspension of their Places; as if, after the Considerations I have alleged, it were not very visible, that there could be no harm in hesitating a little upon an Affair of that Importance; and to advise the making of most humble Remonstrances to the King, before they did proceed any farther. Masuier might have added to all this, some Troubles that happened at Nimes upon the account of a Jesuit, who had been allowed to preach there by the Consuls. They had disarmed the Catholics; who, excepting that they had not the Power to do Harm, enjoyed a full Peace and Liberty. The News of the Execution of Navarreins being brought to Nimes during the Avent, exasperated the People, who exclaimed against the Jesuit in Words, whose Name was James George's. Some cried that he ought to be Stoned; others that he ought to be Banished; others that he ought to be kept, to be exposed upon the Breach, in case the Duke de Mommorency came to Besiege the City, as it was reported. Those Words, which resemble the Licence of the Soldier, who jests, and who has a mind to frighten, were taken up as if they had been followed by the most Inhuman actions. Nevertheless, the Jesuit was only frighted, and the People did him no other Violence.  
But this News of the Cruelties committed at Navarreins, occasioned 
Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel.  the Assembling of the Circle of the Lower Languedoc at Lunel, to put themselves in a Posture of Defence, and to provide for the Safety of the Churches. The Pensioners of the Court were dumb. The Transactions in Bearn were publicly known; and those who would pass for Reformed had not the Confidence to excuse them. Chatillon counterfeited himself so Zealous, that he was elected General of the Churches of the Lower Languedoc, of the Cevennes, of Vivarets, and of Gevaudan, and that they gave him an absolute Power to dispose of whatever related to the War, and to the Finances. The abridged Assembly of Montauban confirmed that Power, and soon after the Assembly of Rochel did the same. This Post ●…ut him in a Condition to be bought by the Court, and to hinder those Provinces, which were able to make the strongest Diversion, from succouring each other. Nevertheless, he did something at first in the War of Privas, which was renewed on the beginning of the Year, and which would have had another Success, had Chatillon been endued with more Constancy. Brison, who relied upon his Assistance, made 
1621.  himself once again Master of the Castle after some days Siege. 
Retaking of the Castle of Paivas.  All the Actions of Courage of the Besiegers have been represented by the Catholics, as Actions of Rage and Cruelty; and during all the Course of the Wars, which began that year, they held the same Language; Military Actions were termed otherwise than they used to be. When the Reformed were attacked, their Resistance was styled a black Rebellion. Their Courage in Assaults, or in Sallies, in Combats or in Sieges, were termed Fury. All the Enemies they killed in a just War, were Massacres. All their Undertake to secure themselves, to Fortify their Cities, to prevent Surprises from their Catholic Fellow Citizens, was nothing but Barbarity, Impiety, Sacrilege. In a Word, all their Proceedings were vilifyed with all the Malice imaginable by Writers and Orators, in order to engage the Catholics the more to their Ruin. I think this general Remark will be sufficient: I thought it necessary, le●t People might be imposed upon by the Style of those Days; and I will not renew it elsewhere.  
The occasion of the new Enterprise of Brison, was that 
All manner of Justice refused to the Reformed.  the Inhabitants of Privas having raised some Works to secure themselves against the Garrison of the Castle, by reason that they could obtain no Redress for the Injuries they received from them; St. Palais, who Commanded in it, fired his Artillery upon the Town, to put a Stop to the Work. He refused to hearken to the Remonstrances the Citizens made to him about it; and the Duke de Ventadour, the King's Lieutenant, to whom they applied themselves after that Refusal, instead of giving them an Audience, used them like Rebels, and threatened to hang them. They were used in the same manner throughout the Kingdom; and the poor Wretches did not know which was best for them, to Obey, or to Resist. A thousand Indignities were put upon them, when they armed themselves with Patience; and they were threatened with the Punishment of Criminals, as soon as they seemed to have a Mind to defend themselves. They had no Choice left, but to suffer their Throats to be cut without Speaking, or to be Condemned as Rebels. This is forcing of People to act by Despair. I will not treat this Question methodically in this place, viz. Whether in those Extremities it be a sin 
Which are reduced to Despair.  against the Gospel to defend one's self; but I dare say, that in such Cases Nature inclines People to defend themselves, having no prospect of Safety any other way. And no equitable Person can deny, but that Acts of Despair aught less to be imputed to those that commit them, than to those who reduce them to the indispensible Necessity of committing them.  
The Duke of Mommorency not daring to besiege Privas a 
Underhand Dealing of▪ Chatillon with Mommotency.  second time, during the Assembly of the Circle, with whom Chatillon seemed to agree, feigned to be willing at the Request of that Lord, who came to him at Mompellier with the Consuls of Names, and of Vsez, and some Deputies of the Assembly, to hearken to some Accommodation, and promised not to come to Privas, unless it were with a Spirit of Peace. But it was only to gain time to assemble his Forces, and to find out a way to disband those of Chatillon, who only wanted a pretence for it. An Expedient was foun● for it in an Interview of Lesdiguieres, of the Duke de Ventadour, and of a Gentleman from the Duke de Mommore●●●, who either could not, or would not come in Person. They resolved to get an Order from the Court for both Parties to disarm, and to leave things in suspense in the mean time. The Order was brought by Des Ruaux, and Chatillon obeyed; but he had had the Complaisance before, the Order came, to suffer Villeneuve de Berg to be taken by the Duke at Mommorency without opposing it; although the said Town was necessary to incommode an Army that should besiege Privas, in the Neighbourhood of which it was seated, and to put a Relief in it, which might come through the Sevenes, of which it was the Passage. The Duke de Mommorency caused Mass to be said in it immediately, which had not been celebrated there for upwards of Sixty Years.  
The Order was to refer the Cognizance of the Affair of 
Order from the Court enjoining both Parties to disarm.  Privas to the King; and that the two Chiefs should Disarm; but Mommorency did not disarm, under pretence that Chatillon, who agreed under hand with him, had not properly laid down his Arms, since he had only dispersed his Forces, without disbanding them. But he had only kept them on foot to amuse the Simple, since their Retreat favoured 
Taking of Walons.  Mommorency to take Walons, out of which the Garrison, which had been put into it by Chatillon, withdrew by his Order. The Duke also attempted Walls by a down right piece of Treachery. That little Town, pretty strong by its S●ituation, did belong to Colonel Ornano, who was afterwards Marshal of France. Montmajour his Brother, desired to have the Command of Walls, under pretence that he would take more care than another, to make his Soldiers behave themselves civilly there, by reason that it was his Interest so to do. Mommorency had two ends in so doing; the one was to imitate Chatillon, in dispersing his Forces, instead of Disbanding them; but in Dispersing them, he gave them convenient Quarters to assemble again in a short time, and to hinder those of the Reformed from rejoining, in case they should have a mind to Succour Privas. The other was to put a Catholic Garrison, under the Name of a Catholic L●●d, in a Place where there ought to be a Reformed one, according to the Briefs: That is, that in order to show the Reform what they were to trust to about the Restitution of Privas, the Court designed to dispossess those of Walls, who were under the same Circumstances of the Guard of their Town.  
The Inhabitants easily discovered the Snare, and refused to 
S●●●e and Taking of Wals.  quarter the Duke's Forces. They were forthwith besieged within ●ight of Chatillon; and being disheartened at the first Discharge of the Cannon, they surrendered upon shameful Conditions. The Consuls begged Pardon upon their Knees, and the Duke put a Catholic Garrison into the Castle. They 
1621.  valued themselves extremely upon the taking of that little Place, because it was commonly called Little Geneva, all the Inhabitants being Reformed; and the Maiden, by reason that it had never been taken by Arms. The Catholic Religion was restored there, and the Example of the Duke, together with the Endeavours of the Jesuits, soon made such Conversions there, as we have seen in our days. Chatillon, who still kept some measures, durst not suffer Walls to be taken, without seeming to prevent it: But whither he did not use so much diligence as was necessary, or that the Consuls, surrendered the Town too soon, d'Autiege who commanded the Succours, was acquainted with the Surrender of the Town by the Way. In Order to employ his Forces, he retook Walons, and forced an Exempt out of it, whom des Ruaux had left there. The Duke Besieged it again immediately: And as if d'Autiege had only put himself into it, to receive 
Walons●s ●s retaken, an● restored  an Affront, he Surrendered it within three days, upon very hard Conditions. He Marched out of it with his Men, without any thing but their Arms; and he promised, that neither himself nor they, should bear them in the Province for six months' time; and he did not so much as obtain a Capitulation for the Inhabitants, who were left at the discretion of the Soldiers.  
During these Transactions, the Assembly which was Summoned 
Assembly of Rochel.  at Rochel repaired thither; and all the Endeavours used by the Court to prevent it, proved ineffectual to prevail with them, or to frighten them. Although they had changed the Place, they still retained the Name of Assembly of Loudun for some time, because they pretended it to be a bare continuation of that, which was held in that City, which had only been suspended to please the King, in expectation of the performance of his promises; having the Power to Assemble again, by Virtue of a Verbal promise they had received of the King for it, in case the things agreed upon, were not performed at the appointed time. They writ to Lesdiguieres and to Chatillon to inspire them with the resentment they ought to have, at the Public breach of a Promise, of which they had been as it were, Guarantees, and Depositories. Chatillon made fair promises, which he did not keep; and when he had obtained a Place from them, which made him to be feared at Court; he obtained what he pleased there, and fell out with the Churches, for their Service. But Lesdiguieres●ef●s'd ●ef●s'd to hearken to the Propositions of the Assemby. There 
Lesdiguieres falls out with the Assembly.  passed a long Commerce of Letters between them, by which they insensibly exasperated each other; and finally proceeded to invectives and Reproaches on both sides Among the Letters which the Assembly had written to him, while they were at Loudun, there was one in which they offered the Place of General of the Reformed to him, to keep him an Army of 20000 Men, and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month, and to give him sufficient surety for the payment of the same, in any Protestant City of Europe, he should be pleased to pitch upon. But he was no longer in a Condition to receive those Offers; and the Court had engaged him with greater hopes.  
Notwithstanding he still professed the Reformed Religion, 
The small Affliction he had for his R●●●●ion.  he was already a Catholic at the Bottom, since▪ he had promised to be so. His secret practices with the Jesuits; the preferring of Crequi, a Catholic Lord, to the most Illustrious Alliances of the Reformed; his affecting always to make a separate body from the rest▪ Joining with the Churches when he stood in need of them, and forsaking them when they wanted his Assistance, were good Reasons to show that Religion was not his predominant Passion. Moreover, he had lately given a sensible Proof of it. Marry Vignoa, with whom he had led a very scandalous Light for many years, whose Husband it was thought he had caused to be Killed, either to enjoy her with more freedom, or to hinder that Jealous injured Man from destroying his Wife, Governed him absolutely. After her being a Widow she turned her Lust to Ambition, and omitted no means to become his lawful Wife, after having so long been his Mistress. She had two Daughters by him, which she was in hopes of marrying to Sovereigns, if she could cover the Defect of their birth by Marriage. Lesdiguieres was amused with the same hopes: So that this Woman found it an easy task to obtain what he passionately desired himself. He Married her; and being sensible that all Persons of Honour would blame that Action, he was the first that turned it into Raillery. It is one of the Maxims of those that resolve to do unaccountable things: They prevent people's looking upon their Behaviour 
He Marries Mary Vignon.  as Infamous, by using them not to speak of it as of a serious thing.  
The said Marriage was directly opposite to the Discipline 
Contrary to the Discipline of the Reformed.  of the Reformed, which did expressly prohibit a Man's Marrying a second Wife, after having committed Adultery with her during a first Marriage. Moreover, it was Celebrated in the Roman Church, upon the Account of Mary Vignon, who had Power enough to prevail with him to do it. The Truth is, that he made Public Reparation for it: But that did not hinder people from judging, that he might easily 
Of which he makes a public acknowledgement.  have avoided that false step, and that Mary Vignon would have made no difficulty, in order to become Duchess de Lesdiguieres, to be Married by a Minister, if he had desired it. Besides, the Reformed did not like the prospect this New Marriage gave him, for the Establishment of his Family. The Catholic Religion was always put at the Head of all the hopes the Catholics him with: And whereas the favour of the Court was necessary for his designs, they did not fail to insinuate to him, that he might expect a great deal more from it, by turning Catholic, than by remaining steady, by a scruple of Honour to the profession of a Religion that was run down, and which they had resolved to blot out of the Memory of Men.  
On the other hand, Luines had designs, in which he was 
Notable Artifices of the Duke de Luines, to gain him.  in hopes Lesdiguieres would be of Use to him; and therefore in Order to gain him, he flattered him with the Dignity of Constable. Not that he designed to give it him: But aspiring to it himself, he durst not venture to ask it in his own Name, for fear of a denial. That great Office which placed almost all the Regal Authority in the hands of a Subject, had not been filled since the Death of the last Duke de Mommorency, to whom Henry the Fourth had given it. The design of introducing Arbitrary Power, did not suit with the great Authority of a Constable: Therefore the Court designed to oppress it; and it was actually abolished in the beginning of Cardinal de Richlieu's Ministry. It had been vacant about seven years, when the Duke de Luines undertook to ●●ve i● disposed of again: But in order to meet the less difficulty in it, he resolved to revive it, under a Name, more Illustrious than his own; not doubting but after that, he would easily find a way to get it for himself. He certainly was very well acquainted with the foible of Lesdiguieres, to un●…take to abuse him, as he did: And had he dared to put the same Trick upon the Duke d'Epernon, he would never have been Constable.  
In Order thereunto, he pitched upon two different Men, 
Double Commission to pr●va●t with him.  ●● whom he gave two different Commissions. The one was 〈◊〉 persuade Lesdiguieres to turn Catholic, in hopes of being made Constable. The other had Orders to represent to him, that that Grandeur would create him a World of enemy's, and that he would do better, to persuade the ●●ing to give it to his Favourite; and to rest satisfied with certain advantages which would be granted to him, to make him amends for the said Refusal. The Commission of the ●●rst was known to the King, who was not as yet acquaint●…d with the pretensions of the Duke de Luines: But that of the second was only known by the said Duke, who was unwilling the King should be acquainted with that ●eere● Intrigue: Besides, he only gave it to stop the Progress of the 〈◊〉 which succeeded better and faster than he desired. The 〈◊〉 that was employed about the Duke de Lesdiguieres, was the same Deagean, who had served the Duke de Luines, to incense the King against the Queen his Mother, and against the Marshal d'Ancre. The King reposed a great Confidence in him ever since that Affair; an I sometimes gave him private Commissions, without the knowledge of his Favourite: As he had done after the Queen Mother made her escape out of Blois. He made use of him to write to the Bishop of Lucon to repair to that Princess, and to dispose her to an Accommodation. Deagean relates it himself, tho' other Memoirs do not speak of it, as of a thing done without the Duke's knowledge. But if what Deagean says about it be true, it was enough to make the Favourite his Enemy. A Man that had a Genius for Affairs, who was Subtle, Dissembling, Ambitious, and Bold, was capable of doing to much with an easy Prince, who reposed some Confidence in him, to be agreeable to Persons, who had neither Wit nor Experience enough to oppose him. Therefore, the Duke took a pretence to send him to Lesdiguieres, to remove him from the Court; and in Order to keep him at Grenoble, a Place of first Precedent of the Chamber of Accounts, was bought for him in that City, under pretence that it would hinder people from penetrating into the real Motives of his abode in that Province.  
Although Deagean was very sensible for what reason he was 
What Empire Deagean gains over Lesdiguieres.  confined in Dauphine, yet he accepted the Commission that was given him; relying perhaps, more on the Gratitude of Lesdiguieres, than he had reason to trust to the Duke de Luines. And flattering himself, that he would promote his own Fortune the better, by opposing the Protection of a Constable, against the Jealousies of a Favourite. The success can never be unhappy, when matters are well disposed. Deagean easily persuaded Lesdiguieres to change a Religion which he little mattered: But in Order to render his Solicitations the more Powerful, he made use of the Wiles they used to practice. There still remained a Scruple of Honour in Lesdiguieres, which persuaded him, that it was a shame for a Man of his Age to change his Religion. But he removed it by private Conferrences, by reason that Public 
Feigned Deputies of Religion.  ones made too much Noise, and that Deagean had no mind to make any. He got Ministers, whom he had gained to meet him at Lesdiguieres, as if it were accidentally, and whom he seemed not to know, that the meeting might seem undesigned. Those Traitors, after some feigned resistance, never failed to yield to Deagean's Reasons; and to give him a fair pretence, to press Lesdiguieres to overcome those little Scruples. Le Visconte Professor at the College of D●, who was an Italian, and who had been a Friar, was one of them. He suffered himself to be vanquished in a Conference; after which, he confessed Ridiculously, that it was impossible to Answer Deagean's Arguments. That Comedy was Acted so grossly, that it was impossible for Lesdiguieres not to perceive it. It was pleasant to see Deagean, who had passed the best part of his Life in the Dignity of Clerk of the Finances, to become a Champion in a dispute of Religion; and without using any other Arguments but certain Vulgar Sophisms, repeated over and over, to reduce all of a sudden, Persons of some Reputation, and better Versed than himself, in matters of Controversy, to confess that his Reasons were convincing. Nevertheless, those Artifices acquired Deagean so great an Empire over Lesdiguieres, that he Governed him as he pleased; and that when the General Assembly offered to create him General of the Churches, to maintain him an Army of 20000 Men, and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month, and to give him sufficient security for the payment of it, in any Protestant City he should be pleased to choose; the said Deagean dissuaded him from accepting of the said Offers, and even dictated the Answer he made upon that Subject. He did the same with all the Letters Lesdiguieres writ to the Assembly.  
This great Credit of Deagean had like to have broken the measures of the Duke de Luines, who entrusted the second 
Bressieux ordered to ruin the works of Deagean.  Commission, I have mentioned, to the Marquis de Bressieux, which tended to cross the Negotiation of Deagean, and to persuade Lesdiguieres to yield the Dignity of Constable to that Favourite, upon which Condition, he was allowed not to turn Catholic. This New Deputy was ordered by an Article of his Instructions, to obtain a promise from Lesdiguieres, before he did reveal his Commission to him, that he would conceal it all from Deagean: But he could never prevail with him to do it; and for fear of worse, he was obliged to stick to the Terms of the first Commission, and to content himself with pressing Lesdiguieres to turn Catholic. But the Duke de Luines, imputing to the Marquis, who perhaps was not inclined to pursue so great a Cheat; the ill success of his design, employed Bullion in the same Intrigue; who prevailed so far upon Lesdiguieres, as to persuade him 
Buliion succeeds i● it better than he.  to come to Paris, to renounce the Constableship, and to yield that Dignity to the Duke of Luines; to advise the King, whom he said he would oblige, to Raise his Favourite to that high Place; and finally to serve against the Churches, still professing the Reformed Religion. Lesdiguieres resisted a little at first; but finally he was so good, as to consent to all; and was not ashamed to serve in the Quality of Marshal General, under a Constable, who was hardly any thing of a Soldier. The Duke d'Epernon, more resolute, and more haughty than he refused to Obey either; and whereas he had the art to kept the Court in awe of him, the Court was obliged, in order not to lose him to give him the Command of a small Body, without receiving Orders from any Body.  
Such Low, and such abusive Wiles were practised to obtain 
Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his friends.  this consent from Lesdiguieres, that had not his Mind and Heart been weakened by Age, it is not to be believed, that he would ever have submitted to such unworthy proceedings. The best friends he had among the Reformed, being acquainted with what passed, by reason that the Duke de Luines had had the cunning to Publish it, to raise difficulties upon that Affair, omitted no means to raise his Courage again; and to make him sensible, how shameful it was for him to Sacrifice his Religion and his Honour, towards the Ambition of the Duke de Luines. But those who possessed his Reason, made him pass over all those considerations; and he only feign'd to persevere in the Reformed Religion, to deceive those that had still some confidence in him. The Catholic Zeal will undoubtedly appear very tractable in this Affair: But at the same time it cannot be denied, that the Roman Church alone knows, to what degree treachery and Hypocrisy may be carried innocently; and within what bounds they are to be kept, to make them part of the service of God. What Deagean did to remove 
Notable Guile of Deagean.  the Scruples of Lesdiguieres about Religion, is so singular upon that Subject, that it deserves a Place in History. Among the Ministers he had bribed, there was one of the Lower Languedoc, in whom Lesdiguieres reposed a great deal of Confidence, who had been his Chaplain, and who had secretly abjured the Reformed Religion. He acquainted Deagean with all his Master's secrets, and told him the Reason for which Lesdiguieres expressed, in a certain Conjuncture, a little more repugnancy to pleasure the Court, than he was wont to do. The cause of that little disgust was a certain Suspicion, which was given him of some designs formed against the Reformed in Dauphine, in which he was to be involved. When Deagean had Learned that secret, it was easy for him to destroy the Suspicions of Lesdiguieres, whose mind he turned as he pleased. Therefore, the said Minister doing him such good Services, he would have been a Loser, by his changing of his Religion publicly, by reason, that being then no longer able to penetrate into his Master's secrets, he would no longer be able to betray him. But Deagean provided against it by a Notorious Cheat. He obtained a Brief for that Minister from the Pope, who allowed him to perform the Function of his Ministry for three years longer, on condition, that he should neither Preach against the Doctrine of the Roman Church, nor Administer the Sacrament according to the Reformed manner. I do not know, which ought to appear most singular in this to Men of sense, the Niceness of that Villains Conscience, who would not be guilty of Hypocrisy without Leave, or the Pope's complaisance, who under the pretence of his being useful, allowed him to make a sport of Religion for three years together, and to abuse God and the World with impunity. They did not do so much for Lesdiguieres. They only excused him for a while from keeping his Word. The Truth is, that he had made a promise in Writing, to embrace the Roman Religion: But since they did not perform their promise to him in recompense of it, they did not press him to put his in Execution. Moreover, when they found that he pressed the conclusion too fast himself, they desired him not to make so much haste; to reduce his Ambition to less Employments, and to keep his Religion in lieu of the Dignity which he was persuaded to yield to another▪ As if a Man, who was ever ready to Sacrifice his Conscience for Temporal Advantages, would be so far in Love with Piety, as to think himself rewarded for the refusal of such Advantages, by the Liberty of professing his own Religion.  
There happened three, very singular Incidents in that Negotiation. 
Luines is made Constable.  That the only Man who could be thought capable of the first Dignity of the Kingdom, should consent to fool himself to get it for another. That the King should be so weak as to be persuaded, that a Man who was not able to Exercise a Regiment, without the help of a better Soldier, deserved to be Constable. That all the Court should Adore that Masterpiece of Fortune, and that the Princes should submit to an Authority so ill placed. A Brother of his was also soon after made Marshal of France, who was hardly a better Soldier than himself, and who showed at the Siege of Montauban, at the cost of many brave Men, that he did not understand how to charge a Mine. The Truth is, that the King soon repented the complaisance he had had for his Favourite. The Crowd of Courtiers that attended that new Constable, displeased the King, who finding himself almost forsaken, whereas his Favourite was followed by all the Court, called him sometimes with a spiteful Air, King Lunes: And let fall some Expressions of the desire he had to humble him. That was his Forble; he could not endure the greatness he had raised himself. Tho incapable to keep his lawful Authority, he was Jealous to see it in the hands of those to whom he had given it.  
But whatever Lesdiguieres could do, did not prevent his 
Lesdiguieres remains at Court.  being in danger of being secured at Court. He had been warned of it by the way, and he failed but little of Experiencing, that the said Advice was well grounded. Nevertheless, the Court obtained so many things of him, that they thought him secure; and whereas he was always to remain with the King; they looked upon his presence, as a sufficient Pledge of his Fidelity. By that means Dauphine, in which there was a great deal of Reformed Nobility, was retrenched from the Union of the Churches; 12 or 13 Places were secured, in which he promised to put Catholic Governors and Garrisons; and he was set up for an Example to many of the Reformed, whom the Court would oblige not to meddle with the Assembly, and even to bear Arms against their Brethren. But though he assured every Body, both by Word of Mouth and in Writing, that he did not design to change his Religion; yet he Writ to Cardinal Ludovisi● who had lately succeeded Paul the V. and who had taken the Name of Gregory the XV. after his Election to the Pontificat, to congratulate his Exaltation. He had formerly promised that Cardinal out of a Compliment, that when ever he came to be Pope, he would turn Catholic: And that Jest was employed as an Argument to persuade him to do it; as if he had been obliged in Honour to do it, after so positive a promise.  
During these Transactions, the Assembly of Rochel remained 
Mediation of the Dukes de Rohan, and de la Trimoville.  steady; and the Court was not without disquiets on their side, by reason that they were sensible, that there were many Malcontents in the Kingdom, besides the Reformed: So that they were glad to find, that some of the Reformed Lords were willing still to offer their Mediation, in order to an Accommodation. The Dukes of Rohan and de la Trimoville undertook it, after having taken measures with Du Plessis about it, and Writ to the King upon that Subject. But Favas finding himself fooled at Court▪ and that the Government of Leitoure had been given to Blainville, in spite of him destroyed the Project of that Mediation. He tarried at home in Guyenne, after the King's departure from Bourdeaux; and he seemed to be unwilling to meddle any farther with the 
Of which Favas ruins the Project.  General Deputation: But he was unhappily obliged to come back to Court, in order to have the management of the Negotiation of that Agreement. He spoiled it by his uneven Temper; and the Court, which knew him, made use of him to deceive the Reformed, and to reconcile some Princes with the Constable, who built great designs upon the War of Religion which they saw at hand. Those Malcontents were the Count de Soissons, a young Prince, who had partly the Genius of his Father, and the Dukes de Nevers, and de Mayenne. Villarnoul Son-in Law to Du Plessis, suffered himself to be persuaded to tell the Count, that the Accommodation of the Assembly with the King was concluded: And Favas himself had the Complaisance to Write to the two Dukes, that he was going from the Court, with a perfect satisfaction for the Assembly. Nevertheless, he repaired to Rochel, with a greater mind to exasperate matters, than to Reconcile them.  
The heats of that Man, whose mind ran still upon Letoure, 
Du Plessis and du Moulin solicit the Assembly to break up.  broke the Course of the Mediation, those two Lords were willing to take upon them. So that, they were reduced to endeavour only by their Letters, and by their Deputations to persuade the Assembly to keep within the bounds of their Allegiance. Du Plessis particularly behaved himself so, that he was suspected of having lost part of the Vigour of his mind with Age, and to be moved by Interest as Lesdiguieres. Du Moulin also joined with them. He had been at Sedan ever since the Synod of Alets. He did design to call at Rochel, in returning from the Synod to Paris: But things were so embroiled before he could come away, that he durst not follow his Inclination, for fear of making himself Criminal, by Communicating with a prohibited Assembly. His Prudence in this point availed him nothing, the Court would have him guilty, Right or Wrong. He received notice at Lions, by a Letter from Drelincourt his Colleague, that he would be taken up, as soon as he came to Paris. This News obliged him to take a by way to go home, where he tarried but one Night, and went from thence to Sedan; where the Duke de Bovillon gave him the place of Professor in Theology, and of Minister in Ordinary. Tilenus' his Enemy did not fail to Write Violently against that retreat, which he endeavoured to represent as a Mercenary flight.  
The pretence the Court had to seize upon him was, that 
Du Moulin in danger of being secured.  the English Ambassador had desired Du Moulin to Write to the King his Master, to exhort him to assist the Elector Palatin his Son-in-Law. That Prince having too soon taken the Name of King of Bohemia, which had been offered him by the People, lost a Battle near Prague, and his New Kingdom, together with his Ancient Patrimony, which the Emperor dive●ted him of, as a Rebel. France suffered it calmly, by ●eason that the Policy of Spain and of Rome prevailed in their Council, and represented that War, as a War of Religion. Jeannin himself remembered, that he had been a Member of the League; and Writ a Pamphlet, to hinder ●…he King from succouring the Bohemians, in which he urged so many Reasons to prove, that all the Advantage of that War would remain to the Protestants, and all the damage ●…o the Catholics; that France lost that opportunity of ruin●…ng the House of Austria in Germany; and that they looked ●…pon the Ruin of an Ancient A●ly of France, as a Triumph of the Catholic Church. The King meddled no farther with this War, than by a Solemn Embassy, at the Head of which, he placed the Count d'Auvergne: And that served ●●ly to render the Catholic League the stronger, and the Emperor more formidable. But the Coldness of the King of England Scandalised, even those that profited by his Weak●…ers. He did not relish certain Maxims of Honour, which 
Coldness of James the I. about the Affairs of the Palatinat.  he was continually put in mind of; and he thought it a ●…iece of Policy, not to assist Subjects against their Sovereigns, ●…ven in the Case of a manifest oppression. He applied that ●…e Policy, which no other Prince ever bethought himself ●…f, to the Affairs of his Son-in-Law: And his Ambassador who was sensible, that he was despised every where for that false Prudence; had a mind to draw him out of that Error. He looked upon Du Moulin, as a Man capable to revive the Courage of that Prince, by whom he was very much respected. Du Moulin writ, after having excused it a while; and his Letter was given to the Courier the Ambassador 
Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the hands of the Council of France.  sent into England. But it was soon after put into the hands of the Ministers of the Cabinet Council, whither it were ●…one designedly by the Courier, or by the Ambassador; or whither it were intercepted by some Wile; or finally, whither King James himself, who had particular Engagements with the King of France, had Communicated it to the Ministers of that Prince. The said Letter was looked upon as being very Criminal, by Reason, that the Condition of the Churches of France was set out in it, and their approaching Ruin alleged, as a proper Reason to excite the King of England to assist his Son-in-Law, whose Prosperity was a Refuge to the Reformed, as his Ruin was a Presage of Decay for them.  
The Jesuits, whose Bane Du Moulin was, were glad of that Opportunity to ruin him, and having neither been able to Corrupt him by fair Offers, nor to destroy him by divers Conspiracies against his Life, they imagined that he could never scape them that time. But they were deceived, and he scaped that Snare by the Diligence of his Retreat. It was from Sedan he writ to the Assembly of Rochel. It is uncertain whether he did it of his own accord, or by the Order of the Marshal de Bovillon, who was of the same Opinion with all the Grandees of the same Religion; or whether his Friends perceiving that his Enemies had a mind to represent him as a Seditious Person, who inclined People to Rebellion by his Advice, advised him to disprove them by such a Letter. But it is certain that it was written with great Vigour, and that he declared in it, that the Assembly would be answerable for the Ruin of the Churches, in case their refusing to break up should occasion it. The Effect of that Letter 
Effect of those Letters to the Assembly.  was, That it increased the Divisions to the utmost Extremity. Some Members of the Assembly withdrew, and never could be prevailed upon to come again. Others acquainted Du Moulin that his Letter had been read, but not approved of, and begged of him not to communicate it to any body, lest it should serve as a Pretence for those, who had a mind to withdraw out of the Union.  
It were to be wished, that the Assembly had followed that Advice, only to try what the Court would have done after their Separation; in order to render the Cause of the Churches the clearer, by removing the Pretence of Disunion from those, who had too much Faith and Credulity. The Event showed, that if those Members of the Assembly, who would not break up without Security, were not the most prudent, yet they were the best informed; and those who hindered them from taking such Measures for their Safety, had cause to repent at leisure, their being too Credulous. Two things ●…opt the Negotiation: The one was, that the Assembly ●…ould not resolve to beg Pardon for meeting at Rochel, by reason that they pretended, that they might lawfully do it, after ●…o positive a Promise, as they had received for so doing at London from the King. That Confession of having done ill 
Difficulties which st●pt the Negotiations.  was of greater consequence than it seemed to be at first, since 〈◊〉 employed a tacit Acknowledgement that the things promised had been performed: The Consequence of which was, that 〈◊〉 would stop their Mouths for the future upon the Business of the two Councillors, of Leitoure, and of Favas●…sisted ●…sisted upon those Considerations with great Vehemency. The other was, that they were willing to see at lest something done upon their Complaints, before their Breaking up, for fear of being shortly obliged to begin all things a new, as it had happened more than once. Moreover, the Decay of the Reformed Religion in the Kingdom of Bohemia, which those who were for the Dissolution of the Assembly, made use of to make them dread the Events of War, was taken in another Sense by many, who looked upon it as a good Reason to take Precautions against the Oppression, of which the Affairs of Germany gave a Presage.  
Nevertheless, the Assembly not being able to withstand 
New Conditions of Accommodation.  the Advice of all the Grandees, from whom they received Letters upon Letters, and Deputations upon Deputations, to induce them to submit, obliged the Lords, who had offered their Mediation before, to resume the Negotiation of an Agreement. The thing seemed to be brought pretty near a happy Conclusion that time. The said Lords found an Expedient, which apparently was like to satisfy every body. They thought fit that the Assembly should break up for form ●…ake, without removing above one or two small days Journey from Rochel: That the Deputies should remain in Places of Safety, under pretence that they could not go Home, by ●…eason of the Declaration which rendered them Criminal: That they should tarry for the King's Answer, in a Readiness to assemble again in case he should break his Word: That it should be done without mentioning the Right they pretended to have had to Assemble: That before the said Separation, the Council should agree with the Deputies General, about seven Articles they were to present to the King: But that he should not dispatch them till the Assembly were actually dissolved, and the Members gone Home: And that in order to enable them so to do, the King would revoke the Declaration, by which they were declared Criminals.  
Those seven Articles, which were treated of several times 
Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon.  with the Deputies General, and which were at last agreed upon, with some Modifications, contained in Substance, that the Reformed should not be obliged to use the Words of Pretended Reformed, in speaking of their Religion: That the King should remedy the Political and Ecclesiastical Affairs of Bearn: That La Force and his Children should be maintained in their Places, as they had been during the Life of the Late King, and paid their Arrears and Pensions; and that Lescun should have his Employments restored him: That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine should be delivered according as it had been promised by the Treaty of Loudun: That the Modification of the Article of that Treaty, which spoke about the Reception of two Councillors in the Parliament of Paris, should be removed: That the Cahiers of the Assembly of Loudun should be speedily and favourably answered: That care should be taken for the Payment of Ministers, and of the Garrisons: And finally, That the King's Soldiers should be removed from such Places where they created Jealousies.  
But the Intention of the Court, by these Negotiations, 
To amuse the Reformed.  was only to amuse the Reformed, as they used to do, in order the better to take their Measures, and to break those of the Assembly, by flattering the Credulous with the appearances of an approaching Peace. The truth is, that the Resolution of making War had not been taken in the King's Council without Difficulty. Though there was a great Party that pressed the Ruin of the Reformed, the Wisest of the Council were against it; particularly the three oldest Ministers that remained of the ancient Court, who could not abandon the late King's Maxims. They thought it a piece of Rashness to attack a Party that had Two hundred strong Places, the least of which might tarry till a Breach was made before they did Capitulate, and of which, many could sustain long Sieges before good Armies: That there was no likelihood of improving their Divisions, which would cease immediately as soon as a War should be declared against them, by reason that then the most Simple would begin to fear for themselves. Moreover, that there was not more Union at Court than among them, by reason of the Jealousies about the Government: That the Reformed had the Reputation of being good Soldiers, and good Politicians: That there was no reason to believe that they had given over their foreign Correspondencies: That the Conformity of their Condition would engage those Countries that professed the same Doctrine, to succour them. That the Allies of France would be troubled at that War, because it would enable the House of Austria to oppress them, while the King should be diverted from Foreign Affairs by those Domestic Broils. That the United Provinces would be exposed to all the Forces of Spain, which would take the Advantage of the Civil Wars of France, to oppress that State, which the King had so much Interest to preserve. That the King had no Money, by reason that the Avidity of his Favourites devoured all his Revenues; insomuch that all the Money of several Years was spent, and that all the Expense was still to come.  
The Duke de Luines, on his side, had no Inclination to 
The Duke de Luines is little inclined to it.  make a War. Du Plessis had given him some Advices upon that Subject which stuck to his Heart, and which made him fear, either that the Malcontents would increase the Party of the Reformed, or that a Peace would be made at his Cost. But on the other hand, the Ministers were all for taking Arms. 
But the Queen.  The Queen expected a kind of Regency while the Luines should lead the King from Province to Province; and perhaps she had higher Designs. The Bishop of Lucon, who was one of her Creatures, had a mind to make himself necessary. The Prince of Conde, who expected to have the Command of the 
The Prince of Conde.  Army, no longer remembered the Services he had received from the Reformed. Puisieux, Son to the Chancellor, who had succeeded 
Puisieux.  Villeroy, both in the Secretary of State's Place, and in his Passion for the Spanish Maxims, was at the Devotion of Spain, and pressed the Duke by so many Reasons, and found so many Expedients to cure him of his Fears, that finally, he inspired the same Sentiments in him. The Clergy 
The Clergy.  of France being ignorant and corrupted, thought their whole Duty was comprehended in the Extirpation of Heresy; and they offered great Sums, provided they were employed in that War. The Pope, who has the Art to persuade Princes 
The Pope.  that they are obliged to sacrifice the Repose of their State to his Grandeur, and who always advances his own Affairs at the Cost of others, seconded that Advice by all his Authority. But the Ministers of Spain in particular, who were the principal 
The Spaniards make the King resolve upon War.  Promoters of that Cabal, omitted nothing to engage France in a War, which, according to all human appearance, was to set the first hand to the Decay of the Monarchy. The Policy of Spain was so refined at that time, that they made those serve towards their Projects, who had most Interest to oppose them; and that they engaged France voluntarily in a Civil War, of which they ought to have dreaded the cruel Consequences, after having experienced it for the space of Five and thirty Years.  
But finally, the thing was resolved upon, after the Duke de Luines had obtained the Dignity of Constable, which gave him the Command of the Armies. He was thereby delivered of the Fear of being obliged to make the Prince of Conde too Powerful, by giving him the said Command. But when that Difficulty was removed, there arose another, which was of no less Consequence. There were two Opinions about the Degree to which they should proceed in the Ruin of the Reformed. Some said that it ought to be done 
Some are 〈…〉 destroying Root and Branch  at once; that the best way was to destroy both the Heresy and the Heretics, and to imitate Charles the Ninth, who only Consented to the Massacres of 1572, on condition that no body should be suffered to escape that might upbraid him with it. The Pope was of that Opinion, and was seconded by the Cardinals, by the Clergy of France, and by the Jesuits. The Pope offered on that Condition, to contribute Two hundred thousand Crowns, the Cardinals as much, and the Clergy the same Sum. The Jesuits, who are used to take, offered nothing, unless we impute to their Intrigues, the Offer of Thirty Millions of Livres, which was made by some of the 
* Partisans, or such as Farm the King's Revenues.  Grand Farmers, for the Confiscation of the Estates that belonged to the Reformed on this side the Lotre. It is very well known, that those subtle Politicians have more than once slipped their Necks out of the Collar, when Money has been required of them, by proposing Advices or Expedients to raise s●me, without contributing any thing towards it themselves. But some were of a more moderate Advice, or rather more 
And others for sparing the most Peaceable.  Politic, who were for laying Religion aside, and only to wage War against the Resormed as Rebels; and to let the Edicts subsist in favour of such as should remain quiet in their Houses.  
The Reasons of the first Advice were, that in case any Distinction 
Reasons of the first Advice.  were made among them, those that should be spared would prove the most dangerous: That they would perhaps prove one day the Recourse of their Party: That they would ●●●ain at Home, not out of Fidelity, but out of Prudence: T●●t they would keep a Correspondence with those that should be in Arms: That they would be their Spies, to give them Notice of whatever should relate to them: That they would ecretly assist them with Money and other Necessaries towards the War. But the Reasons of the others were, That 
Reason's ●f ●●e Second.  the Distinction that should be made of the Peaceable, and of the Rebels, would be a certain way to weaken the Party by dividing them: That a considerable Number of Persons, in ●●●es of preserving the Liberty of their Religion by their Obedience, would retire home, and would behold the Destruction of the rest without moving: Whereas in case they declared War against the whole Party, the most Peaceable would be forced to join with the others for their Common Defence: That for that Reason it would be imprudent to u●… near Four hundred thousand Men, to which the Num●●● of the Reformed, capable of bearing Arms, was thought to amount: Besides, That such as would be spared by that Policy, would remain at the Mercy of the Conqueror after the Destruction of the rest: That this Distinction would hinder the Protestant Allies from taking any Jealousies about that War, and would persuade them that they did not aim at their Religion, but that they were armed against a Cabal that was always ready to trouble the State, and to join with the first Malcontents who had a mind to exclaim against the Government.  
This Advice prevailed, and Experience showed that the 
Which is followed.  Reasons of the first were all Illusions. The Reformed, who were put in hopes that the Edicts would be observed, gave little or no Assistance to the others: and during the whole course of the War, the Catholics, and particularly the Gentlemen, were much kinder to the Reformed in Arms, than to the Reformed that remained Peaceable. They gave the most considerable and the most certain Advices: It was from them, those Cities that were resolved to hold out a Siege, bought Provisions and Ammunitions; and from whom, in a word, they received the greatest Testimonies of Correspondence and Sincerity. The reason of it was, That there were many Catholics, who not being blinded by the Zeal of Religion, foresaw what the Event has but too much demonstrated, and what even the Catholic Historians have not scrupled to write; that under pretence of reducing the Reformed, the Court concealed a Design to Establish Arbitrary Power; and that the Ruin of what they called a Cabal, would serve as a Step towards the Oppression of the whole Kingdom. The Reformed on the contrary being blinded by Promises of Liberty, avoided all Commerce with those that were in Arms, for fear of giving the Court a Pretence to involve them in the Destruction of the others, as their Accomplices; and there were many, who in imitation of Lesdiguieres, were not ashamed to bear Arms against their Brethren. The worthiest Persons amongst them, only succoured them with Prayers and Tears, which the Fear of Oppression only allowed them to shed in secret.  
During the whole Course of the War, the only Cry was, 
Reasons published to blind the Reformed.  that the King's Arms were only designed against the Rebels: That the Edicts should be observed in favour of the rest: That they had no thoughts of destroying the Reformed Religion: This is what was written abroad; what all the Pensioners of ●●e Court preached up and down; and what was Published ●● all the Declarations. In order to hinder People from penetrating into the secret Reasons of those Reports, the Court published others, which could do no harm, and which ●ere so plausible, that they might pass for true. They said that 〈…〉 was not reasonable to force Consciences that were used to a ●●ng Toleration; that what had been good 60 years before to ●●event the Introduction of Heresy, while Liberty of Conscience was unknown, would be dangerous after having relished it 〈…〉 long: That it was not fit to give any Jealousy to the Pro●estant Neighbouring Princes, lest they should come to the Assistance of the Reformed; whereas none was to be expected from the Catholics Abroad, who were desirous to make ●he War last, to hinder France from crossing their Designs: ●hat the King had many faithful Subjects among the Re●o●m'd, who ought not to be Confounded with those Rebels. Others added moreover, in order to make their Reasons the ●ore weighty, that the Reformed were useful in France: ●hat they were born Enemies to the Enemies of the State: That in case there were none of them left in the Kingdom, it ●ould be necessary to send for some from Abroad, far from destroying those who were born there. The Reformed were ●●●t the only Persons that said this; there were Catholics even in the Council, who were really of that Opinion; and ●t the beginning of the present Reign, there still were Minion's who had been bred in the Policy of Cardinal de Richelieu, who held this Maxim as a true one, and who expressed it in the very Terms I have used. 
New Difficulty about the time of beginning the War.   
This Difficulty being removed, there appeared a third. Some were of Opinion to begin the War without delay, in ●rder to suppress the Reformed, who were astonished, and not in a Posture of Defence. It was the Advice of the Prince of C●nde, who expected to make a better Figure in the War than at Court, where he was obliged to have base Complaisances for the Favourite, and where he was looked upon with an ill ●ye by the Queen-Mother. Du Vair, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Jesuit Confessor to the King, seconded it with all their Might. Jeanin and the other old Ministers, who were not heartily inclined for a War, opposed it, and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the contrary in threatening a War; and in the mean time to prepare for the last, in case the Reformed should refuse the first on Conditions worthy of the King. The Duke the Luines joined with the last, but for other Reasons. He saw no Money ready for the War; he had rather apply the Finances to his own, and to his Friend's Advantage, than to a doubtful Enterprise. He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies. He was not secure of the Foreigners. He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him, in marching with the King towards the Southern Provinces. In fine, the Number of the Reformed Lords made him dread Diversions wherever they had any Authority.  
But he was so happy, that all those Difficulties were levelled. 
How those Difficulties were removed.  He gained most of the Great ones. Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff. The Marshal de Bovillon remained long Neuter. Lesdiguieres fooled himself, and many others followed his Example. He met with no Oppositions from Abroad. The King, under pretence of a Journey into Picardy, secured himself on the side of the Netherlands, and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire, being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately. Cadenet, Brother to the Favourite, who was created Duke the Chaunes, easily prevailed with the King of England, who thought himself obliged to lose all the Opportunities which a good Politician would have improved, to make himself Arbitrator of Europe, when there was a Necessity to succour Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto. The United Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France. It is true, that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State, and seemed to favour the Party of Barnevelt, they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange. But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests: The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria, did not permit the States to fall out with an Ally so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth. The Court sowed the utmost Divisions among the Reformed. They endeavoured to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the Assembly. They endeavoured to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel, either as designing to promote their own Advanvage at their Cost, or as designing to become the Centre of their Union, and to engross all the Authority. Though all the Reformed were not susceptible of those Diffidences; yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions.  
Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositions 
The King goes unexpectedly from Paris.  of the Mediators, with as much Application, as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace: People were strangely surprised to find in the middle of those Negotiations, when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprise, that the King repaired to Fontainebleau, from whence he writ to the Duke de Bovillon, and to Du Plessis, and some others, that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey, and that it obliged him to repair to Tours, and perhaps farther, if it were necessary, to be near at hand to give his Orders. He mixed with this Advice, Assurances of his good Intentions, in favour of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty. The next day after his Arrival, he reversed the Privilege of Elections, and removed 
And removes the Offices f●r the Receipts of his Revenues out of the Reformed Cities.  the Offices for the Receipts of his Revenues, out of the Cities held by the Reformed, by an express Declaration, and transferred them to Catholic Cities, under pretence of hindering the Reformed from seizing upon the Royal Treasure. But he restored that of Saumur by a Brief, to satisfy du Plessis, for whom a far greater Affront was preparing. This Edict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War; but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace, and they continued their Mediation, some with Sincerity, and others to please the Court, which was desirous to amuse the Reformed by those Appearances. So that Conferences were held still, in which all things seemed to tend to an Accommodation. The Constable seemed to open his Mind freely to the Deputies, and to consent to a Peace upon tolerable Conditions. For which reason the Agents and Mediators left Paris with Pavas, to repair to Rochel by divers ways, and upon different Days, in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them. But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas' Departure; a Council was held in the King's Presence, in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot, and 
Settlement of War drawn in the middle of the Negotiation of Peace.  Eight thousand Horse, to be distributed in the Provinces according as it should be necessary. The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council; Lafoy Force was deprived of all his Places; the Survivorship of them was taken from his Son the Marquis de Mompovillan, who created Jealousies in the Favourites, and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments, and by the Share he had in the King's Favour; and he was ordered to retire from the Court. That Prince permitted those who governed him, to dispose of his Inclinations, as they did of his Finances, and of his Authority; and always approved the Reasons that were alleged to him, no longer to love what he had most loved.  
The Pretence used for that Disgrace, was, That People's 
New Troubles in Bearn.  Minds began to be heated again in Bearn, and that the Affairs there seemed to be upon the Point of a new Revolution. La Force was enraged, that instead of making him some Reparation for the Affront he had received from Poyane, who had taken Arms, not only without his Leave, but without his Knowledge, the Court had sent him an Order by Saludie to lay down his Arms, approving the Actions of Poyane. The Marquis de la Force pressed his Father to resent that Affront, and looked upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury, to oblige an old Governor of Province, an ancient Officer of the King's Household, to disarm before the Governor of a Town, who ought at least to have honoured him as a Superior, and to communicate his Designs to him, though he were excused from receiving Orders from him. Moreover, it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force, to send Orders to an inferior Officer, without acquainting him with it. Therefore the Bearnois being already as uneasy at the Alterations that had been made among them, as they were fatal to their Liberties, the Discontents and Intrigues of their Governor soon disposed them to improve the Occasion. The Earnestness the General Assembly expressed for their Affairs, increased their Courage, and easily persuaded those People, who were naturally Confident, that they would soon be as Free as the French. Lafoy Force being flattered with that Hope, writ to the King in the Month of February, a Letter that was very pressing, and well written, upon the Refusal the Court had made to hear the Deputies of the Assembly. That Letter perhaps proved one of his greatest Crimes. The Court no longer relished those free Contradictions. He Remonstrated with too much Boldness, how much the Severity of the Court increased People's Terrors. He complained that the Catholics of the Province said publicly, that the King was resolved to declare a War against the Reformed, and to destroy them; and he concluded by a pressing Exhortation, that his Majesty would be pleased to hear what the Deputies of the Assembly had to say.  
That Letter and the Advices the Court received from 
The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither.  Bearn, that the Towns, out of which the Garrisons had been removed, were revolted, made them forget that La Force had obeyed the Order he had received from Saludie without replying: That he had caused the Tower of Mongiscard to be restored and dismantled, which the Bensins, accused of the Conspiracy of Navarreins, had fortified to annoy that Place: That in order to observe some Decorum, he had delivered that Fort, not to Poyane, who had besieged it, but to Councillors, that were deputed by the Sovereign Council of Pau, who caused it to be demolished. The King not being satisfied with turning La Force and his Children out of their Employments, ordered the Duke d'Epernon to turn them out of Bearn, and to reduce the People to their Allegiance. The Court did not do the Duke that Honour out of a Pure Effect of Good Will; but lest in case they should slight him in a Time of Troubles, he might grow jealous of the Forces that marched towards his Governments, and put himself in a Posture to hinder the Progress of the Favourite, who did not love him; though his Policy obliged him to dissemble, and to express an exterior Friendship to him. The Court gave him nothing to help him to make that Expedition. He had not so so much as time allowed him to raise Money and Men; and he marched towards that Country with so small an Army, that had he not relied upon the Correspondencies the Court held in the Towns, his Enterprise would have been a great piece of Rashness. The Truth is, that La Force was not yet ready, and that he made his Preparations like a Man, who was uncertain what he had best to do. The Succours of the Provinces, who had undertaken the Preservation of Bearn, failed him, and that of the Assembly General was yet at a great distance. Therefore he had recourse to Submissions, and endeavoured to stop the Duke's March by reiterated Offers of Obedience and Fidelity. But the Duke made no less haste for that, and for his first Expedition he besieged Orthez. The Place was in a Condition 
Cowardice of the People of Orthez.  to make a long Resistance, during which, Forces might have been assembled, which might easily have dissipated the Duke's, who had neither a Place to retire to, nor Provisions, or Ammunitions. Moreover, there were more Men in the Town capable to bear Arms, than there were in the petty Army that besieged it. Nevertheless, The Force of their Correspondencies within proved so effectual, that they surrendered without tarrying for the Cannon, as if they had only tarried for the Duke's coming to their Gates, to commit that Piece of Cowardice. That Success afforded the Duke d'Epernon all that he wanted, by reason that the Town was very well provided. La Force 
La Force retires.  judging by this Success what he had to trust to from all the rest of the Country, retired out of the Government. After which all the Towns that were in his Party being astonished at the Capitulation of Orthez, and at the Retreat of the General, surrendered upon the first Summons. The Truth is, that the Duke's Severity, as soon as any body showed the least Inclination to resist, struck a Terror every where. Those very Places that obeyed, had the Grief to see their Fortifications demolished; but every where else, Confiscations, Banishments, Hanging, were the Duke's daily Sports, whatever the Author of his Life reports. We have a Specimen of it, by the poor Pretence he took at Oleron, to Execute a wretched Soldier he found in the Town. The Duke Condemned him to die, because he had managed the Work of some slight Retrenchments which it had been covered with. That did not render him more Criminal than those who had set him at Work, and who had taken him into their Service. Nevertheless, he was Executed; but not being able to persuade himself, that what he had done deserved Death, he imputed his Crime to his being a Provencal, and reproached the Duke at his Death, that he was the Victim of his Hatred for that Province.  
But those Rigours of the Duke rendered his Expedition 
All Bearn is subdued.  very short, and very successful. After the Capitulation of Orthez he soon made himself Master of Oleron, of Sallies, of Nay, of Sa●veterre, and finally of Pau; and having ordered all things according to his Mind, he left the Country in a full Submission. That Expedition did not last above three Months, which afforded him time to come back to the King, who was before St. John d'Angeli at that time. The War was begun in Poitou as soon as in Bearn, and with the same Success. Though the Duke d'Epernon's Commission was known by every body, and that the Settlement of War drawn in the King's Council was become Public, the Mediators being stupefied by some strange Charm, would still persuade themselves that it was nothing, and that, provided the Assembly would obey, the King would proceed no farther; so that their Letters, and their Advices still retarded the Affairs of the Reformed, and afforded the Court time to take all their Measures at leisure. Nevertheless, Favas, being informed by Chalas his Colleague, in the General Deputation, who with the Court, with what passed after his Departure, acquainted the Assembly therewith, and gave them an Account of the Illusions they had been amused with, while the Court was preparing to laugh at them and at him openly. As that Settlement of War had been drawn the next day after his Departure, he received the News of it the next day after his Arrival; so that he was enabled at once to inform the Assembly with the Disposition of Peace, in which he thought he had left the King's Council at parting, and of their Resolution for a War, of which the News was written to him.  
They heard at the same time that he arrived at Tours on 
Sedition at Tours.  the 18th of the same Month. One Martin, who kept a Public House there, had embraced the Reformed Religion; and that Change had occasioned some Jests, and some Satiric Songs, which had often exposed him to the Laughter of the People. The Magistrates not having suppressed that Licence, though contrary to the Edicts, and to sound Policy, the Catholic Children had learned those Songs, and the said Martin dying soon after it, they sung the said Songs while his Corpse was Carrying to the Ground. Some of those that accompanied the Corpse being disturbed at that Noise, gave one of the Children a Box on the Ear. The simple Catholics, who diverted themselves at those children's Play, and who often excited them to do what they durst not do themselves, cried out that he was killed, because he was a Catholic. Whereupon the People rose immediately, fell upon the Reformed, abused, wounded, and affronted all those they met. The Night did not appease their Fury. The next day the Seditious went to the Churchyard of the Reformed, dug up the Corpse, which had been flung into the Ground in haste, tore it in pieces, and committted a thousand Indignities against it. From thence they went to the Temple, and burned it: They plundered the House of the Sexton, and committed great Violences against him. This Rage lasted three days; but finally, it was appeased for want of Matter, by reason, that the Reformed hid themselves, and that the most considerable retired in such Places, where they expected to find most Safety. The Magistrates barely made some weak Informations of the Fact, and imprisoned some of the most Miserable; but as if the Reformed had been as Guilty as the rest, some of them were also secured to keep the Catholics Company.  
Those Mutineers seemed to have looked upon the 
And elsewhere.  King's Journey to Fontainbleau as the Signal of their Enterprise; and the People judged by the Coldness of the Magistrates, that they were certain the Court would approve those Proceedings. Nevertheless, the thing was looked upon to be of too much Consequence in that Conjuncture, to be winked at. The Court was sensible that the Impunity of those Violences would open the Eyes of those they designed to blind, by the fair Promises of the Observation of the Edicts; and that in case Despair should reunite the Reformed, their Ruin would prove a difficult Task. Moreover, it was an Example of very ill Consequence, which appeared, in that the People rose at Pottiers as well as at Tours, beat down the Wall the Reformed had built about their Churchyard; broke the Tombs, violated the Sepulchers, and endeavoured to demolish the Temple. Those Violences did not extend to Persons, by reason that the Place in which the Reformed performed the Exercise of their Religion, was at a great distance from the City; and that the Magistrates, who dreaded Reprisals, put a stop to the Disorder. But the Punishment of the Seditious was very inconsiderable, and did not terrify the Mob so much, as to hinder them from committing the like Excesses in divers other Places, as at Croisie, at Mouse, and elsewhere.  
The Court dreading the Consequences of the Sedition of Tours, received the Complaints of the Reformed, 
The Court stops the Progress of it.  who desired that an Exemplary Punishment might be made of it; and in order to blind them with an apparent Satisfaction, the King issued out a Declaration on the 20th of December, by which he took the Peaceable Reformed into his Protection, and enjoined the Parliaments, and all other Officers to whom the like Edicts are commonly directed, to make them enjoy a Liberty suitable to the Edicts. Moreover, he sent the Mild Malleville, Master of Requests, to Tours, with a Commission to try the Guilty without Appeal. The said Commissioner, without making any Informations, but those that had already been made by the Judges of Tours, put the Reformed at Liberty, and Condemned some of the Catholic Prisoners to Die. That Severity renewed the Sedition, and the People being in a greater Fury than ever, ran to the Prisons, broke open 
The Sedition is renewed.  the Doors, put the Condemned at Liberty, Plundered the Houses of the Reformed, and among the rest, that of a Notary, whose Minutes they tore. The Commissioner being Terrified, was constrained to hide himself; and the Mutineers could not be appeased until the Magistrates promised them to obtain a General Pardon for their Crime; that the Catholic Prisoners should be put at Liberty, and that the Process should be burnt. The King, whose Authority was concerned in that Second Sedition, took his time to do himself Justice; and leaving Fontainbleau to march towards Poitou, he came to Tours, and there caused four or five Wretches to be Executed, who had been 
Punishment of some of the Criminals.  concerned in that Tumult; but the most considerable escaped. The Execution of those Wretches calmed the Minds of those, that had been terrified by those Violences committed in so suspicious a Conjuncture. The Reformed kept at Home, and saw without any Emotion, the Weight of the War fall upon the small Number of those that followed the Orders of the Assembly. Moreover, They accused them of Obstinacy, and of being the Cause of their own Misfortunes, by an affected Consideration of future Misfortunes. In a Word, the Effect of that Shadow of Justice, which the King 
Which dazzles the Reformed.  did the Reformed on that Occasion, was such, that the very Catholics wondered at it, and made Jests of the Simplicity of those Wretches. An Historian, who speaks of those Affairs like a passionate Catholic, nevertheless says, upon that Subject, That he does not wonder that the Vulgar, whose Impetuosity is blind, should be caught in such a Snare; but that he cannot imagine how it could deceive the Grandees, the Gentry, and the Officers of that Sect, who had been repnted till then Wise Politicians.  
On the Fourth of the same Month, the King published 
New Declaration.  yet another Declaration before his Departure from Fontainbleau, of the same Style with all the rest. It began with a Protestation of having all along been desirous to cause the Edicts to be observed, as the most effectual way to make his Subjects live in Peace; of having winked at the Infractions committed by some of the Reformed; of having endeavoured to make them sensible of their Duty by Divers Edicts published on purpose. From thence it proceeded to the Motives of the Declaration given at Grenade, in the Month of October last passed, to interdict the Assembly of Rochel; and complaining that it had not hindered the Reformed from assembling in the said City and elsewhere; from ordering divers Acts of Hostility, as by Reprisals; from Electing Chiefs; from Fortifying of their Garrisons; from Raising Men and Money; from Listing Soldiers, Casting of Artillery, Buying of Arms and other Amunitions. It added, That notwithstanding all this, the King had granted several things, desired by the Memorials presented to him by the Deputies General: But, that finally he was resolved to go as far as Touraine, and to march himself towards Poitou and elsewhere, to be near to apply a Remedy to those Evils; being resolved to maintain the Public Peace, to cause the Edicts to be observed, in favour of such as should keep within the Bounds of their Allegiance, and to chastife the Rebels: Whereupon he confirmed a new, all the Edicts and Declarations, and ordered them to be kept in favour of those that were, and should remain within the said Bounds of their Duty, whom he took, as well as their Families and Estates, under his Protection and special Safeguard; commanding his Officers and Governors of Cities to see it performed. He ordered the same thing for the Catholics, to the Officers of the Places in which the Reformed were the strongest. After which he came to Blois, from whence he repaired to Amboise, and afterwards to Tours, to Thovars, where the Duchess de la Trimoville received him, and finally to Saumur, out of which he turned Du Plessis in a very Unkingly manner.  
While the Court was so diligently employed about 
The General Assembl● defends it ●●lf in Writing.  the Preparations of War, the Assembly was near as diligent in putting themselves in a Posture of Defence; being equally troubled with the little Union they observed in their Bosom, and with the little Authority they had in the Provinces, and the continual Contradictions of those who thought they were the Wisest, who did nothing but Preach Obedience to them. As soon as they were informed that the King had refused to hear their Deputies, they ordered them to put those Remonstrances in Writing, which they were to have made by Word of Mouth. They did it accordingly, and in order that every body might be acquainted with them, they published them. After having declared, that the Reason which obliged them to make them public, was, that they were not allowed to speak to the King; they set forth all the Promises that had been made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name, the Prince of Conde's, and the Duke de Luines; and they related the very Expressions they had used; and among the rest, what the King had said to those who carried the Nomination of the Deputies General to him, that he would perform the Promises of the Prince, and of the Duke. They complained that those Solemn Promises had been violated; and having observed at what time the King took his Progress into Bearn, they thought it was a great Injustice to impute it as a Crime to the Assembly, to have met upon the Word of a Prince, of the Favourite, and of the King himself.  
After which they proceeded to the Particulars of those 
Particulars of their Complaints  things in which, the Court had not performed their Promises: viz. That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine had not been delivered, though it was an Affair but of half an Hour. That the Reception of the two Councillors in the Parliament of Paris had been deferred as long as possible could be. That it had not been performed till after the Convocation of the Assembly. That only one of them had been received in Reality, the Reception of the other being evaded by the Clause of Modification, which obliged Le Cog to resign his Place to a Catholic. That every thing had been altered in Bearn, and the Assembly of Rochel declared Criminal, without hearing the Persons concerned. That the Exercise of the Reformed Religion had been interrupted at Clermont de Lodeve, though it was a Place of Surety. That the Catholics hindered the Execution of the King's Orders by Force of Arms, and the Proceedings of the Commissioners sent to re-establish it there. That the King's Council declared that the King's Authority was concerned in it; but yet that they Authorised it by Conniving at it. That Privas had been taken from the Reformed, though it was a Place, where, according to the Edicts and Briefs, nothing ought to be Innovated. That during Eighteen months' last passed, the Court had detained the Sums promised for the Maintenance of the Garrisons, and for the Salaries of the Ministers. That Seditious Sermons against the Reformed were tolerated. That their Dead were taken out of the Ground again. That their Temples were burnt. That their Ministers were turned out. That the Delivery of the Places, in which they were to perform the Exercise of their Religion was hindered; and among the Places in which those Excesses were committed, they mentioned Moulins, Bourges, Baux in Provence, Lion, Dijon. That their Cahiers were not answered, and that when any of the Articles were answered, either the Answers were not put in Execution, or they were contrary to the Intention of the Edicts. That the Commissioners sent into the Provinces, either refused to perform their Office, or performed it ill, by a visible Collusion. That all this proceeded from the Council and Malice of the Jesuits. They Concluded, Imploring the King's Favour, and earnestly desired the Revocation of the Declaration which treated them as Criminals, protesting that they only desired the Liberty and Safety of their Religion, to remain inviolably tied to their Allegiance.  
The Marshal de Bovillon writ from Sedan to the 
The Marshal de Bovillon writes to the King.  King, the same day that the Remonstrances appeared. He freely expressed the Reasons of Diffidence that had been given to the Reformed, by the threatenings of Revoking the Edicts, that is, to take away the Liberty of their Consciences, the Safety of their Lives, their Estates and Dignities. He said that the Affair of Bearn had been anticipated; that the Promises had been ill executed; that Garrisons had been put in divers Places without Necessity; that the Assembly of Rochel was used with too much Severity. He entreated the King to hear the Remonstrances of their Deputies, and to reject the Councils of those that advised him to force the Consciences of his Subjects. But the Council was hardened against those Advices which tended to Peace; and seemed not to relish them, only the better to take their Measures.  
The Jesuits answered the Reproach that was made 
Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly.  against them of exciting a War, in Writing. In order to refute it, they made use of the Sermon the King's Confessor had lately Preached at Court, that the King was obliged to protect all his Subjects, even those that were of a different Belief from his. That Answer tended to persuade that their Society was innocent of all the Ill they were accused of; and that they only applied themselves to Convert those that Strayed, and to prevent the Progress of Heresy by their Sermons and Writings. They made it a Crime for the Reformed to suppose in their Complaints, that the King suffered himself to be governed by the Jesuits. And they said that all the Articles set down in their Petition were false; and for an Instance of the Innocence of the Society, and of the little Share they had in the Violent Councils that were daily given to the King against the Reformed, all their Actions were represented in it in a manner full of Fury and Venom. That Apology could not deceive those who had any Sense. It was very well known that the Theology and Morality of the Jesuits are always Slaves to their Policy; and that it is impossible to guests their Sentiments by their Sermons. It was easy to oppose to the Moderation of the Jesuit Arnoux, the Seditious Sermons of the Monks of the other Orders, who being more Impetuous, and Hairbrained than the Jesuits, declared inconsiderately in their Pulpits, what those cunning Politicians had the Art to cover with a profound Dissimulation. Even at S●●mur, a Franciscan Friar had had the Boldness to say, comparing those who were for tolerating the Reformed, to the Soldiers that Spit in the Face of Jesus Christ, that for his Part, who was afraid of no body, he declared publicly, that a War was necessary. We may Judge by that, what Liberty they took in Places of less Consequence than Saumur, where they stood in no dread of the Reformed. Moreover, it was very well known, that in the Application of the Jesuits towards the Conversion of those they called, strayed, all means were lawful alike to them; and that according to their Maxims, success rectifies the most Violent and most Unjust Expedients.  
Lesdiguieres before and after his coming to Paris, acquainted the Assembly with all that Deagean inspired him with, and endavoured to persuade them, that they were to blame to complain. The Assembly answered him pretty Vigorously, and took him to Witness himself of the Royal promises, upon the Account of which they did repair to Rochel. But when he Writ to them from Paris, with Reproaches and threatenings, declaring that he would bear Arms against them, unless they did submit to the King's Pleasure, they answered him upon the same Tone, which broke off all manner of Correspondence between them. He had played his part so well till then, that he had deceived the most clear sighted; and that he seemed equally well affected to the Peace of the State, and the preservation of the Churches. His Refusals of joining with them, being mixed with such specious Reasons, and with such moving Protestations, that even those that did not believe him, did not know what to Answer him. During the War of Privas, the Provincial Assembly of An●●s●, deputed the Marquis de la Charse to him, who represented all the Grievances under which the Reformed Laboured to him. He omitted nothing to persuade him to take some useful Resolution for the good of the Churches. He employed in his Discourse all the Motives of Religion▪ of Honour, and of Interest; the good of the State, the Advantage of the common Cause, the particular interest of his Person and of his Family; Remonstrances, Reasonings, Conjurations, etc. But he could not prevail upon his Mind which was prepossessed by Deagean. Lesdiguieres lessened as much as he could by his Answer, the Subjects of Complaint and of diffidence alleged by the Marquis. He endeavoured to prove, that all the proceedings of the Court were Just; and gave no other Advice, but that of ●…ing, and of submitting. But he accompanied his Advice with so many fair Words, and with such 〈…〉 of his Affection for the Churches, that the Marquis ●…s constrained to seem satisfied with his Refusal; and ●…o seem to believe that he spoke from the bottom of his heart. He never put off his Mask till he came to Paris, and obliged himself to serve against the Churches.  
But as there were Members of the Assembly at Rochel, 
The Assembly draws a Project to defend themselves.  ●…o acquainted the King with all the Transactions there, so ●…ere were Persons at Court, who gave the Assembly a ●…ithful Account of all the Resolutions that were taken here against them So that, after they knew that the King was gone from Paris, they did Nominate Nine Commissioners to draw a settlement of War: And on the ●…oth of May, after having heard that Seditions were made 〈…〉 all parts against the Reformed; That the King had made 〈…〉 settlement of near 50000 Men on his side; that he had made a New Edict, which at the the bottom was only a Declaration of War; That he was gone from Fontainbleau fully resolved to begin it in Poitou; That consequently there was no longer any reason to rely on Negotiations they agreed upon 47 Articles prepared by their Commissioners, which Regulated the Distribution of the ●…nces, the Generals that should Command there, 〈…〉 Power, their Office, the Authority of the Provin●… Councils and of the Assembly; the Discipline they ●…d observe in their Arms; The manner of Treating ●…ners of War, and of managing Military Enterprises; that should be freed from Spoils, and what should be observed for Correspondence. They also contained Regulations for the Finances; and the manner of Raising them, of receiving them, and of laying them out. The last made Provision for the Subsistance of the Reformed▪ that should be obliged to quit their usual abode, and to abandon all their Estate during the War. But the first was 
Division of the Provinces into Circles.  the most remarkable, by reason, that it contained the division of all the Churches of the Kingdom into Circles, which were to have each their General, and to furnish a certain part of the Men and Sums, that were necessary for the common defence. Those Circles had been Instituted long ago: But they were only composed at first of some Neighbouring Provinces, who were to Assemble themselves by the Deputies of their respective Councils, as soon as any of them should be attacked; and were obliged to assist each other, as soon as required. They had Uunited those in such a manner which were able to maintain their Correspondence with less difficulty, and that bordered in part upon each other. Some Alterations were made about that Institution upon the Occasion of the approaching War: particularly, in that a Man of Quality was created General of every Circle: So that the said Division seemed to be formed upon the Model of the Circles of Germany, from whence the very Name of Circle was borrowed.  
Those Circles were of an unequal Extent, according as 
The Marshal de Bovillon refuses the Place of General.  the Provinces of which they were composed, had more or less Churches or strong Places; and by that Inequality of Extent, the Reformed had endeavoured to make them partly equally strong. There were Eight of those Circles. The first was composed of the Isle of France, o● Normandy, Pickardy, Beausse, Berry, Anjou, Maine, P●che, Tourane, excepting the Isle of Bouchard, which was joined to another Circle. The Generality of that great Circle was designed for the Duke of Bovillon. Moreover, the Office of Generalissim● of the whole Party was offered him; but he refused it upon the Account of his Age, and of the Gout, which he was very much troubled with. He remained Neuter, as to Action; but he often gave the Assembly good Advices, which were not followed. Among the rest he advised them to put a Caris●n of Six thousand Men into Saumur, by reason that it was not likely that the King would leave a Place of that Consequence behind him; and that if they did put a sufficient Garrison into it, to resist the first Effort of his Arms, the War would soon be at an end. The Assembly believed him, and sent Forces to secure that Place; but 
Irrepara●….  upon some ill Advice, they were countermanded, after they had begun their March. Soon after it, when they heard that the King was marching that way, they were sensible of the Fault they had committed, in not providing the said City with Men, Amunitions, and Money. They endeavoured to repair that Fault by Diligence; but the King made yet more Diligence than the Assembly, and before the Relief they sent was got half way, he had turned Du Plessis and his Garrison out of Saumur.  
The Second Circle, composed of Poitou, of Bretagne, 
General of the Circles.  and of the City and Isle of Bouchard, was to be Governed by Soubise, Brother to the Duke of Rohan. La Trimoville had the Government of the Third, which was to contain Angoumois, Saintonge, and the Islands. The Lower Guyenne made the fourth Circle, and La Force was Governor of it. The Fifth, given to the Marquis his Son, comprehended Bearn, and the Dependencies thereof. The Upper Languedoc, and the Upper Guyenne, which made the Sixth, was to be Commanded by the Duke de Rohan. The Seventh, which contained the Lower Longuedoc, the Cevennes, Givaudan, and Vivarets, was to be Governed by Chatillon. And the Eighth, composed of Burgundy, Provence and Dauphine, was left to Lesdiguieres, from whom it could not be taken. Rochel made a Circle apart in that Division; and there was a particular Exception in favour of them in the Forty seven Articles I have mentioned, which exempted them then and for the future of having any Governor besides their Mayor. Of all those Circles, none but the Upper Guyenne made any Resistance that year, so that it proved by so much the more easy for the King to vanquish, that he had in effect but the Eighth part of the Reformed of his Kingdom to deal with; since even in that Circle which made some Resistance, several Towns and Captains made none at all.  
The Catholics made a great deal of Noise about these 
Seat of the Assembly.  Settlements, and for that the Assembly had caused a new Seal to be engraven, in order to fix it to their Ordinances and Commissions. The Constable himself represented that Action as a public Declaration of their Resolution to withdraw from their Allegiance to the King; of designing to establish a New Holland in France, and to settle a Republic there, of which the Assembly retained the Superiority. It was easy to persuade it to the King, who was bred with an Aversion to the Reformed, and was ev●● susceptible to the Jealousies, that were inspired in him about his Authority. But to say the Truth, it was a wretched Reproach; for if the War was just on the side of the Reformed, the Regulations made, in order to sustain it, and the Seal engraven in the Name of their Union, could not render it Criminal. The Question was, whether the Reformed were in the Right to take up Arms; by reason that granting, that it could be no Crime in them to make Laws to unite themselves, nor to agree about a Seal, as a General Mark to know each other by. Moreover the said Seal was only an Emblem of their Religion, the same as is still often met with in the first Page of the Books of Religion, written for the use of the Reformed. There only were some Words engraven about it, which signified that they took up Arms for Christ, and for his Flock. The first Letter of the last Word not making a good Impression upon the Wax, the Sense was different, and the Words that appeared, signified only for Chr●●●▪ and for the King. This Diversity might persuade some People that they had two Seals; and there are some Writings of Catholics, in which there are Remarks that 〈◊〉 that some have read it one way, and others another; 〈◊〉 I find nothing positive about▪ it in▪ the Memoires I have seen▪  
Besides these Regulations, the Assembly did defend themselves by Apologies and Manifesto's, while the King 
The Peaceable Reformed are disarmed.  pressed them with Sword in hand. All the Lords upon the Discontents of which they reckoned, had made their Peace with the Constable, and served against them. The Duke de Mayenne commanded a Body of Men in Guyenne. The Prince of Conde commanded another in Berry, where he besieged such Places as did not open their Gates to him, and disarmed the Reformed that made no Defence. He took by a Form of Siege Sully and Sancerre; and the Reformed of Blois, of Tours, and other Places, where they were not much to be feared, were obliged, like the rest, to suffer themselves to be disarmed. Count de St. Paul being assisted by the Marshal de Vitri, made himself Master of Gergeau; and thus the Reformed had no Retreat left them about de Loire. The Duke de Longueville disarmed them also in Normandy; and they received the like Treatment in all the Provinces the King left behind him. This Proceeding so contrary to the last Declaration, which promised such great Matters to those that should remain at Home, cast a Terror and Repentance in the Hearts of all those unfortunate People, who regretted too late their having reposed so much Confidence in a Court, accustomed by the Duke de Luines to violate them, as soon as they ●o●●d a specious Pretence to do it. The fair Words of those who committed those Violences could not remove their Consternation, being then afraid that the Catholics would only wait for the happy Success of some Battle or ●●●e to Massacre them. Insomuch that many of them 
W●●●● c●●s● a great D●●●●tion.  〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom, or retired in such Places, where they were in hopes of meeting Friends and Protectors. 〈◊〉 was crowded with them. Even those who could not resolve to quit their Estates, sent their Children or Wives into Places of Safety, and remained at Home, almost persuaded that they should be the Victims of some Bloody Orders, or of some Popular Sedition.  
But nothing made so much Noise, as the Trick that was put upon Du Plessis, who was the King's old, and Faithful 
Trick put upon Du Plessis to get Saumur out of his hands.  Servant. The King sent him word that he designed to take up his Quarters at Saumur, and Villarnoul his Son-in-Law was told positively, that he had sent to Court to learn the King's Intentions, and that no more should be done on this Occasion, than had been done on others, when the King and Queen Mother had lodged there. That Du Plessis should only draw out the Garrison of the Castle for Form sake, and that after the King had tarried there as long as he thought convenient, he would leave him the Government of the Place, as he had possessed it till then. Lesdiguieres and the Constable engaged their Words to him for it positively. Nevertheless, Du Plessis was turned out of the Castle, under Pretence to Lodge the King there, and they did not so much as allow him one Chamber for his Family. Soon after it, he was told that the King designed to keep Saumur at least for three Months longer; and finally, he was offered a Recompense for it. He never would accept any Composition; and he expressed a great deal of Concern to find, that after Two and thirty Years Trial of his Probity, he was suspected of not being able to preserve the same Probity to the end of his Life. He insisted strongly upon, that there remained still near four Years of the Time for which the last Brief confirmed the keeping of the Places of Surety. He proposed Means to remain in the said Place, without giving the King any Jealousies; and represented, that the said City was a Refuge to many peaceable Families, who were come thither out of the Country and elsewhere, to avoid the Spoils of War. That their Terrors would be revived, in case the Appearance of Surety, they expected to find in the City, should be removed; and the natural Inhabitants would forsake all themselves, if he received a Treatment, of which they would think the Consequences would prove fatal to them.  
All this produced nothing but Promises by Word of Mouth, and in Writing, Signed by the Constable, and 
They amuse him with Promises even in Writing.  by the King himself, to return him the Place in a certain time; and to amuse him in the mean time, they ●…rt him the Title of Governor, and put Count de Saulx, Grandson to Lesdiguieres, who still professed the Reformed Religion, into Saumur, to keep the Place as long as the King said that he would detain it; but in order that Du Plessis might only have the Shadow of the Government, a Catholic Garrison was put in it. Soon after that, Du Plessis retired to his House of La Foret upon Saiure, where he soon discovered that he was fooled. This Disgrace drew a thousand Reproaches from 
Reproaches made to him by the Assembly.  the Assembly upon him. They called him Coward, Hypocrite, and Deserter. They had been jealous of him for some time; and they had ●…ke to have seized upon Villarnoul, the last time he came to Rochel with the Instructions of his Father-in-Law. His Councils, which always thwarted those of the Assembly, and that were ever contrived with Lesdiguieres, had created great Jealousies; so that the seizing of Saumur, which was only a Trick of the Court, was locked upon in the Assembly as a piece of Treason of Du Plessis, which they upbraided him with in very disobliging Terms. Time justified him, even to those that were most suspicious; and when they saw him die within some years after it, without having received from the Court the just Recompense, either of the Government, or of the Expenses he had been at, nor yet of his Goods, and particularly of his Books, which had been exposed to a kind of Plunder, nor of▪ the Amunitions he had paid for with his own Money, nor of several other things, in which he had been a great Sufferer, they found that the Court had imposed upon his Good Nature and Sincerity.  
The King published another new Declaration at A●ort on the 27th of May, which declaring all the Cities 
The King's Declaration against the Cities of Rochel, and of St. John d'Angeli.  and Persons Criminal, who sided with the Assembly, and particularly, the Cities of Rochel and St. John d'Angeli, of which, the one harboured the Assembly, and the other was preparing to sustain a Siege, forbade all the Reformed to adhere to that Party, or to acknowledge the General Assembly, or any other Assembly, Circles, Abridgements, Councils of Provinces, or Congregations that held any Correspondence with the Assembly of Rochel, or that should be held without positive Leave from the King. All their Adherents were declared guilty of High-Treason in it, and Condemned to the Punishments expressed in the Ordinances. The Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli, and those that followed their Examples, were deprived of all the Grants, Privileges, Franchises, and other Favours they had obtained from the Kings. But that which was most remarkable, 
Which obliges the Reformed to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing.  was a Command made to all the Reformed Gentlemen and others, of what Quality soever, even in the Cities and Communities, to repair to the register Office of the Bayliwick or Seneshalship of their Precinct, there to declare that they would serve the King against those that adhered to the Assembly: That they did renounce all manner of Communication with them, and that they disowned whatever might be resolved on there, or in any other Assemblies of the same Party; which the King more over would oblige every one of them to give in Writing for their Discharge. This was Executed with so much Severity, that the Duke de Sully, and the Marquis de Ro●y his Son, were forced to serve as Examples to others, and to sign the Declaration in the Terms of that Ordinance. Care was taken to send a particular account to Court of the manner in which it had been rejected, or received, in those Places where it was sent; and it was observable, that wherever there were persons bribed by the Court, the Obedience was very exact.  
Thus far the King had met no manner of Opposition; and all the Governors of the Places of Surety that happened 
Self-interested Baseness of all the Governors of the Towns of Surety.  ●…e in his Way, delivered up their Places to him with as much Ease as Du Plessi●s, but their Prudence had ●●●e Interest in it. They all secured Recompenses for their Cowar●i●e; and that Commerce was so much in vogue during that War, that no body surrendered up a●…own to the King, without obtaining something for it. Even four of them, who had surrendered their Towns up generously to the King at first, without bargaining for it, bethought themselves, seeing the Advantages others got by their Obedience, and prevailed with some Places to revolt, in order to have an Opportunity to make a Treaty by which they might get something. Parabere surrendered Niort with Ostentation. Loudrieres, who was only Deputy Governor in Font●nai le Com●e, delivered the Place without acquainting the Governor with it, who was absent. After which, he had the Confidence to lock himself up in St. John d'Angeli, in order to form some Division there, under pretence of Serving during the Siege of that City, which the King threatened; and Soubise was either so imprudent, or so ill informed, as to receive him. Chatea●n●●●. Governor of Pons, suffered himself to be gained by Lesdiguieres, though he had been one of the honest, and most obstinate of the Assembly. The Truth is, that the Court seemed to Besiege that Place, the better to colour that Treaty. Those Bargains were in vogue even in those Provinces where the King was not in Person, and Mon●●mm●ry, who Commanded in P●nterson, a small Sea Port Town in Normandy, delivered it up to the King on certain Conditions. A●genton, the only Place of Surety the Reformed had in B●●ry, was delivered up to the 
The King d●mol●shes the Fortifications of the Cities that are delivered up to him.  Prince of Conde, upon the Account of such a Bargain. As soon as the King was Master of any Place, he caused the Fortifications to be demolished; which might have seemed strange, had not the World had evident Proofs before of the Disingenuity of those that Governed him. Those Towns which surrendered at the first Summons could not be treated as Rebels; and whereas they belonged to the Churches yet for above three years to come, according to the last Brief, confirmed since by the Writing the King had given to Du Plessis, the King ought to have been satisfied with their Submission, without depriving the Reformed, who kept within the Bounds of Duty, and who surrendered them so handsomely of those Refuges. But the Design of that War, was to revoke the Briefs; and whatever Distinction the Court had promised to make between the Reformed that were Peaceable, and the Factious, they were resolved equally to take all the Places of Surety from them.  
The Apology of the Assembly appeared about the 
Apology of the General Assembly.  time of that Commerce of Cities, under the Title of Declaration of the Churches of France, and of the Sovereignty of Bearn, in their Assembly at Rochel, of the unjust Prosecution they are prosecuted with by the Enemies of the State, and of their Religion, and of their lawful and necessary Defence. All the Editions of that Apology are not alike; some have Articles that are not in the others: Some of them have not, what we read in others; that the Edict of Nantes was made at a time when the Reformed might have shared the Kingdom with the Catholics, if they had pleased; which they had renounced, by reason that they only desired the Liberty of their Consciences; and that having subscribed the Peace on those Conditions, they were in the right to make War, when that Condition was violated, to preserve by Arms, what they had lost by a Cowardly Peace. But at the Bottom, the beginning of that▪ and perhaps this air of Loftiness would have been excused, ●ad the Assembly had strength enough to have made it good. After the accustomed Protestations in Manifesto's, and an Invi●itation of French and Foreigners to hear the Complaints which they had to make, by the way they refuted the Reproach of Rebellion, and fell foul again upon the Project of ruining ●…e Reform ever since the sitting of the States in 1615. where ●…ere was a Proposal made for petitioning the King to fulfil his Coronation Oath. More especially they lay hard upon the Je●…its, and principally upon the King's Confessor, whom they ●…acqu'd with a long Invective. They ripped up his Behaviour 
Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux.  〈◊〉 Bearn, his Attempts against the Parliament of Paris, whose Decrees he had caused to be cancelled; and against the University, whose Censures he had caused to be disannulled: his Credit greater than that of the Bishops, who in three days had pre●…il'd to get the Decree of Compensation past, which the whole Clergy had solicited fifteen years in vain; the Tricks which he ●…'d to abuse the King's tender Conscience, and the Authority which he assumed to himself, to be of his Council of Conscience. ●…om thence they passed to the Maxims of his Society, touching ●…ith and Promises engaged to Heretics; to the Testimonies of ●…e Clergy's passionate Violence; to the unjust Acts of the Par●…ments; to the Admonitions whispered in the ears of the Re●…rmed at Court, that they must either quit the King's Service or their Religion. Nor did they forget the Affairs of the Counsel●…rs in Parliament; the Corruption of the Governors of the Pla●…s of Security; the seditious Sermons of the Preachers; the ●…undring of Churches; the digging up the Dead out of their ●…raves; the cruel usage of those that lay Sick and upon their ●…eath-beds in Hospitals, where they were denied requisite Noushment and Remedies; and the forcing of Children from their ●…others Arms. They complained further, That when the Reformed had recourse to the Magistrates for Justice, they were ●…uted and laughed at; and that when they went to lay their complaints at the King's feet, they were treated as Rebels.  
After this, they proceeded to the Affairs of the Assembly of ●…don; and having laid open the Original and Benefit of those Assemblies, they justified this by the manifold Oppressions, of which they had so much reason to complain. They set down at large the series of all their Differences and Contests with the King, till their Breaking up; and till the Promises made 'em b● the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Lunes; and made it o● how all those Promises had been violated. They gave an Account of the King's march into Bearn, and of all the Violence● which had been there committed. And here they hinted a● along at the Sophism which the Jesuit Arnoux had made 〈…〉 of, to justify the Breach of a Promise made to Sales, whe● he was put out of Navarreins, that there should be no Innovations introduced. This Promise, said he, either relates to th● Conscience, or to the State. It concerns not the Conscience continued he, because it is contrary to the Precept of the Church if then it be a State-Promise, it ought to be referred to the Secret Council, whose Opinion it is, that it ought not to be kep● This Sophism would not suffer the King, who was rather a goo● Prince than a Logician, to follow his own Inclination, which was to be as good as his word.  
Then they proceeded to make a display of the Artifices which the Court made use of to corrupt Lesdiguieres; the War of Pr●vas; Mommoranci's Exploits; the way which they took to g●… Chatillon, and ruin both la Force and his Children. They 〈…〉 the common Reports, that gave out nothing but the destructi●● of the Protestants, and went so far as to limit the time with●… three months. To these things they added the new Exploits 〈…〉 the Duke of Espernon in Bearn, and of the King himself at S●●mur. They took notice of the Cunning of the Court, who ha● invited the Duke of Rohan, and the Duke of Subise, his Brothe● to meet the King, to the end that Auriac, who betrayed 'em might more easily surprise St. John d' Angeli; which he attempted in vain, because they kept out of the snare. The● add the small Satisfaction which the Court had given to th● particular and general Commissioners; and they observed tha● when Lesdiguieres had written to the Assembly to oblige 'em 〈…〉 break up, he would never promise 'em any thing in the King's Name, but only upon his own score; by which it was apparent, that he was willing to reserve an Excuse to himself, that he could not possibly alter the King's mind. But in regard it was charged upon the Assemblies General as a Crime, that they ●fus'd to break up, before they had received an Answer to their ●pe●s which the State's General refused to give 'em, they set 
Why the Assemblies refused to break up, before their Papers were answered.  ●rth the Inequality of these two sorts of Assemblies: for that ●e State's General met together to make Laws and Regulations 〈…〉 State, the Authority of which ought solely to flow from the ●ing. But the Assemblies of the Reformed meeting only to amand Reparation for Wrongs and Oppressions, which fixed ●m within the Rules of ordinary Justice, whereby the Parties ●ere not obliged to withdraw themselves, till their Complaints ●ere adjudged; they concluded with a Protestation, That they ●d no Design against Regal Authority; they gloried in the ●ervices that were done the two last Henries, by the Reformed against the Catholics; they offered all Obedience and Service to ●●wis XIII, and implored his Royal Succour, and the Compassion 〈…〉 Foreign Princes, but principally God's Assistance against ●eir Oppressors. This Apology was signed by the Moderators and Secretaries.  
There was an Answer made to it in the King's Name, but 
A violent Answer to ●● in the King's Name.  ●here was nothing in't to show that it was owned by the King ●Twas said that the Oath sworn to exterminate Heretics, of which they made such loud Complaints, was no new thing; ●ut that it had never been put in execution; that they never murmured against Henry IU. who had taken it; and that Lewis●●II ●●II. had taken care to free himself from such a cruel Obligation by a Declaration set forth on purpose. They eluded that Reproach thrown upon the Jesuits, for meddling more than be●ame 'em with the Government, by saying, That the Ministers ●ad as much Authority over the Reformed; as if there were ●ny Comparison between the one and the other; That it was hereditary to their Sect, to seek the Oppression of Kings in their Cradles; which they proved by King James' hatred of the Puritans of Scotland. To destroy the Advantage which the Reformed pretended to have over the Catholics, in being more obedient to their Sovereigns, they alleged, Assemblies held in opposition to their Approbation; the Oath, the Regulations and Seal of the Assembly of Rochel. 'Twas asserted, That the Succour which the Reformed had given to Kings, proceeded from Interest, because they procured their own Security by it; besides that they had shared it with the Catholic Nobility: And here 'twas thought necessary to add, that Leitoure was neither a City of Security, nor Marriage; that it belonged by Inheritance to Fontrailles; and 'twas deemed no more than what was reasonable; that the Reformed should take it for full satisfaction, that it was given to Blainville. Upon the Refusal to receive the two Counsellors in the Parliament of Paris, it was replied, That Parliaments were more ancient than the Reformed; that there was no Law which justified the admitting of Heretics into it, as if the Edicts of Nantes and Loudun had not the force of Laws. And lastly, That the Reformed had enough to content 'em in the enjoyment of the Chambers, half one half t'other, without thrusting themselves into Parliaments. 'Twas alleged, That they had no cause to complain of the non-performance of some Promises by the King, in regard there was no Law which obliged him to pay 'em: as if so many Brevets, one after another, more especially, that which granted a certain Sum to the Reformed in compensation of Tithes for their Ministers Salaries, ought not to have been as effectual as any express Law. Then followed a storm of railing Expressions, which made the Reformed responsible for all the Confusions and Disturbances which had happened in the Kingdom for sixty years together: as if they had been the Contrivers and Authors of the League under the Two last Reigns; or of those Troubles, of which the prodigious Fortune of Marshal d' Ancre had been the occasion. The Violences committed at Pau, during the Procession of the Eucharist, were palliated, by saying, That the People were either to get out of the way, or fall upon their knees: 'twas alleged, that such a thing might be done by the favour of an ambiguous Expression to delude the Catholic's Zeal, and that it was Prudence to do it sometimes. The Reformed were accused of drawing upon themselves the Sedition at Tours, by reason of a Box o'th' ear which one of 'em gave a Child; and therefore adjudged it a sufficient Reparation for their Losses, that four or five of the Canaille were hanged for it. As to the forcing away of Children, of which the Reformed made great Complaints, the Answerers endeavoured to make it lawful, by saying, That ●e Children became Catholics by Choice at the Age of Fifteen ●ears; and that there was a very ancient Law which allowed ●m to be Masters of their Choice at that Age. So that the ex●ress Provisions of the Edict of Nantes were looked upon as no●ing by the Authors of that Answer.  
Therefore two particular Accidents deserve to be recounted ●ere, to show what Sincerity was observed at that time in the Conversion of Children.  
A certain Inhabitant of Paris growing jealous of his Wife, 
Forcing away of Children.  〈…〉 whom he had several Children, was so far transported by that ●orbitant Frenzy, that he killed the poor Woman; for which ●…e was punished according to his deserts. But his Relations ha●ing demanded the Children, to the end they might be bred up 〈…〉 the Religion which their unfortunate Father professed, there ●as a Decree made in Parliament, That the Right of their Education was devolved to the King, by reason of the Father's Crime, so that the Children were brought up in the Catholic ●aith. Another Man, originally a Native of Normandy, had ●hree Children; He put one to the College of Jesuits; and ●me time after he returned to Paris with another of his Sons, ●ith a design to put him also to the same place; but understanding from the first, that he was refused the Liberty of his Conscience, the Father carried 'em both away, with an intent ●o place 'em in the College of Sedan: but a Priest, his Kinsman, forced 'em away from him upon the Road, and sent 'em ●o the Jesuits House at Pont a Mousson. The Father prosecu●d him for a Rape before the Bailiffs of Rheims, who, after a ●edious Suit, condemned him at length to the Galleys for Contu●nacy. But the Priest appealing from the Sentence, removed ●he Cause into the Grand Chamber. Servin, Advocate General, pleaded long and hard for his Client, and put the stress of the dispute upon this Issue, Whether or no a Father who had renounced his Right by the Edict, by declaring his Intentions to ●ut Children under the Tuition of Catholic Regent's, which he ●ould not choose but know to be such, could reassume when he pleased his Right to their Education, and take away the Children ●rom their Catholic Tutors? He concluded, that the Father's declaring his Resolutions to entrust such Regent's with the Education of his Children, was a sufficient Renunciation of his Right, and that he could not recover it back. For form's sake also the Children were brought into Court in their Father's presence, the one above Eleven years old, and the eldest about Thirteen yearst of Age: at what time, being prepared before hand what to say, they desired to be bred up in the Catholic Religion. Thereupon a Decree was made conformable to Servin's Conclusions: The Priest was discharged from his Condemnation; the Children were sent to the College of Na●●, under the Tuition of the Principal, and the Father was condemned to pay the usual Quarterly Pension, and to supply the rest of their Maintenance; and besides that, he was forbid to take away his Children from the said College, under the Penalty of Thirty thousand Livres. Never was Edict so Notoriously violated as was that of Nantes by this Decree, in those Articles which forbid the inveigling of Children to change their Religion, and which permitted the Parents to send 'em to Catholic Colleges, upon assurance that they would not molest their Consciences. By this the World may judge, whether the Assembly had just cause to complain or no; and whether the Replies of their Enemies were of any convincing force against 'em. This Decree was made the 22d of December.  
Affairs of greater importance, this year, will not permit me to insist upon particular Acts of Injustice done the Reformed in several places, either in reference to Legacies, or charitable Gifts to the Poor, which were sure to be adjudged to the Catholics, as soon as they demanded 'em; or in respect of their Church-Yards and Burying-Places, which were the occasion of a thousand Brabbles every day; or in relation to things that might be reckoned in the number of Favours. But that I may not make a general Omission, I shall only recite two Examples, which deserve to be remembered The first is, That in February, the Parliament of Paris, by a Decree, declared a Soldier of the Reformed Religion incapable of the benefit of a Monk's place, for which he had Letters of Assignation, and condemned him to pay back the money which he had received. Those Places were very small Pensions which some Monasteries were obliged to pay to maimed Soldiers, who were no longer able to work or do duty for their living They that enjoyed these Pensions, were also doand to wear a Cross upon their Cloaks; and in regard the Monks were desirous to be exempted from admitting the Reformed, because they scrupled to wear a Cross, the National synods had given leave to such as were maimed and infirm, to dispense with that Scruple; permitting 'em to wear a Cross, as the Symbol of their present condition: so that before that De●ree, the Reformed: had enjoyed the Benefit of those Pensions, as well as others. But in regard this proved a fatal Year to 'em, ●ew Pretences were found out to exclude 'em from it.  
The second Example is, That upon a Process removed into 
Catholics dispensed with granting their Church-Yards at their owa Charges.  Parliament, by reason of a Corpse interred by the Reformed in a ●art of a Catholic Churchyard, of which they had been a ●ong time in possession, the Catholics bethought themselves of ● brangling shift, which exempted 'em from granting other Church-Yards to the Reformed; and gave 'em leave to reassume those parts of the old ones which the Commissioners had either adjudged or left 'em. I have otherwhere observed the Alterations which the Parliament of Paris and the Clergy had caused ●o be made in divers Articles, both general and particular, of the Edict of Nantes, and principally in the 45th Article of Particulars, that mentions the Delivery of Church-Yards. There was so much Honesty and Justice in that Article, as it had been decreed at Nantes, that though it had been absolutely altered, nevertheless it had been put in execution, as if there had been no Alteration in it from the Original. The Commissioners were agreed upon this Point, and it is not above twenty Years siuce the Reformed enjoyed certain places at one end or other of a Catholic Churchyard, which had been assigned 'em by virtue of their Decrees, with the Advice and Consent also of the Catholic Clergy of those places, and of the Catholic Communities, because they chose to grant 'em a Portion of the old Churchyard rather, then buy 'em a new one. Honesty had also prevailed so far in this Particular, that this Article was reprinted according to the Draught as it was at first agreed upon, and so it is to be sound in all the Editions. But this Year the Reformed were deprived this petty Convenience: James Talon, first Advocate General, pretended that those Editions were falsified; but accuses no body for being the Author of that Falsification, and caused the Edict and the particular Articles, as they were registered by the Parliament Register, to be brought to the Hearing. But certain it is, that the Alteration of that Article did not exempt the Catholics from allowing the Reformed other Church-Yards in recompense: However Talon, a Man of great Wit and Subtilty, found a way to extract out of that Article by the force of Consequences, Interpretations and Meanings, which the Article never mentioned expressly, and gave out a Decree, prohibiting the Reformed to bury their Dead in the Churchyards belonging to the Catholics, and which ordered 'em to provide other Burying-places at their own Charges. About a Year after, he caused another Decree to be set forth, which commanded a new Edition of the Edict, according to the Original remaining in the Registers. Wherein there appeared something to comfort the Reformed for the damage which T●lo● had done 'em by his Cavilling: For they who in our days sought after new Tricks and Shifts to elude the Edict, and chiefly the particular Articles, had the Confidence both to report and write, that those Articles were never registered in any Parliament. It must follow then that they were torn out of the Register, since they were to be found in that which the Advocate General caused to be carried to the Audience, and according to which the next Years Edition was printed. I shall add, for the more clearly making out the Falsehood of that Pretence, that they had been verified in the Parliament of Roven, in the Reign of Henry IV. upon the 5th of August 1609. and inserted into the Register the next Year, upon the 27th of the same Month, in pursuance of Letters Patents dated July 15.  
I do not here pretend to give an Account of all the Writings 
Tilenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel.  that appeared for and against the Reformed upon the subject of the Wars; but I cannot omit a Pamphlet which Tilenus wrote under the Title of, An Advertisement to the Assembly of Rochel. Nor could the Jesuits themselves write in a more venomous and embittered stile. He preached Patience as if there could never be any end of it. He maintained that Kings were never bound either to their own Ordinances, nor to the Decrees of their Predecessors; which he supported by such weak Reasons, as might ●…e easily confuted by distinguishing between the nature of those ●aws. He asserted, That when Kings broke their Words, it behoved the People to have so much submission as to believe, that ●● they had good Reasons to promise, so they had as good Reasons to retract their Promises. He exclaimed against the Toleration allowed at Charenton for the Luxury of Marriages; against the Flight of Moulin; against the Assembly, of which ●●e greatest part disowned their own Proceedings; and who by their own ill behaviour had exposed above Three hundred of the Reformed to great dangers in the Provinces on this side ●●e L●●●●. After this, he discovers a little too openly the cause ●● his ill humour, by calling in question the Synod of Alets, because they had approved the Decisions of that of Dordr●●ht, notwithstanding the Opinion of some Ministers who by no means approved it; and he accused of too much severity the ill usage ●● the Arminians in Holland; and yet, if he might be believed, than the Reformed were delivered up to the Fury of their implacable Enemies, by means of unjust Acts, and Breaches of ●ord, that cried loud to Heaven, they did amiss to complain. ●uch is many times the Moderation of those that preach up Toleration: they would engross it all to themselves: but if others ●…t with never so little vehemency more than ordinary, nay, if 〈…〉 do but sigh and bemoan themselves, their very Groans and ●●ghs are not to be endured.  
In the mean time, the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise, who had 
Siege and reducing of St John d'Ang●●i.  ● long time refused to yield to the Importunities of the Assembly, having been disgusted by the Court, where the Prince of Co●dé 〈…〉 the Constable were the Duke of Rohan's Enemies, resigned themselves wholly to the Orders of the Assembly; and after some Submissions on their part, and some Offers from the ●ourt which signified nothing, they resolved to hold out St. ●ohn o' Angeli to the last. The Duke of Rohan left his Brother ●● the place, and after he had furnished it with Men and Ammunition, went into Gu●en to raise more Forces. On the other side the King, after he had summoned Subise by a Herald, besieged the City; and Subise, by the foul Practices of Loudrieres, who discouraged both the Soldiers and Inhabitants by his discourses ●nd his counsels, being constrained to surrender the place, marched out sooner than he would have done, had he not been afraid of being forsaken. All the security which either the City or the Garrison had, was a wild and general Capitulation; by which the King promised only in writing to the Inhabitants their Lives, their Estates, and the Liberty of their Consciences and Persons; reserving to himself the disposal of every thing else as he should think convenient: declaring at the same time that he did not pretend to make any Treaty, but only to grant a Favour. However the Capitulation, as slight as it was, had the hard fate to be but very ill observed. The Soldiers plundered the Town, and yet constrained the Mayor, the Sheriffs, and the principal Inhabitants, to give 'em a Certificate, and forced another from the Minister, that they had behaved themselves civilly. On the other side the King retiring to Cognac, set forth a Declaration, which was verified at Bourdeaux; wherein to put the greater value upon his Clemency, which had spared their Lives and Estates, and given Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed of St. John d'Angeli, he ordered the Fortifications and 
Privileges of the City abolished.  Walls of the City to be razed, and the Moats to be filled up: He took away their Charters and their Franchises, and made the Town liable to Taxes for the future: He cancelled their Government by Mayor and Sheriffs, and and annexed the common Stock of the Town to the Royal Demesnes; leaving 'em, out of his special Grace and Favor, their Election and ordinary Jurisdiction. Upon which Declaration a certain Historian, very much devoted to the Roman Church, observes, That it would have been taken for a just punishment of that City, had they not since that, used many very Innocent and Catholic Cities after the same rate.  
The End of the Seventh Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. THE SECOND PART. THE EIGHTH BOOK.  
A Compendium of the Eighth Book.  
MArshal de Bouillon's Letter. The King marches into Guyenne; the Siege and reducing of Clairac. The King's word ill observed. The Pope's Breve to the King. The Reformed every where unfortunate. The Siege of Montauban. La Force defends the Place. The King raises his Siege. Chamiere's Death. The Duke of Mayenne dies. The blame falls upon the Constable. The Jesuit Arnouxes disgrace. The Duke of Luines dies. Assembly of the Clergy. A violent Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes. The History of Dominic de Jesus Maria. Sedition at Paris. The Church at Charenton burnt. The Reformed forsake their Houses. They are accused of setting Fire to the Bridges of Paris, and the Prison at Lion. The Circle of Lower Languedoc displaces Chatillon. Great Confusion in that Circle. The Condition of the Court. The King returns to Paris. A remarkable Writing of Jeannin, advising Peace. The Opinion of those who were more inclined to War. The Reformed take new Courage. The King departs from Paris. His Success in Poitou; in Guyenne, where he treats with la Force. The sack of Negrepelisse, and St. Antonin. Lesdiguieres' interposes for Peace. Factions at Mompellier. Sedition against the Catholics. Bitter Harangue of the Bishop to the King. Remarks' upon the Style of that Harangue. The Church of Foix laid waste. Attestation given to the Monk Villate. The King forbids the Reformer to forsake their Houses. Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed. Proposals of the Marshal de Bovillon to the Duke of Rohan upon that occasion. The Court gains Mansfeild. The King makes use of Foreign Catholics in France. The Negotiations for Peace renewed. A Writing set forth upon that occasion. Siege of Mompellier. Capitulation made by Lunell, ill observed. Small Cities ill defended. Success of the War in several Places. Chatillon made a Marshal of France. Seditions at Orleans, Fronsac and Lion. The Original of the word Parpailler. Other Originals. Of the word Hust. Violence of the Sedition. The Reformed are disarmed. War against Rochel. Soubise solicits for Succour from England. Treaty of Peace reassumed near Mompellier. Conclusion of the Treaty with an Edict. Rigour of the Parliaments. Advantages of that Peace. Qualifications of the Edict of Peace. All the Cities accept the Peace, which is ill observed by the Court. Treaty at Mompellier. The King returns to Paris. De Puisieux in Favour. The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal. Character of that Prelate. After what manner he received the news of his Promotion. Excessive Flatteries. Foul Play offered the Rochelois. Enterprises of Valence at Mompellier; where he takes the Duke of Rohan Prisoner, and makes a division of the Consulship. General Papers. Extravagant Answers. Exercises forbid. The Reformed excluded from Dignities in the University of Poitiers. The singing of Psalms in the Streets and in Shops forbid. A common Soldier deprived the Benefit of an Oblate. Attempts upon paternal Right. A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods. A National Synod. Galand the first Commissioner ever present to a National Synod. He is admitted out of pure Obedience. Deputies sent to the King, who sends back the Deputies laden with his Orders. The Court inclined to favour the Arminians. A Writing published by la Militiere. Answer of Tilenus. Authority attributed to the Kings of France. Imposture set up against the Synod of Dordrecht. Obedience of the Synod of Charenton A Tignations ill paid. Propositions made to the Synod by Galand on the King's behalf. A new Deputation to the King, and the effect of it. Oath of Union. A Citadel built at Mompellier. Mariald opposes it in the name of the Reformed of the City. Presages of a new War. The death of du Plessis. The death of Marshal de Bovillon.  
WHile the King lay before St. John d'Angeli, he received the Submissions of the Duke of Tremoville, who had surrendered 
Marshal de Bouillon's Letter.  Taillebourg without much entreaty. On the other side, Marshal de Bovillon at the same time sent him a Letter full of smart Remonstrances: of which the principal Heads were, The retiring of the Reformed, which he attributed to the notorious violation of the Declaration of the 24th of April. He observed how the Reformed, notwithstanding their peaceable Demeanour, were disarmed. How there had been taken from 'em four Towns upon the Loire, which had never had any Correspondence with the Rebels: How the boldness of the Preachers was left unpunished, who preached nothing but Sedition, and equalled to Martyrdom the death of those who were slain in the War against the Heretics: How severely the Judges put in execution the Declaration of the 27th of May; and forced not only Men and Women, but even Children too, not Fifteen years of Age, to take the Oath to disown the Assembly of Rochel: How they that were desirous to retire, were stopped upon the Highway; which was also done to those who went no farther than Sedan, though that City were under the King's Protection. All which, said he, persuaded those affrighted People, that the King had some design upon their Religion, under pretence of humbling Rebels. To this he added some things that concerned himself, by reason of the little care that had been taken to observe the Treaty of Protection made with him for his Principality of Sedan.  
In the mean time the King, continuing his Conquests, marched into Guyenne with his Army, where he met with the same facility, 
The King marches into Guyenne.  in reducing all the Places which the Reformed held in that Province, which he had found in Poitou and Saintonge. The Treaties which the Governors made with him, regulated the march of his Army, and he went from City to City, presenting himself before the Gates of such Towns into which he was sure of being received. Boesse Pardaillan refusing to acknowledge lafoy Force for General, out of a jealous Humour quitted the Party, and surrendered about twenty Towns to the King. 'Tis true, that the greatest part of 'em being betrayed, betook themselves again to their Arms, so soon as they thought they might safely do it. Panissaut, animated with the same jealousy, constrained lafoy Force to quit several Places where he was inferior in number. Lusignan surrendered Puimirol with a frankness void of Self-Interest. But when he saw himself laughed at for going about to approve himself an honest man, at a time and in an Affair that no body regarded Honesty, he betook himself to his Arms again; and then they were forced to give him Ten thousand Crowns to pay his Debts. The City of Tonneins also, desirous to signalise her Loyalty, found herself exposed to the same Raillery. For several Lords of the Army being constrained by bad weather to shelter themselves in the Town, together with their Baggage, were well received and entertained by the Burgesses, and some small Parties wand'ring from the Body of the Army being in no small danger, had the Town had any intention to have fallen upon 'em, were treated as in a friendly Country. But for all this, when they complained of some damages done 'em by the King's Soldiers, and urged their abovementioned Kindnesses as proofs of their Loyalty, Answer was returned 'em in an insulting manner, That they were not to produce as marks of their Fidelity, what they had done for want of Courage. This was the way to enforce men to be Rebels, thus to brand their Obedience with the ignominious Name of Cowardice. And indeed such usage as this, aught to be a Motive to all Men of Courage, rather bravely to die in the generous Defence of themselves, then stoop to an ignoble and fawning Submission, that renders 'em the Scorn of their Enemies.  
The Duke of Mayenne, who prosecuted the War in that Province, had performed some petty Exploits, and taken in some ●mall Villages, which had put themselves in a posture of defence. ●ut the King met with no resistance till he came before Clairac, 
Siege and taking of Clairac.  which adventured to sustain a Siege. But 'twas the ill luck of his City, that there were several People who stayed within it, to ●o other purpose then to discourage others; so that the City did not hold out so long as it might have done, had not the Garrison and others been treacherous among themselves. The Town surrendered at discretion; which done, the King granted the inhabitants their Lives, and the exercise of their Religion. He excepted six persons only out of Pardon, and hanged up three 〈…〉 four, among which was the Minister. The King was accustomed to the punishment of such as wore that Character; ●nd thus it was, that the Jesuits, under his Name and Authority, rejoiced at the Sacrifices of their Enemies which they offered to their malice. They had persuaded the King while he lay at poitiers, to condemn to death Clemenceau and Mallerai, the one 〈…〉 Minister, the other an Advocate residing in the Town. But because they had escaped their Clutches, the Minister being fled ●o Rochel, and the Advocate to Nerac, they resolved not to lose ●ll their sport, and therefore had 'em executed in Effigy, and their persons defamed with ridiculous Satyrs. This Rigour was observed in all Places that made any Resistance. The bloody Council of Clergymen thought it the most proper course they ●ould take; in regard that punishment always betokening a Crime in those upon whom it was inflicted, those Rigours fomented in the King's mind that prepossessed Opinion wherein ●e had been bred, that the Reformed were Rebels.  
The Clemency afforded to Clairac, had but little effect; for that the Soldiers entered the Town, and plundered as much as they could carry away. Nor is it true that they were hindered by Bassompiere, as was reported by a certain ignorant and malicious Scribbler; for that he was at Paris all the while that Clairac was besieged, and did not return till the Siege of Montauban. Besides, they were the cause that a good part of the Garrison was destroyed in passing the River. True it is indeed, that the Garrison had a general Pass for their safeguard upon their marching out, and that the common Soldiers were permitted to wear their Swords. But under pretence of saving 'em from the Fury of the Soldiers of the Royal Army, they were ordered to cross the water. But that was no more than perfectly in order to lead 'em to the slaughter; for the King's Soldiers fell upon 'em, and stripped a great many. Which unexpected Violence 〈…〉 terrified the rest, that there not being above two or three Boa●… provided for their passage, while they crowded too numerously into 'em, the Vessels sank, and left 'em to the mercy of the water. Others thinking to escape by swimming, to avoid one sort of death, met with another. There was also a Rope that crossed the River for the use of the Ferry boat. But the King's Soldier● seeing that several of those poor Creatures hung by the Cord● most barbarously cut it; so that they perished with the rest of their Companions. Had there not been extremity of foul play among the Commanders, it might have been an easy thing to have prevented this Disorder, in regard there were then upon the place several Gentlemen of the Constable's Household, and some other Officers, who took no care to restrain the Cruelty of the Soldiers. But this Siege as well as that of St John d' Angeli, had cost the Lives of several of the Nobility; so that they resolved to sacrifice these poor Wretches to their revenge. The Fault o● those that permitted these Barbarities, was laid upon the common Soldiers: however, for fear of the same usage at another time, two or three of those who had cut the Cord, were hanged for a show of satisfaction.  
While the King pressed hard upon Clairac, he received a 
A Brief from the Pope to the King.  Brief from the Pope, wherein he congratulated his Victories; exhorted him not to lay down his Arms till he had subdued Rochel, and deprived the Heretics of every thing that served 'em for their security. He extolled his Enterprise to the Skies, and gave him great hopes of an issue correspondent to such prosperous Beginnings, together with strong assurances of the protection of the Saints. Among the rest of his Eulogies, there was one very particular, That he had followed the Example of his Ancestors, who had paid as much Honour to the Instigations of the Popes, as to the Commands of God. The more sincere sort of Catholics acknowledged this Brief to be a real Truth, though others who were ashamed of it, would fain had it passed for supposi●…ious. 'Twas dated the Tenth of July.  
During the continuance of this Siege, and the following 
The Reformed unfortunate every where.  months', the Duke of Mayenne continued the War in the Quarters assigned to his Conduct, and made himself Master of Mas 〈…〉 Verdun, Mauvesin, and the Isle of Jordan, giving satisfaction ●o the Governors: But to the end that all men might have their ●hare in the miseries of the War, the Sums which were promised ●he Governors were paid 'em by the Inhabitants of the parts adjoining. The Duke of Espernon employed his time in burning ●…he Houses and Mills about Rochel; and the Duke of Montmo●…n●y performed some petty Exploits in Languedoc, which tended all to annoy the City of Nimes. The Duke of Rohan, who expected that Montauban would be attacked after the rest, kept himself in the parts adjoining to Castres' and Albi, to provide ●…r their security, and held himself up with much more Courage then good Fortune. The Assembly of Rochel sought for succour from all parts, but nothing succeeded to their wishes; ●ll Foreigners refused 'em the assistance which they implored. The Intrigues of Vatteville Mont-chrestien, whom they had sent ●…to Normandy with several Commissions to raise men, proved ●…ortive by his death. Mombrun, who endeavoured to raise some ●orces in the Dauphinate, was not able to do any thing considerable, by reason of Lesdiguieres' return, who prevented him: ●nd the Count de Suse, who had a design upon Grenoble, being known by a Catholic Peasant that served him for a Guide, was ●…d into a Precipice with his Followers, from which he could ●ot save so much as one single person; and he himself had ●…erish'd thro' the Rigour of the Parliament, had not the King commanded 'em to surcease their prosecution: So that till then all things gave way to the King's good Fortune; insomuch that ●…e made himself Master of about Fifty Towns, of which several were able to have given him as much trouble as St. John 〈…〉 Angeli; yet all submitted, before so much as one great Gun ●as fired upon 'em; nor do I reckon in those which either he or ●ny of his Generals had been forced to besiege.  
But Montauban put a stop to the Career of all this Prosperity. The City and Parliament of Tholouse had engaged the King to sit down before that Place, at a time when the Season was already far spent, and that his men were quite tired out with labour, and the hardships which they had undergone. But Montauban was such an annoyance to Tholouse, by reason of the Excursions which the Inhabitants made, even to the Gates of that great City, that the Tholousains promised to supply the King with every thing that was necessary for the Siege, provided he would but undertake it. And the good Success which had all along till then attended him, made him easily believe that Montauban would be as little able to withstand the Torrent of his Prosperity as the rest. Thereupon the Duke of Mayenne, and Marshal de Themines had Orders to make the Approaches. The former of these two had made himself Master of several Towns in the Neighbourhood, but he could not surprise St. Antonin notwithstanding that he had gained the Governor, whose name was Penaveire. That faithless person had sold him the Town for Two thousand Crowns, for the payment of which the Duke had subscribed a Writing. But the Consuls coming to desire some Order from him which concerned 'em, he gave 'em the Writing by mistake. Upon sight of which, the Consuls testifying their Astonishment by their Looks, the Governor perceived his Error, but put it off with a good face, and a ready presence of mind. However he could not remove the Jealousies which th●● Accident had raised; so that after that, he could not deceive the Consuls, who trusted him no longer, but stood upon their own Guard.  
In the mean time the Siege of Montauban proved unsuccessful. 
La Force defends the Place.  La Force and the Count d'Orval, Son of the Duke of Sulli, were got into it, and held it out like men of Courage▪ And as for the Correspondences which the King held in the place, they all failed; because that they who were the chief Conspirators were slain, and the rest were discovered. The Duke of Rohan also relieved it with a considerable Reinforcement, notwithstanding all the Precautions of the King's Generals, or the Duke of Angoulesm, who kept the Field with a flying Camp▪ After that, several Proposals were made for a Peace; but the King refusing to grant any Accommodation but only to the Duke of Rohan, and he denying to accept any other than a general Peace, those Projects came to nothing; nor could they ●…nd any Expedient to colour the raising the Siege. However the King was forced to draw off, after he had wasted near three 
The King raises the Siege.  months' time before that place. Chamier, a Minister and Professor in Theology, who was slain with a Canonshot, was one of the most considerable among those whom the Besieged lost. But the King missed a great number of brave Gentlemen, and among the rest the Duke of Mayenne, who was killed in the Attacques of Ville-Bourbon. He was a Prince of a surpassing Prowess, but who made too great an ostentation of it, and took delight to expose both himself and others without any shelter to the Enemy's shot, out of a Vanity little becoming a great Soul. However it brought him to his end at length, as he had in the cause that many others by his Example had sacrificed their Lives to the same vainglorious Emulation. They of Montauban had notice that the Army would suddenly dislodge, by a Soldier of the Religion, who the evening before the Siege was raised, fell a playing upon the Flu●e the Tune of the Sixty eighth Psalm: which the Besieged took for a Signal of their deliverance; nor were they deceived.  
They who had been the occasion that the King received this disgrace, threw the blame upon the Reformed who served in his Army. But the Constable, who had collected from several Circumstances, that his power with the King was declining, began to reflect upon the Advice which had been several times given him, to have a care of Civil Wars, of which the least ill Success would make him bear both the reproach and the loss. He perceived it more especially at Tholouse, where many ill offices were done him. 'Tis true, that he was still in so much credit as to procure the Banishment of the Jesuit Arnoux from the Court, who, though he were beholding to him for his Preferment, ceased not however to plot and contrive his Ruin. The King also took another Confessor of his recommendation. Nevertheless the Constable began to consider, that 'twas high time to think of Peace, and all that he looked after was, which way to recover the Reputation which the King's Military Glory had lost before Montauban, to the end he might put the more honourable Conclusion to the War. But he died before the end of the year during the Siege of Monhurt. He also underwent the same destiny with all the rest of the Favourites. For he was neither pitied by any body, nor lamented by his Master. All his Grandeur died with him, and he hardly left behind him sufficient where with●… to defray the Expenses of his Funeral.  
During the Siege of Montauban, the King gave Audience to the Deputies of the Assembly of the Clergy, which being met▪ and having began their Session at Paris, had been removed to Poitiers, and from thence to Bourdeaux. They offered the King a Million of Gold, provided he would oblige himself to lay in all out in the Siege of Rochel. They consented only that the King should erect Receivers Offices, and Provincial and Diocesan 
Passionate Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes.  Comptrollers of the Tithes. Cornulier, Bishop of Rennes▪ made a Speech to the King, and sang triumphal Paeans before the Victory. He returned the King Thanks for what he had done for the Church, hoping that in a short time there would be but one Religion in France. He reckoned the War, according to the Principles of Ecclesiastical Charity, among the wholesome and gentle means, of which the King made use to bring things to a happy Conclusion. He accused the Reformed, with great Passion, of all the past Troubles, and of having aspired to shake off their Yoke, with an Intention to share the Crown among 'em. He added several Complaints, which he accompanied with all the Aggravations that could embitter 'em; that they had turned the Churches of the Diocese of Rieux in●… Stables; that they had carried away the Pyxes wherein the Sacrament was kept; that they had shot the Crucifix through and through with their Muskets; that they had tied it to their Horse's Tails, and dragged it to Tonneins; that they had salted their Meat in the Fonts of Baptism, after they had carried it in Procession round about the Church, as they did in a certain place within the Diocese of Pamiers; that in a place adjoining to Mompelier, they had cut off a Curate's Nose, and when they had done, threw him headlong from the top of the Steeple. However, 'twas not then a proper Season to take notice of these Extravagancies, supposing his Stories had been true, which could be thought no other than the hare-brained Pastimes of Licentious Soldiers; nor to desire that Punishment might be inflicted upon the Guilty only, as the Bishop of Luson did in 1615. when he presented the Papers of the Chamber of the Clergy at the rising of the States. There were also mustered up many more Crimes of the whole Religion; nor were the Innocent distinguished from the Guilty: And he demanded extremity of Remedies, as being to be applied for the Cure of extraordinary Mischiefs; and the more vigorously to move the King, he quoted the Examples of sundry Princes whom Heaven had punished for neglecting the extirpation of Crimes of the same nature. He applauded the King for having taken up the Rod of Iron, ●nd exhorted him roundly to pursue his Resolutions. He could not find any milder term, through his whole Speech, for the Reformed Profession, then that of Irreligion: nevertheless his passonate vehemence against the Professors of that Doctrine, did not take him off from thinking of the Affairs of the Clergy, nor from manisesting his great care for the preservation of their ●…mmunities and Revenues. He desired that the Reformed might not perform their Exercises within the Ecclesiastical Demeans ●…nd Lordships; but above all, that the Agreements which the Clergy had made with the King might be punctually observed. He built his Request upon a Maxim, which would have been of great advantage to the Reformed, had it been inviolably adhered ●…o. The Word of God, said he, is called Truth: In like manner the Promises of Princes ought to be firm and stable, not va●…k nor feigned; and this he was for having take place, chiefly 〈◊〉 what concerned the Church. But in regard there was no que●…ion to be made but his tacitly implied meaning was That the ●…i● of that same constancy of the King's word, did no way belong to the Heretics, he farther desired, That the Tempest con●…r'd up against 'em, might not be allayed after the usual manner; but that all the places of security might be utterly demolished. He blamed Violence in matters of Religion, when it did not tear up Errors by the Root; and acknowledged, That whatever was introduced by Force, was neither of long continuance, ●or of any value toward the propagation of Faith, which ought to be free. But for all that, he pressed the King to imitate Philip Augustus, and the Father of St. Lewis, who utterly extirpated the Albigeois, the Heresy, and their Habitations. So that according to the Principles of that pious Cruelty, he made no scruple of commending and justifying Violence, so it were put in practice for the extermination of the Reformed and their Doctrine. He exhorted the King more especially to reduce Rochel into a Country Town, and to disperse the Reformed into the Villages, in imitation of Constance, who confined the Gentiles thither▪ and who for that reason were called Pagani, or Villagers; upon which immediately the whole Empire became Christian. This Harangue, though full of venom and virulence, was not however without a certain briskness, which is requisite for Invectives▪ that they may not seem tedious.  
But the death of the Duke of Maine had like to have caused great disorders in the Kingdom. The Reformed were in danger of being massacred at Paris, when the news was first brought thither. That name was in high veneration among the common People, who bore the League in remembrance. Insomuch that the multitude resolved to revenge his death upon the Reformed in that great City, who were the most quiet and peaceable throughout the whole Kingdom. All the whole week, from the 21st of September, till Sunday the 26th, was spent in deadly Menaces. Now it happened that some days before, a Carmel●… Friar, who called himself Dominic de Jesus Maria, arrived in tha● 
The Story of Dominic de Jesus Maria.  City, having acquired both in Spain, in Italy and Germany, a great reputation of Piety. It had cost him however nothing but the Mops and Mows of a detestable Hypocrisy, and bloody Counsels against the German Protestant Princes. He was, by birth, a Spaniard, as also by his inclination and education. After some time spent in Travel, and some stay at Rome, and in the Emperor's Court, he became so famous, that the greatest Princes thought it an Honour to 'em, to have a veneration for him. He was the Promoter of the Bohemian War, by reason of those Acts of Injustice which he persuaded the Princes of the House of Austri●… to commit against the Protestants, and by means of that same inhuman Zeal with which he inspired and animated the People. One Artifice which this Monk made use of to inflame their minds, was, that he always carried about him an Image, which he called, The miraculous Image of our Lady of Victory. It was a Picture of about a Foot and an half in height, and about a Foot broad, wherein the Nativity of Christ was painted. It was ●…und under a huge heap of Chips and old rotten Wood: The figure of the Virgin also, by some mischance or other, had both the eyes torn out; and this same wretched Monk reported ●…ery where, without any other proof than his own word, that the Heretics were they who had committed that Sacrilege. This Picture he carried always about him, and he never showed 〈◊〉 without a world of Imprecations upon the heads of those who had so rudely disfigured it. He made use of it in Bohemia, 〈◊〉 incense the Imperialists, and spur 'em on to a War with the People of that Kingdom who were revolted. He made use of 〈◊〉 in France, to animate the Catholics to undertake the utter destruction of the Huguenots. At length he carried it to Rome, where the Pope sanctified it with a Consecration upon the Altar of St Paul, and together with all the Cardinals, all the People, ●…nd all the Clergy, paid such extravagant Honours to it, as if ●…e would have justified the truth of those Reproaches which the Reformed throw upon the Church of Rome in reference to Ido●…try. After the ruin of the Reformation in Bohemia, where it ●…ad been so potent, this Monk came into France to make his advantage of the Civil Wars, and there to do the Catholic Religion the same service as he had performed in Germany. He was received at Paris as a man that was full of the Spirit of God, and whose Actions were all as so many Miracles. The People ●…rowded after him, and some persons of Quality also; but to ●…ender himself more venerable, he would not be seen every day, ●…cting to lock himself up in a Convent of his own Order. Nevertheless he was obedient to his Superiors, who understanding the knack of inflaming the People's desire by feigned denials, grounded upon the pretended humility of this Hypocrite, suffered him at length to appear, when they thought it seasonable to act the Farce. Then this pretended Saint received the Homages that were paid him, next to Adoration, they kissed his Feet; they thought themselves sanctified by touching the hem of his Garment; they carried away pieces of it, which they kept as Relics; and thought 'em the cause of a thousand Miracles, of which there was not so much as the least appearance. 'Tis easy to apprehend what a predominancy his Speeches had over a People so prepossessed, to whom this Villain preached nothing but Sedition and Violence. But the Chancellor, the Duke of Mombazon, together with the Sorbonne, abhorred these Affectactions, and maugre the passion of the People, constrained the Monk, who said he was sent from the Duke of Bavaria to the King, to depart Paris, and pursue the delivery of his message▪ However, during his Journey, he behaved himself still after the same manner, and he had like to have been the cause of a thousand mischiefs, in places where the People bewitched with his Grimaces, were inclined to Sedition. Insomuch that even a●… Saumur itself, where the Catholics had received so many kindnesses from du Plessis for 32 years together, while he was their Governor, they resolved to massacre their Fellow-Citize●… of the Reformed Profession. But d' Aiguebonne, who commanded there in the absence of the Count de Sault, by his diligence prevented the fatal effects of that desperate design; and so wel●… secured the Gates of the City, that the Promoters of the Conspiracy durst not make any Attempt. These wicked effects of the Monk's piety, lost him his reputation in France among all honest men, who perceived that his Zeal had something too much of the Spaniard in it, which kept 'em from being deluded by his counterfeit Sanctity; so that after this Journey, there was no farther talk concerning him.  
But at Paris, all the care that was taken for the security of 
〈◊〉 at Paris.  the Reformed served to no purpose. They judged that they were not to forbear the continuance of their Public Exercises, because of the Threats of the People, in regard it would be a diminution of the King's Authority, who had taken 'em into his Protection, and would show a distrust of his Word and Justice. Therefore on Sunday the 26th they went to Charenton, and the Duke of Mombazon ordered all things the best he could for their security, guarding the Road in person, by his presence to protest 'em in their return. But for all that, the seditious Rabble fell upon those that lagged behind; so that from words they fell to blows, and some few were killed. Among the rest, one Woman that would not bow to the Image of the Virgin set up over St. Anthony's Gate, was murdered; and a Priest, mistaken by the multitude for a Minister, had much ado to escape their hands, by the assistance of the Duke's own Servants. Some Houses also, where the People, out of compassion, had sheltered some of the Reformed, were forced open and pillaged. And all this was done under the very Noses of the Guards and Archers, who were appointed to conduct the Reformed, and might have prevented these Violences, had they but let fly two or three times among the Rabble. But the veneration they had for Catholic Blood, would not permit 'em to shed the least drop for the preservation of the Huguenots. So that in less than a minute the City was all in an uproar: the Chains were drawn up; the Citizens were ordered to stand to their Arms; and Guards were set at the Gates: But Night was more powerful than all the Orders which the Magistrate could give, and sent the seditious Mobile to their own Houses.  
The next day, the Mutineers not daring to attempt any thing 
The Church of Charenton burnt.  in the City, where their Party was not strong enough, ran all to continue their Violences at Charenton. Where they pillaged some Houses; but their chief spite was at the Church, which they burned; together with the Shops where the Booksellers left their Books of Devotion, which they durst not sell in other pla●…es. The Library was robbed; the Walls of the Cloister pulled down; nor did the Fury of these People cease, till their Rage ●…ad no more Materials to work upon. 'Tis true, that the Duke of Mombazon and the Parliament caused two of the chief Actors ●…o be seized, who were also executed for an example to others. ●…t while he was at the Parliament, busy in consultation by what means to stop the Career of these Enormities, the Sedition broke but again in the Fauxbourg St. Marceau, where the greatest part of the Reformed Artificers, who are debarred from keeping Shops in the City, were set up, to the end they might follow their Employments without molestation; and in this Uproar also one or two of the Reformed were killed, and some Houses pillaged. But at length the Tumult was appeased, and the Parliament having issued forth a Decrce, putting the Reformed under the Protection of the King and the Law, which was presently dis●…cht away to the several Bailiwicks under their Jurisdiction, ●…his same Spirit of Violence was suppressed for some time, to the great grief of those who in several places were prepared for Insurrections no less dangerous.  
But for all this, the Reformed began again to quit their Habitations, 
The Reformed quit their Habitations.  and many People left Paris, as others quitted other places, who had hitherto flattered themselves that they should live in security, so they had no hand in the War. They likewise, who stayed behind, locked themselves up in their Houses for some days, though in continual fears; or else they concealed themselves among the Catholics, with whom they had contracted a friendship either upon the score of Kindred, or Neighbourhood, or some tie of Interest. As for the Ministers, they were in the number of those that retired; and though they alleged for themselves St. Cyprian's Reasons, fearing, as he did, that their presence made the Sedition more fatal to their Flocks, yet their abandoning their stations was censured by a sort of People who are always finding some fault or other in the conduct of other men.  
But though the Seditious themselves were suppressed, yet the Spirit 
They are accused of setting fire to the Bridges of Paris.  of Sedition was not laid; for some Houses happening to be a fire at Paris, and the Flames taking hold of the Houses adjoining with that fierceness as to burn down the two Bridges, called P●… aux marchand's, and Pont au Change, the People presently accused the Reformed, as if they had been the Authors of the Conflagration. Nay, they would have had it believed, that they had a design to have set the whole City on fire, to revenge the burning of their Church at Charenton. But, after all the most diligent Inquisitions that could be made, they could not find the lea●… Pretence to make good that Calumny: a clear discovery being soon after made, that the Accident happened through the negligence of a Maidservant. There happened also such another Mischance at Lion much about the same time. A Gentleman returning out of Germany, and taking Post in that City, had a Quarrel upon the same occasion with one of the Canons of that City, who assume the Title of Counts of 〈…〉 Upon which the Canon riding before to stay for the Gentlem●n upon the Road, discharged two Pistols at him, but missed with both: on the other side the Gentleman had a better Aim, and killed the Canon fairly, according to all the Maxims allowed by ●●● of the Sword; nevertheless he was seized and imprisoned at ●●●. The next day the Jail happened to be afire, and very much endamaged both the Prison and the Palace. Presently the Catholics knew where to lay the fault: for because it had so fallen out, that the Gentleman's Servants, and some of the Re●…med had been heard to say, that the Gentleman was wrongfully imprisoned, in regard he had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Self-defence, therefore the Catholics would have it, that either the one or the other set fire to the Prison. But the Informations acquitted the Parties accused, and made it appear that the Misfortune happened through the carelessness of the Keeper and his Servants. Thus the seditious discourses of the Monks both in public and private, had infused this malignant Spirit among the vulgar Catholics, that the blame, whatever happened, was by them laid upon the Reformed; and that they looked upon the most moderate and most peaceable, as People that were always hatching and contriving mischievous designs, and seeking an opportunity to put the Kingdom in confusion. So that they found themselves in the s●re condition with the Primitive Christians, who were accused by the hotheaded Gentiles of all the Misfortunes and Calamities that befell the State, whether Famine, Pestilence, Inundations, or Drowth.  
During these Events, the Circle of Lower Languedoc was in 
The Circle of Languedoc●●s●●ss ●●s●●ss Chatillon.  a miserable condition. Chatillon made no other use of his Authority, then to prevent the Reformed in those Quarters from ●…ouring their Friends in other places; and it may be easily conjectured, what they might have been able to have done, had he ●●● faithful, by what they did in despite of all the disturbance which he gave 'em. Montauban was relieved, notwithstanding all his opposition; and as negligent as he was in the preservation of the places, of which the Assembly had given him the Government, the Duke of Mommorancy made no great progress. Nevertheless there were so many People who were sensible that ●…llon was intent upon his own Affairs, to the prejudice of the Public Concerns, that at length the Assembly of the Circle which then ●ate at Mompelier, turned him out of his employment; and the 21st of November, set forth a very large Declaration, containing the Reasons of their Severity. They accused him of having betrayed the Churches, and of making his own Fortune at their Expense: For having raised men, not for the service of the Reformed, but to understand the utmost strength of the Circle; what number of Soldiers they could raise; and what quantity of Arms and Ammunition they were able to provide: For having often let the Enemy escape, when they might have been easily defeated: For having thrust out of employment such persons as he knew to be too well affected to the Common Cause: For having given notice to the Enemy to stand upon their Guards: For having represented to the Reformed the Mischiefs greater, and the Remedies more difficult than they were: For having kept private several Matters, which he ought to have communicated: For keeping Spies, which he sent to the Court, to discover the Secrets of the Reformed: For having favoured and received into his friendship those who had surrendered their Strong holds to the King: For having scornfully affronted the Assembly of Rochel: For having by his own Authority disannulled their Resolutions: For having restored to the Enemy the Booty taken from 'em in a just War, without so much as demanding, at least by way of compensation, what had been plundered from the Reformed: And for suffering the loss of great quantities of Arms stored up with great Expenses. But he had done one thing contrary to the interests of the Party, which did him more harm than all that was laid to his charge: For he had drained the Province of Cevennes, by a Levy of Six thousand men, which he had sent into the Venetian Service. And this was the reason that the Province could not raise the one half of the Soldiers that were promised, when the Duke of Rohan was constrained to take Arms.  
This displacing of Chatillon, put the whole Circle into an extraordinary 
The great Confusion in the Circle.  Confusion; for that Chatillon's Party was very potent in those Quarters. They who were not Members of the Assembly, nor had any share of the Public Command, complained that the Assembly abused their Authority, and some Provinces murmured against it. Berticheres, whom they had elected for Lieutenant General, endeavoured to keep his ground without any Superior; to the end that having a more spacious Country to surrender, he might be able to make an Accommodation so ●uch the more advantageous with the Court. And indeed there was nothing which preserved to the Reformed what was ●●ft in the Circle, but that Affairs at Court were not in much better posture, where the Constable's death had wrought great ●lterations. Every one aspired to be Master of the King's Favour, that they might have the sole Authority in the Government. But whether it were that the Pretenders obstructed one another, or that the King, who, as I may say, was but just ●ot out of Wardship, as yet too sensibly remembered the ●…oable which the greatness of his Favourite had put him to; or whether his distrust of those who were about his person, kept ●im upon his guard against Surprises, he would not suffer himself to be prevailed upon, all of a sudden, by any new Affection: so that, in the mean while, the Cardinal de Retz, Schomberg, Grand Master and Superintendant, and de Vic, to whom the Seals were committed, took upon 'em the greatest share in Affairs. The Prince of Condé, who was desirous that the King should continue the War, joined with 'em, in regard they were all of ●…e same mind; and this is one thing very remarkable, that the Marshals of France, and such as might pretend to the same Dig●…, appeared as much inclined to Peace, as the Officers of the ●ong Robe and the Finances were averse to it. The Prince therefore, and the three Ministers, who were of his Opinion, 〈…〉 as much as lay in their power to stop the King's return to Paris, where they expected nothing less than to be opposed by the old Ministers; and where the Prince was afraid lest the Authority should devolve again into the hands of the Queen Mother. To this purpose, having persuaded the King to march toward Bourdeaux, they proposed to him the making himself Master of Chatillon, a Town belonging to the Marshal de Bou●…, upon the River Dordogne; and the Expedient they had ●ound out to compass their design, was to treat with the Garrison of the place, which stood Neuter as the Master did, in the same manner as they had practised with du Plessis. The effect of their Consultations therefore was, that the King should enter into the Castle, under pretence that 'twas his pleasure to lodge there; and that when he was in, he should turn out the Garrison that kept it for the Duke of Bovillon. But this City, as well as all the rest, which belonged to that noble person, was comprehended in the same Treaty, upon the confidence of which the Duke lived peaceably at Sedan, and never concerned himself in the War; so that the Proposals of surprising it, was manifestly opposite to Honesty and Sincerity. However that sort of Policy that moved upon the hinges of Craft and Injustice, was justfi●'d while the deceased Constable was in favour. Nevertheless, i● regard the honest men were more numerous than they wh●… gave this pernicious Advice, they persuaded the King to abandon the Attempt, and so it ●ell to the ground.  
The King then having left the best Orders he could in the 
1622.  Provinces to hinder the Reformed, who were brought very lo● 
The King returns to Paris.  in Poitou and Guyenne from rising again, returned at length ●● Paris, where the old Ministers recovered a little credit with him and inclined him to Peace. The Chancellor and Jeannin deemed it very necessary, and made no question but that it was more proper to destroy the Reformed then War. There is to be see● a small Treatise composed by the last of these two, which perhaps may be looked upon as one of the most authentic Pieces tha● are to be produced in favour of the Reformed; and which utterly overthrows the Pretence, which was taken from their supposed Rebellion, to exterminate 'em. He acknowledges almost in express words, That the Catholics were the Aggressors' i● that War, and that the Reformed acted merely in their own defence: at least it is to be deduced from his discourse by eviden●… Consequences. He presupposes, That it behoved the Reformed 
A remarkable Writing of Jeannin, a iv●sing Peace.  to be united, since it was evident to 'em that there was a designs upon their Religion; and he sets down several Reasons why they had cause enough to think so: That so long as they believed the King's Intentions to be no other than to chastise Rebels, there were many who continued in perfect Obedience; but that they found themselves no more kindly used than they who had t●kn Arms: That the principal Members of the Council publicly gave out, that the King would no longer permit any other exercise of Divine Worship then that of the Catholic Religion: That the Preachers stust their Sermons with Menaces of the same nature, ●…d endeavoured to persuade men, that the following of any other ●…unsel was profane, and savor'd of Impiety: whence it followed, ●…at the War would prove more bloody and universal than it had ●…n, if the Reformed, united as it behoved 'em to be for their common Interest, should put themselves into a posture of de●…nce. Farther also, and that clearly enough, he asserts, That ●…e Aim of those who advised a War, was to take their opportunity, because the Foreign Protestants being busied at home, ●…u'd not attend the succour of those that were oppressed in ●…. He made excellent Reflections upon the Wars which ●…d been all along continued against 'em, with the same design 〈…〉 destroy 'em, sometimes by Fire and Sword, sometimes by De●…it and Treachery. Thence passing to give Sentence upon the ●…casion that had constrained their Enemies to grant 'em such a number of Strong-holds, he concludes, That after the Massacre ● St. Bartholomew, and the Siege of Rochel, there was a necessity 〈…〉 allowing 'em a greater number, to secure 'em, says he, against ●r Perfidiousness and Infidelity. He observes, how much the ●eace, which they were suffered to enjoy for five years together, under the Reign of Henry III was to their disadvantage, through the Policy of that Prince, who excluded 'em from all ●…ratifications: a powerful means to infect the minds of those ●ho are overswayed by their own Interests. The King himself performed the office of a Converter, and his Reasons, which he accompanied with Favours or Denials, as he thought proper, regained to his Religion all those who had a design to please him. several also who continued in the Reformed Religion, for their ●…wn Soul's health, yet bred their Children up in the Roman Religion, for the security of their Fortunes. Jeannin adds farther, ●● demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the ●eformed, for that when they had a mind to betake themselves ●o their Arms after a long rest, they always found it a difficult ●…ing to rouse up from their Repose and Tranquillity, those ●ho had for some time been tasting the delights of Peace; ●e●ides, that there was less danger in attacking 'em, after they ●ad ●●●eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an ●●sy life. And he was so possessed with this Opinion, that as he wrote before the Peace, to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉 make it, so he published another Writing, after it was concluded, to advise 'em to keep it.  
But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side, the● 
The Reasons for the War more prevalent.  who assailed him in his weakest part, proved most successful; an● for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fixed in his min● they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger, in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at th●… head of an Army. To say the truth, there was a strange alteration 〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris. But it seems, he thought a Peace would not be for his Honour in the present Conjunction. On the other side, the Reformed had almost every where regained 
The Reformed reassume fresh Courage.  fresh Courage. The Duke of Soubise had recovered their Affairs in the Lower Poitou, and in the Islands. La Force had re-incouraged to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold. He had wrested St. For o● of Theobon's hands, by means of a Female Intrigue, in regar●… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen. To●…neins, Clairac, and several other Strong-holds once more acknowledged the Reformed for their Masters. The Duke of Ro●a● elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc, had by 〈…〉 Policy and Prudence, his Frankness and his Patience, reconciled the Differences which had for some time disunited that Province; so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign, which had cost him so much men an● money.  
The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday, and by received 
The King leaves Paris.  Intelligence, that the Duke of Espernon having drawn o● all his Forces for the security of his own Governments, there wa● not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head against 
His Success in Poitou  the Duke of Soubise, therefore he was constrained to begin his Campaign in those Quarters; where the Duke, either for want of Judgement, or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him, became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men, and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours. Royan was surrendered to the King, after a Siege of some few days; and these Successes buried in oblivion the Treaties of Peace which had been observed till that time; and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother, were enforced to return as they came. On the other side the King, upon some jealousy of the Duke of Tre●…ouille, who had removed to Sedan the Prince of Talmont, his Eldest Son, afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente, whom he had left at Thovars under the tuition of the Duchess Dowager, dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place, and secured the Castle for himself, which was of some consequence at that time. After this, the King marched into Guyenne, where he presently retook all that 
And Guyenne, where he treats with la Force.  The Reformed were Masters of; and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force. In pursuance of which, he honoured him with the Batoon of Marshal of France, which had been promised him above Twelve years before. Moreover, he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thousand Crowns, to recompense him for the loss of his Governments, which both he and his Children were obliged to quit. Thus it comes to pass sometimes, that Rebellion is more fortunate than Merit; and that a man by rendering himself formidable, secures to himself the reward of his Services. La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy, where the King solemnised the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day; the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before. But lafoy Force treated only for himself, obtaining for his Friends no more than a bare Act of Oblivion; which created him many Enemies in the Country, where many of the Nobility had followed him before. Moreover, 'twas twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him, when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court, because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belonged to the Reformed, and made some Scruple to surrender it; which resistance they would fain have had to have been looked upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son. But that Advice was rejected, as well for fear of the Consequences, as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave, who obstinately opposed it.  
The King now hastening into Languedoc, was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way; and for that, the Cities which he had no design to have attacked, surrendered merely out of fear of being besieged. Negrepelisse and St. Antonin, small Cities, not far distant from Montauban, were taken by Assault, and all the Cruelties imaginable committed. The Women suffered all that could be feared from the sensuality of Brutish Common Soldiers, and the Men were almost all massacred. The Pretence was, That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Garrison which the King left there the year before; and that St. Antonin had stayed took long before it surrendered. They also, who retreated to the Castle first of all, after the Town was surrendered, had their share of the same usage: And when they had surrendered at discretion, the Council ordered twelve of 'em to be hanged. There were some that followed the King, who by no means approved these Cruelties; who rescued as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches, and redeemed some Women and Virgins, that were threatened extremity of outrage, with their own Money. But the King, who was naturally good natured, and under whose Name these Cruelties were committed, was more concerned than any body. So that his abhorrence of such Barbarities proved not a little serviceable to those that were inclined to peace, toward the disposing him to resume the firmer Negotiations for an Accommodation.  
Lesdiguieres, who had no longer any Competitor, renewed his Pretensions to the Constable's Sword, and promised to turn Catholic, upon condition he might have that Dignity conferred upon him; that he might be made a Knight of the Holy Ghost, and his Son-in-Law Crequi, a Marshal of France. But to comfort the Reformed for the loss of his Person, he became an earnest Intercessor for Peace. He had already had one Conference to that purpose with the Duke of Rohan at Pont St. Esprit; where all the Pretensions of the Reformed had been reduced to four Heads: The Restitution of all Places of Security; Liberty of Politic Assemblies; Payment of the Sums promised for the Ministers Salaries, and the maintenance of the Garrisons; and the disingagement of the Nobility that had been ruined by the War. These Articles being carried to the King by the Commissioners introduced by Bovillon, were not agreed to, because the King's Forces had defeated Soubize, and put him in hopes of an easy conclusion of the War. But because the Season of the Year was far spent, and for that there were many things to be done, these Proposals were again brought into play, and many Journeys were made to and fro, for the obtaining of Peace. The Duke of Rohan also acted so far, that he had rendered himself suspected at Mompellier, and saw his Credit upon the brink of an utter declination. For there were several Factions in that City, who mutually sought to destroy one another. Among the rest, there was one which was called the Faction of the Catharinots. A word, of which I know not the original. However, it was the most Seditious of all the rest, and looked upon as Traitors all those that did not tread after their steps. Now Lesdiguieres having sent the Precedent Du Cros, to Mompellier, to persuade 'em ● peace, that Faction stirred up a Sedition against him, and safely murdered him. But the Duke of Rohan caused some of the most guilty to be severely punished, which did not a little humble the Insolent Cabal. The Minister Souffrein, who was accused to have a hand in that Murder, chose rather to remain suspected, than to expose himself to the Issue of a Criminal Prosecution, and withdrew from the City.  
The same Mutineers also raised another Insurrection against 
Sediion against the Catholics.  the Catholics of the City; and they carried it so far, that their behaviour being represented to the King by the Bishop of Fenovilles, awakened in him that aversion which had been always in●ill'd into him from his Cradle against the Reformed. That Prelate was both eloquent and witty; and he made a sedulous use of his Parts to inflame the King's Indignation. He called the Conduct of the Reformed a Tyrannical Frenzy of Rebellion and Heresy; and the condition wherein they kept the Catholics in his City, an Oppression great in itself, ingenious as to the Invention, exquisite in Cruelty, and universal in the Ravages it committed. He said, that Heresy, animated by Rebellion, which is the usual spirit that attends it, was demonstrable by the accumulation of their Crimes; and he imputed to it what e'er Impiety durst ever presume to think of, and put in execution, in opposition to that Veneration which is due to the Holy Saints. He laid before the eldest Son of the Church, the Outrages that had been committed against his Mother, so dreadful for their Number, so violent in the excesses of Fury, so solemn for the impudence of the Authors, so horrible for the Sacrileges that attended it, so abominated by Heaven and Earth, that such Hyperboles would have been hardly tolerable in setting forth the horrors of a St. Bartholomew's Massacre. And to render the Reformed of his time more odious, he compared the modesty of the growing Reformation with the Reformation established; and in regard he had borrowed that same common place from the Letter of that same Charpentier, whom Bellieure had gained to write an Apology for Massacres, he envenomed this Comparison likewise with Impostures, and perpetual Imputations of Rebellion. By the by he girded the Edicts of Peace, which God, as he said, had never blest, and which had been as yet of little force to exorcise the spirit of Rebellion; so that his whole Speech was an express Exhortation to revoke 'em. He aggravated, as heinous Crimes whatever the Laws and Necessities of War had enforced the Reformed to act in their own defence; and to raise a more tender Compassion, he complained, that after they had so ill used the Catholics, they deprived 'em of the liberty to bemoan their miserable Conditions. Yet all these horrid Crimes amounted to no more, then that they had imprisoned the Catholics at Mompellier; that they had constrained 'em to bear their share in the expenses of the City; and that they had either demolished or defaced their Country Houses. But in regard all this might be easily excused by Reasons drawn from the consequences of War or the necessity of putting themselves into a condition to sustain a Siege, for which the City was obliged to prepare themselves he drew an Inference from thence, that they had threatened the Catholics with a general Massacre. The name of Heresy made a great noise throughout all his Speech; 'twas stuffed all over with descriptions of those Propensities which it infused into men to ravage and destroy. He upbraided the Reformed with having romaged the Graves of the dead, and digged 'em out of their Sepulchers; as if the same thing had not been done every day by the Catholics, who held it to be a duty of their Religion. This Crime was aggravated as if it had been very usual, and gave him an occasion to call the Reformed by the name of damned Souls, which by the counsel and instigation of Hell committed all manner of Crimes. And in the series of his Harangue he added, that they surpassed the Devils in wickedness. The Body of a Nun, being found buried in the habits of her Order, gave him a new occasion to display the whole force of his eloquent Fury. And some Ecclesiastics being put out of the Town, for fear they should betray it, and some of the Canons being detained as Hostages, for the security of the Ministers, afforded him a large Theme for another most embittered Complaint. Some Distresses also levied in the Houses of those that refused to contribute toward the Public Charges, were looked upon as Plundering: And the Crime was represented so much the more heinous, because the Priesthood was advanced above Angelic Excellency. Afterwards appeared a long and pathetic description of a Church, without the exercise of Divine Worship; a Reproach for making use of the Materials of demolished Churches in their Fortifications, and for having forced thousands of Catholics to abjure their Doctrine. The War also which the King had undertaken was called Sacred, and he was exhorted to make no more Treaties with Rebels.  
It would be a difficult thing to meet with such a violent Harangue, 
Remarks upon the style of this Harangue.  and where the most innocent things, or at least the most to be excused, by the necessity that constrained 'em, were blackened after the most odious manner imaginable. The torments of an infinite number of poor Creatures that were destroyed in all places where the Catholics came, the burning of Tonneins, Monhart, Negrepelisse, and other Towns; their frequent Insurrections against the Reformed, their forcing Conversions, of which that War afforded various Examples, would make those tremble, and their hair stand an end, that read the Story, should ● set 'em forth in the stile of this Harangue. But this is the Character of the Catholic Prelates; whatever it be that never so little touches the Respect which is due to their Grandeur, is by them cried down for Sacrilege, and is never to be excused: But whatever they do in order to the destruction of those that offend 'em, though never so opposite to all the Laws of God and Nature, is lawful and clear from all Reproach and Censure: Thus the City of Foix, the Metropolis of that Province, being inhabited by some Reformed Families, the Monk Vi●●arte, a 
Desolation of the Church of Foix.  Capuchin, being sent thither by the Bishop of Pamiers, went thither toward the end of the last year, to do all the mischief he could, under pretence of preaching the Advent Sermons, and returned thither to preach the Lent Sermons of this year. But his seditious Declamations, his Monastical Controversies, his Conferences offered to the Ministers, the pious Violences of the Governors of the Province, and the City, and the Treachery of some persons won over to their Party, brought over all the Families to the Church of Rome. There was not one withstood this Hurricane, but the Minister and his Wife, who was permitted to retire, not so much out of Humanity or Justice, but to give the greater lustre to the Monk's Victory. And the Minister was spared, to be a testimony of the desolation of his Church, and to carry the news to the places of his retirement. To which purpose they caused a Trumpet to attend him, who under pretence of conducting him, sounded forth the Triumphs of the Monk over the Minister and his Flock, both in the streets of the City and in the Country. Nor had the Reformed at Foix any other than a limited Exercise, as I have said already.  
In the mean time the Ecclesiastics of Foix gave this Monk a 
Attestations given the Monk Villarte.  Certificate, which made him looked upon as the only Author of these goodly Conversions, and which assured the world that no other violent means was made use of then that of the Word of God. But 'tis observable, that they never bethought themselves of attesting in behalf of these New Converts, that there was nothing but what was free and voluntary in their change. The Art of Converting was then but in its Infancy: Time brought it to some perfection; for that in our days they never fail to cause these sort of Attestations to be signed by those that had suffered the utmost extremity of Violence at their hands. Moreover, the demolishing the Church, which was done by the bare Authority of the Inhabitants, without staying for the King's Orders, followed the Monk's Victory close at the heels; and the Catholic Churches of the City shared among 'em the Spoils of the Reformed. It may be judged with what moderation this Affair was carried on by the precipitancy of the Catholics, who ●ever consulted their Sovereign upon two Points of that importance. It may be said, perhaps, in their behalf, that they did nothing without the private encouragement of the Court, who ●ook in good part what ever was serviceable toward the Conversion of the Heretics. But the Archbishop of Ambrune haranguing the King upon his return to Paris after the Peace made, ●vent a little farther than all this: He made the King an Apostle 〈◊〉 his Speech; and, to support his new Eulogy with a Reason, ●e added, that the King procured Conversions by his Prudence, and the concurrence of his just Arms. The meaning of his words is easily apprehended, which seemed to intimate, that in Conversions of this nature, Terror wrought no less effectually ●hen Instruction.  
While the King lay at Bezieres, where the Bishop of Mom●… 
He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations.  had made him a Speech, he put forth a Declaration dated 〈◊〉 25. which renewing the ill-observed Promises of the King's Protection to those that lived in Obedience, and stayed at home under the benefit of the Edicts, forbid all the Reformed to ●●uit their Habitations, whether in City or Country, upon pain 〈◊〉 forfeiting all the Favours that had been afforded 'em, and to 〈◊〉 proceeded against as guilty of High-Treason, Deserters of the Kingdom, and Disturbers of the Public Peace. The Pre●ence for these Prohibitions was, That the Reformed forsook▪ their Houses, to join with those that were in Arms; or with Foreigners that drew toward the Frontiers, and threatened the Kingdom with an Invasion. The truth is, that the greatest part of those that quitted their Houses, were forced to wander 〈◊〉 where in search of their security. The heats of the Catholic Rabble, the seditious roaring of the Monks in their Pul●…, the uncontrolled Licentiousness of the Soldiers, the pro●… of Protection a thousand ways broken, Capitulations ill observed, the frequent Tortures of those who surrendered at discretion▪ the enormous fury of the Rascally Mobile against the bodies of those who had undergone the utmost extremity and Torments, yet steadfast to the end; and several other Circumstances of the present condition of the Reformed in France, were ●…rrible, that they expected a Massacre every day, which every body strove to avoid, by withdrawing into places where there was more probability of safety. But to speak the truth, the Court was not free from Alarms; and if the Confederates had but had a little ready money, they would have made the Court repent their declaring War against 'em.  
Count Mansfeild, who was entered into the Confederacy 
Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed.  against the House of Austria, and who after the overthrow of the King of Bohemia, had maintained his ground with good reputation, at that time besieged Savern in Alsatia with a considerable Army: but before he could take the place, he was constrained to retreat, for fear of the Imperialists, who were within some few days march of him with three Bodies of an Army much superior in number to his. In his retreat, he was constrained to cross Lorraine; which the Duke, who had not his Forces ready durst not deny him. Now the Count, not having money, 〈◊〉 no other way to keep his men together, but by the liberty which he allowed 'em to do what they pleased: so that there was 〈◊〉 likelihood that he could subsist any long time, provided his Parties could be hindered from roaming about from their mai● Body. Marshal de Bovillon therefore liking well the opportunity, and weary of the Neutrality which he had observed since the beginning of the War, and desirous to make one smart E●… say before he died, for the support of a Religion, of which, as 〈◊〉 clearly perceived, the Catholics had vowed the destruction, 〈◊〉 thought himself of treating with the Count, and found it 〈◊〉 hard matter to gain him. To that purpose he promised him money, and that he should be conducted into France by 〈◊〉 reinforcements of men that would very much augment his 〈◊〉. He promised also to send him the Prince of Sedan 〈◊〉 eldest Son, and the Duke of Trimoville to accompany him and in a word, those Lords, assisted by the Counts of Suze 〈◊〉 Roussi, and some others, sent their Friends and their Servants who rendezvoused from all parts at the places that were assigned 'em. These motions persuaded the Court, that all they who quitted their Houses, went to strengthen this Foreign Army, 〈◊〉 make a considerable diversion upon the Frontiers of Champagne. For which reason, several persons were seized, upon suspicion 〈◊〉 favouring the Duke of Bouillon's Enterprise; and besides some  
Officers of his Household, who were imprisoned in several pla-●…es; the Son of the Vidame of Normandy was secured at Paris, 〈◊〉 Count of Suze at Lion, and the Duke of Sulli at Moulins, 〈◊〉 being suspected to be of the Confederacy. In the mean time Marshal de Bovillon, who had promised money before he knew where to have it, made it his business to seek where to raise it: 〈◊〉 he wrote to the Duke of Rohan, to see whether he could 〈◊〉 any that way. His Letters however contained two things 〈◊〉 opposite one to another: for at the beginning he exhorted 〈◊〉 Duke to Peace, for fear the continuance of the War should 〈◊〉 the ruin of the Reformed. He observed that their ill ●uccesses proceeded from the dispersing of those who were able 〈◊〉 bear Arms, but who were made uncapable of succouring one 〈◊〉 by their separation. He added, as it were, to lead him 〈◊〉 of one discourse into another, that this misfortune was oc-●…ion'd by the want of Foreign Soldiers. For the supply of which defect, he offered the bringing in of Count Mansfeild to 〈◊〉 assistance of the Reformed; in order to which, he de●…nded three things; an express approbation of his design; money for the payment of his Foreign Forces, and assurance 〈◊〉 he should be comprehended in the Peace, both he and his, if happened to be made. But money was more difficult to be 〈◊〉, than the demanded Approbation and Assurances; so that the ●ourt had time enough to gain Mansfeild, and prevent his entering 〈◊〉 France. Propositions therefore were made him of being enter●… 
Mansfeild gained by the Court.  in the King's service, and some ready money fixed his resolu●…ns. But the Bishop of Alberstadt, a Prince of the House of Bruns●…k, to whom some part of the Forces belonged, was willing ●…heark'n to Marshal de Bouillon's Proposals▪ and to be contented 〈◊〉 the small Sum which the Marshal offered for present neces●…y, till a more considerable could be raised: which differing ●…linations set the two Generals at variance, who never after 〈◊〉 did any thing considerable; so that after some Sieges attempted without Success, Mansfeild retired into the Low-Coun●…s, where his Army was utterly ruined.  
France would have been very much encumbered with him, had 〈◊〉 hired his Army into her Service: She had no Foreign War, 〈◊〉 would the Council of Conscience permit the King to concern himself with the King of Bohemia's Broils: and therefore there was an Expedient found to get rid of him, by sending him into the Service of the Low-Countries then in amity with the King, choosing rather that he should join with the States, the● with the King of Spain or the Venetians, who both courted him▪ Thus the Churches of France were flattered with an appearance of hope that vanished as soon. Nor were the Reformed the 〈…〉 that treated with Foreigners: for the King had set 'em an Example, and sent into Languedoc some Germane Troops that serves under the Duke of Mommorancy: so that it could not be justly laid to their charge, that they went about to expose their Country to the Plunder and Ransack of Foreigners, since the Catholics were the first who had called the Reiters and the Lansquenets into the Kingdom.  
In the mean time the fear of Mansfeild's Army rendered the 
Negotiations of Peace revew d.  King's Council more pliable, so that the Proposals of Peace were renewed. But whether it were that the Duke of Rohan Demands were too high, or that the Council were freed from the terror of Mansfeild's ever coming to hurt 'em, the Negotiation came to nothing, and Lesdiguieres spent all his pains and 〈…〉 time to no purpose in promoting it. Nevertheless the Cou●● began to hanker after Peace, of which they who were desirous to advance themselves in the King's Favour, or by the management of Affairs stood in great need, to the end they might 〈…〉 have too much variety of business to trouble their heads wi●● at one and the same time. For as for the Cities that remained they were of quite another consequence than the paltry Tow● the gaining of which had been, till that time, the sole Fruit ●● the War. Only they were desirous that the King should gra●● the Peace, like the Lord and Master of it; and they avoided ●● General Treaty, for fear the Union of the Reformed should be justified, and as it were legitimated by a Treaty of that nature. These Sentiments were sufficiently expressed by the Author of ●● Treatise that appeared upon this Subject, after the interview ●● Lesdiguieres' and the Duke of Rohan. And indeed, no less the●● three persons, of a different character, delivered their Opinions upon the Peace. The one a Reformed, who was desirous to obtain the Four Articles upon which the Lords were agreed; ●… other was a Zealous Catholic, who was altogether for Extermination. The third a moderate man, who took the middle ●ay between the other two Extremes; but who rejected the 〈…〉 Articles as contrary to the good of the State. The Author 〈…〉 himself the name of Francophilus, because he was willing ● give his judgement for those of the truly honest Frenchmen, ●ho loved the Honour and Repose of the Kingdom.  
He asserted, that it was not proper to allow the Reformed by longer possession of Places of Security, because the time all ●ted for 'em to hold those Places, was expired; That the Reasons why they were granted were out of doors; That the League ●as the true motive which induced Henry IV. to trust 'em in ●e hands of the Reformed: That he was willing to permit the ●eformed to be in Arms, that they might be serviceable to him ● case of necessity: That the particular safety of the Reformed ●er so many Wars, was but a second motive of less importance, ●●d only served as a pretence for the other; That the same Prince, before his death, began to reassume 'em indirectly; and ex●ted Promises in writing from the Governor, which he sent either, that they would keep 'em for his Service: That the Reformed had made an ill use of 'em, and by consequence, that they ●●d forfeited their Right, if they had any: That they were the perpetual occasion of renewing the Troubles: That it was beaw a King to think there should be such Reasons of mistrust between him and his Subjects, that his word and Faith should ●●t be as good as Places of Security. 'Twas also there maintained, That at first those Cities were not given to the People, ●●t to the Princes of the Blood, who had sided with 'em: That ● reality, they were of no use to the Reformed, because the ●ant of 'em never could warrant 'em from being attacked by ●e King; That 'twas not to be thought that the King had any ●●sign to ruin the Reformed, though he had taken their Cities from ●●●: And he proved, That 'twas nor the Aim of the Council either, by an Extract out of a Book called, Les Armes Victori●ses du Roy, wherein it was made out, that it was a great piece of injustice to force the Conscience; and that there was nothing incompatible with the welfare of the State in the Toleration of too Religions. This Francophilus was of opinion, That the Reformed might be suffered to hold Ecclesiastical Assemblies under certain Conditions; to reduce Colloquies from four to one in a year; but to hold Provincial Synods but once in three years nor for one Province to hold correspondence with another; no● to have any more National Synods; or if they had, not to me●● above once in six years with the King's permission▪ and in such a place as he should be pleased to appoint, under the oversight ●● a Commissioner to be present on the King's behalf. As for Polity Assemblies, he deemed it necessary that they should be suppressed as pernicious, or to suffer 'em only at some time three years after the National Synods. He observed that the Nobility were never present at those Assemblies, but only to flatter, and get Pensions whether in Peace or War, at the expense of the Common Cause: That the Commissioners of the Third Estate had the same Ends: That it was dishonest, unprofitable, and dangerous, for Ministers to leave their Churches, to be present ● those Meetings. And in a word, he would have all these Meetings to be very rarely held, and after another manner than ti●● that time they had been allowed. As to the Money, of which the Reformed demanded restitution, he was of opinion, That ●● aught not to be restored: 'Twas in his opinion Money ill bestowed, which served only to defray the Expenses of Assemblies▪ where nothing but War was talked of. The disingaging of private Persons was to be referred to the King's Prudence; who was ●● judge upon whom it was proper to confer his Favours, and how far it was fitting for him to extend 'em; provided those Favour were requested not with their Arms in their hands, and with Rebellious Expostulations, but with tears in their Eyes, and testimonies of Repentance. He concluded, That if Peace were offered upon Conditions dishonourable to the King, a War would be more advantageous.  
The Contents of that Treatise may well be thought to be written by a Person well informed of the Court's Intentions, since that afterwards they put in practise every thing that he asserted. The War than was continued; and after the taking of several 
The Siege of Mompellier.  Little Places that might annoy the Army, the King sat down before Mompellier. But the Prince of Condé, who had the Command of these petty Erterprises, discharged his duty after a most cruel manner. Always some unfortunate Creatures were 〈…〉 to be executed in those Cities that were surrendered 〈…〉 himself; and 'tis a wonderful thing, that those Rigorous Proceedings did not animate the Reformed to be more obstinate in their Resistance: For there was not any Place that yielded, which could not have held out much longer, or that might not we obtained at least an honourable Capitulation. Lunel was ●e of those unfortunate Cities, where the Garrison that sustained ●e Siege, underwent all the Cruelties that could be expected or ●r'd from a faithless Enemy. For that instead of being safe conducted, as they ought to have been, they were almost all 〈…〉 to pieces by the Soldiers of the Prince's Army, who gave but ●●●y slight and superficial Orders to prevent the slaughter. All ●e Paggage which they carried out was pillaged; and they who ●●d committed this Barbarous Action, re-entered Lunel with a ●ring confidence, carrying away those people Prisoners who ●●ve them any hopes of Ransom, and making them the Porters ● their Booty, as if it had been the Prize of a just and lawful ●ar. But by good luck for some of those Prisoners, Bassom●rre happened to be at the Gate as the Soldiers were coming ●●t, who caused some of 'em to be hanged; ordered the Prisoners to be set at liberty, and their Baggage to be restored 'em. ●owevert his was all the justice that was done to recompense the ●ughter of the greatest part of the Garrison that marched out. ●●ch an Action as this committed by the Reformed would have ●●en a copious Subject for Fenouillet's Eloquence to have engaged upon.  
Moreover, Several of these Places had been half demolished: and the Reformed being too late convinced of the truth of what 〈…〉 had often formerly repeated to 'em, that the too great ●●mber of Places which they coveted to hold in their hands, did not weaken up, and keep their Forces too much separated, they ●●e●e desirous to preserve their Men for the most important Ci●●s, as Nimes, Vsez, Mompellier, and some others. Their Reactance in those of lesser Importance was only to amuse the Enemy's Army, and that they might waste their Time, their Ammunition, and their Men. Which makes it apparent▪ whither the Catholics had any reason to complain that the Reformed demolished their Houses, and levelled the Fortifications of their Castles, since they as little spared their own Houses, as such Town● also which they had no mind to defend.  
The Duke of Mommorency likewise obtained some small Advantage 
Success of the War in divers places.  over the Reiters, and the Lansquenets: But the reducing of Aiguesmortes, which Chatillon surrendered to the King was of greater consequence. He had held it a long time as 〈◊〉 were, in trust, and he was so well fixed there, that the Assembly, who deprived him of the Government of the Circle, and who put him out of Mompellier, notwithstanding the numerous▪ Party which he had there, could not dispossess him of that Place. All that they could do, was to declare the City 〈◊〉 Associate with Chatillon in his Desertion, and to look upon 〈◊〉 as a Town in hostility against 'em. Nor had they made but a very lame Answer, in the behalf of that Nobleman, to the Manifesto published against him by the Assembly. The whole was reduced to a bare denial of those things which were laid 〈◊〉 his Charge, which in reality were too evident; or to excuse some things, as done out of a good Intention: All the rest was only stuffed with Recriminations and Reproaches. But his Advancement after all this made it appear, that their Suspicious were not ill grounded. For at length the Promises of the Court, with which he had been so long time held in play 
Chatillon made Marshal of France.  were fulfilled to him; and the King created him a Marshal of France. But the Duke of Vendome had no such good success in Upper Languedoc, where the King had left a small Body of an Army. At first, he took in some Places inconsiderable for their strength; but having laid siege to Briteste, he was foiled before that Pitiful Hamlet, where the Garrison behaved themselves so manfully, that after two months' time lot, he was so happy as to receive an Order to attend the King before Mompellier, which gave him an honourable Occasion to raise his Siege.  
Among several Persons of Quality that laid their Bones in the Approaches of Mompelier, the Duke of Fronsac, a young Gentleman of great hopes; and the only Son of the Duke of St. Paul was slain; and his Death had like to have been revenged by a Massacre of the Reformed. For the People of Orleans offered to the Count of St. Paul, their Governor, to avenge the ●…eath of his Son upon the Reformed, their Fellow-Citizens; 
Sedition at Orleans.  〈◊〉 he had much ado to put a stop to their Fury, upon his reusal of their insolent Offers. But when the Corpse of the young ●…ince was carried to Fronsac, where he was to be entombed, ●…e Catholics could not be hindered from sacrificing several of ●…e Reform to his Ghost, notwithstanding the presence of the Count of St. Paul himself, whose menial Servants joined themselves with the Catholics. Nor were they suppressed, till they had in some measure appeased their bellowing Rage with ●…e Atonements of Blood and Plunder. However the Count, 〈◊〉 show that he by no means approved such Acts of Violence, ●…us'd one or two to be hanged. Nevertheless, I know not that excuse he could make for his Indulgence to his Servants, those punishment would have been much more exemplary, then ●…at of any one culled out of the multitude. But the Sedition 〈◊〉 Lion could not be so soon pacified, where it broke forth most ●…olently upon the 27th of September. It began among the ●…bble, intermixed with Lackeys, who seeing a Reformed pass ●…ng in the Piazza of the Grey Friars, where he lived, began 〈◊〉 abuse him, but he made his escape to a Neighbour's house. However, his Goods were plundered and burnt; at what time 〈◊〉 others of the Reformed crossing the Piazza in like man●…r, were set upon, and most injuriously handled by the same 〈◊〉. There was then a certain new word, which was be●…me in fashion, and which the Catholics had always in their ●…ouths, when they had a mind to affront one of the Reformed. The word Huguenot was grown so stale, that they were accustomed to it; and many very prudent and moderate People ●ade use of it as a word equivalent to that of pretended Reformed. But instead of that, they afterwards invented another, which the Rabble swallowed with extraordinary greedi●…ss. This was the pleasing Nickname of Parpaillots; the Original of which word lies very obscure. Some assert, that 
The Original of Parpaillots.  〈◊〉 first time it was made use of, was at the Siege of Clairac. the Garrison, say they, made a Sally one night, and to the end they might distinguish each other in the medley, they put their ●…irts over their clothes; which made the King's Soldiers, by whom they were repulsed, give 'em the Nickname of Parpaillots, because that under that dress, they resembled Butterfly's which have white wings, and of which there were great numbers flying about the Fields at that time: For the Vulgar in Gayenne and Languedoc call those little Infects Parpaillets, or Parpaillots. This word being pronounced by some in view of the Soldiers as they marched out of Clairac, was taken up by others and in a moment spread over the whole Army; from whence it flew over all the Kingdom where the Soldiers were quartered▪ Nor were there many places in France where this word was more in use then at Paris, and it missed but very little of being as common in Guyenne; which renders that Province the most likely place from whence the word was first of all derived.  
Others refer it to some Surprises of the Reformed, who either innocently or imprudently fell into the Snares that we●… laid for 'em. And some making the Original of this word al●… most as ancient as the Civil Wars, refer it to the simplicity ●● the Reformed Chieftains, who went to Paris under the Pretence of the Marriage of the Prince of Navarre, to lay themselves at the mercy of their Enemies. For that upon the Massacre which ensued, they were compared by those People wh● insulted over their Credulity, to Butterflies, that fly of themselves to burn in the Candle. And because the Comparison might first of all perhaps be made by some one that lived in the Country where those Infects are called Parpaillots, therefore 〈◊〉 Gascon word was retained, in derision, rather than the French. There are others who derive the word, with probability enough▪ from the white mandilions which the Reformed wore in the first Wars; more especially in that which the Prince of 〈◊〉 began, by his attempt upon Meux. Those white mandilions behaved themselves so well at the Battle of Paris, in the judgement of the Turkish Envoy, who beheld the Combat from the walls of the City, that he wished his Master but Six thousand such as they, to subdue the whole world. That sort of Habit was the reason that they were called Papillons, or Parpaillots, in English Butterflies, in regard their best men came from that Province where that word is in use. These Derivations might seem natural enough, were it certain that the word was known long before the Wars of Lewis XIII. But some derive it from an Original less noble, and say, that among those who were executed after the taking of Towns, some poor Wretch or other at the same of his approaching death, with an assurance that his Soul, so soon as it parted from the Body, should fly to Heaven, made 〈◊〉 of the comparison of a Papillon or Butterfly; which being ridiculed by the Spectators, they took an occasion from thence, to call all the Reformed Parpaillots, or Butterflies.  
However it were, certain it is, that the Reformed were highly offended at this Nickname; nor did they look upon the word Huguenot as half so great an Affront. And indeed there are two things of which it is equally difficult to give a reason; the Original of certain words, which of a sudden become universally in use, though no body can tell either who was the Author, 〈◊〉 what was the occasion; and the Idea of the Injury which People believe attends the use of 'em.  
Thus the word Hust in Normandy was a Reproach which 
Of the word Hust.  〈◊〉 vulgar sort of People threw upon the Reformed. Nevertheless, the word in itself has no signification, and concerning the Original of which, I never could hear but ridiculous Stories without any probability; however the word was looked upon as ●ery seditious. And I have seen Petitions presented to the Magistrates, which have produced Informations, Sentences and Decrees of Parliament, which forbid the use of that word, the ●…nely Crime mentioned in the Complaint.  
'Twas the same thing with the word Parpaillot, of which the Reformed complained as of a heinous Injury, though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so ●●ensive in it, unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉 came, spoke it with a design to affront 'em.  
The Reformed then being assailed at Lion by that seditious 
Violence of the Seditior.  Rabble, were, among other foul language, called Parpaillots, and threatened with the Halter. To which, while some were a ●●ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought, they ●●nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated, and whose number was already swelled to three or four thousand, by the concourse of Lackeys, Children, and the Rifraff of the People; so that at last, they broke into the houses of the Reformed, plundered whatever was of value, burned what they could not carry away, beat, wounded and killed several of those that fell into their hands. This Fury lasted three days; neither the Magistrates, nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences. And yet, to say the truth, considering the condition the City was in at that time, they must needs have been very remiss, or else it ne'er could have been so difficult a matter to have reduced that Canaille to reason. For d'Alincourt, the Governor of the City, had his Guards, the City was divided into Quarters, which had every one their Captains and their Streamers, and could have easily raised men enough to have dispersed those Rakehells. The Queen and the Queen-mother were both at Lion, together with the Bishop of Lus●●, soon after made a Cardinal, with some Soldiers to guard 'em. But at Lion, as well as at Paris, they were much afraid of spilling Catholic Blood. Otherwise, they might have drawn together a little Army able to have done much more, then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lackeys. But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remonstrances; and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation, had they not him afraid lest the Rabble, having once tasted the sweets of Pillage, should have flown upon the Catholics, after they had got what they could from the Reformed. All the severity of the Magistrate went no farther than to place Guards in some places, and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison. At length indeed the Queenmother caused herself to be carried to the place where the disorder was most violent, and then the seditious Rout, already almost weary, began to retire. But there was no body punished for all this Insolence but the Reformed; for instead of giving 'em satisfaction, d'Alincourt disarmed 'em. Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death 
the Reformed disarmed.  of those that were massacred, or to repair the damages of those who had been plundered and burnt. Nay, they were made believe, they had a great Favour done 'em, that so much care had been taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multitude. As for the Catholics, there were some indeed committed ●o Prison, but released again in a few days after, without either Fine, or any other punishment. The only harm that was done ●em, was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future. A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious. And had the Reformed ●appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens, all the blood in their bodies would not have suf●●'d to have expiated their Crime.  
While the King lay before Mompelier, the Count of Soissons●ress'd ●ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land, and the Duke of Guise by ●ea; and that potent City was every way hard beset. The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis, which was like to ●rove a great Annoyance to it, in regard it commanded the Channel; so that the Sea was no longer open to her, nor could he be relieved on that side but with great difficulty. Nevertheless the Assembly stood their ground, and issued forth the ●est Order they could for the support of the common Cause. they held Correspondences in several places, and sometimes ●●me of the Nobility, and some Soldiers of good Note, got into the City to defend it. However, several of their Enterprises had no success; and though Rochel had been the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea ●nd Land, she was at last reduced to fight for her own Walls. ●he Duke of Soubise, after the Overthrow he had received, went 
Soubise solicits for Succour in England  into England, and left no Stone unturned to procure some considerable Succour from the King; but that Prince, always obstinate in his Maxims, would not hear a word of it, but forbid his subjects to assist the Reformed, whom he made no scruple to all Rebels. Nevertheless he offered his Intercession with the King of France, for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him ●nd his Subjects. In short, he ordered his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉 their business, as he had done before, when Montauban was besieged, where Hay his Envoy had already made some Over●●res; and when the Conditions were resolved upon as a ground work for entering into a Treaty, he earnestly pressed the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to 'em. In the ●ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France: for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke Soubise, that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail, laden with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel. But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbour before it set Sail; so that when the Duke came to take shipping, he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations, and all the marks of a terrible Shipwreck.  
But before Mompelier, things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes. The City held out stoutly; the Season spent apace; and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot; and though on the one side, the Reformed had reason to fear that the King at last would take the City; on the other hand, the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forced to lose all his labour, and go without it. These Fears, on both sides, bend their Inclinations to Peace: but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it, was to be kept private from him. Lesdiguieres, created Constable but a little before, undertook the Negotiation once again, and after several Obstacles surmounted, which had like, several times, to have dashed the whole Negotiation to pieces, at length it was decreed and the Constable came to the Army to put a final end to it▪ One of those things which occasioned the greatest trouble, was that the King would needs enter into the City, and that the Inhabitants were afraid that if they did admit him, he would make 'em pay dear for the Expenses of so long a Siege. Neverthelefs, the King disdaining to promise one of his Cities, by a formal Treaty, that he would not have entrance into it, there was a necessity of endeavouring to persuade the Inhabitants to submit. To this purpose the Duke of Rohan had leave to enter, and make the Proposal to the Citizens. He did so; b● whether he undertook that Commission rather to inform himself of the true state of the Town, then to persuade the People to a good liking of the Proposal; or whether it were, that he could not remove out of their minds the fear of being made a new Example of the Infidelities of the Court, he returned, without being able to obtain the Consent of the City to admit the King. Upon that, he promised to send 'em Relief, because the Town was in great want of men: but he met with so many difficulties, after the Duke of Vendome's and the Constable's ●en were arrived in the King's Camp, that at length he resolved ●pon a Peace.  
Thereupon it was concluded in despite of the Prince of 
The Treaty concluded with an Edict.  Condé, who for madness, to see that he had so little Credit, ●nd that an Affair of such Importance should be concealed from ●is knowledge, quitted the Court, and travelled into Italy. On the other side, the Duke of Rohan, with the Commissioners ●f Cevennes, Nimes, and Vsez, came to Mompellier; and the ●9th of October the Edict of Peace was published in the Camp before Mompellier. This Edict was set forth in the Form of ● Pardon, wherein the King, before all things, took care to assert the Justice of his Arms taken up against the Reformed; whose Rebellions he ascribed to the Artifices of those who thought to make advantage of their Simplicity, and the Troubles of the State; and he took God to witness that his Intention had always been to procure the Peace and Welfare of his Subjects. After which, he declared that he had granted a Peace upon the humble Petitions and Supplications of the Reformed, who had besought it by their Commissioners sent on purpose, together with a Pardon for their Offences. By this Peace he confirmed the Edicts not only of the deceased King, ●ut his own. He likewise confirmed the Secret Articles; but ●e added the word Enregistered, wherein he had an Aim that ●o body mistrusted; and which was afterwards the foundation ●f many Cavils. He re settled the Roman Religion in several places where the exercise of it had been interrupted, and recored to the ecclesiastics their Tenths, their Revenues, and their Houses. He also re-established the Reformed Religion in places where it had been disturbed by the War. He ordained that the Cities remaining in the hands of the Reformed, preserving their ancient Fortifications, should demolish their new ●nes; for which they gave Hostages; and he forbid the fortifying of any place, under any pretence whatever. He extended the benefit of the Peace to all those that would submit in fifteen days after publication of the Edict. He put down all Politic Assemblies, if they were not authorised by his Express Permission; but he consented to their holding Consistories, Colloquies and Synods, according to custom, provided that nothing were handled therein but merely Ecclesiastical Affairs. He granted an Act of Oblivion for all that had happened since the first of January 1621., as full, and with the same Restrictions as that which had been granted by the 76th, 77th, and 86th Articles of the Edict of Nantes. He added a particular Amnesty for what had happened at Privas, wherein he comprehended Brison, who had been the Author of those Commotions, and who had kept his ground there ever since the beginning of the year. As for the Accounts, and the Sentences or Decrees that had been issued out against the Reformed who had born Arms, they were regulated according to the Articles of the Edict of Nantes, that mentioned the same things; and the Judgements pronounced between Persons of their Party by the Judges settled in the Provinces by Authority of the Chieftains, were confirmed; the Prisoners on both sides were released without Ransom. All Persons of what quality soever were restored to their Estates, their Dignities and Employments. The observation of this Edict was regulated according to the Form prescribed by the 82d Article of Nantes; and the King promised to send Commissioners into the Provinces to see it duly executed.  
This Edict freed from much trouble a great many Persons, 
Right of Parliaments.  against whom the Parliament had issued forth very severe Decrees, which were put in execution without mercy. Thus the Unfortunate L●ssius, who had been proscribed at the beginning of the Troubles, not being able to escape his being surprised at Bourdeaux, was put to death, in pursuance of a Decree set forth against him the 18th of May. For they thought it more proper and more agreeable to their nature, to look upon his Actions as Acts of Rebellion against his Prince, than effects of Zeal for his Religion and Country. He was suspected for one of those who had a great share in the Intrigues of the Reformed, and they coupled him with Chamier, who was slain at the Siege of Montauban, and Hautefontaine, who lived with the Duke of Rohan. The Parliament of Rennes no less violent than that of Bourdeaux, had upon the 10th of the same Month issued forth a most terrible Decree against the Marquis de la Mucedorus, and le Noir his Minister. They condemned 'em for Contumacy to the 
* That is, to walk barefoot and bareheaded through the Street with a burning Taper in their hands to some public place, and there to acknowledge their Offence.  Amende Honourable, ●nd to be drawn by four Horses. Their Posterity was degraded, and declared Peasants: de la Muce's Houses and Castle were demolished, and his Wood cut down to the height of a Man. Moreover, their Goods were confiscated, and themselves fined the Sum of Ten thousand Livres, and Six thousand Livres to be bestowed upon some Churches and Monasteries. La Mucedorus was also levelled with the Earth; though 〈◊〉 Decrees of Contumacy the Proceedings were not wont to be ●…swift: But in regard the persons condemned were out of the Parlament's reach, they were discharged for an Execution in 〈◊〉. There were also several other very Rigorous Decrees according to the Passionate Humour of the Parliaments, which were to take cognizance of the Parties accused. Nay, the Duke of Rohan himself had been declared a State-Criminal by a particular Decree made on purpose. However they spared him, while the Constable de Luines lived; but after his death a Declaration was published against the Duke and his Adherents; ●et though it came forth 27th of December of the preceding ●ear▪ it was not verified till the fourth of July, 1622. So that 〈◊〉 Duke bore Arms above a year against the King, made himself master of several Places, relieved Montauban, and committed all manner of Hostilities all the while, before he was ●…s'd as a Rebel.  
This Peace proved very honourable for the Duke of Rohan, 
The Advantages of 〈◊〉 Peace  who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns, was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace, which the King had refused at the Siege of Montauban; but the Pri●ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the General. The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Reformed, not under the Title of Security, Marriage or Hostage, but by way of free Gift, and voluntary Concession; which did ●ut only alter the name, not the thing. 'Tis true, that the King would no longer tie himself to pay the Garrisons, nor what was due for the time past, as the Sums promised either by himself, or his Father, for the Salaries of the Ministers: Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the future: But that Article was ill observed as well as the rest.  
By a particular Brevet, the King promised that he would neither keep any Garrison, nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier▪ that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls; and that there should be no Innovation, other than the demolishing of the new Fortifications: which Brief was delivered to the Duke of Rohan, who lodged it in the Consul's hands. By other Breifs, permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as the●… stood; and that the Works about Nimes, Castres', Vsez, and Milhau, should be but half demolished. But when that Article about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to ●● put in execution, notice was given to the Parliament of Tholouse, that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities, they made 'em better and stronger than before: so that upon the 14th of December there came forth a Decree, which forbid those counterfeit dismantlings: which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside, and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found 'em.  
Nor did the Parliament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications. The Parliament of Paris, instead of the words, Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion, put in, City's 〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion: and in the room of th● words, Ecclesiastical Affairs, they altered 'em into, Affairs concerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reform Religion▪ These petty Niceties however displayed no signs of Embitterment: But the Parliament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shown during the Frenzi●● of the League. They verified the Edict, without approving any other than the Catholic Religion, or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs. They ordained that the dismantling of their Towns should be continued, till it were thoroughly finished▪ that such Judgements as were in favour of the Catholics, should stand good; but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed, should be revokable upon a bare Petition; and th●● no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the Kingdom. These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict, ●ight well be looked upon as a Presage, that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom, would not be of long continuance.  
Nevertheless, all the Cities which had joined together in the 
All the Cities accept the Peace.  ●●mmon Cause, accepted of the Peace, though there were ●●me that were afraid of the Consequence. Privas, and Brison, who had held it out, notwithstanding the Conquests which Cha●llo● had suffered the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts, came in upon the general Conditions. Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person, and of preserving her Fortifications as a Tro●…y of her Victory, accepted the Conditions also. Rochel pressed 〈◊〉 Sea and Land, and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom, if she refused the Conditions proposed, submitted to the Count of Soissons, who commanded the King's Forces that attacked her. However, the Duke of Guise, ●…ough well informed that the Peace was concluded, adventured 〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City; and because he could not ●●●d out a way to excuse that Action, which cost a great deal 〈◊〉 Blood on both sides, 'twas given out that Rochel knew it as well as he, and that she would not have accepted the Peace, ●●d she got the better. To say truth, her loss was not so great, ●●t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable. And 〈◊〉 may be said, that her damage consisted in this, that the least ●…es of a City, that has no other assistance to trust to but her ●wn, are always considerable, rather than in her receiving any great harm by the King's Fleet. But after the tidings of the ●eace, all Acts of Hostility ceased, and the City thought herself delivered from all her fears of a long Siege. Vsez, Nimes, Milhau, all the rest of the Cities obeyed, and flattered themselves with seeing the Edicts better observed for the future, then hitherto ●●ey had been.  
But Catholic Zeal had not yet altered her Characters: nor 
Ill observed by the Court.  was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature, ●●t with a resolution to violate it. One of the first effects of ●●e Infidelity of the Court, was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause, and denying 'em the Recompenses which had been promised 'em; for the performance 〈…〉 which Promises they never had been urgent. The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed, ha●… disengaged him from the Promises which he had made to particular men, merely to retain 'em in their obedience. Nor would many People have murmured at this piece of Infidelity, had th●… stopped there: and it was agreed on all sides, that they who ha● sold for ready money, the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences, deserved no better usage: b●… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of high●… importance. For they had promised the Rochelois to demoli●… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built, to curb and a●… noy the City. But they were so far from observing that Article, that the Fort was not finished till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain a●… other then feigned Commands to demolish it; of which they to whom they were sent, had private Orders to take 〈…〉 notice.  
Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier, there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants, that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Foo●… which should march out back again with him. To elude which Promise, the whole Regiment of Guards was ordered to enter i●… under no more than four Colours, unworthily abusing the a●… biguous signification of the word; though, as time has made it out, the word Colours or Ensign, signifies much more usually in common speech, a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉 Ensign, than the Colours or Ensign itself. But they carried th●… Fraud yet higher; and to enforce the Inhabitants to suffer 〈…〉 Garrison 'twas thought fit to demand Hostages of 'em, for security of the Commissioners which the King intended to leav●… there, under pretence of looking after the demolishing of th●… Fortifications: and the number of Hostages was so great, 〈…〉 which there must be so many that had no kindness for the Coun●… or well affected to the Reformed Religion, that they well equally terrified with the choice and the number. Besides, that Proposal was made 'em with such an air, as made it sufficiently apparent that Hostages were demanded of 'em to no other purpose▪ then to make 'em redeliver the Brief which exempted 'em ●●om admitting a Garrison, and which made 'em afraid that if ●●ey did not provide for themselves, they should be forced not only to give Hostages, but receive a Garrison also. At last some people, who had been none of the most zealous during the War, ●●fected a servile compliance with the goodwill and pleasure ●● the Court, in hopes of reconciling themselves to the King, ●●d made it their business with great fervency to discourage ●●hers, so that they accepted a Garrison, and thought it their du●● to receive it, though they had a mortal reluctancy against it, if it had been a favour done 'em to abuse and then laugh at 'em. Nor did the Court stop here; the Consulship of Mompelier●as ●as intermixed half Catholics, half Protestants, and a Citadel moreover erected.  
In the mean time the King returned to Paris, and in his march 
The King return to Paris.  ●●ok from the Reformed all those places which were under their government. The Constable, though he were turned Catho●●●●, could hardly preserve his own in the Dauphinate. Nay, 〈◊〉 had been despoiled of 'em, had not his Son-in-law, Crequi, pro●●s'd to resign 'em after his death. The Adviser of these tart ●roceedings was Puisieux, who began to grow into favour. The ●●ath of the Cardinal de Retz, who possessed a great share of ●●e Royal Authority, and the absence of the Prince of Condé, ●●o shared another part, gave him an opportunity to engross ●●e whole; and as if the King had been weary of governing alone, 〈◊〉 resigned himself up almost without any limitations, into the ●●nds of this new Favourite. The Spaniards had already got ●●e Ascendant over him, and had infused into him their own politics. The Court of Rome, which at that time acted only 〈◊〉 Concert with the House of Austria, supported those Foreign maxims to the utmost of their Power: so that Puisieux, full of ●eneration for those two Potentates, did nothing but with a ●●sign to render himself their Minion, and who was therefore ●●ely guided by their Counsels. And indeed till then there was 〈◊〉 certain kind of Fatality which entangled the Favourites in ●●reign Interests: As if they could have erected their Grandeur upon a better Foundation, by corresponding with an Enemy's Court, then upon the goodwill of their Sovereign, and the prosperity of his Affairs.  
But this Favour lasted not long; for while it seemed to be 
The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal.  almost Battery proof, there was an Alteration prepared for him which no body suspected in the least: For the Queen Mother had not quenched as yet her violent thirst of Rule; and in regard she had a great confidence in the Bishop of Luson, she used her utmost endeavour to advance him, persuaded that he would be so grateful for her Favours, as always to depend upon her▪ That Prelate had wound himself into the King's good opinion because he had more than once contributed to patch up the Differences between him and the Queen his Mother, whose restless spirit gave him cause of vexation enough: so that he was loo● upon with a favourable Aspect by both sides, and both Parti●… though themselves beholding to him for what he only did 〈…〉 gratify his own Ambition. So that he readily obtained of the Queen-mother the utmost of her endeavours to put the Kin●… upon demanding a Cardinal's Cap for him; nor did the Kin●… make any great scruple to consent to her Request. Neverthe less, this Negotiation held off and on for above two years before it took effect, as being thwarted, perhaps, by those that were unwilling by so fair and proper a means to hand a ma●… of his Genius into Authority. But the Solicitation was redoubled this year so luckily and so effectually, that the Po●… granted the Cap to this Bishop at the beginning of September▪ As for the Bishop, he had waited the success of the No●…tion with extraordinary Impatience, despairing almost of success, by reason that Puisieux seemed to him a dreadful Enemy and such an one in whose power it was to put a stop to his Preferment, more especially because his Kinsman Silleri was th●… Ambassador at Rome. So that the News could not choose 〈…〉 be a pleasing Surprise to him.  
Nor could the towering Genius of that Prelate hinder him from 
The Character of that Prelate.  being extremely sensible of the Impressions of unexpected Events and he was no less prone to commit great Absurdities, when he had not time to compose himself. Never was any man less th●… Master of his first Transports. But he was so lucky, that he easily got time enough to recollect himself; and he was so● dextrous, that he never let the opportunity slip. So that he ●…em'd to have a heart that nothing could surprise, and which was equally provided against all Accidents. I shall here relate what was told me upon this occasion, by one of the most considerable persons in the Court of France. There was at the Court of Savoy a French Gentleman who had been forced to quit ●hat of France, by reason of some distaste which he had given ●o the Bishop of Luson. That Gentleman, who passionately ●ought all means to be reconciled to the Bishop, was in the Duke of Savoy's presence when the Courier, who brought the News of the Promotion of Cardinals, came to present him with the Letters: which were immediately opened by reason of the Curiosity, which is common to all Courts, to know the names of ●hose whom the Pope has advanced to that Dignity: and then it was that the Prince read aloud the names of four who had a share in that Honour. But then the Gentleman hearing the Bishop of Luson's name, began to consider with himself, whether if he should be the first that carried him the tidings, it might not be enough to restore him to his favour: and thereupon finding he had time enough to get before the Courier, he took Horse immediately, and made such speed, that he got to Lion two hours before the Courier.  
Presently away he went directly to the Bishop's Apartment, 
How he received the News of his Pr●●otion.  who was no less surprised at his Arrival, then to see him at his feet. But when he understood from the Gentleman the News of his Promotion, and how he came by his Intelligence, he abandoned himself to such an excess of Joy, and after such an unusual manner, as if the giving him the Cap, had deprived him of his Reason. He forgot all the gravity and decorum of his Character, and displayed his satisfaction by motions and gestures so unbecoming a man of his Age and Quality, that the Gentleman was more afraid of his hatred then ever, as having been so unfortunate to be the Witness of a piece of weakness which the Bishop had reason to be ashamed of as long as he lived. But after a little time had given the first transports of his Joy leave to evaporate, the Bishop delivered him out of his fears, and only very seriously admonished him not to let any body know what he had seen, nor to appear at Court till the Courier was arrived. But though the Gentleman were very trusty in observing the last Injunction, he could no more forbear his disobedience to the latter than Midas' Barber. In the mean time, the Bishop came to himself again, and had time to compose the Disorders of his mind; so that when the Queen sent for him, to impart the welcome News to him, he received it with such a careless Hypocrisy, as if his Soul had been above such a Transitory Dignity. That Gravity, which he had had time to study, begot him a world of Admiration, and caused the Courtiers to speak many things in his commendation. Thus many times in Eminent Persons, the Hits of Chance are imputed to Prudence; Prosperity is admired as the Architecture of the Man's Genius, and the Praises belonging to Virtue, are bestowed upon outward Appearances.  
The King lay then before Mompelier when the New Cardinal 
Excessive Flatteries.  came to pay him his returns of Thanks, so that he could not give him the Bonnet till after the Peace, when he returned to Paris. I would repeat the Prodigious Flatteries of those that harangued the King all along where he lay upon the Road, did I not find that the Reformed imitated the Catholics; and strove to outvie 'em in their Excesses and Hyperboles. Nevertheless, I cannot forbear to say something of the Consul Montelimar, who extended the extravagance of his Style, and his Eulogies, farther than any other. He insisted upon the Divine Aspect and presence of the King: He attributed to him Virtues that Heaven revered, and the Earth adored, and a Life so holy in the midst of Crowned Exaltation, and Royal Grandeur, that he deserved both the Altars and Sacrifices of Sacred Veneration. These Fulsome Flatteries are either the Effects or Forerunners of Pusillanimous Servitude; and Subjects renounce their right of complaining that their Sovereign exalts his Power above Justice, when they make him more than mortal by such soaring Adulations. Which is the reason that nowadays we find that Flattery has no bounds, where the People have lost their Liberty beyond recovery.  
While the King lay at Lion, whither the Duke of Rohan followed him to solicit the performance of the Treaty of Peace, the Commissioners from Rochel arrived there the same time, to obtain an Order for demolishing Fort Lewis. 'Tis true, they received some show of satisfaction, because they had a Letter given 'em under the Privy Signet, directed to Arnaud Commander of the Fort, wherein he was ordered to levelly it with the ground within eight days after the Rochelois had dismantled some of their New Fortifications. But at the same time there was another Letter written, which was sent by a shorter way, wherein Arnaud was ordered to give no credit to the former Letter. So that when the Rochelois delivered him the Letter which their Commissioners had brought, they were scornfully used, and returned without any hopes of satisfaction. Soon after also, notwithstanding these Counterfeit Letters from the Court, they ●aw quite finished what remained to be done, in order to putting the Fort into a perfect posture of defence. On the other side Valencé, who was left by the King in Mompelier, with a considerable Garrison, endeavoured to make himself Master of some places in Cevennes, under pretence of quartering some Soldiers that were only upon their march through the Country. Upon which the Cities of Sauve and Gange, either too credulous, ●r because they had not sufficient warning, gave the Soldiers admittance. But the Duke of Rohan took such care, that the rest preserved themselves from being so surprised.  
Soon after, the Duke went to Mompelier, to regulate some 
1623.  things which Valencé, to whom, in his return from Lion, he 
The Duke of Rohan detained Prisoner.  carried a Letter from the King which concerned the Execution of the Peace; But no sooner was he entered the City, but Valencé being informed of his Travailing by himself, and by consequence, having had leisure to prepare himself for such an Action, seized upon him as his Prisoner. His Pretence was, That he was come to raise Commotions and that he did not pursue the Intentions of the Court in the Execution of the Peace. 'Tis true indeed, he was not privy to the Intentions of those who never made the Peace but with a design to break it: He observed the Terms of the Declaration and Briefs: But Valencé, who was Puisieuxes Brother-in law, better understood the Mystery. That Minister had promised the Pope's Nuntio, That ●he Peace should serve to no other end then to ruin the Reformed; and he made use of all the most palpable Frauds that could be devised, to bring it to pass. But the news of the Duke of Rohan's being detained a Prisoner, begat both astonishment and indignation in all the Reformed who had any thing of courage left; and Soubise threatened to renew the War. Nor was the Court less astonished at the News, than they were in the Provinces: And the boldness of the Action appeared so great, that they were in no small perplexity what course to take. There were some, who neither considered the King's Honour, nor the scandalising all Europe, that were for putting the Duke to death: But Moderation was thought the better way: He was released upon condition he should quit the City, and the Lower Languedoc, and execute his Commission in the Upper. This Proceeding of the Court may be attributed to several Reasons; some will say, that it was infused into 'em by that little respect they had to Honesty and Sincerity, which would not permit 'em so publicly and egregiously to violate a Peace that had been so lately concluded; or because they thought it not just, to ruin a Man of that importance as the Duke, who had done nothing which deserved death, since the Pardon that the King had granted him. On the other side, it may be said, That either they they had not time to examine the Consequences of so violent an Action, or that they feared to arm against 'em all the Lords that had submitted to the King, if they used the Duke after such a manner as might give them just occasion to be afraid of the like usage upon the first opportunity that offered. Yet some have written, that none of these Motives induced the Court to release the Duke, but that the Interest of a Ball decided the Dispute. For the Queen had appointed one, wherein the Duchess of Rohan was to bear a part; and every thing was ready, when the News of the Duke's Imprisonment arrived. Which Accident would have quite broken off the Match; and the Queen must either have lost, or been forced to have deferred a Pastime she was just about to enjoy; which would have been a very great disappointment to a Princess of her Age: and therefore it was better to let an Enemy live, then disturb the Pleasures of a Young Queen. So that the Duke was more beholding for his Liberty to a Dancing Match, then to the Public Faith.  
In the mean time Valence made the best of this Accident: for while he kept the Duke in Prison, he proceeded to the Election of the Consuls, and caused the one half to be chosen Catholics; as he had already done by the Marine Consulship, out of which he had taken out one half of the Reformed. Both the one and the other was against the express terms of the Brief, by which it was promised that no Innovation should be introduced into the Consulship: and there is great probability that the Duke of Rohan would have very much obstructed Valence's Enterprise, had not the latter prevented him by Imprisonment. But when the Duke was set at liberty he found the thing done, and the Order which obliged him to retire into Upper Languedoc, deprived him both of time and means to apply any Remedy. The Reformed complained, that Valence had made use of Violence in the electing what Consuls he thought fit himself; and that he had kept the Consuls that were going out of their employments, a whole night Prisoners in his own house, to force their consent to the election of Catholics. But the Court took ●o notice of these Complaints; and all that the Duke could obtain from 'em was, that Valence should recall the men that he ●ad quartered up and down in Valence's Credit was then so great, that though he were no more than Governor of Mompelier, he was consulted by all Languedoc, to know the secret intentions of the Court; and that 'twas enough for him to say, ●hat 'twas the King's pleasure that such or such a thing should be done, to have it put in execution. Orders of the same nature, given out of the Jurisdiction of his Government were obeyed, as if they had come from the King himself: and Acts, ●f which the purport only was, that Valence had written that the King's Pleasure was so or so, have past in our days for definitive, in Affairs of great importance. Nevertheless it was ●oth contrary to Probability and Custom, that the Governor of 〈…〉 particular Town, should be the Arbitrator of a whole Province. But in Affairs of Religion, 'twas enough to authorise Fraud and Injustice against the Reformed, for a Catholic to ●ay, Le Roy veut, 'tis the King's Pleasure. As for the Duke of Rohan, when he was got clear of Mompelier, he went to Milhau, where he understood that the Duke of Espernon, to whom the King, a little before had given the Government of Guyenne instead of that of Saintonge and Augonnois, went about to hinder the Cities held by the Reformed in Rouvergne, to elect their Consuls as they were wont to do; and that he had written to 'em not to make any new Elections, till they understood from his mouth the King's further Pleasure. But the Duke of R●han explaining his Pleasure by the terms of the Peace, persuaded 'em to elect their Consuls at the usual times, and after that to send Commissioners to the Duke of Espernon, to know his Will. They took his Advice, and by that means preserved their right to keep the Catholics out of the Consulship.  
But while things thus past in Languedoc, the general Commissioners, 
General Papers.  Mommarton and Maniald, who had been substituted in the rooms of Flavas and Chalas, present a Paper to the King, wherein they demanded several things necessary for the preservation of Peace. It consisted of Twenty two Heads, the substance of which was, That Commissioners should be sent into the Provinces to see the Peace duly executed; That the Garrison might be removed out of Mompelier; That the Brief which promised there should be no Innovation, might be observed; That Fort Lewis might be demolished; That the Reformed who had been condemned to the Galleys, might be set at liberty; That the Sums promised for the Ministers Salaries, for the low state of Pensions, and the payment of the Garrisons, might be discharged both for the time past and for the future; That Candal, who had paid some money beforehand, might be reimbursed; That the King should provide for the payment of the Ministers of the Country of Gex, to whom there had been assigned a Fund upon the Toll-money, in recompense of the Ecclesiastical Revenues which had been taken from 'em; That the King would be pleased to contribute something toward the rebuilding of the Church at Charenton, which was burnt down in the Wartime; That he would be pleased to cause the Church at Tours to be rebuilt at his own charges, in the same place where it stood before the Sedition, according to his promise; That he would vouchsafe to let the Church of Bourg be rebuilt, notwithstanding that the Catholics disputed their Right to the Ruins of it; That free Exercise of their Religion might be restored to the Reformed at Villemur, Fontain, Luson and Tal●ont, in which places they had carried their Violences so high against those that went about to assemble together, as to levelly their great Guns against 'em; That the same liberty should be also allowed at Surgeres, Bagnols, St. Giles', Figeac, Puimirol, ●i● en Armagnac, from whence they had expelled the Minister, ●nd lastly at Quilleboeuf in Normandy; That the Reformed of Poitiers might be discharged from the payment of Twelve hundred Livres, which had been laid upon 'em by way of Tax for the Guard of the City, though they would not do 'em the ●onour to trust 'em with it, as they did the rest of the Inhabitants; That the Edict of Compensation might be executed in ●earn, and that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion might ●e restored to the Navarreines; And that the Churches, Bells, Churchyards, which the Reformed enjoyed there, by the Decree ●f the Commissioners, might be preserved to 'em, since they ●ad resigned all the rest to the Catholics; That the Party Chambers might set up again in those places where they had been re●or'd, during the Wars; That the Reformed might be exempted from the building of Churches, to which the Catholics of Ar●●i le Due went about to constrain 'em; actually prosecuting ●em at the Council-board, in order to have 'em comprehended ●n the raising Six thousand Livres, designed toward the building of a Church for the Capuchins; That the Church of Remoren●in, burnt in the time of the War, and that of Gergeau, pulled ●own since the Peace, might be rebuilt; That the Cities of Ber●eras and St. For might be eased of several Grievances; And ●astly, That for the re-establishing a mutual confidence between ●oth Parties, the Forces left in Languedoc, Cevennes, and other places, might be disbanded  
By the Answers that were returned the 4th of March to the 
Uncertain Answers.  Heads of this Writing, there was nothing expressly granted, but ●n exemption from contributing toward the building of the Ca●uchin's Church, and the release of those who had been con●emn'd to the Galleys for having born Arms. All the rest contained no more than uncertain and conditional Promises, or References to the Commissioners, who, as they were told in their Answer to the first Head, were already upon the Road. There was only a Promise, that as to the Garrison of Mompelier, care should be taken about it, so soon as satisfaction should be given to the Edict of Peace. The Alteration made in the Marine Consulship was confirmed, as being grounded upon the definitive Decree of the Chamber of Castres'; and for the Consulship of the City, 'twas referred to the usual Forms. As to the Article about the Toll-money, and the Affairs of Bearn, they were referred to the Brief of the 24th of October, which promised to take care of those matters. The Ministers of G●x were paid with general words. As to the rebuilding of the Churches of Tours and Charenton, the Reformed were referred to their own care and diligence. All the Articles that mentioned any places, or demanded free Exercise of Religion, were referred to the Commissioners: and by a Reference of the same nature, they evaded the Article touching Fort Lewis. The Article about the money advanced beforehand by Candal, was referred to a Petition which he was left at his own liberty to present himself: as to the Twelve hundred Livres which the Reformed were taxed at Poitiers, their Answer was to be imparted to the Sheriffs; and they promised to write to the Duke of Espernon about easing the Grievances of Bergerac and St. Foy.  
But the most part of these Promises were so ill fulfilled, that the Condition of the Reformed was never a whit the better: On the contrary, the exercise of their Religion was forbid in many other places, than those where it had been interrupted by the War. Particularly the Duke of Guise, who had married the 
Exercise of Religion forbid.  Daughter of Joyeuse the Capuchin, forbid it at Poiré, a place depending upon the Principality of Roche sur Yon, which belonged to himself. The Church grounded her Right upon a Possession well proved by the Terms of the Ninth Article of the Edict of Nantes: But then they began to demand the Consent of the Landlords, who were Catholics, as a thing which was very necessary. So that the Parliament of Paris quite ruined that Church by their Edict of the 21st of February, allowing only to the Inhabitants a place for the burial of their Dead. There was also a Decree of Council, dated the sixth of July, which took away from the Reformed Members of the University of Poitiers, their Right of being Rectors and Deans, of presiding 〈…〉 Assemblies, or of having any determining Voice in those ●here any Disputes were handled in reference to Divine Worship and Ecclesiastical Ceremonies. There was moreover one ●icked piece of Fraud in that Clause, which tended to exclude ●he Reform out of all Assemblies; in regard the Catholics of ●he Assembly being obliged to a Procession every Month, which ●hey mentioned at the opening of all their Sessions, they con●uded from thence, that the Reformed could not give their ●oices upon any of those Occasions, because there was none of ●hose Assemblies wherein Ecclesiastical Ceremonies were not ●andl'd. There was likewise another Decree of Council, da●d the 19th of August, which forbid the Reformed to sing their psalms either in the Streets, or in their Shops; a Liberty which ●hey could not assume since that, without bringing trouble up●n themselves; though many times the Catholics were ashamed ●● their setting forth Prohibitions of that nature. The Seventh ●● September came forth a Decree of the Parliament of Paris, ●hich deprived a Reformed Soldier of the Benefit of an 
* The Benefit of a Monk's place assigned a Soldier grown impotent and maimed in the King's Service.  Oblate, ●hich the King had granted him in the Abbey of St. Julian at ●ours. The Abbot opposed him, and a Catholic Soldier in●rpos'd his claim to that small Pension; by which means the Reformed Soldier was excluded by a disadvantageous Judgement given against him. But that which was most remarkable, was ●he Pleading of the Advocate-General Talon, full of Bitter Pas●ges against the Reformed Religion. He called those that embraced it Apostates in downright Latin: And to those who had always made profession of it, he applied the words of Christ, ●● is not good to give the children's bread to dogs. To evade that ●ight to Charity and Alms, which the Edict had granted to ●he Reform, he distinguished Alms into two sorts; the one ●hich he called Alms of Charity, and the other which he termed, Alms of Precept. He pretended that the Reformed were not ●● be admitted to the first by virtue of the Edict; and that they who received the benefit of Oblates were of the second sort. Which was a malicious distinguishing where the Law itself never made any distinction, and to teach others a general way to evade the most express Intentions of the Edict, by inventing a destructive Distinction. But every thing began to be of force against a Religion, of which they had vowed the ruin. There were also several Decrees issued forth against the Authority of Fathers 
Attempts upon Paternal Authority.  over the Education of their Children; and the Reason which they always alleged for taking away that Right, was, That in regard they had by some Express or Tacit Act consented that their Children should be educated by Catholics, they had renounced the privilege of the Edict. This was the reason that the Advocate-General Talon refused to restore a Daughter to her Mother; because, said he, by having put her for some time into a Nunnery, she had resigned the power of her Education.  
Nevertheless, these were not the greatest Acts of Injustice that were done the Reformed: I shall recite two that deserve particular consideration. The first is the Declaration which was 
A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods.  set forth at Fontain Bleau the 17th of April, to deprive the Reformed of the Liberty of their Colloquies and Synods, which till then, were left 'em almost entire. By that Declaration it was ordained, that for the future, a Royal Officer, and of the Roman Catholic Religion, deputed by the King himself, or by the King's Governors and Lieutenants in the Provinces, should sit in those Assemblies, to take care that nothing should be there treated of, but Matters permitted by the Edict. It forbid the summoning or holding Assemblies, before the Commissioner was appointed; and commanded his admittance without any scruple or reluctancy. Which Innovation was grounded upon two Pretences: The one, that they meddled with Politic Affairs in their Synods; the second was, that they gave admittance to other persons besides their Ministers and Elders; and that they took Resolutions contrary to the Intentions and Opinions of the generality and most considerable of the Reformed. However, the Reformed made no opposition to a Declaration of this importance, at least they carried it not very far; seeing that three months after, they held Synods in all the Provinces, and summoned a National Synod at Charenton, to meet the first of September. They thought they might, by Submissions and 
National Synod.  Petitions, discharge themselves from this Restraint, more injurious by reason of the Motives which induced the other Party to subject 'em to it, then inconvenient, because of the necessity which lay upon 'em to expose to the view of the Court the Se●…et of their Discipline, and the display of their Policy. In a word, at first it many ways perplexed 'em. For there were several Provinces where the Governors started a thousand Difficulties about the nomination of a Commissioner; and took that ●…ccasion to vex 'em, as most proper to exercise their malignant ●…d no less ignorant Zeal against 'em. Insomuch, that all the Commissioners which arrived at Charenton, came not till after ●…e day appointed for the sitting of the Assembly; and that ●…veral excused their slowness, as being occasioned by the Obsta●…es and Delays, by means of which the King's Governors and Officers protracted the summoning of the Synods in their Pro●…nces.  
The Commissioner appointed by the King for this Synod was ●…us G●…d, a person who loved the Reformed Religion, ●…d whose Offspring of later years have given great Testimonies of their Zeal and Affection for the Truth. But he was one of those Reform who made the Service of God and the King 〈◊〉 almost equally parallel; and who persuaded themselves ●…t a blind obedience of Subjects to their Prince was essential to Christianity. He believed that Sincerity was altogether on ●…e Court-side: and he had reason to believe it, because his Religion was no hindrance to his Advancement, and his being made 〈◊〉 Councillor of State. But he was not aware that this was but an effect of Policy, to cover the Design that was laid to ruin all; to ●…eap Favours upon some, to ●●ll others asleep, till they were in 〈◊〉 condition to oppress all together. He therefore served the Court with great Affection and Constancy; and in regard he ●…rew from thence considerable Recompenses for his good Ser●…ce, he found himself exposed to the Reproaches and Indigna●…n of his Brethren. The Commission which was given him ●…as worded so, as seemed to render it perpetual, and made People conjecture that for the future there should be no National Synods held any otherwhere then at Charenton; to the end the Court might be more near at hand, to observe the Proceedings of those Assemblies. Nevertheless they were afterwards permitted to be held in other places.  
As for this Synod, they received him with respectful Protestations, that they did it out of pure Obedience: to which they 
He is admitted in Obedience to the King.  added some Complaints, to see their Liberty so narrowly confined, and the Synods accused of going beyond their permitted Limits, by meddling with other Affairs than their Church-Discipline, and they decreed to make their humble Remonstran●… to the King upon these Heads. The general Commissione●… declared, that they had done what lay in their power to hind●… the registering of the Declaration, which had been drawn up and published without any regard to what they had represente●… though their Importunities had put off the verification of i●… for above a month. After this, they sent their Commissione●… to the King, to return him thanks for his permission. the Commissioners were kindly received, and enjoined to assure the Synod 
They send Commissioners to the King.  of the King's goodwill, if they continued in their Obedience▪ But he charged 'em by word of mouth to carry back two thing●… One, That the King was willing to tolerate such Foreign Ministers as were already admitted, but that he would not that any 
Who return laden with Orders.  more should be admitted for the future. The other was, That he took it ill that they had resolved to uphold the Doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort, which he called a new Doctrine▪ which he would not afford his protection. To which the Commissioners returned for answer, That that Doctrine was the same with their Confession of Faith. Whereupon Reply was made▪ That the King left the judgement of their Doctrine to themselves, nor would he concern himself with it; but that he did 〈◊〉 understand the making any person swear to another man's Faith, or that any man should be deprived his liberty of believing what Faith he pleased; so that in those times there was a great latitude allowed to Liberty of Conscience.  
It may be wondered from whence it should proceed, that the 
The Court inclined to favour the Arminians.  Court was so inclined to favour the Arminians. 'Tis not probable certainly, that they had any other reason then to make some great division, by giving free course to a Doctrine which had created so wide a chasm in the Low Countries. Besides the Arminians, who saw themselves quelled and born down by the censure of their Doctrine, flattered the several Potentates, in hopes to raise themselves by means of their Protection, if it were possible. Tilenus' proceeded to very great extremities upon this subject against the Reformed of France. He wrote against 'em upon all occasions, without any moderation or curb upon himself. Besides his Admonition to the City of Rochel, which he published in 1621. he printed the next year an Answer to a Treatise which was attributed to la Milletiere, and which was entitled, A Discourse of the true Reasons for which the Reformed of France both may and aught, in good Conscience, resist, by force of Arms, the open Persecution with which they are oppressed. The Author of that Discourse, after he has cited the History of Brochard Baron, which I have mentioned in another place, compares the Edict of Cyrus in favour of the Jews to that of Nantes; those who exclaimed against the first, to those that ruin'd the second; the Calumnies of those that sought to render Cyrus' jealous of Jerusalem, to those that were made use of against 
Writing of la Milletiere.  the Protestant Cities. He distinguished the ancient and natural Subjects from those who had been subdued. He asserted, That if the Rights of the latter could be grounded upon no other than upon Concessions and Favours; the Immunities of the other were founded upon a relative Obligation of the King to his Subjects, and of the Subjects to their Sovereign. He said, that Henry IV. was bound to grant the Edict of Nantes by a twofold Obligation: the one Personal, which obliged him to preserve those who had preserved himself: the other Royal, which engaged him to maintain the Liberties of those who had supported his Crown. After this, he justified the taking of Arms, and that there is sometimes a Reason for lawful Self-defence, upon which he forgot not to enforce the example of the Maccabees. He answered the contrary Arguments, and showed that the War proceeded from the Pope and his Maxims. He concluded with the necessity of expelling the Jesuits out of France, as they had been driven out of Venice, and accused 'em of the King's death, and several other Assassinations.  
Tilenus' answered this Discourse by a Writing, wherein excepting 
Answer of Tilenus  the Portraiture which he gives of Milletiere, which is natural enough, it may be said that he had neither sincerity nor judgement. And a man may judge of it, by the ridiculous Answer which he gives to the Example of the Maccabees, and which he thought to evade by saying, that the History that relates it was held at Geneva for Apocryphal, as if neither Examples or Reasons availed any thing in point of Policy or Right, if the Books out of which they were taken were not Canonical. Moreover, he makes an Apology for the Jesuits which justifies the Assassination of Kings: and with he audaciousness of a Missionary, he revives the reproach of having suborned Simon de M●●, hanged at Paris for other Crimes, to attempt the murder of Katherine de Medicis. Nor did he forget Poltrot, who assassinated the Duke of Guise; and fain would have one Philip de ●●lombault, Sieur de Varcieux, executed at Paris in the Court of the Palace, without any noise, and without expressing the cause, to be a Russian of the same stamp; grounding his Conjecture upon the privacy observ●d in his execution. He also spends a great deal of time, to prove that Kings are not bound to observe the Laws. Nor do she spare for Testimonies and Examples; and di●●n●angles himself from the Testimonies on the other side, by saying, That a Prince is bound to go according to the Laws; but if he breaks 'em, it is not lawful to resist him: which is as much as to say in a word, that nothing obliges Sovereigns to the observance of the most sacred Laws; seeing there is no lawful means to defend the Laws in opposition to their violence, when they break 'em. Whence it follows, that every man who submits himself to a King, plainly renounces his own safety, since he only grounds it upon Equity and Probity; for which, it may so happen many times, that neither the Prince nor Counsellors have any regard. 'Tis for the People to consider whether such Politics as these are convenient for 'em.  
Above all things, Tilenus advances the Authority of the Kings of France to the highest degree. The Emperor's Authority, in his Opinion, was much more limited. Nevertheless, all that the most powerful of Kings have ever aimed at, has been to be Emperors in their own Dominions; and those Lawyers who attribute the highest power to 'em, say nothing more of it. But that which might, beyond all this, incline the Court to protect 
Imposture advanced against the Synod of Dort.  the Arminian Theology, was the Imposture supported against the Synod of Dort: For they made France believe, that the secret Design of that Assembly, was to form a Protestant League ●o destroy the Church of Rome. Tilenus also revealed this important Mystery in his writing, and from thence concludes, That the King did very well not to permit the Ministers of his Kingdom to go thither: as if such a great Affair could not have been resolved upon for want of French Ministers. It may be judged by these little Remarks what kind of Answer Tilenus' was; ●nd at the same time, why the Court of France seemed so averse ●o the Doctrine of that Synod.  
But I return to that of Charenton. They resolved upon a 
The Obedience of the Synod of Charenton.  punctual Obedience in reference to the two Articles, of which their Commissioners made their Report, reserving to themselves ●he liberty of addressing to the King for his permission, when they had a desire to send for any Foreign Minister. As for the doctrine decided in the Synod of Dort, they ordered it to be ●orn to under the name of the Doctrine of the Synod of Alets, without any appearance in the wording of the Oath, that it ●ad any relation to the Assembly of Dort. And the Articles of ●●at Doctrine were printed, together with the Doctrine of the synod; and they were cried publicly upon Pont Neuf: But they ●ho were not pleased with those decisions, endeavoured to disparage 'em by a thousand Observations, wherein Calumny was 〈…〉 Argument that carried the greatest stroke.  
The Commissioners had in charge to demand the resettlement 
Assignations ill paid:  〈…〉 Assignations which had been given, and which were due for ●…e preceding years: for those which the Churches had obtained 〈…〉 the year 1621., were allotted to other uses, nor had there ●…n any for the year 1622. and at first they had ordered bad ones ●…r the present year: But Candal refusing to accept 'em, they ordered better. Nevertheless, because they lay far remote, they remanded such as were nearer at hand, and of which they might have a quicker benefit. At length the Commissioners obtained ●orty thousand Livres in ready money, for which they had Bills upon the Exchequer. They had also fair Promises for the future, but were put quite out of hopes for what was passed.  
During the sitting of the Synod, the King wrote a Letter to 
Proposals made to the Synod by Galand.  ●he Commissioner, dated September 25. and containing three ●h●ngs to be proposed to the Synod. The first was, That the ●ing would not give leave that either Primrose or Cameron, whom the Catholics could not pardon the Affair of Bourde●●●, should exercise the Function of the Ministry, or profess Divinity in the Kingdom. He said, That that Exclusion was not grounded upon their being Foreigners, but upon Reasons that concerned his service. The second was, That when the King permitted Politic Assemblies, it was his pleasure that no Ministers should be deputed. He alleged, That they were taken off from their proper Duties; and he added, that he could have wished they had prevented his Commands. But if they did not obey, he should by an express Declaration give farther Order about it; or else in the Brevets of Leave which he should grant 'em for holding their Assemblies. Nevertheless, he did not extend the Exclusion to the Pastors of the place, who had his permission to be present. The third was, That this Declaration of his Intentions should be inserted among the Acts of the Synod.  
The second Article was past, because they saw well that it would be in vain to oppose it; and for that other Synods had already taken a Resolution conformable to it, which nevertheless had never been observed. The third Article passed in the same manner: But they sent a new Deputation to the King upon the 
A new Deputation to the King.  former, to beseech him that he would remit something of his Severity in favour of Primrose and Cameron. And that Affair made 'em also bethink themselves of Moulin, whom the Court would not permit to return into France. The King made Answer, That he did not think they would have replied, after he had both writ and said what he had done: That he had good Reasons, which the Synod would readily allow, if they understood what they were; nevertheless that he gave all the three Ministers leave to stay in the Kingdom, upon condition that for the present they forbore all manner of Exercise of their Functions: adding, that time would bring all things to pass. In short, Cameron was called next year to the Academy of Mont●●ban, but died within a little while after, before the second War broke out. Du Moulin returning from England, was discovered at Dieppe, though in disguise, and had Orders to stop there, though 'tis true they were not very exact in pursuit of him. After that he lived quietly at Sedan, even after the King had dispossessed the Duke of Bovillon of it. As for Bergerac, she had ●…r share of the severity of the Court, which forbid the Synod 〈…〉 allow any thing toward the maintenance of the College of ●●at City: But the Commissioner never hindered the Synod ●om reviving the Oath of Union in Discipline and Doctrine; 
Oath of Union.  ●●r was the Court offended at it.  
The second Act of Injustice done the Reformed, was the 
A Citadel at Mompelier.  building a Citadel at Mompelier, directly contrary to the Treaty 〈…〉 Peace, and the Brief granted in pursuance of it. Nor was ●●e Artifice made use of to justify the doing it very much to the honour of the Authors of it. For Valence permitted the Sol●●ers of the Garrison to live as licentiously as they pleased themselves, on purpose to give an occasion of making Complaints. ●nd because it seemed a difficult thing to suppress 'em, he racked an Assembly of the Citizens, who were to consult upon expedients most proper to restrain 'em within the Bounds of their Duty. Now the Catholic Consuls ordered as many of their own Religion as they could to be there: But as for the ●eformed, who were wont to rely upon others for the Government of the City, and knew not the Mystery of that Consultation, for the greatest part they never came, and others durst ●ot appear: so that the Catholics were far superior in number 〈…〉 the others, among whom also many were gained; which ●ave an occasion to say, that the Reformed and the Catholics were agreed in the same demand. Now than the Question being put, which was the best way to secure the Burgesses from the Insolences of the Soldiers, the Catholics presently embraced the Proposal of demanding a Citadel, where the King might lodge his Garrison, and discharge the City of quartering Soldiers. 'Twas ●n vain for the small number of Protestants that were at the Meeting to oppose it; and so the business was decided as it were ●y plurality of Voices, and Deputies were sent to Court to obtain the King's consent, who was not very scrupulous of giving it.  
But Maniald, who was one of the Deputies, being informed 
Maniald opposes it in the name of the Reformed.  of this Enterprise, and entrusted with the Memoirs of the Reformed of Mompelier, made a Speech to the King upon this Subject, the 14th of September: complained of the foul Play that had been used; declared that the Inhabitants of Mompelier were forced to make this demand; protested that their Names were abused; required the demolishing of Fort Lewis, and produced the Reports of the Works demolished by the Reformed according to the Treaty of Peace; to the end there might not be a pretence of their not having done their duty. But they would not be better informed at Court; they were resolved to believe Valencé, and the Catholics, to the contempt of the Protestation which the Reformed made; and the Decree of the Parliament of Tholouse, put forth on purpose to elude their Obedience, pas●… for a conviction that they had not done fairly as to the demolishing their Fortifications.  
'Twas impossible that all these Acts of Injustice should be 
Presages of a new War.  committed without causing great alterations in the minds o● men; so that the Court expected to see the Peace suddenly broken. Nevertheless, as yet she had no great inclination to the War, because the Government was not as yet well settled. The Old Cardinals were jealous of Cardinal Richlieu. The high Favour wherein Puisieux, and the Chancellor his Father-in law were, began to totter: And there wanted a little longer time of Peace for every one of those who sought the advancement of their Fortunes, to secure and settle their Affairs. But the Council of Conscience, the Spanish Faction, that still held up its head, the Clergy unanimous, were all for a War. And Cardinal Richlieu, who would not seem to be lukewarm so soon after his Promotion, nor offend the Queen Mother, who embraced the same Interests, leaned that way as well as the rest. Therefore as a foreboding of the Troubles that were suddenly to revive again, a Declaration was given out the 10th of November, against those who went from Province to Province to sow Jealousies of the Infidelity of the Court, furnished with Letters and Instructions of the Dukes of Rohan and Subise. The King however declared, That he would not believe that either of those two Noblemen were any way concerned in those Intrigues, or that the Reformed in general had any thoughts of turning aside from their Obedience: However, to give 'em more perfect assurances of the reality of his Intentions, he confirmed the Edicts and his last Declarations; he ordered, that the Commissioners should continue in the Provinces till they were absolutely fulfilled; and forbid all manner of persons to speak, ●…ite, suggest, persuade or give ear to any thing that was con●…ry to his good Intentions, or the Public Tranquillity; to go 〈◊〉 send into the Provinces, or to Assemblies that might be held the same effect, and to act nothing that tended toward a War ●…on pain of being punished as Disturbers of the Public ●…pose. Du Plessis lay drawing on, when this Declaration 
Death of Du Plessis.  ●…ear'd, and God took him out of this World before the ●…ond War, to spare him the grief of seeing the Ruin of ●…se Churches brought to perfection, to which he had so ●…g been serviceable by his Writings, by his Counsels, and ●…his Example. He had a little before come to an agreement ●…th the Court about the Recompense which he was to have 〈◊〉 all his Labours, which after he had been so long put off, and ●…de the sport of his Enemies, was reduced to a hundred thousand Franks. Marshal de Bovillon died some months before him, 〈◊〉 upon his Deathbed recommended nothing to his Children, 〈◊〉 perseverance in the Reformed Religion, and never to bear 〈◊〉 against the King so long as he secured the Peace of the Churches. Which last Injunctions of his, his Daughters obeyed ●…ch better than his Sons: For his eldest Son forsook his Religion, and quitted the King's Service betimes.  
The End of the Eighth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART. THE NINTH BOOK.  
The Heads of the Ninth Book.  
THE Commissioners impair the Condition of the Reformed Gergeau: at Remorentin: at Tours. Commissioners Poitou, and Saintonge. The Character of Amelot, who 〈◊〉 the Churches by outward Shows of Honesty and Probity. Writing of the Clergy of Saintonge. The Malignity of 〈◊〉 Articles. Complacency of Chalac. Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel. Alterations at Court. Maxims of Cardinal Richlieu. Proposals of Marriage between the Prince Wales, and the Infanta of Spain; fruitless. A Match 〈◊〉 for with Henrietta of France. Negotiation of the Archby● of Ambrun; the Match concluded upon advantageous Conditi●… for the Catholics. Death of James I Charles consumm●… the Marriage. Suit between the City of Pamiers, and Bishop. Cavils upon the Right of prosecuting the payment Legacies and Donations. Exemption of Ministers. Tr●… revived. Enterprise of the Duke of Rohan and Soubise 〈◊〉 covered. Soubise seizes the King's Ships, and is blocked 〈◊〉 the Port of Blavet. He is thought to be lost, and is disowned by all the world. The King's Declaration upon that occasion. Soubise disingages himself, which changes the face of Affairs. Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan. Seconded by his Wife. Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise. Answer. Dispute about the Privileges of Rochel. Peace talked of. Cruelties of the R●al Army in Foix. Soubise's Successes. Remonstrance of the Reformed presented to the King. Answers to the Articles with which the Reformed are not content. The Court recovers her Affairs. Assembly of the Clergy; that furnishes out money with reluctancy. The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace; which delays the conclusion of it. Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City. A powerful League against Spain. A Design of the Cardinal, of which he is forced to forbear the execution. Instances of the English Ambassadors for the peace of Religion. Rochel accepts the Conditions somewhat mitigated. Divers Acts upon occasion of the Peace. Why the Court demanded such Writings. Act past by the English Ambassadors. In what sense the King becomes a Guaranty for the Peace. A new Edict which confirms all the rest Foul Play showed by France to the Confederates. Jealousies between the Cardinal and Buckingham. The Cardinal's weak side. Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's Household. Conspiracy against the Cardinal. Condition of Rochel. National Synod. Decree relating to Commissioners. Instructions of the Commissioners. Chauve, the Moderator's Answer. Surprise upon the Synod of Realmont. Infidelity of Masuyer: at which the Catholics triumph. They would fain hedge in the Ministers into the Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain. Article of the Synod of Realmont, which orders enquiry after such as were g●tity, which offends all the Churches, and is disowned by the National Synod. Leave to nominate general Deputies: from which the Synod desires to be excused, and send Deputies to the King. Remonstrances of the Deputies. Maniald dies, to whom the King substitutes Hardi. Return of the Deputies, and the King's Answer. The Synod names general Deputies. Several Resolutions of the Synod. The City of Castres' refuses to receive the Luke of Rohan's Deputies. Memoirs of Complaints. Burying of Lords that were the Founders in Churches. Legacies given to the Poor adjudged to Hospitals. Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated. Vexatious Declarations. Meeting of the Notable. Conversions forced in Bearn; at Aubenas; at St. Amand. Extraordinary Acts of Injustice. Innovations at Mompelier. Foundation of that City. Declaration against Foreign Ministers. Rochel remains blocked up; the English declare War. T●… United Provinces assist France. The English land in the 〈…〉 of Ree. Irresolution of the Rochellers. Letters of the Co●●● intercepted. A nice Question, Whether Huguenots ought to ●● suffered in the King's Army? Rochel determines and publish●● a Manisesto. The Duke of Rohan does the same. I●tr●… of Galand against the Duke. Rout of the English. S●… Fleet of the English of no use to the Rochellers. A third Fl●●● as ineffectual. The beginning of a Treaty of Peace with England and Surrender of Rochel. The City refuses to submit to 〈…〉 English. Spanish Fleet at the Siege of Rochel. Severities exercised toward the Ladies of Rohan. The Courage of Guiton, More of Rochel. How the City was used.  
IN the mean time the Commissioners that were promised to 
The Commissioners make the condition of the Reformed worse at Gergeau.  be sent into the Provinces, went thither in earnest; but the course which they took in the execution of the Edicts. served only to convince the most incredulous among the Reform▪ that the Court did but make a Maygame of 'em. For the Church which they had at Gergeau, that had been one of their Cities of security, and where they had held some general Assemblies, was taken from 'em in a City where they had always enjoyed one: and to make 'em amends for this Act of Injustice, they had leave given to build another at the farther end of all the Suburbs. The Catholics of Remorentin, who had burnt the 
At Remorentin.  Church, would never permit the building of another: but the Commissioners, instead of punishing the Misdemeanour, and doing Justice upon the Offenders, were so kind as to leave things in the same condition as they found 'em. But the Injustice which 
At Tours.  they did the Reformed of Tours, was much more notorious. For the King had promised, after the Sedition, of which I have given an account in another place, to preserve to the Protestants of that City their privilege of meeting in that place ●here they were wont to assemble, and to supply 'em with the ●…um of Six thousand Livres, towards the rebuilding of the church which the Mutineers had fired. But the Commissioners ●…ted quite contrary to this Promise. They arrived at Tours in ●…y, and would needs persuade the Reformed to accept of another place; which Proposal being rejected by the poor People, ●…o demanded the performance of the King's word, the Commissioners departed without making any regulation. Toward the end of September they returned again to Tours; at what time ●●ey took a view of several places, of the situation of which ●●e● drew up a long Report in writing, and designed the Reformed one for the building of a Church, which the Reformed ●ould not accept of; but they got nothing by it; for the Commissioners enforced 'em by an Order, to sell the place where their ●…d Church stood, and to lay out the money in the purchase of ●●at which was designed 'em.  
Amelot and Chalas had a Commission to see the Edict per 
Commissioners in Poitou and Saintonge.  ●…rm'd in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge. Chalas, who ●as made choice of by Amelot, as the Catholic Commissioners ●●d almost every where the privilege to nominate their Associates, was one of those complying sort of People who have not ●…udacity enough to oppose another man's Opinion; and who being men of sincerity themselves, cannot believe that other men will deceive 'em. So that the Reformed complained very much ●…f his softness, and never thought themselves beholding to him ●…r any Justice that was done 'em upon some Articles. Amelot, ●…n the other side, was one of those People that never did any thing without a great deal of Pomp and Ceremony, and who ●…ake it their strife to please all the world, at least to outward appearance. He made Mountains of Molehills, and thought 〈…〉 advance himself at Court, by giving the Grandees Information of every diminutive Trifle. He made a great noise of cer●●in Designs which he had discovered, and which he would needs ●…ave had to have been looked upon at Court as important Conspiracies. He endeavoured also to bring du Plessis into trouble, who thought of nothing at that time but of dying, and settling his Family. But they understood him at Court, and knew that all these great Secrets were nothing but Illusions; and that was evident enough, because they never molested any of those persons that Amelot sought to blacken with his pretended Informations. But to bring himself off like a person of credit, after it appeared that all his discoveries were no other than Dreams, than he gave out that those designs would have wrought terrible effects, had he not prevented 'em by his foresight, and broken the ●ea●ur●s of the Contrivers by opposing 'em betimes. And indeed his pretence for those Chimeras with which he was intoxicated, were no more than civil Visits which some Gentlemen thought proper to pay the one to the other; which Am●… took for Meetings covered under the name of Visits, where Affairs of State were debated.  
He also endeavoured to get the favour and esteem of b●th 
He raines the Church's under appearances of Honesty.  Parties; by the Court he sought to be valued as a man faithful and pen trating, so eagle-eyed that nothing escaped him whatever happened in the Provinces belonging to his Allotment. By the●… Reform he strove to be prized for a man of honesty, who preserv d 'em from a world of misfortunes by his moderation and▪ his prudence, preventing 'em from committing great Errors. By these petty Artifices it cannot be imagined how much mischief he did the Reformed; not only because he sometimes obliged 'em to renounce their Privileges which they had duly obtained▪ but because he seduced 'em with his vaunting Flourishes of Probity and Affection to accept of his unjust Acts as so man● Kindnesses done 'em. Thus it was that he made 'em lose their Right to the performance of their Exercises in the City of ●●●tenai, and that he made 'em remove into one of the Suburbs. And they were so simple as to consent to his entreaties, because he told 'em, that in so doing they would oblige him. All the recompense they had was, that Valade, the Minister of the place, who had been forbid to preach there, yet whose resettlement could not be obstructed, because the Right of Public Exercise in that Town was not to be deni d, was restored to his Functions by Amelot's consent. So that to make 'em amends, he only granted 'em a Privilege that could not lawfully be taken from 'em; a thing which it was impossible to refuse 'em without a great deal of Injustice. In like manner at Bourgueil, where they had a Right duly acquired, and upon a good foundation, Amelot made 〈…〉 consent to remove their Right to another place, contrary to ●e advice of Chalas, who would have maintained 'em in that, ●…e they were accustomed to meet. But that which was ●…re particularly singular in their submission, was this, That 〈…〉 told the Reformed a fair Story, and made 'em believe it ●…o, that their consenting to their removal, was but a compli●…e of good nature in honour to the Bishop of Chartres, their ●…poral Lord▪ to whom they acknowledged themselves to be ●…holding. And thus did Amelot so strangely put upon 'em by ●…s treacherous Wheedles, that he made 'em confess themselves ●…g●d to him, who at the same time despoiled 'em of their privileges. And with the same delusions he fooled the easiness 〈…〉 the Inhabitants of Maillezaiz and Luson.  
There was nothing more considerable in all this Commission, 
Paper of the Clergy of Saintes.  ●…en the Paper presented by the Clergy of Saints in the name 〈…〉 the whole Province, and supported by the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City. Had you read it, you would have said, That the ●eformed had been the prevailing Religion, and that the Catholic ●…d been persecuted. Nevertheless Complaints were intermixed with those Demands, which made it appear that the Catholics ●…d great Designs in their eye, in order to the oppression of ●…hers: which will appear by the Abstract of those Demands ●…d Complaints. The Reformed were therein accused of af●…ting the Priests when they saw 'em pass by; of obstructing ●…e Processions of the Catholics; the Administration of the Sa●…ament to the Sick; the Burial of the Dead, with the accustomed Ceremonies: Of not permitting the Catholics to visit ●…e Reform when Sick, which, as it was presupposed, were wil●…g to be converted; or that the Communion should be admini●…r'd to 'em; or that they should be buried after their Conver●…n: and the Gentlemen were chiefly accused of expelling the ●●iests out of their Lordships. They complained of the Usurpation of Churches, Houses, Tenths and Rights appertaining to ●…e ecclesiastics, and of Churchyards, where the Reformed bu●●ed heir dead by force. They demanded that the Reformed ●…ould be prohibited to bury in Catholic Chapels, under a Penalty of 3000 Livres. They remonstrated that the Churchyards, which the Reformed had adjoining to those of the Catholics, not being enclosed with Walls, were the occasion of several Seditions; that the Reformed had made themselves Masters of the Bells in some places, and in others made use of the Bells belonging to the Catholics, to give notice of their Sermon time; that they would not suffer Carpets to be spread before their Houses; that they took no notice of holidays; that at Saintes, they met in private Houses, where they read Prayers, and sung Psalms aloud; that they sold Felsh upon days prohibited. They demanded, That to avoid the meeting of People that attended the Dead to their Graves, the Reformed should be bound to give notice of their hours of Burial to the Mayor and Sheriffs. 'Twas said, That they caused armed men to walk about a Nights, who committed several Disorders. They desired Prohibitions to the Reformed Ministers, by which they might be enjoined not to call themselves Pastors of the Churches wherein they served; or to style their Religion Reform, without adding the word Pretended. Lastly, Presupposing that the Liberty of the Reformed was so great, that it could not be suppressed by Authority of the Edicts, they demanded that the Obstinate should be condemned to great Forfeitures, actually to be incurred, and to be adjudged from that time forward.  
The strain of the whole Paper was full of Malice: For they 
The Malice of several Articles.  made particular and private Facts the ground of a general Complaint, when perhaps the Fact had never been committed above once during the War; nevertheless they would have it an Affair wherein all places were concerned, and the misdemeanour of every day. Others were aggravated, as being of great importance, when there was nothing at all in 'em. However in the main, it made the Reformed to be looked upon as very criminal, and threw an Odium upon all their Actions. So that all men wondered, and that not without reason too, that Chalas went 
Chalas' Complaisance.  hand in hand as he did with Amelot, in whatever Sentences he passed upon all the Articles, and still gave his Verdict against the Reformed. More especially the Articles about visiting the Sick by the Magistrates, to know in what Religion they died: The Prohibition to pray and sing Psalms aloud, upon the Forfeiture of five hundred Livres: The necessity of giving notice to ●…e Mayor and Sheriffs of the hour when they intended to bury ●…eir Dead, to avoid accidental meeting of Catholic Funerals 〈◊〉 the street; the immediate adjudging of Forfeitures, under ●…etence of forcing the Reformed to observe the Edicts: The ●…registring of these Ordinances, as if they had been to pass for ●…veraign Laws and Edicts: These Articles, I say, a man 〈…〉 have thought, should not so easily have been condescended 〈…〉 a Reformed, whom it became to have understood the consequences. There was but one Article wherein they differed; ●…at is to say, upon the words Pastor, Church, and Reformed Religion, without adding the word Pretended. Amelot was for prohibiting the Reformed from making use of those expressions, but 〈…〉 was for petitioning the King, that the Reformed might 〈◊〉 left to their ancient practice in those Particulars. Besides, ●here was something of Justice in the Answer made to the Article concerning Burials: For the Commissioners ordered, that convenient places should be allowed to the Reformed for that purpose within fifteen days; and for defect of so doing, that it ●hould be lawful for the Reformed to bury in the Churchyards belonging to the Catholics. Which Article most assuredly Amelot granted, to the end he might the more easily hook in Chalas●r ●r all the rest. And this the Reformed suffered, through the weakness of their Commissioner, and this was that which the Catholics principally desired; in regard the current of Affairs ●ad r●n such a course for some years, as to make the Reformed ●…e●e●e they were all in the wrong. Nevertheless these Regulations had not so much efficacy, but that the Reformed strove to maintain their Privileges, of which Amelot endeavoured to deprive 'em to the end.  
In this manner it was that the Catholics drew from the 
Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel.  ●…eace as much Advantage as they could have expected from 〈◊〉 Successful War; and while by a thousand Quirks and Artifices they evaded the Promises made before Mompelier, the Catholics were everywhere put in possession of all that they could pretend to. Rochel, also, that beheld Fort Lewis still standing undemolished, maugre all the Promises which the King had made to raze it; yet gave her: Consent that the Catholics 
1624.  should recommence their Exercises. Mass was publicly sai● there at the beginning of the year 1624. but the Catholics being desirous to extend their Liberty a little farther, and to appear with their Procession in the Streets, they met with a Lan● of Soldiers that forced 'em to retire. And it was a prude●… Design in the Honest Burgesses. For they were willing 〈◊〉 prevent the Disorders which such an Innovation would inevitably have produced. But the Verbal Process which they dre● up to justify their Intentions, served to no other end, but 〈◊〉 exasperate the Court against 'em, and to confirm the King i● his Resolution to humble that City, all whose Actions were represented to him, as too haughty and insolent.  
In the mean while there happened an alteration of the Change of Affairs at Court. For La Vieville, who was beholding for his Advancement to Silleri, ruined his Benefactor, an● brought Puisieux into disgrace. And it may be said that they justly deserved their Fall. For their Politics were so Spaniolized, that they made all the King's Power prove serviceable to advance the Grandeur of the House of Austria; nor was it their fault that Europe was not to become a Slave to that Family. But Vieville followed Maxims altogether opposite; and caused France to reassume a good liking of her Ancient Alliances. But he did not go far before he received the punishment of his Ingratitude. Acknowledgement is seldom the Virtue of a Courtier; and an Ambitious Man rarely lets his Fortune slip, when he can procure his Advancement by betraying his Friend. He never holds that man to be his Friend, whom he looks upon as his Competitor. Vieville therefore having been the occasion that Richlieu was admitted into the King's Council, the Cardinal was accused of having banished him the Court, that he might have no Superior in the management of Affairs. But he followed the New Maxims that Vieville had introduced: And turned all his Designs to raise France upon the Ruins of the House of Austria.  
This was one of the Reasons why he laboured to hasten the 
Cardinal Richlieu's Maxims.  Destruction of the Protestants, already much weakened by the Success of the preceding War; while Spain, unfortunately for herself and them, neglected to assist their Party by her Intrigues. The same Design rendered him suspicious of the Jesuits, so that he kept them low and despicable all the time of his Ministry, and that they suffered many Mortifications, while ●e held the Rains of Authority; of which the chiefest was, ●hat they had a very small share in the management of Affairs. A most piercing Grief to a Society which had had the pleasure ●f riding paramount for so many years, and filling all Europe with Violence and Treachery: But lost by this Disgrace the fruit of all their Attempts, and all their Crimes; and saw, by means of the Cardinal's New Politics, all the hopes of the Universal Monarchy quite frustrated, which Spain had so well concerted, and of which she had so long pursued the Design. In order to this it was that he renewed the Alliance between France and the Hollanders upon such Conditions, as if he had at ●he same time designed the Siege of Rochel. But one of those things of which he hoped to make the greatest advantage, was the Marriage of Henrietta of France with the Prince of Wales, who reigned, after the death of King James, by the name of Charles I Spain had a long time amused that Prince with hopes of Marriage with the Infanta, who was afterwards married 
Proposals for marrying the Prince of Wales to the Infanta.  to the Emperor: And that Prince, as well as the King his Father, fell so cordially into the Snare, that he made a long Journey into Spain in order to the Conclusion of this pretended Match. And indeed the Spaniard flattered him with it, so long ●s the Council of Spain thought it necessary to act this Comedy to prevent King James from intermeddling with the Affairs of Germany. But when the Council had had sufficient Experience of the Weakness of that Prince, to assure themselves, that let 'em use him how they pleased, he would be never in a capacity to revenge himself, they broke off the Negotiation, and sent the 
Fruitless.  Prince of Wales back again into England.  
Nevertheless, the thing was carried so far, that all the Articles were agreed upon; and such great Advantages were obtained for the Roman Religion, that a Prince, who had had never so little zeal for his own, would never have endured the allowance of 'em. The Pope made no scruple to grant the Dispensation which was demanded, and the Prince of Wales acting with a Sincerity, that might be rather called Simplicity, 'twas only the fault of the Spanish Politics that the Match was not concluded. The Cardinal therefore seeing the Treaty of that Alliance broken off, and England disgusted, was willing to make the best of the Conjuncture, and to fasten that Crown to the Interests of France by the Marriage of a French Princess. The second of Henry the Fourth's Daughters had been denied the Prince of Wales, who had demanded her, while Lewis the Thirteenth's Council was in the House of Austria's pay, and the Prince of Piedmont was preferred before him. But the Cardinal altering the Design, had changed the Maxims of the Court: and he thought good to make the first Offers to a Prince, for whom they had had so little value before. Nor did he find any great trouble in causing the Overtures to be accepted. William de Hugues, Archbishop of Ambrun, had a great share in that Negotiation; and if there be any credit to be given to the Relation of what he did in England, which he drew up by the Cardinal's Command, he had almost brought the Religion and Kingdom of England to the brink of a general Revolution. He relates that before the Cardinal came into favour, he had been sent into England to persuade the King to return to the Pope's Communion: That he disguised himself to go incognito, and took upon him the Name and Habit of a Counsellor of Grenobl●. That at his arrival, he found the Duke of Buckingham informed both of his Disguise and his Commission; of which both the King and the Prince had given him notice: That the King appeared to him fully resolved to embrace the Catholic Religion: That he came to an agreement with him upon the greatest part of the Articles in controversy; more particularly concerning the Sovereignty of the Pope over all Christians: That upon this Occasion he wrote a large Letter to the Pope; that it was sent privately by an English Gentleman, who was a zealous Catholic: That he promised to declare himself openly, so soon as he had taken order for certain things which were concluded on: That the principal reason of his making so many delays, was the desire he had to be sure of the King of Denmark his Brother-in-law, to the end he might be the better able to prevent the Troubles that might arise by reason of the Changes in his Kingdoms: That he had invited him under other Pretences to take a Voyage into England; and that when he came, he made no question but to convert him too: That he desired the Pope to suffer the English Lords to enjoy the Church-Lands, that were now become their Inheritance, for fear they should oppose his Designs, if he went about to disturb 'em in their Possession: That he promised there should be no farther searches made after any Priests that should be sent into the Kingdom, either by the Pope or the King of France: That he excluded the Jesuits only from that favour, because he looked upon▪ 'em as the Authors and Contrivers of the Powder-plot, by which they designed to have blown him up in his Parlament-House: That he showed the Archbishop several Favours while he was in England: That he gave him leave to Confirm in the French Embassador's House above 18000 Catholics, who were exempted from all prosecution upon it, though there were many of the English that saw the performance of the Ceremony; so little did the Archbishop care to be openly seen. That some of the more Zealous Protestants having made their Complaints to the King about it, the King stopped their mouths, by telling 'em it was done with his permission: That the Duke of Buckingham had promised to imitate the King his Master, and that he was really engaged in the Intreage. In a word, The Archbishop had Letters from him which showed him too deeply concerned, to believe that all this Negotiation was no more than a feigned Business.  
This was the Condition of Affairs when they began to 
Marriage concluded upon Conditions advantageous for the Catholics.  treat of the Marriage of the Prince of Wales; and it may be easily judged by the bending of the King's Inclinations, that they should not meet with any great opposition: So that the Cardinal obtained what he pleased himself, and drew from him Conditions more advantageous to the Catholics, than those which the King of Spain had demanded. Also, after all that was concluded, there was a way found to add new Clauses, which the King was so complaisant as to condescend to without any hesitation. 'Tis true, Berulle, who was afterwards made a Cardinal, being sent to Rome to solicit the Dispensation, suffered some things to be slipped in, which went a little farther than what had been agreed upon. But they who drew it up were easily pardoned upon making a show of being sorry for it, and imputing it to the simplicity of the Prelate, whose Zeal for his Religion had made him exceed the Bounds of his Power. But the Court of England being in a good humour to refuse nothing, suffered herself to be vanquished without the least Resistance, and was willing to take any Excuses for the Alterations in good part.  
But the unexpected Death of King James put a stop to the Rapid Course of the Prosperities of the Catholic Religion, and suspended for some time the accomplishment of the Marriage propounded. But Charles his Successor would not retract from his Engagements during the Life of his Father; so that the Marriage was accomplished to the great satisfaction of the Court of Rome. England in some measure beheld the Catholic Religion sprouting up again in her Bosom. For the new Queen was permitted to have a Chapel in all the Royal Houses; to keep in her Family a Bishop and twenty eight Priests, without any preferring one Order before another; that they should have liberty to wear the Habit of of their Order publicly; and that all her Domestic Servants should be of the same Religion; besides that, she should have the Education of her Children till they came to be Thirteen years of Age. But God permitted the Jesuits to spoil all by their unquiet and Seditious Politics, and to put the Kingdom into such terrible Jealousies of their Practices, that order was taken for the suppressing 'em. However, the Treaty of this Marriage was spun out till May, 1625. tho because I would not interrupt the series of the Story, I was forced to insert it in this place.  
In the mean time there were several particular Affairs that 
Process of the City of Pamiers against the Bishop.  were regulated after a different manner; among which, that of the City of Pamiers, in opposition to her Bishop, was one of the most considerable. That Prelate took upon him to dispose of the Consulship and Council of that City, and to make himself Master of the sole Power of rating the Taxes upon the Inhabitants. And his Zeal for Religion served for a Pretence to justify his undertaking. He would have no body in those Employments but Catholics; and the Parliament of Th●louse, whither he had removed the Cause, were not wanting to ●our his Pious Design. But for the bringing it to pass, there ●s a necessity that the Laws must be violated, and that the ●●ctions of Officers must be carried on after a new manner; regard that otherwise the Reformed, who were richer, more considerable, and more numerous than the Catholics, would ●●redly carry all before 'em by the plurality of Voices. As ●● any respect to the Laws, that was ne'er able to stop the ●●ergy, when the violation of 'em served for the good of their ●●airs: And it was the Bishop's aim to prefer none but his ●●ends and his Kindred, under pretence of excluding the Here●…s. Nevertheless the Catholics were so wise, as not to ●●ble their Religion and the Civil Government together; and ●●derstood their own Interest so well, as to join with the Reamed against the Bishop: So that after all the Cavils imaginable, that Affair was determined, and the Catholics as well as ●● Reformed bore an equal share of the charges of the City.  
They began at the same time to elude the Donations and 
Cavils upon the Right of pursuing the Payment of Legacies and Donations.  ●gacies which the Reformed bequeathed to their Ministers ●●d their Poor. And the most dangerous Cavil of which they thought themselves upon this occasion was, that they refused suffer the Consistories to name Syndics and Proctors, to pro●ute the Effect of such Contracts and Wills in their own ●●●es: So that those Acts were made invalid, by refusing Ju●●e to those who were nominally empowr'd by authentic Let●●s of Attorney, to sue for the payment of the money when ●e. The Pretence was, That the Right of empowring Attor●es did not belong but to authorised Corporations; and there●●●e they would needs have the Churches and their Consistories be abominable Communities, which were not to enjoy the ●●e Privileges with others. But this Cavil was so contrary the Edict, which in the 42d Article of Particulars, declared express terms, That such Suits might be prosecuted by a doctor, in the Name of the Body and Community of those of the ●●formed Religion, who were therein concerned, that 'twas im●●ssible to erect it into a Law all of a sudden; and if there were ●y Inferior Judges where that Cavil was favoured, the Superior Judges redressed it. Thus the Judge of Saintes being desirous to have hindered Gaillon, a Proctor belonging to the Consistory of the place, from suing for the Donations and Legacy left for the support of Ministers, Doctors, Scholars, and po●● People of the Reformed Religion, there was a Decree of the Council bearing date the 19th of March, which maintained the Reformed of Saints in the enjoyment of the Privileges gran●● by the Edict; though it be true indeed that the Decree added th●● Condition, that the King's Advocate or Proctor should be p●●sent at the giving up of the Accounts.  
But in revenge they frustrated the effects of a Favour wh●●● the Reformed had been a long time soliciting; that is to say, th●● the Ministers might be discharged from paying Taxes. True is, that about twelve years before there was a Declaration ●● forth in their Favour; but the Court had so little desire that should be executed, that there was not the least care taken ●● have it enregistered in the Sovereign Courts; so that the General Deputies, after they had lost all their Solicitations, and th● extraordinary Pains, were forced to present a Petition upon th● same subject. Upon which they obtained a Decree of the 17●● of July, which exempted the Ministers only from being taxed ● their Movables, Pensions and Salaries; but which left e●●liable in respect of their Inheritances and immovable Good which indeed was to leave 'em to the discretion of the Asse●●● and Collectors. In short, that Decree was the occasion of thousand Suits, in regard that Acts of that nature are never look upon as Law, but only as Regulations upon particular matter of Fact. The least distaste of a Collector was enough to oblig●●● those who challenge the enjoyment of a Privilege, to cause th● setting forth of another Decree which might personally con●e●● 'em; and the same Brabbles might be renewed every year.  
In the mean time, Spain having observed the change of th● 
Troubles renewed.  French Politics, and well foreseeing that there would be an alteration also of the general face of affairs, whereby she should become a great loser, it she did not cut out some work within doors for the French, she resolved not to let slip the opportunity which th● Discontents among the Reformed gave her to renew the Ci●●● War. The Peace of Mompelier was so openly violated, th●● there was not one Article of it left unbrok'n; so that all th●● Churches had reason to complain. But Rochel, that notwithstanding all her Submissions, had not obtained the demolishing of ●t Lewis, and saw herfelf as it were blocked up at a distance by ●●ces quartered in places proper to disturb and annoy her, at same time struck the rest of the Reformed Cities both with ●● and Terror. They beheld, with sorrow, the approaching ●● that powerful City, and were in fear of some design in ●d to destroy 'em all, so soon as Rochel, which was the ●●t important, should once be ruined. So that all those who keeved that the ruin of the Reformed Religion would prove a pessary consequence of the subduing those Cities which were condition to support it, expected some deliverance from ●ven for the recovery of their Affairs. But no body minded ●●t a helping hand to the work, only they wished that Province would take care of their security without 'em. However Duke of Rohan, and Soubise his Brother, meditated great signs, of which the consequences would have proved no less markable, had they been well seconded. 'Twas said that the ●●r●s secretly spurred 'em on, and flattered 'em with hopes considerable Succour, if they could procure a general Rising ●h● whole Party; but that was a Condition which the Duke ●●●l● not undertake to perform. 'Tis true, that finding him●… abandoned by almost all the world, he gave an ear to cer●… Overtures of a Treaty propounded to him by the Council of ●●; not out of any hopes that that same Court would assist ● in good earnest, but in some measure to raise the spirits of Party, and that he might be in a condition to make an ad●●ageous Peace.  
The ●ukes of Rohan and Soubise then were the only persons 
Enterprise of the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise.  ●●enew'd the War; and the reason that determined 'em to it ● because the Court made open preparations for the Siege R●●●l. There was a Fleet getting ready at Blaver, a small ● upon the Coast of B●etany to block up the City by Sea, and give▪ 'em of all supplies of Relief, which chiefly consisted in ● keeping the Sea open. The Rochellers, on the other side, ●m●d at these Preparations, which they well knew were aimed ●●●m, implored the Aid of the Duke and his Brother who con●●d together to ward off the Blow if it were possible. They agreed that Soubise should rig out some Vessels, under pretence of a long Voyage; that he should endeavour to surprise those that were making ready at Blaver; that if he succeeded, th● Duke should take Arms in the Provinces where he had most Reputation: but that if the Enterprise failed, he should disown his Brother's Actions. Their own Estates, and what ready money they had, were the Fund upon which they laid the Foundations of this great Design. But when all things were ready Soubise was betrayed by Novailles, one of his principal Officers 
Discovered.  who revealed the Secret; yet for all that, Soubise's diligence w●● so great, that he had prevented the measures which the Cou●● had taken to hinder the effect of the Enterprise, had he but h●● a little more time to have made his Retreat. For with those few men he had, he made himself Master of all the Ve●●● 
Soubise gets possession of the King's ●●●p●.  which lay then in the Port. But he could not get possession ●● the Fort, by reason that upon the Intelligence which Nou●●● had given, they had put a Garrison into it much more numero● than the Party that followed Soubise. Besides, that the Duke ●● Vendosme, Governor of the Province, had time to muster little Army together, and to bar up the Haven with a● Iron Chain, and a Cable of an extraordinary thickness. B● which means Soubise was shut up within the place without either Men or Ammunition, and exposed for three weeks together to the Cannon of the Fort, and the Small Shot of t●● whole Army.  
There was no body in the Kingdom but thought him lost beyond 
〈…〉 thought lost, and disowned by every body.  recovery, so that every one strove which should be the fir● to disown him. La Trimoville, lafoy Force, Chatillon, and sever●● others of the highest Quality, disowned him in writing. Th● general Deputies, and those of the Church of Paris follow their example. The Cities of Rochel, Nimes, Vsez, and M●tauban, together with the Communities of Cevennes did th● same, either by authentic Acts, or by the mouths of their Deputies. And this it was that disappointed all the Designs which the Duke of Rohan had formed upon several places, because ●● body would engage in a War which had proved so unfortuna●● in the first Attempt. In the mean time the King published Declaration at Paris, dated Jan. 25. eight days after the Su● prize of Blavet. I know not what to say of this date: but it 
1625.  ●●ems naturally impossible, that all the Disclaimers and Renun●iations 
The King's Declaration upon this occasion.  as are mentioned in the Declaration should come in so ●●ort a time from so many places so far remote, and where the News of the taking of Blavet could not be arrived so soon. However it were, the stile of it was like the language of all the ●est; and if the Prefaces of Edicts were always true, it might ●e said that the Reformed were much too blame to make such ●●oud Complaints. The Peace of Mompelier was therein mentioned as a Favour, by virtue of which the Sentiments of a ●ust Indignation had been overruled by the natural Benignity of a ●ing, the Father of his People, toward Subjects submissive and repentant. It spoke of the performance of the last Treaty in ●erms so violent, as if they would have enforced the most clear●●ghted to have given their eyes the Lie; and to believe that ●he Citadel built at Mompelier; the numerous Garrison which they had put into it; the Alterations in the Elections of Con●●ls; Fort Lewis completed to block up Rochel, after solemn promise to demolish it; the Public Preparations made to seize ●●e Privileges and Liberties of that formidable City; and a sundered more Acts of Injustice put upon the Reformed in several places, were no palpable Breaches of the Edict of Peace. After this, the King confirmed the Edicts in favour of those that continued in their Obedience; declared Soubise, his Adherents, and all those that directly or indirectly kept any correspondence with him, guilty of High Treason; deprived all the Cities and Corporations that favoured him, of their Privileges and Immunities; gave a month's time to him and his Adherents ●o return to their Duty; and upon that condition, from that ●ery instant, granted 'em a full oblivion of their Rebellion; or of they refused to accept of mercy, threatened 'em with the ut●●ost rigour of the Laws.  
But before this Declaration was verified, Soubise, being favoured 
Soubise disingages himself.  by a high wind, that blew directly for his purpose, broke the Chain and the Cable, and maugre all the great and small Shot that was fired upon him, saved his Men, and brought away the Vessels which he had taken, only two that struck in the mouth of the Haven. When he was thus Master of the Sea, he made himself easily Master of the Islands of Ré and Oleron, and after several Refusals obliged the City of Rochel to declare for him. This unlookt-for Success of an Action which all the 
Which changes the Face of Affairs.  World had condemned for rash and inconsiderate, made both Friends and Enemies change their language. Almost all those who had disowned Soubise before, repent of their precipitate Renunciations: and excepting some of the Grandees, into whose minds either their own Interest, or the Jealousy of such a glorious Exploit infused other thoughts, all others were desirous of being engaged, and ashamed of having balked their Cause. The Duke of Rohan resumed fresh courage, and flattered himself that some of the Provinces would arm in his behalf when he appeared among 'em. To which purpose he made incredible efforts, that showed an invincible courage, and a diligence indefatigable; and at length he obtained a good part of what he desired. On the other side, the Court did all that lay in their power to hinder Religion from appearing to be the pretence of this War, and therefore endeavoured to make it a particular quarrel of the House of Rohan. And they were obliged to proceed thus gingerly, through their fear of augmenting the Party, and offending England and the Low-Countries, with whom they had not long before made an Alliance. On the other side, the Duke did all that he thought proper to persuade the world, that it was upon no other account, but only upon the score of Religion that he had taken Arms. And because he was not ignorant how far some certain extraordinary demonstrations of Zeal and Piety prevail among the People, he affected all the outward 
Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan.  Shows of an extreme Devotion. He paid the Ministers extraordinary Honours. When he entered into any City, be caused a Bible to be carried before him, as the Catholics in their Religious Wars advance the Cross in their Forefronts. He alighted from his Horse at the Church-door of every City, and never spoke of business to any body, before he had said his Prayers upon both knees. And this made him so much the more to be taken notice of, because the Churches of the Reformed having neither Ornaments nor Relics, nor any thing of pomp or magnificence to invite a man, it could not be thought that such Actions proceeded from any other Principle then that of a most profound Piety. The Duchess his Wife also, was a notable Second to him in all his Erterprises. She 
Seconded by his wife.  laboured with great sedulity in persuading the People to take Arms, in all places where she came; and because she travelled more by night then by day, the equipage, wherein she appeared, struck a kind of awe into the Country People. Besides that, ●eing in mourning, the People that attended her were all in ●lack; her Coach also, covered with mourning, was drawn by ●ight black Horses: which, together with the Flambeaux that were carried to light her along, solemnised her Train with an Air so unusual, that the Peasants were affrighted at it more than once. Nor were these little Formalities without some success; for at last several Corporations joined with him one after another.  
In the mean time Soubise gave an account to the Public of 
Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise.  ●he Motives that induced him to take Arms, by a Manifesto, wherein, looking a good way backward, he renewed the remembrance of the Services done the deceased King by the Reformed, and complained that since his death the Edicts had been openly violated, and that the Churches had been only amused with promises which never had been observed. He upbraided the Catholics with the surprise of Saumur, which was detained from ●● Plessis, though he had been promised to be resettled in it. He ●●rgot not the hard usage exercised at Mompelier, contrary to ●he Faith of the Breifs which had been granted to the Duke of ●ohan: and afterwards he added, that the exercise of the Reformed Religion had not been re-established where it ought to ●ave been: that the Reformed had been excluded from all ●●anner of Employments, even from the Offices of Sergeants: ●hat the Ecclesiastical Assemblies were deprived of their former Liberty: that the Reformed were denied common Justice in their Affairs; and were often made to lose their Suits, for no ●ther reason but upon the score of their Religion: that at St. ●ille●, the Minister du Terond attending a Corpse to the Grave, was knocked o' the head, yet no punishment inflicted upon the guilty: that Briet, a Judge in the Isle of Ré, a man made up of Fury and Frenzy, had caused an unfortunate Wretch to be burned alive, as being convicted to have burnt a Crucifix, which nevertheless was sound without the least harm done to it, after the execution of that miserable Creature: and that Rochel was unjustly oppressed, which had voluntarily submitted to the Crown.  
But in regard that Writings of this nature rarely remain unanswered, a Reply to Soubise's Manifesto soon appeared abroad; though the Author observed no Rule or Measure. He had the boldness to assert, that the Reformed had done Henry IU. but very little service, because they had neither supplied him with Money nor Men. He made Reason of State an Excuse for the Alteration of the King's Promises; though in the main he disowned the Maxim, which permits Princes to break their Words either with their Subjects or with Heretics. He evaded the Promise of the Restitution of Saumur, by saying, that i● was never made, but in case there had been no War. As if, though that had been true, it had not been justice to have restored the City, at least after the Peace concluded. He thrust in by head and shoulders an Invective against Favas, who never regarded the ruin of his Party, provided he could make himself great. He intermixed the Recital of the Jealousies which the Assemblies apprehended of the Authority which the Duke of Rohan and his Brother went about to usurp. He evaded the rest of the Complaints after various manners, but with very little sincerity, as may be judged by the foregoing Examples As to the Exercises not being re-established, he said, that the Processes were depending in Council; but he did not say, that thence arose the occasion of complaining, because those Causes hung undetermined for several years together. He pretended that Employments were conferred upon the Reformed; but he concealed, that that was only done to draw 'em off from the Cause of the Churches; and that it was for that reason only that La Farce and Chastillon had been made Marshals of France, and Augustus Galand a Counsellor of State. He averred that Teron died of an Ulcer in the Lungs; whereas it was proved, that he had preached in his Church not above fifteen days before 
Dispute about the Privileges of Rochel.  he died.  
At the same time also a new Dispute arose about the Privileges of Rochel, of which I have spoken in another place. I shall therefore say no more here, then only this, that the Pretensions of that City to their Franchises were so solid, and so ●ell grounded, that all the Artifices of those who went about ●● deprive them of 'em, could never imagine but only two vain pretences. The one was, That the City had forfeited their ●ights, when being taken by the English, it was retaken from ●●: The other was, That she had been deprived of her Privi●dges in 1541. by Francis I. by reason of her Rebellion. But ●● the first it was answered, That she herself had been assisting ●● restore herself to the Dominion of the French: That she had ●●ce that obtained New Concessions and Grants, besides a Con●rmation of the Old ones; that Lewis XI. had sworn to mainpin her in her Immunities; and that it was passed all contradi●ion that she had enjoyed 'em till the year 1541. because it was ●●en that the King deprived her of 'em. And to the second pretence it was replied, That Henry II. had restored whatever ●ad been taken away by his Father, and resettled her in her Pri●ledges.  
But according to the Custom of War, no sooner were the 
Peace discoursed of  Troubles begun, but they began to talk of Peace. The Court speared inclinable to it, because those Negotiations gave her ●ways an opportunity to corrupt some body or other, or time ●● put herself into a condition to give Laws. Soubise and Rochelle●●●t ●●●t their Deputies to the King; and though the Duke of Rohan thought it more proper to treat in any other place then ●● the Court, he was constrained, that he might appear united ●● the rest, to send his Deputies the same way, as also were ●●e Corporations that had adhered to him. However, in re●ard the Council sought only to take their time, and to prepare ●● favourable opportunity to complete the Ruin of the Party, ●●e Treaty was spun out in length, and Acts of Hostility began ●● the Upper Languedoc. Yet Marshal de Themines was not 
Cruelties of the Royal Army in Foix.  ●ery prosperous in Albigeois; but when he entered the Province ●● Foix, his Men, with others that joined him there, committed so many Cruelties, that the Catholics themselves were ashamed of 'em: So that this same Barbarous Army having sustained great Losses before Master d' Azil, where they were forced ●● raise their Siege with Ignominy, several made no scruple▪ to look upon the Rout of the Marshal as a Divine Punishment of his Violences. On the other side, Soubise having landed in the 
Soubise prospers.  Country of Medoc to divert the Enemy, found an opportunity to perform a more Considerable Exploit. For a Fleet set out to engage him, and reinforced with some Dutch Ships, obliged him to put to Sea again, in order to meet and fight that Squadron. In short, The Enemy was utterly defeated; and in regard, that since the Enterprise of Blavet, every thing had succeeded according to his wish; this New Advantage gave so much reputation to his Affairs, that the most Timorous had the courage to declare on his side. The Court also became more supple about the Conditions of Peace, while Rochel and some other Corporations stood more stiffly upon Terms.  
The Deputies therefore which the Reformed had sent to the 
A Paper of the Reformed presented to the King.  King, and who had sued for a Peace in most humble manner, at length at Fontainbleau obtained an indifferent Answer to the Paper which they had presented. It contained one and twenty Articles, the first of which named three and forty Places, wherein a Re-establishment of the Exercise was demanded, as in the year 1620. Nor was the City of Foix omitted in this same Catalogue: Whence it appeared that the Triumph of the Monk Villate was but a Chimaera; or rather, that the Pretence had not been of any long continuance; since there were still some of the Reformed remaining in a place, where the Monk had boasted his Conversion of all that were there. The second demanded the Restitution of the Churchyards which had been taken from the Reformed in several Places, of which Eight were particularly named. The third demanded Liberty for the Ministers to reside where they pleased, according to the General and Particular Articles of the Edict. The Fourth concerned the Exemption denied from contributing toward the Reparation of Churches, and some other things that savoured of Compliance with the Roman Worship. The Fifth contained a Complaint, that frequently the Bodies of the Reformed were digged up again, under pretence that they were buried in Catholic Chapels or Churchyards. Of which there was a fresh Example at Chartres. For the Bishop had ordered the Body of Teligni, a Gentleman whose Land lay in that Diocese, to be hauled out of his Tomb; and the pretence of this Piece of Inhumanity exercised upon the Body of that Gentleman, eight days after it had been buried, was, because it was buried in the Chapel of his House. The same Article contained Complaints of the demolishing of some Churches, of woich they gave for an example the pulling down the Church which the Reformed had at Cheilar. They complained also of the banishing of several persons, who had been driven out of several Cities, for no other reason, but upon the score of Religion; and among the rest of the places where these Exorbitancies had been committed, Villemur, Leitoure, Puimirol, and Soumieres were particularised. The sixth expressed the demolishing of Fort Lewis; and the next, the levelling of the Citadel of Mompelier, which the Inhabitants had been constrained to demand. The eighth insisted upon the Brief in ●598. touching places of security, the purport of which was, ●…at there should be no Innovation introduced. The ninth mentioned the City Tolls, which had been very ill paid; and 〈…〉 tenth demanded, that the Sums promised to the Reformed 〈…〉 Bearn, in recompense of Ecclesiastical Estates, might be paid without any defalcation or diminution. The following Article ●…oke of the Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne, which had broken the Article of the Edict wherein the Reformed were declared capable of all Employments: they therefore demanded the Decree to be cancelled, and the Article to be conformed. The twelfth was drawn up in favour of the Party-Chambers, and of the Officers that composed 'em. In the rest 〈…〉 was demanded, That the Reformed who had been despoiled of their Goods and Estates, by Grants, Confiscations, or under presence of Reprizals, should be restored to the same; that Acts ●…f Hostility should be forgotten; that the Declaration published before Mompelier, might be registered in the Chamber of accounts in Paris; that they who had taken Arms in 1621. ●ight be discharged of Taxes laid upon 'em during the Troubles; and that the Receivers who had caused 'em to be paid, ●ight be obliged to restitution of what they had received; that they might not be sued in the Courts of Justice for what had been ●one to the prejudice of the Duke of Rohan's safe Conducts which he had revoked; that the Privileges of the Reformed Cities and Corporations, principally regarding the Election 〈…〉 their Consuls and Common Councils, might be preserved; that each Party might be reciprocally discharged from payment of Debts created without the consent of the other; that those of the Reformed might be equally shared; and lastly, that they might be permitted to hold General Assemblies.  
The Answers returned to this Paper were favourable enough 
Answers to their Paper.  They referred the re-establishment of places for Exercise, and the restitution of Churchyards to the Commissioners; and that in terms earnest enough, and such as might have proved satisfactory, had those Promises been sincerely fulfilled. Principally there was one remarkable Clause about Churchyards to this purpose, that if for important Reasons they could not restore to the Reformed the same places which they had made use ●● in 1620. others should be delivered to 'em, as commodious a● they could desire, at the charges of those that should require the exchange. This set things very near upon the Basis of the ancient Article of Particulars, and lost the Advocate General Talon, the fruit of that Fraud which he pretended to have discovered, and which for twenty years together had served for a Foundation to the Orders of the Commissioners. The liberty for the Ministers to reside where they pleased was confirmed▪ and the King reserved to his Council the power upon hearing of the Cause, to remedy such Infringements as should be complained of. The Exemption from contributing to things mentioned in the twelfth Article of Particulars was granted, only with the exception of Treaties that had been made upon that occasion between the Reformed and the Catholics. They answered indirectly to the Article about digging up the Bodies of the dead, upon which the Demandants were referred to the 18th and 23d Article of the Edict, and to the Decree of Council of the 25th of August 1620. But it was ordered that the Council should be informed of the demolishing of Churches; that the banished persons should be restored; and that the business of Cheilar, though removed to the Council, should be sent back to the Party-Chamber, which was translated to Beziers by reason of the Troubles. The demolishing of Fort Lewis, and the observance of the Brevet of 1598. were promised in general terms, provided the Reformed behaved themselves well. As for the Citadel of Mompelier, they were willing to believe that the Inhabi●…nes had demanded it freely and unanimously. The King also promised, that the Sums due for 1623. and 24 should be ●●id, to grant good Assignations for the present year, and to take good the Compensation in Bearn. The admission of the Reformed into all Offices, the preservation of the Jurisdiction of the Chambers, and of the Dignity of their Officers; the 〈…〉 settlement of the Reformed in their Estates; the Act of Ob●…ion of all Acts of Hostility; the registering of the Declaration of Mompelier, were all so many Articles granted. The discharge from Taxes laid during the Troubles, was granted to those only who had taken Arms in 1621. for as much as was ●…l due, without restitution of what they had paid. The Ci●…s hat still were held by the Reformed had their Privileges confirmed; and if any Case of Appeal happened about the Election of Officers, the cognizance of it was referred to the chambers. The Article about safe Conducts was granted. That, about the reciprocal discharge of Debts created by one ●…rty without the consent of the other, was passed for such as ●ere not yet paid: only the King reserved to himself the equalling the share of the particular Debts of the Reformed; and ●…mis'd to permit a General Assembly if they desired it, when 〈…〉 time was come for electing the General Deputies.  
These Answers being dispatched into the Provinces, met not 
The Reform not satisfied.  ●…th minds disposed to be satisfied therewith. Their great Successes had dazzled almost all the world; and they who had ●…us●d themselves most earnestly to be entreated to quit their Obedience, were most backward in laying down those Arms to which they had betaken themselves with so much reluctancy: 〈…〉 that almost all the Corporations refused the Answers as dis●tisfactory. More especially, Rochel would have Fort Lewis demolished before all things, and would not hear of Peace till ●hat were done. But the Duke of Rohan, who was afraid of ●…me Backblow of Fortune, and who was desirous to make ●…e best of the present condition of Affairs, laboured for an Accommodation with all his might. And in regard that for the obtaining in gross, what he could not obtain by piece-meal, he was constrained to summon an Assembly at Anduse, where becaused the War to be resolved upon, he summoned another 〈…〉 Milhau, to persuade 'em to accept of Peace. But while the time was spent in Journeys backward and forward, the Court had leisure to recover their Affairs into a better posture. She sowed Suspicions and Jealousies among the Reformed, and raised 
The Court recovers her Affairs.  up a Party strong enough against the Duke of Rohan and his Brother, to insinuate idle Fears, as if they intended to patch up an Accommodation to the prejudice of the common Cause. She debauched some of Soubises' principal Officers, and among the rest his Vice-Admiral; and being strengthened with some Men of War with which England and the United Provinces supplied her, she repaired her Losses, and found a way to expel Soubise out of the Islands of Oleron and Ré, to cut in pieces his Land-Army, and scatter his Fleet at Sea. The Mayor of Rochel also was suspected to have betrayed the Party; for that having hindered Seven or eight hundred Gentlemen and other Soldiers to pass over into the Isle of Ré, under pretence that they might get over more easily with the morning tide, he gave the King's Vessels leisure to seize the Channel that separates the Island from the Continent: so that Soubise was deprived of that Succour which might have prevented the defeat of his men.  
The Clergy was then assembled at Paris, whither every Diocese 
An Assembly of the Clergy.  had sent a greater number of Deputies than was permitted by the Regulations. The reason of this Innovation was, because there were certain Books to be examined, of which a Censure was demanded, in regard they contained a Doctrine prejudicial to the King's Authority. But in regard that at the same time the Pope's power was called in question, the Clergy, much more zealous to support that, then to perform their duty, were desirous to augment the number of voices, that they might be able to oppose those who had really French hearts. The Bishop of Chartres also, being entrusted and enjoined by the Assembly to write the Censure upon those Books, was disowned by the rest of the Clergy, because he was not so officious as others to the See of Rome. The Parliament sided with the Bishop, and enjoined the Assembly either to subscribe the Censure of those pernicious Books, or to break up. But the Clergy refused to obey that Decree; and to allay the Contest, the King summoned the Affair before himself and his Council; ●…ntenting himself with a general Censure of those Books, without entering into the Particulars of the pernicious Propositions which they contrained. The Nuncio appeared very hot in his Affair; caused an Extract of the disowning the Bishop's ●ensure to be delivered to him, and sent it to Rome, where they were extremely satisfied with this perseverance of the Clergy 〈…〉 their accustomed Prevarications; for which the Pope returned 〈…〉 thanks in a most obliging manner. But the Clergy for all his, could not choose but be ashamed of their own Behaviour, ●…d ordered by a private Act, that the remembrance of that dispute should be stifled. Nevertheless that Precaution could not ●…face it; and the Expedient itself which they had made choice 〈…〉 to cause it to be forgotten, served only to preserve the memo●● of it.  
The Cardinal, during whose Ministry the Clergy was very 
They give money with an ill will.  powerful, and very much respected, was not yet so well settled 〈…〉 the Government, as openly to displease the Court of Rome; ●…nd besides he was desirous to milk from the Clergy a more ●…en ordinary Sum, under pretence of the War. But all these ●omplacencies could not obtain above Six hundred thousand ●rowns; which the Clergy did not give neither, without some testimonies that they were loath to part with it. In the mean ●…e the King wrote to the Assembly, after the defeat of Soubise, to let 'em understand the good news of his Victory; and 〈…〉 the end they might not be ignorant that Religion was the ●…use of the War, whatever Assurances he gave his Protestant ●…llies and Reformed Subjects to the contrary, he told 'em expressly in his Letters, that by the Rout of Soubise, Truth had ●…mph'd over Falshood. But then the Victors might say what ●…ey pleased without any danger. For the Reformed, stunned with this Revolution, thought of nothing but submitting themselves; and the Assembly of Milhau, upon the first of August, ●…ew up an acceptance of the Answers to the Papers decreed 〈…〉 Fontainbleau. And in pursuance of this, sent away their deputies to the King with their Submissions; who made their Addresses to him the 21st of the month, and in most humble terms besought him for Rochel. To which the King's Answer 
The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace.  was, That he granted a general Peace to all those who had taken Arms; but he added these words, For Rochel 'tis another thing.  
This excepting of Rochel, suspended the conclusion of the 
Which retards the conclusion of it.  Treaty; for that the Deputies of the Assembly at Milhau had not power to accept of Peace, but upon condition that Rochel were included. Which Union of Interests was ill resented at Court, where it was told the Deputies, to fright 'em into a Disunion, that their sticking so close one to another tended to Faction. However they wanted not Reasons to have justified themselves, had the Court designed to have used 'em favourably. For they replied, That there was nothing of Novelty in the Union; that till then the King had never disapproved it; that they had been always joined together in their Deputations, in their Submissions, in their Petitions, in their Papers, which they had always presented to the King in Union one with another. That by the Answer to Article VIII. of the last Papers, it was promised there should be no Innovation in the Cities held by the Protestants; which would be no more than a delusion, if Rochel were excluded: That the Edicts of Peace had been general hitherto, and accepted in common, without any resenting the Union of Interests. That the acceptance of the Peace without Rochel, would be an express condemnation of that City; which would be an Action highly scandalous among People of the same Religion; so much the rather, because Rochel was resolved to submit. That if the rest of the Reformed abandoned Rochel to the King's Indignation, People would be afraid that their general destruction was to be begun with the particular ruin of that City; seeing that the Clergy, the Parliaments, and the principal Persons of the Kingdom discoursed openly of extirpating Heresy, and of beginning with Rochel; which was confirmed by the printed Pamphlets that were publicly sold in Paris.  
But the same Reasons which made the Reformed judge, that 
Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City.  their Union with Rochel was just and necessary, were the very Reasons that obliged the Court to endeavour the dissolution of it. For the ruin of that formidable City was sworn; and the Cardinal, who was desirous to signalise himself by great things, thought it an Enterprise worthy himself. So that ●here was nothing listened to, of what was spoken in favour of ●hat City, whose Destiny was vowed. Nevertheless, she was 〈…〉 much astonished as the rest at Soubises' Defeat; and falling 〈…〉 a sudden from a Resolution a little too haughty, into ●…ost profound Submissions, she resolved to beg with humility ●hat Peace, which she had refused with disdain. Her Deputies ●ame and threw themselves at the King's Feet, and besought ●is Pardon in most submissive terms. But the King answered 'em ●…ke a Master, that resolved to make his Pardon his Punishment, ●nd reduce 'em by the Peace into a worse Condition than the Calamities of an Unfortunate War could e'er have brought 'em. The Chancellor therefore, to whom the King referred 'em, imposed these Conditions upon 'em. That the Council and Government of the City should be in the same Condition as it was 〈…〉 1610. That they should admit an Intendant of Justice: That the Fortifications should be demolished. That the King should be admitted with respect, whenever he pleased to enter. That they should have no Men of War, and that Merchant's Ships should take their Passes from the Admiral of France. That they should restore to the Ecclesiastics their Goods and Estates: And ●hat certain Wagons and Merchandise which belonged to the inhabitants of Orleans, and which the Rochelois had seized, should be restored. Upon these Conditions they were promised to be comprehended in all the Privileges of the Edict.  
'Twas a sour piece of Condescension to submit to such severe and rigorous Laws; nor could they tell how to mollify the Victor into more easy moderation. In vain the General Deputies interceded for Rochel in the name of all the Churches. However Maniald took upon him to spoke, and made a most moving and passionate Speech to the King; wherein he made a lively description of the Misery of the Rochellois; he excused their taking Arms as done out of necessity: Which nevertheless he condemned with Expressions full of execration, whatever the Pretence were with which it was covered. He said, that the Rochelois were come to accuse themselves, and sue for mercy. He besought the King to grant 'em Peace, not as Enemies subdued by the Sword; but as Subjects, with the moderation of his Sceptre. He added, that without Liberty, they would not be Subjects, but Slaves. Concluding, he implored pardon with promise of submission, and of servitude also, if the King's satisfaction and the good of his service depended upon it. But all this was to no purpose: The King was resolved that Rochel should be excepted out of the General Peace, and that she should submit to particular Laws.  
In the mean time there was a League concluded between the 
A powerful League against Spain.  King of England, the Republic of Venice, the Duke of S●●●●, and the States of the United Provinces, in Conjunction with France, against Spain, which kept almost all Italy under the Yoke, and was fairly preparing to deprive her of the remainder of her Liberty. These Confederates were very urgent with Cardinal Richlieu to hasten Peace with the Reformed, to the end they might act unanimously against the Common Enemy. 'Tis true, that Minister had it deep laid in his thoughts to humble Spain, but he thought that the first step which he was to take to that end, was to enslave France, and by that means to bereave Foreigners of Opportunities to renew the Civil Wars. To that end, he judged it necessary first to ruin the Reformed, 
The Cardinal's Designs.  who were still strong enough by their Union to support a Party of Malcontents. And therefore he resolved to begin with Rochel; after the reducing of which, he did not expect to meet with much more Resistance in the Kingdom. Nor did France want Persons who were sharp sighted enough to penetrate the Cardinal's Design: But their foresight did not hinder 'em for all that, from contributing to their own Servitude. They well perceived, that in oppressing the Reformed they made Fetters for themselves; but every one was in hopes to make his Fortune by the Public Misery. This was that which made the Cardinal so obstinate to except Rochel out of the general Peace, to the end he might separate it from the rest of the Reformed, and destroy it with more ease.  
But two things constrained him to surcease this Great Design. 
Of which he is forced to defer the execution.  The one was, That the Spaniards waited the Success of these Confusions, that they might take their own Methods; that they treated with the Duke of Rohan to accept of their Service; that the Duke had sent Campredon into Spain, to make himself ●e more considerable by their Succour; that the Conjuncture 〈…〉 Affairs rendered the Spaniards more stiff; and authorised the ●inning out a Treaty begun with 'em, about those things which ●d kindled the War in Italy. The other was, That Powerful cabals were forming against him to remove him from the Mi●stry. He saw the chiefest part of all that was great at Court 〈…〉 Combination against him; and rightly judged that he should ●ve too many Factions to employ his Wits, without taking ●●on himself the management of two Wars at once, the one domestic, the other Civil. He resolved therefore to put an end ●●th to the one, and the other; with a resolution to set afoot ●e Civil War again, so soon as the Conspiracies against his Authority would give him leisure; and to apply himself to the Fo●ign War so soon as he had stifled the Seeds from whence Domestic Troubles might again spring up. For the first, he made use 
The English Ambassadors importunate for the Peace of the Religion.  〈…〉 the continued Importunities of Holland and Carleton to induce ●m to use the Reformed with less severity, to the end he might 〈…〉 more at liberty to carry on the Foreign War. On the other ●de, those Ambassadors pressed the Reformed to accept the ●eace upon the Conditions that were offered 'em; and assured ●● that the King their Master would be Guaranty for the per●●mance of those that were promised 'em. Particularly, they ●omis'd Rochel, that the King of England would so earnestly ●llicit the Demolishing of Fort Lewis, and so moderate the ●ard Conditions that were imposed upon 'em, that he questioned ●t but to bring it to pass. They farther told 'em, that the ●ing of France had given 'em his Word to demolish the Fort 〈…〉 convenient time, upon Condition that Rochel returned to ●r Duty.  
These Solicitations and Promises made Rochel at length 
Rochel accepts the Conditions somewhat mollified.  determine to humble herself: And the rest of the Cities, as ●ontauban, Castres', Nimes, Vsez, which had not refused the ●eace but only because she stood out, followed her Example, 〈…〉 soon as she had accepted it. Thereupon it was concluded the ●6th of February. However, all that was altered in the Laws ●●pos'd upon Rochel was, that the Second Article, which mentioned the settling an Intendant of Justice in that City, was expressed in these Terms, That they should admit Commissioners to see the Peace performed, who might reside there as long as they pleaed. There was nothing said either of the Fourth, which imported that the King should be admitted whenever he pleased to enter; or of the Seventh, which concerned the Interest of certain Merchants of Orleans: But they put instead of them, the Restoration of the Catholic Religion in the full Liberty of its Exercises; and a Declaration that Fort Lewis could not be razed; but that such Order should be given to the Garrison, and to the Garrisons of the Islands of Ré and Oleron, that the Trade of the City should be no way prejudiced. Instead of demolishing the Fortifications which had been decreed at first in General Terms, nothing more was required then the demolishing the Fort de Taden: And to soften the Article which enjoined the Merchant's Vessels to take Passes from the Admirals of France, 'twas only ordained that they should observe the Laws of Traffic, without prejudice to their Privileges.  
There was an Act of these Articles drawn up, at the bottom of which was a Promise that the Reformed should enjoy the benefit of the Answers returned to their Papers at Fontainble●●, in July 1625; provided that on their part, they settled things in the same condition as they were in at the same time. But for fear, lest Rochel should take any advantage of this Promise, that City was expressly excepted: And it was declared. That the King did not thereby engage himself to any other Favour then what was mentioned in the Act which went before. The Deputies of the Reformed had signed in that Place. But underneath there was yet a third Act, signed by the said Deputies as well in their own, as in the name of the Deputies, from the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise, of Languedoc, Rochel, Montauban, Castres', Nimes, Vsez, Milhau, and Cevenes, wherein they protested that they had besought the King with all the duty and most humble submissions that Subjects could pay to their Sovereign, to pardon what was past, and to grant 'em Peace; with a promise of great Fidelity for the future, from which they would never swerve; and Offers of all manner of Services: All which the King had graciously hearkened to, and upon which he had given his Royal Word for Peace, and the observance of the Answers returned to the Paper delivered at Fontainbleau. Out ●● which however he had excepted Rochel, in reference to ●hich he had declared his Will; and which, they said, they accep●d as the most signal Mark of Clemency and Goodness that Sub●cts could receive from a Sovereign; and they promised to ●and to it inviolably, and to cause the Places taken since July●st ●st to be surrendered.  
The Court, although they desired Peace with an extraordinary 
Why the Court exacted such Writings.  ●assion, exacted these Submissions, to make the Reformed own ●●at they were in the wrong to levy War; and that they might ●ke advantage of their own Confessions, if any new Quarrels ●ake forth. And the Reformed, who were not ignorant of ●●e Court-Politics, past these Infamous Acts, either because ●hey had been wrought over, or because they found they lay at ●he mercy of the Court, as the Duke of Rohan well foresaw; ●● else because they were in hopes of obtaining greater Favours ●y these Extraordinary Submissions; or lastly, in compliance with those who could not like it, that Subjects should take Arms against their Prince upon any Occasion whatever. However, to assure themselves of the King of England's Protection, whom 
All Passed by the Embassaders of England.  ●hey believed to be Guarantee of the Peace, they drew up an Act ●gn'd by the Ambassadors, and dated Feb. 11. wherein they declared, that the Razing of Fort Lewis was promised in time convenient, provided the Rochelois returned to their duty; and that without that Promise neither Rochel would have accepted the Peace, neither would the Reformed have relinquished those things which the Instances of the King of England made 'em relinquish; by reason of which they put 'em in hopes of a powerful Intercession on his part, that they might have satisfaction given 'em. This Paper was ill drawn up; nor did it clearly express the guarantee of which the King of England boasted. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied, but that it must have obliged that Prince either to have disowned his Ambassadors, or else to take care that what was granted the Reformed should 
In 〈…〉 England was ●….  be faithfully performed; since he acknowledged that the sole force of his Solicitations had vanquished their good nature to be satisfied with the King's Offers. An honest man needs no more to engage him to make another man's business his own, but that it was himself who caused the other to miscarry, either by his Authority or Persuasion. And in this sense it cannot be denied, but that the King of England was Guarantee of the Peace, since it was upon his word, and in hopes that he would be answerable for it, that the Reformed accepted it. But this Important Ceremony wanted due formality; and the Council of France had so well ordered their Business, that nothing appeared from whence any evident Conclusion could be drawn, that the King of England interposed in this Treaty as a Mediator, or as a Guarantee. In a word, Policy will not permit Princes to suffer, that another Prince should be Guarantee of Treaties which are made between them and their Subjects. To consent that Subjects should have recourse to the guarantee of a Foreigner for their Security in things that concern the Word and Authority of their Lawful Prince, would be to tie 'em to another Sovereign. For this Reason the Court of France, who had let the King of England alone to use all the Arguments, of which they could make their advantage, yet were not engaged by any Public Act to do the least Kindness out of any respect for him, laughed at the Pretention of the English Mediator, when he would have had his guarantee taken effect; and looked upon the Embassador's Writing as an idle piece of Nullity that obliged the King of France to nothing.  
But after the Peace was signed upon the Conditions mententioned, 
A new Edict confirming all the rest.  the Ratifications of Rochel and Montauban were expected; of which the one was performed the second, the other the sixth of March. Which done, an Edict was published the same Month, which contained Twelve Articles. The Introduction spoke of nothing but Clemency and Pardon on the King's part, and Submissions and Supplications reiterated by the Reformed, and particularly by those who remained in obedience, which the King said, was the better sort, and the greatest part, and to whose Remonstrances he had had a special regard when he accepted the Submissions of the Rest. The First Article confirmed the Regstered Edicts and Secret Articles, and gave Testimony that they had been well and duly observed in the Reign of the deceased King, and after his death, till the beginning of the last Commotions. Which was an Artifice to induce the Reformed themselves to condemn all the loud Complaints of a thousand Breaches before that time. The second restored the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had ●in ejected during the Troubles; and ordered ample Restitution of the Estates and Rights belonging to the Ecclesiastics, even of their Movables that should be found in specie. The third granted the same favour to the Reformed for the exercise of their Religion, and for the Churchyards which they were possessed of in 1600. And the Clauses of that Article were taken out of the Answer to the two first of the Paper decreed at Fontainbleau. The fourth contained an Amnesty of all Acts of Hostility; even of those that might have been committed since the day of the Declaration dated October 1622. till the day of the publication of this in the Parliaments: nor were the Submissions and reiterated Supplications of the Reformed omitted. The fifth concerned the raising of money, and gave a discharge of it in the terms of the Articles of the Edict of Nantes, which mentioned the same thing. The sixth re-established the Seats of Judicature, the Receipts, the Officers of the Finances, in the places from whence they had been removed by reason of the Troubles; wherein the Tablier of the Election at Rochel was also comprehended. The Privileges of the Cities which the Reformed held in their hands were likewise confirmed. The usual method for the electing of Consuls was to be observed; and the Appeals of Persons aggrieved were to be judged by the Chambers of the Edict. The seventh discharged the Reformed from all Sentences pronounced against 'em by reason of their taking Arms: And this Article was very necessary every where; but chiefly within the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Tho●●●se, where they had signalised their extraordinary Zeal by a great number of Decrees against Corporations and private persons. The eighth ordained a speedy Release of Prisoners and Persons condemned to the Galleys. The ninth confirmed the Article of the Edict of Nantes, which declared the Reformed capable of all Offices; re-established those that had been put out; revoked the Patents of their Offices granted to others, and restored to the Reformed all their Estates, their Titles, Debts, Accounts and Actions, and cancelled all opposite Acts, except the peremptory Decrees of the Council and Chambers of the Edict. The tenth ordered that this Declaration should be observed in the terms of the 92d Article of the Edict of Nantes. The eleventh forbid for the future all manner of Politic Assemblies, unless they had express leave to hold 'em; and all manner of Associations, and keeping of Intelligences. Nevertheless Ecclesiastical Assemblies were permitted, about mere affairs of Church-Discipline, and in conformity to the Declaration of August 1623. which enjoined the Synods to admit a Commissioner deputed by the King. All manner of Fortifications and raising of Money were forbid, without an express Commission. The last ordained the execution of the Articles that related to Rochel, and the restitution of the Cities and Castles during the War. 'Tis true the Mayor, the Sheriffs, and certain Burgesses of Orleans; the Catholics of Mompelier and parts adjoining, Prelates, Ecclesiastics, Gentlemen and others, opposed the verification of this Edict in the Parliament of Paris; and the opposition of the first was admitted, but the rest were referred to the Parliament o● Tholouse. However their opposition was only in reference to some particular Interests.  
After the Peace was thus concluded, the Confederates were in 
France plays foul with the Confederates.  hopes that France would have turned her Arms against the House of Austria. But they were strangely astonished to see a ratified Treaty appear abroad within eleven days after, which du Targis, Ambassador in Spain, had concluded between the Two Crowns. 'Tis true, that to cover this foul Play, they made a show of disowning the Ambassador, who seemingly was never to have been pardoned, but for the earnest solicitations of the Court of Rome. But this Farce deceived none but Fools, for the Treaty held good after some slight Alterations, and the Confederates exhaled their Resentments in vain Reproaches and unprofitable Threats. There was only the Duke of Savoy, who being enraged at such a piece of Perfidiousness, sent away the Abbot de la Scaglia into England, to excite that Monarch to revenge, who had no less reason than himself to be chafed at such 
Jealousy between the Cardinal and Buckingham.  a scorn of his Amity. And Affairs in that Kingdom began to incline toward a Rupture; for there was a great Jealousy in point of Honour between Cardinal Richlieu, and the Duke of Buckingham, but they were unequally matched: For Buckingham was vain, hare-brained, lofty, and void of Foresight; Richlieu●rafty ●rafty, a Dissembler, a Hypocrite, and one that never ventured ●ny thing without good assurances of Success. They had this however, which was common to both; that they were hated ●y all men but such as were their Creatures, and both were ●qually sovereign Governors of their sovereign Masters; though others say, there was a more secret cause of Jealousy between ●●em. For Buckingham had appeared in the Court of France with the Character of Ambassador in a magnificent Equipage, ●nd had drawn the eyes of all the world upon him. He had moreover pleased the Ladies; and his vanity had transported ●im to think himself worthy to attempt the Queen herself. The Cardinal had the same thoughts, and could not endure that his ●ival should receive any marks of being preferred before ●im.  
We may reckon, among the greatest weaknesses of that celebrated 
The Cardinal's blind-side.  Minister of State, that he was emulous of out doing all others, even in Trifles: he could not endure that another man provide out do him in the most pitiful things. To make Verses, or to speak better than he did, was not the way to win his Favour, or to show that he understood Humanity, Philosophy, the Mathematics, Divinity or Antiquity better than he. That he might enjoy the Reputation of being the most expert man of his time in all things, he stretched his weakness to that degree, as ●o attribute to himself the Works of other men; and to own under his own Name those Writings, wherein, perhaps, he was no more concerned, then to have been the first that conceived the ●ude and indigested Idea of the Subject. He had the same Sentiments as to Magnificence, and Courting of Ladies; and for a man to presume to transcend him in either of those two things, was a certain way to lose his favour. However it were, he always used the Queen but very scurvily, after he observed the little value she had for him; insomuch that while he lived, she had not all the World at will.  
There was also brewing at the same time another occasion of a Rupture, through the ill conduct of the Queen's Household Servants. Their Zeal for the Catholic Religion, soon made 'em exceed the Bounds to which they were confined by the Treaties of Marriage. They introduced the Jesuits into the Household 
Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's menial Servants.  of that Princess; where those turbulent and ambitious People made themselves such absolute Masters of her Wit and Reason that they soon set her at variance with the King her Husband. They so intoxicated her Understanding with their Superstitions that they forced her to commit a thousand mean things beneath her Grandeur, and unworthy of her Dignity. They persuaded her to adore, as Martyrs, those of their Order, that had been executed under the preceding Reign, as Contrivers or Accomplices in the Powder-Plot. And the occasion of a Jubilee presenting itself, they made choice of the place where the common Male factors are executed, whither the Queen was to walk barefoot to say her Prayers. The English, to whom the very Name of Jesuit is abominable, were justly offended at this piece of Insolence; and the King himself, though he were extremely so● and easy, was highly exasperated: So that being otherwise disgusted at the Misdemeanours of the Queen's Domestics, he resolved to send 'em back into France. Upon which, the Cardinal sent Bassompierre to him, to complain of such a violence offered to the Treaty; and to endeavour to reconcile the differences between him and his Wife, wherein the Ambassador had the good luck to succeed within a little of his Wishes. But in regard the Ministers of both Courts made it their business mutually to ver● and thwart one another, the Cardinal caused Bassompierre's Treaty to be disowned, and Buckingham obliged his King to revoke his Word. After which, upon some Affairs of Commerce intervening, Buckingham, who burned with a desire of returning into France, and brave the Cardinal, would needs be sent thither once more with the Character of Ambassador. But the Cardinal found a way to let him understand that he should not be welcome. Upon which, the English Favourite enraged at such an Affront, obliged his Master to declare War against France. And the pretence was, that the Court of France had not observed the Articles of the last Peace. But his Measures were so false, and his Conduct so foolhardy, that he completed the Ruin of the Reformed and Rochel, while he sought his own and their Revenge.  
While this Tempest was gathering together, the Cardinal aboured to disperse another Storm that threatened him nearer at 
Conspiracies against the Cardinal.  and. Spain, who well foresaw what Obstacles he would throw in the way of her Grandeur, if he were not entangled in Domestic Divisions, found him work on every side, and she erceived the chiefest part of the Princes and great Lords inclined ● second her. The Reigning Queen hated the Cardinal; and Monsieurs Softness made him comply with all the Sentiments of those who had the ascendant over him. They put him out of conceit with a Match with the Heirest of Mompensier, which had been projected in the time of the deceased King; and they deed his Head with a thousand Chimeras. But the Principal visions with which they amused his Brains, were the deposing of the King, to the unmarrying him, and giving to his Brother ●●th his Crown and Wife. Upon which Subject several Libels ●●d appeared abroad; of which one that was entitled an Advertisement to the King, made it a Crime in him to oppose the prosperity of the House of Austria, and to confederate against ●r with Protestant Princes, and promise the giving him an assistant or Associate in the Government. Which Libel occasion'ed the Quarrel between the Bishop of Chartres and the Cler●●●. The Cardinal also was dilacerated and mangled by a hundred Writings of the same nature; and perhaps never any man as known to be loaden with such a heap of Invectives and ●yrs. But he luckily disintangl'd himself out of all these Encumbrances. He feigned therefore to retire from the Court, ●●d away he went, to the end he might give the King an occasion to recall him. But the Queen Mother, who could not ●●en be without him, infused it so strongly into the King's Head, ●t if he consented to the distant absence of that Minister, the conspirators would make themselves Masters of his Authority, ●●t of his Person, that the Suspicious and Irresolute Prince ●●n sent for him back again. This return of his having ad●n'd his Credit to a higher degree, he began to put in pra●se those severe and Bloody Politics that ruin'd so many Lords, which filled the Prisons with so many Persons suspected of no ●er Crime then Love of Liberty; and rendered him so absolute and formidable, that the King himself began to have an aversion for him, and became jealous of his high Authority. The Count de Chalais was the first Victim offered to his Arbtrary Power. The Duke of Vendosm, and the Grand Prior his Brother, together with several other persons, lost either their Liberty, or their Government, or their Pensions; and the whole Conspiracy was perfectly dissipated.  
In the mean time Rochel was tossed and vexed with various 
The Cardition of Rochel.  Troubles; by reason that they who were interested in the new form of Government, would not suffer things to be resettled upon the Old Foundation. The People favoured these Mutineers and the Sedition increased to that degree, that the Mayor, who was suspected, was carried away by force, and very ill used as the Author of these Changes. Nevertheless, these Disorders were appeased by the necessity of obeying, and the fear of a greater Mischief, should they furnish the Court with any Pretence, which was the thing she waited for, to make war upon Rochel alone, and disunited from the rest of the Reformed Cities. Mass was there said upon Ascension-day in St. Margaret Church; and the City recalled her Deputies that had been sent to Foreigners. But whether they waited for the effect of the King of England's Promised Intercession, for demolishing Fort Lewis; or whether they were desirous to see what would be the issue of the Confusions at Court, they went but slowly on with dismantling their Fortifications, more especially the Fort o● Tadon, which was one of their best and strongest Bulwarks Lesdiguieres, discontented with the Court, fomented new Troubles in the Dauphinate; Brison by his Counsels maintained himself in Poussin, a paltry place; from which however they could not get him out, but by giving him a Recompense of 4000 Crowns. And Montauban, Son of the Marquis of Gouver●● got almost as much, to lay down Arms.  
Thus all things being in a manner peaceable and quiet, the 
A National Synod.  Reformed were permitted to assemble a National Synod at Castres', which sat down the 15th of September, and the Court sent this Augustus Galand for their Commissioner in pursuance o● the Declaration 1623. the revocation of which they could not obtain. All they could get was a Decree, which upon the complaint of the Delays and Difficulties they met with in the nomination of Commissioners by the Governors, and of the long time before the Commissioners came to the Synods, imported thus much, That the Governors, or others to whom they should apply themselves, having notice of the Place and Day of the Synod's sitting a Month before, should be bound to nominate Commissioners, and those that were nominated should be bound to be there at the place, and upon the day appointed, or within three days after at farthest; which if they failed to do, the Deputies had leave to assemble without 'em; they behaving themselves in other things according to the Edicts. This same Galand had already been present at the last Assembly held at Charenton, and the Figure he made at Court would not permit him to quit his Interest, or to swerve from her Orders and Maxims.  
He was entrusted with a Letter from the King to the Synod, 
The Commissioners Instructions.  Commission to be present there, and Instructions in writing how to carry himself. The Letter imported leave to hold the Synod, whose Deliberations were thereby also confined to affairs of Church-Discipline only. Moreover, it was in the nature of Predential for the Commissioner; and lastly, it contained asstances of the King's goodwill, and his observance of the edicts, provided that the Reformed continued in their obedience. The Commission was plain and downright, but it mentioned an express Injunction to be careful of seeing the Edicts observed, and chiefly that of 1623. and to hinder the keeping ●f any Conventicles at Castres' without his leave. His Instructions were more ample, and contained six principal Articles. ●he first renewed the promises of the King's goodwill, while faithful Obedience was paid him. The second exhorted the Re●●med to live in Concord with the Catholics, and not to have ●●y other than sentiments of Equity and Justice for 'em; which the King promised to see done on the Catholics part. The third exhorted a Renunciation of all Associations, Unions and Intelligences either abroad or at home, any other then with the King: and the Commissioner was to declare, that the King ●ever had the least thought of disannulling the Edicts; which ●e proved, because the King had confirmed 'em after he came to ●ears of majority; that he had renewed his Alliances with Foreign. Protestants; that he had augmented the Gratuities which the King his Father had given to the Ministers; that he had made use of Protestant Lords in sundry great Affairs; and for that in the Insurrections of the Reformed, he had been always inclined to mercy so soon as they were ready to submit. The fourth was of a singular nature, to oblige the Ministers to inform against one another themselves, and to brand one another upon their own judgements: so that Galand was to exhort▪ 'em to inform against those Ministers who had held intelligence with the Spinjards, without taking notice in reference to it, of any Amnesties of what was passed. He was in that respect to draw a Declaration from the Synod, conformable to what had passed in the Provincial Synod of Upper Guyenne held at Realmont; and to testify that the aim of that Inquisition was not to punish the guilty, but to hinder those that were faithful from being comprehended in the Crimes of others. The fifth admonished the Commissioner not to let the Synod meddle with any thing but barely Discipline. And the last took from the Ministers the liberty of going out of the Kingdom, or settling themselves in any other places without permission; and from the Synods ●● power of sending any to Foreign Princes and Sovereigns, ●●a● should desire 'em either for a time, or for a constancy. For 'twas the King's pleasure that Demands of that nature should be sent to him: and the reason of that new restraint was said to be, because that the Duties of Obedience were not to be altered by ● mixture of the Manners and Customs of Foreign Countries.  
This Commission of Galands was ill resented by the Synod 
Answers of Chauve the Moderator.  and Chauve, than Moderator, told him very roundly, That a Man zealous for his Religion, ought not to have charged himself with Instructions of such a nature, which only tended to over▪ reach and dishonour his Brethren. After which Remonstrance he returned an Answer to all the Articles with as much Resolution as Prudence. But for the better understanding of his Answer, it is necessary here to explain what the Synod of Realm●●● was, and what had been there done upon the occasion of Foreign Intelligences. The Duke of Rohan being solicited by the Spaniards, was entered into Treaty with 'em, and had sent Campre●●● into Spain, for more positive assurances of the Succour that was offered. Not that it was the design either of the Spanish Court, or the Duke of Rohan, to stick to the Treaty; but both expected to make this benefit of it, that it might be a means to bring the Cardinal to better terms. The Duke was in hopes thereby to obtain a more advantageous Peace; and Spain willing to show, that if the French went on with the War in Italy, that she had a way to revenge herself, by continuing the Civil War in France as long as she pleased. Moreover, being afraid ●est the Reformed should agree to an Accommodation, she made ●…em a show of large Succours to render 'em more stiff, and to engage 'em to stand upon such Demands as would not be granted ●…em: so that the Treaty was concluded by Campredon, with considerable Promises. But while he returned laden with the Articles of the Treaty, Peace was made both with the Reformed ●nd with Spain, the Treaty having no other effect, but only ●hat it put the sooner conclusion to both Wars. Campredon at his return was seized upon, and carried a Prisoner to Tholouse, and there prosecuted for his life. In the mean time the Edict of ●arch being sent to the Precedent Masuyer to be registered, one would have thought that Campredon should have enjoyed the 
Masuyer'● fa●se dealing.  benefit of the Amnesty. And indeed the Precedent knew it better than any body: but in a Cause of Religion, he would not understand what belonged either to Justice or Honesty; and, ●o say truth, he was a mere Varlet in many things: at least in point of Religion, he minded neither true dealing nor modesty. ●o that he was so malicious as to keep the Edict in his Pocket, ●ll Campredon was executed; for he sentenced him to death: after which he registered the Edict with several Qualifications.  
This Action was detested by all good men: but they who 
The Catholics tr●●●●●.  ●ere of Masuyer's humour rejoiced at it, and were of opinion, ●hat the advantage of being able to retort upon the Reformed ●he death of a man condemned by Justice, for having negotiated a League in the name of their Captain with Spain, would outbalance a piece of Treachery. It seemed to them, that after this, the Reformed had no more to do but to hold their ●●gues, and that they could no longer accuse the Catholics of their ancient League with the same Crown. Nevertheless, there was a great deal of difference between the one and the other; for this new League was the Duke of Rohan's business, not entrusted by any body else, but who entered into it of his own head. Moreover, there was nothing here transacted about dethroning the King, or excluding the Lawful Heir from the Succession. Whereas the League which made such a noise under the Reign of Henry III was not the Crime alone of the House of Guise, but of the greatest part of the Catholics, and of almost all the Cities of the Kingdom: but more especially of all the Clergy, all the several Orders of which, could hardly afford a dozen of honest French men; therefore things so different could not be brought into Parallel. For which reason it was, that if it had been possible, they would fain have enveloped 
They would have involved the Ministers in the Duke of Rohan's Treaty with Spain.  the Ministers in the same reproach; and that they accused 'em under a pretence which at first sight was enough to dazzle the simple. To this purpose they made choice of a Commissioner, who was to be present at the Provincial Synod of Upper Languedoc, and the Upper Guyenne, which was to be held at Realmont, such an one as was proper to serve for such a design: and this man, either corrupted, or else so silly by as not to see the snare that was laid for the Ministers at that Sessions, would needs take upon him to propose to the Synod, that Inquisition might be made after those who might have been any way concerned in Campredon's Negotiation. And the better to disguise the business, they involved it in the general Name of Corresponding with Foreigners. Now in regard the Synod was held in the Province where Campredon was taken and executed, People of Reputation believed that an Act which should ordain such an Inquisition, would be no more than a disowning of that Negotiation, and a Proof of the Minister's Innocence; and they that sided with the Court, which were always very numerous in th●se Southern Countries, agreed to it, as to a thing which would be acceptable to the King. Therefore an Article was drawn up upon the Commissioner's Proposition, which ordered an Inquisition after such as had been privy to that Treaty, and which exhorted those who knew any such, to discover 'em. But there was neither Informer nor Criminal to be found; so that there ●●as this Circumstance added to the Act, that it was for the ac●●●ittal of the Ministers. But the thing was understood far 
Article of the Synod of Realmont, for the discovery of such as had a hand in the Treaty. Which offends all the Char●●es.  otherwise then at Realmont: for it was judged that such Acts always create a disadvantageous Prejudice; and that the Justification which ensued, did not altogether remove the Suspicion which it had imprinted, that the Ministers might engage themselves in criminal Correspondencies. So that all the Churches ●●ademn'd the imprudence and simplicity of this Synod: and ●●at of Castres' spared not their Censures and Remonstrances upon ●●. So that the Deputies of the Province were obliged ●● complain, that they had been surprised by the Commissioner.  
Therefore when the National Synod saw that Galand proposed 
And is disowned iy the National Synod.  the example of Realmont, the Moderator thought that article deserved an Answer, which should take away from the Monks and Bigots all pretence of exclaiming against the Minister's. Therefore to the first Article of Galand's Instructions, ●…s Answer was full of submission and promises of obe●ence. As to the second, he promised that Moderation and Equi●● which the King required; and assured the Commissioner, that ●●e Consistories should continually from time to time exhort the Churches to it. But he complained that the Catholics did not ●●●●erve that mildness which they exacted from others; but that ●●ey exercised the patience of the Reformed by a thousand Injuries. For which reason he enjoined the Commissioner to be●●e●h the King to have pity upon the Reformed, whom he represented ill used in their persons; disturbed in the exercises of their Religion; deprived of their Churches; of which some ●●d been demolished since the Peace, or given to the Ecclesiastics; ●●●●sess'd of their Churchyards, where several Bodies had been ●●gg'd up again out of their Graves; and at length he com●●n'd that in several places the Ministers had been beaten, and ●●iven out of the Churches by violence; referring more ample ●e●●nstrances to be made to the King upon these Complaints ●y the general Deputies. As to the third Article, he protested ●hat no Body knew of any Correspondencies held with Foreigners to the prejudice of the Kingdom's welfare: he showed the general detestation of such trafficking in smart and vigorous expressions; and he lost not that opportunity to slide into h●● discourse certain Jerks against the Doctrine and Attempts of the Jesuits. As to the fourth, which mentioned the Act of Realmont, he loudly complained of the surprise which the Commissioner had put upon the Synod; thinking thereby to insinuate, as if some Ministers had been accused of holding Correspondence with the Spaniard; but he praised God, that after an exact Inquisition, there was no body found guilty, nor no bo●● so daring as to accuse any body for being so. As to the fifth which forbid meddling with politic Affairs, he answered that the preceding National Synods had taken order about it. And ●● to the sixth, which related to the sending of Ministers to Foreigners, he replied, that the present Synod would take care i● that particular.  
These Answers were approved by all the Synod, and Ch●●● 
Leave to nominate General Deputies.  had the Thanks of the whole Assembly for what he had sai● After this Galand presented a Brief to the Assembly, dated some days after the King's Letter, which imported a permission ● the Synod, in the presence of the Commissioner, to nominate General Deputies to the number of Six, out of which the King would choose Two. The Pretence was, that another Assemb●● would be too expensive, and create a great deal of inconvenience: He added also to this Permission a Prohibition to treat ● other Politic Affairs. But the Synod, who well perceived that the Mystery of that Permission tended to break the Remainder of that Union which the Reformed had so long maintained and who after six years slid away, before they could obtain ● new Assembly, rightly judged that there was no other way to refix their Affairs, than a Licenced and Authorised Assembly, di●● all they could to excuse themselves from that Nomination. For 
From which the Synod desires to be exempted.  which Reason, as the King alleged, the Good and Convenience of the Reformed to avoid the Demand of a General Assembly the Synod on their parts urged their Duty, which would not permit 'em to meddle with other Affairs than those of Discipline, as a reason for their not nominating of General Deputies because it was an Affair altogether Political. Besides, they found the Permission too much limited; Because it contained not leave to take an Account of the last Deputies, to give 'em a discharge, and to draw up Instructions for the new ones. They resolved therefore to send Deputies to the King upon this Occasion; 
And send Deputies to the King.  and at the same time to furnish their Deputies with Submissions and Remonstrances, according to the custom of National Synods; and for this Journey they made choice of Bouterove a Minister, and Baleine an Elder.  
The King was willing to see and hear 'em: The Speech they 
Remonstrances of the Deputies.  ●ade was humble, and to the purpose; and their Remonstrances contained Eight Articles. In the first they besought the King to take off all the Qualifications with which the Act had ●●en enregistered. They complained in the second of several Vexations which the Reformed endured by reason of those Qualifications. The third spoke of the repairing of Churches pulled down, and sending down Commissioners into the Provinces to ●●●e Orders about it. The fourth besought the King to permit ●● Moulin to return to Paris, as he had been put in hopes. The fifth demanded a General Politic Assembly. The sixth ●● continuance of the Relief promised the Ministers. The two ●●st desired, that certain Assignations which had been allowed ●●n●●ll, Receiver▪ general of the Municipal Tolls, might be made ●●●d to him.  
But toward the beginning of the Synod, Maniald, one of the 
Maniald dies. Hardi put in his room.  general Deputies, died: Upon which the King, never staying ●●r the Nomination which was to have been made at Castres', in pursuance of his Brief, appointed Hardi in his room, till others ●ould be presented to him. And the Pretence for this Innovation was, That the King was unwilling to retard the Affairs of the Reformed, which would be neglected, if there were no body at Court to take care of 'em. Of which Substitution he gave notice to the Synod by Galand, who assured the Synod, that the King had no design thereby to deprive 'em the Liberty of nominating others according to custom. But a little afterwards it appeared by Galand's discourse, that the King had other thoughts ●● substituting Hardi; and that such an Innovation without precedent, and little necessity, proceeded from no goodwill toward 
The Deputies return with the King's Answers.  the Reformed.  
The Deputies from the Synod returned from the Court about a month after their departure, and brought very obliging Letters from the King according to custom: But the Flattering Expressions of those Letters were accompanied with very few Effects. For there was only the Article about Limitations to which any thing of a gracious Answer was returned. The King assured 'em that they were taken away in several Parliaments, and that he would order 'em to be removed in the rest: And he gave the Deputies an express Command for that purpose to the Parliament of Tholouse, which was usually the most difficult to be brought to reason. Which Command Galand ordered his Son to deliver; but it wrought but little effect; so that the Troubles began again, before the Reformed received the benefit of it. The King also promised to make good the Assignations allowed to Candal, granted Ten thousand Livres for the Expenses of the Synod; and which, perhaps, was the most moving, Twelve hundred Livres to the Deputies for their Journey. But he refused to send Commissioners into the Provinces, declaring only that he thought it necessary to send some to Rochel, Saintonge, and the Country of Aunix, and into the Upper and Lower Languedoc. He barely promi'sd to grant Remova's to those that should be prosecuted in Parliaments, in pursuance of the Qualifications of the Edict. Nor would he consent to the return of Moulin; nor suffer the holding of a General Assembly, because the condition of Affairs would not permit one; and for that the Reformed had no need of one; since it was in the power of the Synod to nominate General Deputies, according to Galand's Instructions. As for what concerned the Relief promised to the Ministers, the King evaded it, by giving good words to one Party, and refusing the other, by reason of the condition of the Affairs of the Kingdom.  
Nevertheless he granted a Brief much larger than the former, 
The Synod names General Deputies.  to authorise the nomination of general Deputies; and he set forth in express words, that they should not put in nomination any persons but such as had no dependence upon Great Lords. However, the Synod, little satisfied that the Reformed were thereby put out of all hopes of a Politic Assembly, were still desirous to start new difficulties upon the nature of the thing; pretending that it was contrary to the Duty of an Ecclesiastical Assembly to intersere with things that were reserved for General Assemblies. But Galand cut the Knot, by revealing the Mystery of Hardy's being so hastily substituted in Maniald's room; and declared, that if the Synod did not make the Nomination, he would do it himself. The Synod then surrendered to Necessity, and contented itself with several Protests, which they reiterated as often as they had occasion, that they did not go about thereby to prejudice the General Assemblies, nor to meddle with Politic Affairs, but in obedience to the King's pleasure. Besides, they enjoined their Deputies to request leave to hold a General Assembly within Eighteen months, and Provincial Assemblies as soon as might be, for the drawing up Memoirs of their Grievances; in regard the Synod could not do it, because the Deputies that composed it had not brought along with 'em either any Command or Instructions from their Provinces to that 
The Synod names General Deputies.  purpose. Which done, they fell to the nomination of six Persons.  
But before the Synod broke up, they resolved to demand of the 
Divers Resolutions of the Synod.  King the Re-establishment of Ecclesiastical Assemblies in their former Liberty; and leave to raise certain Sums upon all the Churches throughout the Kingdom, for certain Exigencies of the Cities of Rochel, Montauban and Castres'; of which a fourth part was adjudged to Castres'; the rest was divided between the other two. They also enjoined the Consuls of Montauban to solicit the effect of the Command directed to the Parliament of ●i●lcuse for registering the Edict. They likewise prosecuted d' Aistres the Minister, at Paris, for several Causes; but chiefly for having conspired with the Catholics against the Churches. He had a bitter Libel found about him, entitled La Chemise ●a●glante de Henri IU. or, The Bloody Shirt of Henry IU. which reflected upon the King's Honour; so that d' Aistres was degraded and excommunicated by the Synod. But Galand was not satisfied with this Ecclesiastical Punishment; and therefore he caused the Book to be condemned to the Flames by the Party Chamber, then sitting at Beziers. 
Castres' refuses to receive the Duke of Rohan's Deputies.   
That Chamber had been removed from Castres', during the Troubles; and that City having a great desire to have it restored to her again, complied with all Galand's Projects, whose Testimony she was in hopes would be favourable to her at Court. Upon these Considerations it was, that she gave him a Writing wherein she disowned the Negotiations in Spain; and joined with him to hinder the Duke of Rohan's Deputies which he sent to the Synod, from being admitted; as also to be a means that his Conduct was there censured. In a word, the thing was carried so far, that Marmet, the Duke's Minister, being come to Castres', about particular business, was not permitted to be in the Town above twenty four Hours, though he protested that he had neither any Letters, nor any Commission from his Master. But the Duke having rightly foreseen what he was to expect from Galand, had taken his Measures quite another way. For he gave his Letteres to the Synod, to Bearfort, a Deputy from Cevennes; and a kind of Manifesto, which he had writ in his own Justification, to another Minister: So that they who held Intelligence with Galand, finding their Designs prevented, durst not attempt any thing farther.  
In the mean time Blandel and Bauterne were deputed to carry 
A Memoir of Grievances.  to the King the Nomination of the General Deputies; and the Synod, after they had sat seven weeks, broke up. The Deputies made a very submissive Speech to the King. Which done, the King, out of the six Persons nominated, made choice of the Marquis of Clermont, Calerande, and Bazin, to reside near his Person. These New Deputies were charged with large Memoirs of Grievances that were sent 'em from all parts. Paulet, Minister of Verzenobres, had been driven from his Church by violence. The Marquis of Varennes, Governor of Aiguemortes, had as badly used Bancillon, Minister of the Place. Censtans', Minister of Pons, had been a long time Prisoner at Bourdeaux, where he was still detained; and Billot, Minister of la Roche Chalais had been treated after the same manner, though they ought both to have been released by the Edict of Peace. The Cardinal of Sourdis, and the Bishop of Maillezais, persecuted the Church of Monravel; where they attaqu'd in general the Right of Exercise, and in particular several Members of it, by Processes, and other Acts of Violence. The Church of Motte had laboured very near under the same Extremities. That of Serveriettes had been also turmoiled and harassed: and several Churches of Guyenne and Languedoc had been so absolutely ruined, during the War, that the Synod was constrained to recommend 'em to the Charity of others. The Parliament of Pau had given out Decrees which forbid Consistories to censure Fathers, Mothers, or Guardians, that sent their Children to Catholic Schools; nay, to the very Colleges of the Jesuits. The Parliament of Tholouse had given out several Warrants to arrest the Bodies of several Inhabitants of Briteste for a Fact that was pardoned by the General Amnesty. Berard, Advocate of the Court of Judicature at Soumieres, had been imprisoned for no other Crime, but for abjuring the Catholic Religion. And the Reformed 
Burial of Gentlemen who were the Founders of Churches.  were still disturbed upon the score of their Burials. The Advocate-General, James Talon, caused several Decrees to be issued forth in one year upon this occasion; of which the most favourable ordained no more, then that before the Bodies were digged up, information should be given, whether it could be done Conveniently. And what was singular in the Advocate-General's Reasons, was this, That to deprive a Gentleman of a purchased Right, he had recourse to the prepossessed Fancy of the Catholics, who sought to be buried in Churches, that they might have a share in the benefit of Suffrages and Prayers. Which being refused by the Reformed, that they ought not to enjoy that advantage which they never minded themselves. As if the Controversy between the Catholics and the Reformed, about the benefit or unprofitableness of Prayer for the Dead, had had any Relation to the Rights of a Lord of a Soil, whose Ancestors had purchased the Privilege of being buried in the Church, which they had both founded and endowed. Upon which it may be observed, that the Burial of the Dead in Churches was an effect of Superstition, as the Advocate-General expressly acknowledged, and set forth at large the degrees of the progress of it. This Honour, said he, having been at first conferred upon Martyrs, not because they were buried in Churches, but because Churches were built over their Tombs; it was also afterwards allowed the Priest, to holy Persons, to those that enriched the Church by their Donations, to Founders, and lastly, to those that were able to pay for it. So that to speak properly, there was only the Founders Right which had any other foundation then that of Superstition, since he might pretend to it, as a perpetual Evidence and Monument of his Liberality. Neverthelesss, James Talon could find in his heart to prefer a Right acquired by the Superstition of the People, and the Covetousness of the Priests, before a Privilege which derived its original from the Bounty of a Founder.  
The same James Talon caused a Legacy of a Reformed, bequeathed 
Legacies given to the Poor, adjudged to Hospitals.  to the Poor, to the Treasurer of the Hospital of the City of Chartres. For which the Pretence was, That according to the Edict, the Poor of both Religions were to be relieved: which, if that reason had been good, had been sufficient to have destroyed the XLII. Article of Particulars: but this Decree was made the 7th of January. There was another made in March, after two Hear, which annulled the Marriage of la Ferte Imbault, and forbid him to keep company with the woman 
A Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated.  whom he had married: and the reason for it was, because he was a Knight of Maltha, and for that it was contrary to his Vow. As if his Profession of a contrary Religion could not untie him from such a superstitious Engagement. A man may judge by these trials of a Parliament, where Justice was not altogether unknown, how the Reformed were handled in others, who looked upon it as a meritorious Act to load 'em with Vexations and unjust Sentences. The King himself also set forth some Declarations by which the Edict was considerably violated. Upon the 12th of January came forth one, which exempted the Ecclesiastics from pleading for the possession of their Benefices and Goods which were thereunto annexed in Courts where any of the Reformed sat, and which referred 'em to the next Catholic Judge. The 10th of December appeared another, which ordained that Processes should be adjudged at Pau, by all the Judges that should be found upon the Bench, without distinction of Religion; and in case of removal, the Cause should not be removed to the Party Chambers, but to the next Parliament. And the foundation of this Law which laid the Reformed at the mercy of the Catholics, when they were most numerous upon the Bench, was this, That the Edict of Nantes was granted neither in favour of Bearn nor Navarre. And thus the Clergy of that Country which formerly never aspired to more, then to enjoy the Privileges of that Edict, had already carried their exterminating Zeal so high, that they would not leave the Reformed any longer the enjoyment of that advantage. So that those unfortunate People having seen the particular Edict, which Henry IU. granted 'em, violated in all the points of it, cannot have the consolation to live under the prosection of the same Laws, with the rest of the Churches of the same Communion.  
In the mean time the Cardinal summoned an Assembly of the 
The Assembly of Notables.  Men of Note, called Assemblée de Notables, at Paris, where he made a Harangue himself. In this Assembly most worthy Proposals were made, and the most profitable Resolutions in the World were taken for the Peace and Tranquillity of the King, but they were not taken to be put in execution. They had only a mind to amuse the People, who are easily dazzled with great expectations, and to accustom 'em to the Ministry of the Cardinal who promised 'em those mighty things. There was only one Declaration which spoke of reuniting all the King's Subjects to the Roman Church by ways of Sweetness, 
1627.  Love, Patience, and good Examples; of maintaining the Reformed in the Privileges that had been granted 'em by the Edicts; of re-establishing good Discipline, and virtuous Manners; of advancing the Nobility; of causing Justice to flourish; of reforing Trade, and easing the People. But of all these Articles they remembered none but the first: For they procured the reunion of several private persons to the Church of Rome, by the strong Arguments of Interest, or by Vexations and Acts of Injustice. In pursuance of which, they vaunted about this time of having converted in Bearn above 800 persons; and because 
Forced Conversions in Bearn.  the care of these Conquests was committed to some zealous Missionary, who managed these glorious Erterprises by his counsels and advice, they failed not to attribute the success to his Doctrine, his Conversation, and his Piety, though it were more justly due to the utmost rigours of Violence and Injustice.  
The same means which the Church of Rome has always called ways of Sweetness, wrought the same effect this year at Aubenas. Where the Marquis of Ornano, under pretence of the 
And at Audenas.  War, of which I shall suddenly have an occasion to speak, exercised most extravagant Violences upon the Reformed of that City. Two Regent's of that place coming to kiss his hands i● the body of the Town, as their Lord, he took from 'em their Hoods, which is the mark of their Dignity; and having called a Council, he would not permit the Reformed, who had b●● elected Councillors, to take their Seats; he disarmed all th● Reform, and put the Regency into the hands of Catholics and committed the Guard of the City to them, at the charge of the Reformed; and being constrained to reinforce his Part● with some additional Troops, because the Catholics were no● so numerous as the other, he quartered the whole Garrison upo● the Reformed only; and this Garrison committed Violences ●● less barbarous than those in our days; from which those miserable People could not redeem themselves, but by changing their Religion. So that in three weeks there were no less than 25● Families that turned Catholics, if the Converters do not augment their number. And to add Insulting Domineering ●● Violence, they forced those poor Creatures to sign a Writing wherein they declared that they embraced the Roman Religion willingly. These extorted Declarations, which they showed ●● the King, persuaded him, that there were hardly any of th● Reform who had not the same Inclinations; and that they were only restrained by a Cabal of Ministers, and the power ●● the Party. That there needed no more than the taking of Rochel, and some other Cities, which held up the Party; and the● thousands of People would declare for the Catholic Religion. I● the mean time, encouraged by the example of what had happened at Aubena's, they followed their Blows into other places. For 
At St. Amand  the Archbishop of Bourges, and the Governor of St. Amand, a little Town in Berri, made a profitable use of this Pattern to bring back the Reformed to the Catholic Religion: so that the fear into which they put the Inhabitants, of quartering 200 me● upon 'em, upon the same Conditions as the Garrison was quartered at Aubenas, made above 60 Families abjure the Reformed Faith. And thus it was, that the Edict published upon the Remonstrances of the Assembly of the men of Note, was put in execution.  
But besides these, they gave other marks of their slender Inclinations to observe the Edicts; for there were above Forty Curches deprived of their spiritual comfort, either through ●urbance of their Exercises, or Imprisonment and Banishment 
Extraordinary Acts of Injustice.  their Ministers. They had taken from the Reformed, in se●al places, both their Churches and their Churchyards, with● any Form of Law, ever since the Peace concluded. The ordinal of Sourdis, Archbishop of Bourdeaux, whose Example ●s followed by some Gentlemen of the Country, exercised a ●●usand brutish Cruelties upon Bodies that were buried in such aces as carried any marks of Consecration, according to the ●tom of the Catholics. They refused to suffer Veilleux, a ●nister called by the Reformed to Roven, to attend their service; ●d the only reason for their refusal was, because he was a For●gner. Letters of Reprisal were granted against the Reamed, for things that were fully forgiven by the Edict of Peace. overall persons were also put to death for Facts that had been immitted during the War with allowance of the Generals; ●●ich was expressly comprehended in the Amnesty granted by ●● last Edict. And there were reckoned up above 10000 War●●ts given out in Languedoc, for arresting of People upon the ●e Pretences. The Council also divided the Consulship by decrees given upon a Petition, in places, where according to ●● Edicts, which promised that nothing should be innovated in ●wns that were held by the Reformed, that Office was to ●●e been let alone entire. The particular Deputies that were ●t to carry the Complaints of these Acts of Injustice, were 〈…〉 used. Some were sent back unheard, and laughed at for their ●ins: others were answered with nothing but Bravadoes and menaces. If any qualified person took upon him this Deputa●n, and that they were to treat him with more Civility, they ●deavour'd to seduce him by Promises, by Applauses, or any ●her way; not sparing any Artifices to find out on which side 〈…〉 was most subject to their Batteries; and after all, they sent ●●m back again as he came. They refused to receive from the ●eneral Deputies the Papers drawn up in the Nam● of all the Churches of the Kingdom. And to the end they might utterly ●reak the Union that was between 'em, it was required that they should present apart the Complaints as they were sent 'em ●y every single Church.  
In like manner, the Marquis of Fossez, who succeeded V●lence, 
Innovations at Mompelier.  made an alteration at Mompelier to no other end and purpose but to vex the Reformed. That City bore for her Arms a Bowl Gules in a Field Argent. But because they met with a● old Steeple, where there was to be seen over a Bowl, the Figur● of a Virgin carried by two Angels, the Marquis pretended tha● that was the real Arms of the City, and having summoned a● Assembly of the Citizens, he made a Decree that they shoul● place that Figure over their usual Arms for a Crest. After which, they made the Reformed, who since Valence's Alteration had little or no share in the Government of the City, believe that they had given their consent to it. For their Intention was, that this representation should be looked upon as a mark ●● the ancient devotion and veneration of the City of Mompe●●e● for the Blessed Virgin, since she had taken that Figure for th● most honourable part of her Arms; and at the same time t● deduce a Consequence from thence, to render the Reforme● odious, as having retrenched that mark of Honour from th● Mother of Jesus Christ; to whom they were always accused of not paying sufficient Respect. Nevertheless, the Foundation of the Marquis' Conjecture was very frivolous: For ha● it been true, they would have found other Authorities to ha●● proved the matter of Fact; seeing that the ancient Seals, th●● public Buildings, the Registers of the City, the Bishops, th●● Canons, the Priests, the Curious, would have preserved som● better Testimonies of the same thing. For it was much more probable, that that same Figure was only a Monument of th● 
The Foundation of Mompelier.  Foundation of that City, which is attributed to two Maidens▪ who being Ladies of the place, bequeathed it to the Church, and died Virgins. For that was the way at that time to purchase● the reputation of Holiness: and it may be thought that the● City had consecrated that Virgin and those Angels, to preserve the remembrance of the Sanctity and Virginity of her● Foundresses.  
However it were, this Action of the Marquis did the Reformed 
Declaration against Foreign Ministers.  so much prejudice, that upon the 14th of April a Declaration came forth, prohibiting 'em to make use of Foreign Ministers; to admit into their Assemblies other then Natural Frenchmen; to send Ministers into Foreign Countries without ●●ave; or to admit Foreign Ministers into Politic Assemblies. ●he Declaration was grounded upon this, That in the Natio●al Synod of Charenton and Castres', where Galand was present, ●hey had unanimously resolved the same things. This Edict was ●ut in execution very exactly; but that which created the great ●ouble was, that it spoke of the Religion of the Reformed, as ●● a Religion which the Edicts had only tolerated, till they could ●e brought back to the Catholic Communion. For this was to ●●in the Edict of Nantes, and sap the very Foundations of its ●eing irrevocable, to make it barely an Edict of Toleration. This was what the Leagues always drove at; but what the ●eformed always opposed; who asserted that the Edict had been ●●ays granted 'em as a Fundamental Law of Union and Con●●rd among the French, which maintained 'em without distinction of Religion, in all the Natural and Civil Rights that could ●elong to 'em. And this carries an Idea far different from a ●are Toleration: Nay, to speak the truth, to have taken the ●dict in any other sense, would have been to have made it a mere delusion.  
But at last it was apparent, that Rochel was pressed upon more 
Rochel still blocked up.  ●nd more; and that notwithstanding all her Obedience, she was ●ill dealt with as rebellious. Which showed that she was guilty of two Crimes that could not be expiated but by her ruin: ●he one, which was her Crime in reference to the Clergy, was ●er Religion; the other, which was properly the chiefest, was ●er Power almost independent. The first obliged the Clergy to contribute vast Sums, provided they might be employed only ●oward the reducing that City: The other transported the Court to lay the foundations of Arbitrary Power upon the destruction of her Greatness. To this purpose Forces were quartered round about her upon various Pretences; Cannon were brought to such and such places, from whence they might be at ●and with little expense, when time required: the City was surrounded with several Forts: the Platform of her Fortifications, her Port, her Canal, and parts adjoining, was taken privately, and drawn with the utmost exactness that might be. The Garrisons of the Neighbouring Islands, and Fort Lewis, were permitted to commit petty Disorders, of which there was no notice taken; and when the City complained, her Complaints were looked upon as Rebellion. The Inhabitants were corrupted, that they might have private Correspondence in her Bosom, and the Mayor himself was wrought over to their Interests. Nevertheless, all this could not be kept so secret, but that R●… was full of suspicion of the Designs of the Court. But all this knowledge had the usual effect of suspicions which produce nothing but Irresolutions: So that the City not being able to determine, but by halves, either one thing or other, could never resolve either to submit, or to defend herself.  
All these Considerations verify the Reflections of some Authors of those times, who comparing the past War with the present Peace, under the name of which a thousand times more mischief had been done the Reformed, than they suffered by their Enemy's Arms, observe, that the War having been full of Treachery, breach of Faith, Frauds, ignominious and base Actions, the Peace that followed was no better; a mere Cheat, unfaithful, and no way secure. In this Conjuncture England, being 
England declares war.  assured of the Duke of Rohan, declares war against France. But the Cardinal having caused Montague to be apprehended, who after a Journey into Italy to consult with the Duke of Savour, repassed into France, where he had several Conferences with the Duke of Rohan, understood by the Papers that were found about him, the whole Project of the War. The English Gentleman also took a Tour into Lorraigne, where 'twas thought necessary to negotiate something; though he pretended only to visit the Duchess of Cheureuse, who was banished thither, by reason of the Cardinal's Jealousies conceived against the Duke of Buckingham. This Accident gave France time to prepare herself; and she received the Declaration of War with as much disdain, as if she had been assured of success. She had 
The United Provinces send succonr to France.  taken her Measures with the United Provinces, from whom she obtained considerable aid upon this Occasion, and which did not little contribute toward the subduing of Rochel. Not but that the Ministers of those Provinces preached against that Compliance of the States with France, both vigorously, and with great freedom. I myself have seen several printed Sermons, some of which enlarged themselves very far to show that the Design 〈…〉 the French was to extinguish the Reformed Religion; and ●…th●●s added after a Prophetical manner, that as the Provinces●…n● ●…n● their Ships and Men to the Reformed of France, the time ●ould one day come, that the Reformed would revenge them●…lves upon the Provinces, and bear Arms under their King to ●…stroy their Religion and Liberty. But Preachers Reasons ●…r agree with those of Politicians; besides, that the United 〈…〉 were not in a condition to slight or disgust the Alli●… of France.  
Toward the end of July, Buckingham appeared, not far from 
The English land in the Isle of Ré.  〈◊〉 with a Fleet considerable enough to have done great ●…ings, had the Chieftain had as much Courage as Pride; or 〈…〉 much Wit as Presumption. He presently made himself Ma●…er of the Isle of Ré; but he lost himself miserably before Fort ●…. Martin, where Toiras, with a few men, and less Provision, ●…ld out a Siege of above two Months, which, if any other then Buckingham had managed, it could not have stopped him three ●…ys. Rochel was a long time also before she would declare; whether it were because the Mayor and the Court were agreed together, or whether it were that she was willing to avoid new ●…etences of making war upon her. Insomuch, that at first ●…e would not so much as hearken to Buckingham's Propositions, or admit the Commissioners which he sent to her. So that ●…bise, who had sheltered himself in England ever since his last defeat, but had embarked himself in the English Fleet, was con●…ain'd to go alone to the Gate of the City, with Beaker sent by ●…e Duke, to desire leave to speak to the Inhabitants. But the Citizens refused to open the Gate to him; and had not his Mo●…her come herself to take him by the hand, and bring him into he Town, he must have returned as he came. The respect which the Rochelois had for that Lady, made 'em forget their ●esolutions: So that they let Soubise pass, and Beaker followed him. After which they gave him Audience in the Council, ●here he set forth at large the Reasons which obliged the King ●f England to take Arms: And he endeavoured to make 'em ●elieve, that it was only upon the score of Religion. He excused the small Assistance which he had hitherto given the Reformed; and declared that the King of England found himself too much engaged by his Conscience, by his Honour and his Word, to assist 'em more powerfully; more especially because it was through his Intercession that they had accepted a disadvantageous Peace.  
This Speech produced nothing at first. Nay, the Rochellois 
The Irresolution of the Rochelois.  offered Comminges to fight the English, provided Fort Lewis might be put as a Pledge into the Hands of lafoy Force, Chatillon, or Trimoville. One would have thought, that Offer should not have been acceptable to the Court, seeing that both la Force and Chatillon, were brought off from the Common Cause, and that Trimoville was treating about his returning to the Roman Religion: at least he embraced the Communion of that Church within a year after, and renounced the Reformed Religion in the presence of the Cardinal before the taking of Rochel. In recompense whereof he had the Command of the Light Horse, and served some years in that Employment, during the War● of Italy; where he received a wound in the Knee, so that h● lost the use of the Joint. Some years after, being disgusted by the Court, he retired to his Palace of Thovars, became a Bigo●, and a great dealer in Controversies; and at length died in the Roman Profession, after he had lived to a very old Age, but very ill maintained the Reputation of his Father. In the mean time the Court which had other Designs, gave no other answer to the Proposal, but a company of Fair words, with which the Rochellois suffered themselves to be amused for some time. However, they intercepted a Packet of Letters from the Court, 
Court Letters intercepted.  directed to the Duke of Angoulesme, who had obtained Orders to raise Forces to oppose the English, and who had actually blocked up Rochel as close as it could be, at a time when the Design of besieging it was kept secret. One of those Letters are an express Approbation of what had been done, in order to the blocking up of the City; and gave the Duke advice about several things: and among others, about the Passports which he gave to all those who had a mind to leave the Town; because, said the Letter, it was best to let out as many as they could, that so none but the most Mutinous might be left behind.  
There was also a Letter for Marshal de Marillac, which handled very nice matter. The Question was, Whether the Huguenots 
A nice Question, Whether Huguenots were to be suffered in the King's Army?  were to be suffered in the King's Army? The Answer was, ●hat the thing was very doubtful; because that if there were me persons of worth, and no way to be suspected, there might 〈…〉 others, whose chiefest business it was to be Spies. 'Twas ●…ded, That the Public Affairs required, that it should be made ●…t by Effect and Demonstration, that the War was a War of are, and not of Religion; and than it might be lawful to ad●…it Huguenots that would enter into service. 'Twas said, That without excluding 'em out of the Army, there might be a watch●… eye upon 'em; and than 'twas but confiding in those that ●…ere honest, amusing others, and keeping the main Resolutions ●…cret, especially those which concerned Rochel: or else if such Toleration seemed dangerous, 'twas advised, that they should 〈…〉 dismissed under some fair Pretence. And these were the ●…tters, which discovering the secret Intentions of the Court, ●…etermin'd the Rochellois to join with the English. But this Con●…nction 
Rochel Resolves.  was so ill ordered, and so scurvily managed, that if we ●…y judge by the event, no body could believe it resolved upon 〈…〉 any other end, then to furnish the Court both with a pretence, ●…nd with the means to facilitate the destruction of that unfortunate City. For Buckingham, after he had drained her of all her provision of Corn, some of which he was constrained to burn ●…ter his defeat, left the rest which should have relieved the City 〈…〉 relieve the Victor that expelled him out of the Island, and ●unning away with ignominy from a handful of men, made the condition of the City far worse than it was before.  
In the mean time Rochel published a large Manifesto, where●… 
Rochel publishes a Manifesto.  resuming things for a good way backward, she endeavoured ●o justify her Conduct; to display the Frauds and Artifices of the Court, but chiefly to make good her Pretensions and Privileges. The Duke of Rohan also betook himself to Arms, ●nd set forth another Manifesto, little different in the main from that of Rochel; only that the City insisted more closely upon 
The Duke of Rohan does the same thing.  ●…er own proper Affairs, and the Duke spoke more at large of things in general. The Answers to these Writings were sharp and violent; more especially the Answer to the Duke's Manifesto savoured of a sordid, base, insolent Spirit, full of Gall and Venom, and sprinkled with Quirks and Quiddities borrowed from the most lewd Scurrility of the Rabble: a piece becoming the Jesuit Riche●me, to whom it was attributed. Never did any man write with more Fury nor more Insolence, nor renounced more openly in his Writings the character of an honest man▪ But more formidable Enemies were embattled against the Duke then this same Scribbler. For besides the Armies that were set o● 
Intrigue of Galand against the Duke.  foot to fall upon him on every side, among which, that commanded by the Prince of Condé committed unheard of Cruelties, Galand was sent into Upper Languedoc, to prevent the Cities from taking Arms, as those of the Lower Languedoc ha● done the 10th of September, according to the Resolution of a● Assembly of the Nobility and Deputies from several Cities which met at Vsez. However, Galand, wherever he could safely go, drew Promises of Obedience, and within the space o● a Month brought Montauban, Briteste, Puilaurens, Sorez●, ●● Maz d' Azil, Carlat, Pamiers, Mazeres, Saverdun, la Bustide, St. Amant, Mazamet, la Cabarede, and several others to declare▪ 'Tis true that the Duke caused some of 'em to change their Opinions; that he surprised others; and that others which had not suffered themselves to be coaxed by the fawning Cant of Galand, were surrendered into his hands, so that at length the War became general on that side. Pamiers was one of those Cities which the Duke surprised; but the Prince of Condé having retaken it, very badly observed the Capitulation which he had made; for he imprisoned, put to death, and condemned to the Galleys several persons to whom he owed both his life and his liberty. All this was the reason that the Duke lost time, who might have been able to have performed greater Exploits, if Galand's Negotiation had not broken his measures; nor would they have ventured the Siege of Rochel, had not Galand succeeded as he did in drawing off those other Cities from the Union.  
But while the Duke of Rohan carried on the War with an 
1628.  extraordinary Courage and with good Success, Buckingham 
Defeat of the English.  seeing Fort St. Martin relieved, raised his Siege, was defeated in his Retreat, and returned into England; not a little suspected to ●e been careless of those things which he might have done ●…ch more to his Master's honour. Upon this, Rochel was more 
A second English Fleet of no use to Rochel.  ●…ly begin, and reduced to extremity. At what time, a se●d English Fleet, commanded by the Farl of Denbigh, appeared ●…on the Coast, only to make a show of that Relief which the 〈…〉 expected; but retreated more basely than the former, with●… so much as acrempting the least Enterprise. While they 
A third Fleet more useless.  ●re setting forth a third Fleet, Buckingham was slain by a pri●e person, whom he had particularly injured. This caused a ●●●ge of Affairs, and the Command of the Fleet was given the ●arl of Lindsey. But this Fleet did less than the rest, and ●m'd only se● forth to be Witness of the Surrender of Rochel. ●…d indeed it may be said of the three Fleets sent to the Succour 〈…〉 that unfortunate City, that the first famished her, by taking ●ay her ●…; the second amused her with the show of Relief, ●t was never intended her; and the third sold her. Perhaps 〈…〉 the blame of these ill Successes was not to be laid upon the ●…g of England; only that he was to be accused of great ●●akness, in suffering himself to be governed by his Queen with 〈…〉 much pliableness. However, that Princess had the Knack 〈…〉 disappoint all the King her Husband▪ s Designs; and some●…es she did it so openly, that People could not refrain from sieving that he himself was not at all troubled at it. She it ●s that prevented the Effects of those Orders, which the King ●e to those who commanded his Naval Forces. She it was, ●…o, in the heart of England, held and protected all the Correspondencies with Cardinal Richlieu; and she did so much, that 〈…〉 not only drew upon her own head the implacable hatred of 〈…〉 her Subjects, but embarrassed her own Husband in those un●ward Affairs that brought him at length to the Scaffold. Af●… this, Cardinal Richlieu thought it proper to make a peace ●ith England, which it was no hard matter to do, by throwing upon Buckingham all the past misunderstandings: And the 
A Treaty of Peace with England, and the surrender of Rochel▪  ●ore easily to vanquish the Obstinacy of the Rochellois, he in●s●d Suspicions on both sides, that the one Party treated without ●e other. And thus Rochel having held out a Siege of very ●●ar a year in length, and carried on their Resolutions, during a long, and the most Cruel Famine that could be imagined, beyond what could be expected from Nature, was forced to surrunder at discretion upon the 28th of October. And no soone● was it surrendered, but a Tempest ruin'd the Mound which had stopped up the Entrance of her Channel; and showed, that tha● same mighty Work, that so much redounded to the Honour o● the Cardinal who undertook it, could never have contributed to the subduing that City, had she not been more enfeebled by he● Friends, that in a manner robbed her of her Provisions, the● incommoded by all the Toil and Labour of her Enemies.  
During this long Siege, and these terrible Extremities, th● 
This City refuses to submit to the English.  City being solicited to submit to the King of England, woul● never hearken to it. To say she had any such design, was ● mere Calumny of the Monks and Jesuits. And they who writ● the particular History of this Memorable Siege, relate; that th● Cardinal declared to the Deputies from this City, That H● knew very well, that the Deputies who were sent into Englan● had resisted several Temptations upon that occasion; that th● King returned 'em thanks for it; and that it was the main reason which confirmed him in those Sentiments of Mercy which h● had for the Town. More than this, the Cardinal found a wa● to engage Spain to be serviceable to the King in the Siege o● that Place. 'Tis true, the Council of Spain saw well the ba● consequence of taking the Place, and fain would have prevente● it, especially after the Marquis of Spinola, who had seen th● state of the Siege, had given an account of it in Spain. An● 'tis said, that the first time he came into Council, that he pr●pos'd it as one of the greatest strokes of Policy that could b● thought of to succour that Place. But the Council of Conscience carried it above reason of State; and the Pretence of Religion, always useful to the Court of Spain since Ferdinand's Reig● was at this time the ruin of her Affairs. 'Tis true, that th● 
●●e Fleet of Spain at the Siege of Rochel.  Fleet which she sent against Rochel came thither so ill provided and stayed there so small a while, that she had as good have se● none at all. And it is as true that she attempted to relieve th● Duke of Rohan's Party, with whom she had concluded a Treaty▪ But during her accustomed long Delays, Rochel sunk under he● Burden, and put all the World out of heart. The French themselves laboured with reluctancy in the taking of that City, well foreseeing that from the date of her Ruin the Vassalage of the whole Kingdom would commence: But by an odd fantasticness of Human Wisdom, men often spread the Snares themselves for their own Feet, and make the Chains for others to bind 'em ●o perpetual servitude.  
The Ladies, both Mother and Sister of the Duke of Rohan, displayed a more than ordinary Courage: and their Example was very useful to support the Constancy of others. But they were recompensed with a close Confinement, where the Cardinal held 'em during all the remainder of the Wars. The Mayor Guiton was looked upon as a Hero by all those that love Virtue, where ever they meet it; and the Catholic Authors mention him themselves with great applause; and all the Brave Persons ●n the King's Army went to see him after the Surrender of the City. Some write that he was promised to be continued in his dignity. But when he went to kiss the Cardinal's Hand, it was old him that he was no longer Mayor; that he was to lay aside ●he Ensigns of his Authority, and quit his Guards; for that ●he Cardinal would not see him but as a private person. Upon ●hich they add, that he was so enraged, that he could not forbear ●●ying, That had he expected such an Entertainment, he would ●ave found a way to have held out some days longer. Which ●ad he done, the Cardinal must have raised his Siege, because ●f the Rigour of the Season, the Diseases that lessened the Army, ●he Tempests that ruin'd his Dam, and the Pressing Affairs ●hich called him another way. Nor was it a wonder that ●u●ton complained that they did not keep their word with him; ●r it is not to be imagined, that because the Principal Articles ●or the surrender of Rochel were written and signed by the King, ●hat there were not others agreed upon by word of mouth. Al●ays in the reducing of Cities that surrender at discretion, there ●●e several things which are not absolutely left to the discretion ●f the Victor, but are privately corroborated with verbal Assu●ances. And it was believed to be much more advantageous to ●he King to take that Course, because what he granted afterwards to reduced Cities, looked so much the more like a Graci●us Favour, when there appeared no Promise in Writing: Besides that, the King would not oblige himself to his Subjects by Acts that seem to carry the Form of a Treaty. So that there might be Articles granted by word of mouth without other Assurances: and perhaps it was by one of those Articles that Gu●ton pretended to be continued in his Dignity. Nevertheless that particular is nowhere to be met withal in any of the most Exact Memoirs of that City. For by the most express and assured Relation that I can find, the King by the first of the Written Articles, promises to leave 'em the free exercise of their Religion in the City; which put 'em in hopes that it should not have been removed from the usual place; but they were deceived; and that Promise was evaded by an Insulting Equivocation. For after the Church was given to the Gatholics, the Reformed had a Place appointed 'em without the City to build another: and the King himself would needs take cognizance of the place, and enlarged it somewhat beyond the limits marked out by the Commissioners. To which breach of Faith and Word, when the Reformed were about to have said something by way of complaint, they were taken up short, and to stop their mouths, i● was told 'em, that their City being surrendered at discretion▪ the King would beat down the Walls and the Fortifications▪ which being done, what before was without the Enclosure, being no longer divided from the rest, the whole would make be● one City. This was not the thing which was meant by the secret Promise; but the vanquished must accept of what Interpretation the Victor pleases to put upon their Promises.  
The Inhabitants were kindly enough used; but the City los● all her Privileges. The Roman Religion was re-established in all its splendour, which it prefers above all things, and the King translated thither the Bishopric of Maillezais. In the Month of November came forth a Declaration, which contained twenty four Articles. The first six were all about the re-establishment of the Catholic Religion, and the Circumstances belonging to it. The Seventh ordered the erecting of a Cross in the place where the Castle stood, upon the Pedestal of which was to be engraven the History of the Reducing the City, the memory of which was to be preserved by a General Procession every year upon the first of November. The Eighth commanded the founding of a Monastery of Minims upon the Point ●● Coreille, which is one of the Extremities of the Canal, to preserve the History of the Mound or Dam in two Tables of Copper to be fixed upon the Church-door. The next four contained an Amnesty for what was past, and a confirmation of the Edicts for liberty of the exercise of the Reformed Religion; the Church excepted, which the King reserved to be turned into a Cathedral. There were nine more that followed, which took from the City ●er Fortifications, Franchises and Privileges, and quite altered ●he Form of the Government. The Twenty second forbid all foreigners, though naturalised, to reside in the City without express leave by Letters under the Great Seal. The Twenty ●hird extended the same Prohibition to the Reformed who had ●ot been settled Inhabitants before the landing of the English. Which two Articles were the source of an infinite number of ●exations in the succeeding years. The last obliged the Inhabi●nts to take out Licences to keep Arms, Powder and Ammunition, and to trade abroad. So that there was nothing left but ●he Place, and the remembrance of that poor City's former ●ower and Grandeur.  
The End of the Ninth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. THE SECOND PART. THE TENTH BOOK.  
The Heads of the Tenth Book.  
rejoicings among the Catholics. The War continues in Languedoc. Cruelties, Insulting, and Executions. Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan▪ A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed. The pretended Conversion of a sick Man that fell mad. Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan and his Adherents. The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy. The Siege of Privas, the Inhabitants of which are betrayed. Cruelties exercised upon that City. Pretences of the Catholics. Conversions of Soldiers taken Prisoners. Declaration upon the taking of Privas. The Consternation of the rest of the Reformed. A Trea●● of the Duke of Rohan with Spain. Alets reduced. An Assembly permitted at Anduse, and removed to Nimes. 〈…〉 concluded. An Edict of Grace. The Contents of the E●●●●. The King's Letter to the Queen upon the Peace. The Duke ●● Rohan retires. The reducing of Montauban. An Assembly of the Clergy. Particular Acts of Injustice; Missionaries. The Duke of Rohan is accused of the Ruin of the Churches. Cavils about the Rights of Exercise. The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers. The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes. New Seeds of Civil Wars. The Queen-Mother retires. An Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden. Projects of Reunion, wherein the Cardinal appears. Intrigues of Joseph the Capuchin. A Draught of a Project. How the Synods were to be made to speak. Inclinations of the Ministers and People. Projects of Petit and Milletiere. Difference of their Intentions. Verity of the Project, of which the precise time is uncertain. A National Synod. The Commissioner's Speech. Ministers suspected by the King, excluded out of the Synod by his Order. The Answer to the Commissioners Speech. The vain Opposition of the Commissioner to the Union of the Churches of Bearn, with the rest. Several Proposals of the Commissioner. The Synod sends Deputies to the King. Papers. The Deputies kindly received. Nomination of General Deputies. The Reformed feared at Court. Important Resolutions of the Synod. Exercise forbid. Donations. Consulships. A captious Clause. Oppression of the Public Liberty. Civil War of the Duke of Orleans. The Bishops of Languedoc side with his Party. The Reform▪ continue faithful. Bishops deposed. Execution of an innocent▪ Minister. The Duke of Rohan serves the King in I●●ly. The Affair of the Annexes in the Dauphinate, referred to four Commissioners. Consulship of Alets. Exercise forbid. Shameful Cavils. A rash Curiosity of two Scholars. The death of Gustavus. Great Troubles in the Kingdom. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate about the Annexes. Re-establishment of Privas. A Treatise entitled, The Eucharist of the Ancient Church. Exercises forbid. Party▪ Colleges. Continuance of the Public Oppression. Pretensions of France over all Europe. The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France. A Decree upon several Subjects. Precedency adjudged to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Guyenne in certain Cases. The Reformed Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres', forbid to wear Scarlet Robes. The pretended Possession of the Ursulines of Loudun. Ridiculous Effects of Exorcisms. The death of a Priest, pretended to have bewitched those Nuns. New Vixations upon the Subject of Annexes. Grand days at Poitiers. Terror of the Churches. At important. Decree upon several Articles. Another troublesome Decree about meeting the Sacrament. The demolishing of the Church of St. Maixant. A Pleading of Omer Talon, Advocate General. Distinction between the Right of Exercise, and the Right of the Church. Divers Decrees about grand days against the Reformed. Persecution raised by Cacherat against the Churches of Normandy. Precedency adjudged to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres'. The College taken from the Reformed of Loudun. Exercise forbid at Paroi and la Chaume. Order of the Intendant of Poitou upon the Subject of Annexes. The Reformed of Metz forbid to have a College. The Duke of Bovillon changes his Religion.  
THere was great rejoicing at Rome for the reducing of this City. The Pope sang Mass himself, made Prayers 
Rejoicing among the Catholics.  on purpose; gave plenary Indulgence to some Churches for two days; and wrote to the King Breifs crammed with Eulogies and Applauses. The whole Kingdom resounded with nothing but Congratulations, Vows, and Returns of Thanks: nothing was so talked of but the Cause of Heaven, the Interests of God, and the Triumphs of the Church. Flattery turned all Accidents and Events into Miracles; and Invention supplied 'em with all sorts. In the mean time the War continued in the Upper and Lower Languedoc: and the Duke of Rohan held out the best he could against three Armies, commanded by the Prince of Condé, the Duke of Mommorency, and the Duke of E●ernon. The Catholics also in all places revived the Cruelties of Charles the Ninth's Reign. There was nothing to be seen but Plundering, Burning, Massacr'ng, and Executions upon Executions: 
Cruelties, Insulting, and Executions.  and for an addition of Insulting to Cruelty, the People were made believe, that the poor Creatures that were hanged, all changed their Religion at the Gallows: Only to deprive 'em of the desire of recanting, or the means and opportunity to contradict what was said of 'em, they could not forbear to send 'em to the other world; and the People were obliged to believe their Conversion, upon the Faith of the Monk, who had persecuted 'em to death. And some Relations are to be seen in Print, which aggravate the Barbarity of the Catholics to that degree, as to publish 'em guilty of ripping up the Bellies of Women with Child, and tearing the half-formed Embrio's out of their Wombs; sometimes also after they had vitiated the Mothers. Moreover the Duke of Mommorency, having forced some of the Reformed who had neither the Courage to retreat or defend themselves, took 'em all upon Composition: but he would not promise 'em their Lives, unless they would oblige the Duke of Rohan to surrender Aimargues, a considerable place which he had surprised: and because the Duke of Rohan looked upon the Condition as ridiculous, the Duke of Mommorency caused no less than Sixscore of his Prisoners of War to be hanged. Thereupon the Duke of Rohan, to enforce the Catholics to wage War with more Civility, stormed one of their Fortresses, and put all the Garrison to the Sword. Which Reprisals stopped the Career of those barbarous Executions: Nevertheless the Enmity which had been long between the Prince of Condé and the Duke 
Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé, and the Duke of Rohan.  of Rohan, broke forth with greater Fury; for the Prince wrote very sharp and invective Letters to the Duke, and the Duke answered him with as much disdain. And then it was that the Prince, forgetful of his Character, revenged himself after a manner no way becoming his quality; for toward the end of the year, he procured a Decree in Council, that the Duke's Houses should be demolished, his Woods cut down, and his Goods confiscated; and that he might be Master of the Execution, he caused it to be committed to himself, and discharged ●…is Trust with an extraordinary exactness: nor did he think it beneath himself, to get the Confiscation of his Enemy granted to his own use.  
Nor were the Reformed better treated in those places where 
A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed.  there was no War, then in the Provinces where they were up 〈◊〉 Arms: For at Lion the seditious Rabble fell upon 'em a second time, and upon a Pretence no less false than ridiculous. The Contagion, which made great havoc in other places, was got into this City. This Misfortune was attributed to a sort of People, who, as they said, were wont to go about and grease the doors of private persons; for which reason those Miscreants were called by the name of Greasers, or Engraisseurs. But in regard the Reformed were they who were to bear the blame of all the Misfortunes which befell the Catholics, the Rabble failed not to take this opportunity to wreck their Malice upon 'em. The Magistracy made strict enquiry after this Crime, and seized upon some of those pretended Greasers, among whom, as it was said▪ there was found one of the Reformed Religion. But the punishment of those poor Creatures would not satisfy the Mobile▪ all the Reformed must be disarmed to appease their fury: and the Violences of that Canaille must be let alone unpunished, th●… they had knocked several persons o'the head. So that the Reformed were constrained to hide themselves for several days, and some that were most exposed, were forced to quit the City. About the same time also a Young man of the Reformed Religion 
The pretended Conversion of a Sick Person that fell into a Frenzy.  was seized with a violent Fever, of which he died: and because he fell into a Delirium, the Priests would needs make that an Argument, that he died a Catholic. In the height of his Distemper he talked of nothing but his Father. Thereupon a Jesuit being brought to the Bedside under the name of his Father, asked him, if he would not die in his Religion, but never said which, whether the Reformed, or the Roman? The sick Person having made answer, Yes my dear Father, presently the Equivocal Term of Father, an Appellation which the Catholics generally give their Priests, was laid hold of, as a proof that the man desired to change his Religion. But the Real Father coming to his Son some time after, and putting the same Question to him, which the Young man answered in the same manner, they fetched about another way, that the latter Answer was the effect of his Delirium; that he still thought he spoke to the Jesuit, and that his last words were a confirmation of the former. So that notwithstanding the Complaints of his Father, and the evident Symptoms of his Son's Delirium, they would have it pass for a lawful Conversion; they drove all the Reformed Persons out of the Room; the Catholics got possession of his Body, and after his death buried him after their manner. For the Catholics care not at which Door People enter into their Communion; Fraud, Violence, Fear, Interest, Frenzy, all must be serviceable to their Triumphs, and the Salvation of their Converts.  
In the mean time the Court and the Parliaments darted all their Thunderblots against the Duke of Rohan; more especially 
Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan.  the Parliament of Tholouse made the most bloody Decrees against him that ever were set forth against a Rebel: But on the other side, they invited all his Adherents to quit him, with all the Fairest Promises that could be made 'em. The King published a Declaration upon the 15th of December at Paris, wherein extremely enhancing the Favours which he had shown the Rochelois, and the Advantages they had found by submitting to him, he exhorted all others who had taken Arms to do as much, and to come in, and make their acknowledgements to that effect, before the Prothonotaries of the Jurisdictions to which they belonged, within fifteen days. He ordered also the Cities that ●eld for the Duke to send their Deputies to the Court to make their Submissions; and upon these Conditions he promised upon the word of a King, to be kind and favourable to 'em; and to make 'em equal partakers of his Graces with his other Subjects: but he condemned to most rigorous Punishments all those that persevered in their Rebellion. This Declaration wrought very little effect, because the Duke of Rohan made those that adher'd to him deeply sensible that there was much more to be expected from a General Peace, then every single man could obtain from a Particular Submission. But these Reasons would have been of little force, had they not seen the Cardinal engaged in a Foreign War, which would not permit him vigorously to pursue his utmost efforts in France against the remainder of the Reformed.  
That Minister was desirous to revive the Reputation of his 
The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy.  Master in Italy, where it was very low, by reason that they who governed as Prime Ministers before him, had too great a kindness for the Court of Spain. To that purpose, he sent an Army thither in such a Season of the Year, that there was more likelihood 
1629.  of seeing it ruin'd, than hopes of any Success to be ob●●ind by it. And to say truth, Had the Success been unfortunate, the Expedition might have been looked upon as rash and inconsiderate. But there is nothing that prospers better than those things which an Enemy believes his Adversary dares not undertake. The Army forced its way through all the disadvantages of Places, notwithstanding the rigour of the Winter, and the Duke of Savoy's men that opposed their Passage: And after he had settled Affairs on that side in a very glorious manner, the King returned to Cevenes, and laid siege to Privas. And indeed there was something surprising in the Speed and Diligence of this Great Minister. For there had not elapsed above six Months between the reducing of Rochel, and the taking of Privas; and during that small time, the Cardinal had caused the King to take a Journey into Savoy, and recovered the Affairs of Italy into a good Condition. This acquired him so great Credit with the King, that it was impossible he should mount any higher; and besides, it spread both admiration and astonishment all over Europe. So that the Reformed were in a dismal Consternation when they saw the remainder of their Cities menaced by those Victorious Troops, which in such a terrible Season had forced all the Obstacles of Art and Nature. So that the Duke of Rohan had much ado with all his accustomed Arguments, and the hope of Succour that Spain promised him, to prevent the voluntary Surrender of all those Cities.  
The King then, having received great Applauses in all place 
The Siege of Privas, the Inhabitants of which were betrayed.  through which he passed in his way to Italy, for the success of his Arms before Rochel; and having beheld at his return the Roads strewed with Conversions, procured by a great number 〈◊〉 Missionaries that marched along with his Army, and such as wel●… knew how to improve the Argument of Terror, met with 〈◊〉 stop till he came to Privas, before which Place he sat down in May; and into which Chabrilles and Montbrun had put themselves under pretence of holding it out. But they were both suspected and it was discovered that Chabrilles treated with the Court, and were to deliver up Vivaretz to the Cardinal for a good Rewards Mombrun was more wary, and would be entreated, and sued to▪ before he would yield: Besides, they mutually sowed distrusts in prejudice the one of the other. Chabrilles offered to hold out the Place, provided he might have the upper hand, as being afraid that Mombrun would thwart him.  
On the other side Mombrun declared what he knew of Chabrilles' Treason, and did all he could, lest the City should be put into his hands. This quarrelling of theirs fell out right, and had the intended Effect, to set the Soldiers at variance one among another. The Relief which was to have been sent thither, and which lay at Boutieres, refused to march thither at the persuasion of Chabrilles, who promised other Succours so soon as it should be seasonable. The Soldiers of the Garrison deserted, and the greatest part of the Citizens did as much. Thereupon Mombrun having thus rendered the place almost defenceless, went away together with some few Captains to the King's Quarter, where he was detained Prisoner for fashion's sake, on purpose to force the Town to a Surrender at discretion. For in reality he had made his Bargain; and the Pretence alleged for his Detention, that he had left the Town before he had secured himself by a Capitulation, was a mere Shame. So that the Garrison of Privas, which was retired to the Fort of Thoulon, astonished at the detaining of Mombrun, and the Captains that followed him, and finding themselves without either Chieftain or Governor, surrendered at discretion. But when the King's Forces entered the Town, the Fire took hold either of some Barrels of Powder, or else upon some Mine that was prepared ready to spring, if the place had been attacked according to the methods of War; which Accident blew up some of the King's Soldiers, and gave others a Pretence to put the Garrison to the Sword. So that all the Cruelties that could be exercised upon a City taken by Assault, 
Cruelties exercised upon the City.  were put in practice at Privas. The City was plundered and burnt, and whatever escaped the Fury of the Soldiers, was only reserved for the Gibbet or the Galleys.  
The Catholics accused the Reformed to have set Fire to the 
The pretences of the Catholics.  Powder; and the Reformed accused the King's Soldiers to have committed that abominable Fact, that they might have a Right to sack the City, which they could not have by the voluntary Surrender of the Town. And indeed 'tis most probable, that the Reformed would have taken better measures, had they been the Authors of that Accident. For it happened too soon to do any considerable damage to the Enemy: nor was the little harm it did, worth the trouble of making such an Attempt. However, the Soldiers were believed who accused the Garrison of the foul Play. People that are hated, are soon believed to be criminal; and the Antipathy which men have against 'em, gives an Air of Evidence and Truth to all Accusations that are laid to their charge. For this reason it was, that these poor Creatures were looked upon as guilty of assassinating a Capuchin, who was called Jerome de Condrie●, and whom the Monks of his Order will needs have to be a Martyr. There has been also a Relation of this pretended Martyrdom published, and so exactly dressed up with all the Circumstances of it, that for a man to have been acquainted with all that is there set down, he must not only have been present at the Action, but a patient and quiet Spectator also. Nevertheless, this pretended Crime must needs be committed in a place where there was no body but the Criminals, and the person that suffered; and the chiefest part of the Circumstances so ill jumbled together, that it was easily to be discerned, that it was only a Romantic Story of a roasted Horse, such as are brought us from Japan or China. But the King being extremely tractable, superstitious, and prepossessed with an aversion for the Reformed, swallowed, without any examination, what was urged against 'em, to foment and buoy him up in his prejudiced Opinion.  
In like manner they vaunted the Conversions of Soldiers, that 
Conversions of soldiers taken Prisoners.  embraced the Catholic Religion before they died. But besides, what I have observed in other places upon these pretended Conversions, I shall here speak it once for all, that there were many Catholics who bore Arms in the Reformed Army; That these Catholics hoping for better Usage, if they called themselves Reform, then if they acknowledged that being Catholics, they had served in the Armies of those who were termed Enemies of the State and the Church, tarried till there was no longer any hopes of mercy for 'em, before they declared themselves; That some of 'em also saved their Lives by this Artifice, acting the part of Zealots, and of the Godlier sort of the Reformed, till the Missionaries put 'em in hope of Pardon, upon condition they would change their Religion; That these persons easily yielded to whatever was infused into 'em by the Monks: so that when they met with the Depositions of these false Converts against the Ministers, or any other of the Reformed, 'twas neither Justice nor sound Reason to give Credit to their Testimony. Moreover, the Cruelties Exercised upon the taking of ●rivas, were cried up as a just piece of Severity, and an Ex●mplary punishment: And as if that merciless Butchery had ●ot been enough to satisfy 'em, the King published a Declaration 
A Declaration upon the taking of Privas.  〈◊〉 the Month of June, which forbid all those that were not in ●●ivas during the Siege, to return, and Confiscated all their ●oods: It deprived all the rest of the Reformed of the Liberty 〈◊〉 settle there without express leave; and set forth, that possession itself, without permission, should not give 'em a Title to 〈◊〉 Right. We shall relate in due place the Injustice and Cru●●ties that were committed in these later years, under the pre●●nce of that Declaration.  
The taking of Privas, and the Circumstances of the Reducing 〈◊〉 begat Fear and Consternation on every side: And besides, the havoc which was begun in several Places, by the little Ar●●●s which the King sent thither, quite daunted the Courage 〈…〉 that were capable to defend themselves. They were utterly out of Hopes of being Assisted by the English, who 〈◊〉 the Taking of Rochel, had still held the Duke of Rohan▪ 〈◊〉 suspense with fair Promises. But the Cardinal had begun a ●reaty of Peace with 'em, before he carried the King into 〈◊〉; and the Negotiation was perfectly concluded during that journey: so that the News of that Peace was published while 〈◊〉 King lay before Privas. 'Tis true, that the English En●●● assured the Duke, that the Peace would not be of any long continuance. But though that Promise might have been relied ●●on, the Duke who stood in need of present Aid, could not 〈◊〉 for an Assistance that was promised him in pursuance of an ●●certain Rupture of so late a Treaty. There remained only 
A Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain.  ●●e Assistance of Spain, where Clausell had concluded a Treaty ●●e Third of May, in the Duke's Name. But 'twas well known, ●●at there was no Confiding in that Succour, which the Insupportable slowness of the Council at Madrid would not permit ●●●m to expect in any time, so as to reap any Benefit by it. Be●●●es, that the Catholic Zeal of that Court gave the Reformed ●●eat reason to question, whether or no she were sincere in ●●r Treaties with Heretics: and then again, that Foreign Al●●●ce did not please several of the Reformed themselves. The Men of the Quill wrote to and fro with great vehemency; and the Monks coming in for a share, most bloody Satyrs appeared against the Duke, and all those that were of his Religion and Party. His Adversaries maintained against him in all those Writings, that the Forraing Succour with which he flatter●● himself, was both impossible, unprofitable, and unjust. The also excused by divers Arguments the Breach of Treaties, which it was not always requisite to observe. In pursuance of which Maxim, they showed, that all the Reasons which the Reformed brought were Insufficient to justify their Arms. They would needs have it, that the Reformed had extorted all the Favou●… which had been granted to 'em, and particularly the Briefs consequently, that the Obligation was void, and the Revocation lawful. 'Twas said, that Kings were obliged to punish Heretics, as the Servants of God, as Protectors of the Church and because that Heretics have been always troublesome to Stat●… and Kingdoms. 'Twas asserted, that the Reason of Publ●… Welfare, exempted Kings from observing their Promises ma●… to their Subjects, who were never permitted to wage Wa●… and that though they were attacked, it was not lawful for 'em to defend themselves, and they were very large and copious upon this Tyrannical Opinion. They were also very diffusive upon the Question, what Place the Reformed held in the Kingdom▪ Wherein it was asserted, that they were no separate Body: and upon that Principle they condemned their their General Deputations; and in a word, whatever else was the Consequence of a lawful Union. A new sort of Politics, from whence the Pretences for a Great Number of unjust Action were drawn. Lastly, by a sort of Argumentation altogether Catholic, they alleged the Victories of the Roman Church over Heresy to be a Mark of her being the True Church; and the Fall of the Reformed as a Mark of their Heresy. But 〈◊〉 would be a hard matter to demonstrate, that Violence, Surprise, and Treachery, which are the Weapons which the Roman Church makes use of against her Enemies, were Weapon's becoming the Truth, and that the Ruin of her Adversaries b●… such means, was a good Argument to convince 'em of Heresy.  
But while the Duke of Rohan struggled with these Difficul●…es, the Reducing of Alets, which opened her Gates to the 〈◊〉 without any Opposition, totally discouraged those that were 〈◊〉 resolved to have defended themselves; and the Advantageous Conditions which that City obtained, persuaded all the 〈◊〉 to imitate Her, that they might be no less happy then She. 〈◊〉 Consideration of the Disorders that happened at Privas, 〈◊〉 'em believe the Capitulation of Alets the more tolerable; 〈◊〉 that as it was one of the most Considerable that belon'gd to 〈◊〉 Party, her Example extremely swayed the Rest. Nevertheless the Duke surmounted all these Obstacles, and neglecting 〈◊〉 own Advantages, which he was given to understand in the 〈◊〉 Name, should be much greater if he would treat apart 〈◊〉 himself, then if he obstinately insisted upon a General Peace; 〈◊〉 engaged all his Friends and Adheretns, to make but one Trea●…f●r all. To which purpose he obtained leave to call a General Assembly at Anduse, from whence it was translated to 〈◊〉, to the end it might there be more free. For the King 
An Assembly permitted at Anduse, and translated to Nimes  〈◊〉 the Confirmation of the Edicts, there was nothing which could cause a Dispute, but the Article concerning the ●…tifications. 'Twas the King's desire they should be demo●…'d, but the greatest part of the Cities refused to Con●… to it. They judged it to be the greatest Mischief that could 〈◊〉 'em, though they should stand the utmost of Extremity. And ●…say truth, in regard there were still remaining about Thirty ●…ng Holds, the meanest of which was able to hold out a ●…ge of three Months, they might have put the Cardinal to a ●…nge, had he insisted upon that Article. But particular In●…ests, the Cardinal's Correspondencies, the Fear of Treachery, 〈◊〉 Example of Privas, and chiefly that of Anduse, that first 〈◊〉 gave way, and first of all agreed to the Demolishing of 〈◊〉 Fortifications, made all the Deputies that were at the Assembly submit to give the same Consent.  
The Peace was then Concluded toward the end of June, published 
Peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  in the King's Camp, and afterwards the Treaty being 〈◊〉 into an Edict, was published at Nimes the next Month. It 〈◊〉 granted in the Form of a Favour; and because the King 〈◊〉 it to his vanquished and humbled Subjects of his mere good will, upon no other Considerations or Motives but 〈◊〉 of his Clemency, it was called the Edict of Grace. Upon which ●●tle there was a High Valne put, to cure the Reformed of the 
The Edict of Grace.  Fears, lest this Edict should be no better observed than 〈◊〉 Rest: and because it was taken for a pretence to violate 〈◊〉 that preceded, that the Grant of 'em was wrested from 〈◊〉 King by force; therefore that there should be no excuse for 〈◊〉 Infringing of this, because the King had granted it as a Vict●●● out of the mere Instigation of his Royal good will. Nevertheless, the very next Day after the Publication of the Peace, 〈◊〉 the 29th of June, the Cardinal wrote a Letter to the 〈◊〉 Mother upon the occasion, from whence it might be concluded that the Motive to this Peace was not any Inclination to 〈◊〉 serve the Edicts obtained by the Heretics, but to ease the People of the Consequences of the War, and for fear of offending 〈◊〉 Protestant Confederates, who would hardly have been dra●● to Confide in those who sought the utter Extirpation of the Reformed Brethren. But the Queen was already discontent●… with the Cardinal; nor was there any thing which more 〈◊〉 pleased her then the Success of the Enterprises which he undertook. She had done as much as she could to hinder the Success of the Siege of Rochel; and at the same time that she vo●… Pilgrimages and other Acts of Devotion for the Taking of she set all her Engines at work to disappoint the Prosperity that Important Design. Not that she loved the Reformed though they had served her faithfully upon several Occasions: 〈◊〉 in regard they had offended her in others, their Injuries 〈◊〉 deeper at her Heart then their Services. But that was 〈◊〉 strange thing: For we may build more securely upon the Resentment of Men, more especially of Princes, then upon 〈◊〉 Acknowledgement. Time obliterates out of their Memo●… all the Impressions of their good Services: and when they pardon, they do but suspend the Resentment of an Injury, the Remembrance of which the least Pretence revives. Now 〈◊〉 which obliged the Queen to fret at the Cardinal's Prosperity was this, that she saw the Cardinal's Reputation fixed by the Success of his Designs: whereas she saw her Credit sink by degrees, while he that before was but her Creature, left her hard●… any share in the Government of Affairs. And she would not have been sorry to have seen him less fortunate in his Enterprises against the Heretics, that there might have been a Party left in the Kingdom to restore her to the Authority she had lost, when occasion offered. However, the Cardinal always paid her most profound Respects, that he might not expose himself to the reproach of despising a Princess to whom he was beholding for his Fortune. But to return to the History.  
The Edict contained in the first place a long Preface, which 
Contents of the Edict.  after an insulting manner set forth the means employed to reduce the Reformed to obedience. The Taking of Rochel, the Sacking of Privas, the voluntary Surrender of Alets, were represented in a Rhetorical Style, not common in Edicts. There were the Names of Five and twenty Towns well fortified that durst not stand the first Shot of the King's Batteries; and which together with the Duke of Rohan and the Nobility of several Provinces, ●●d implored his Clemency by their Deputies, offering to demo●…sh their Fortifications for fear of giving any distrust of their Fi●…elity. After which the King, swayed by compassion only of the Misery of his Subjects, and that he might more absolutely ●…gain the hearts of those who had been guilty of so many Relapses, ●…rdain'd in two and twenty Articles what he would have observed for the future. The Edict was termed Perpetual and Irrevocable; and according to the accustomed stile, the First Article enjoined the Re-establishment of the Roman Religion in all the freedom of its Exercises; and of the Ministers of the Worship of it in all their Goods and Estates. But by a singular Clause, 'twas the King's pleasure that only Monks living up to the strictness of their Order should be placed in the Monasteries of the Cities reduced. The Second was altogether new; for that while on the one side it promised to maintain the Reformed in the free Exercise of their Religion, on the other side it set 〈◊〉 an extraordinary desire of their Return to the Roman Church; and exhorted 'em to lay aside all Passion, to the end they might be capable of receiving the Light of Heaven: And the King inserted this desire of their Conversion, to the end it might be admired as the most splendid Testimony of his goodwill. The Third related to the Qualifications of the Curates that were to be settled in the Parishes of the Conquered Countries, and the Provision that was to be made for their subsistence. The next contained a general and particular Amnesty of whatever had been acted during the War. The Fifth contained the Declarations, Edicts and Articles enregistered in Parliaments; and that which followed, ordained the Restitution of Churches and Churchyards, and gave leave for the rebuilding of demolished Churches. The Seventh allowed three months' time for the demolishing of Fortifications, which was to be done at the expense of the Inhabitants Labour, according to such Orders as the King's Commissioners should give; and in regard the King left no Garrisons in the said Cities, he obliged 'em to give him Hostages, who were to remain in custody, where he should appoint, till the Work was fully completed: And the Preamble of the Edict declared, That the Hostages had been delivered before it was published: nor did this Article leave the Cities any more than the bare enclosure of their Walls. The Eighth restored the Reformed to all their Goods and Estates, their Tithes, Accounts and Suits, and cancelled all contrary Decrees and Ordinances. The Ninth gave 'em leave to re-enter into their Houses, and to settle in the Kingdom where they pleased themselves. But he excepted out of the first part of this Favour all the Inhabitants of Pamiers that resided in the City, when the Prince of Condé retook it from the Duke of Rohan; and out of the 2d. he excepted the Islands of Ré and Oleron, Rochel and Privas, where he suffered no body to resettle anew. The next Seven that followed contained the Accustomed Regulations for the discharge of Persons that had been any way concerned in the management of Money, or in the Administration of Justice▪ The 17th and 18th confirmed the Customs for the Election of their Consuls, and the Municipal Government; and those of the Assembly of Foix in reference to the Assembly of States.  
The Ninteenth imported a Discharge, in favour of the Consuls, for the management of the public Money. The Twentieth resettled the Seats of Judicature, and Audits of Receipts, in such places from whence they had been discharged by reason of the Troubles: And the last restored the Party-Chamber to Castres', so soon as the Fortifications should be demolished; and maintained it in all the jurisdictions that had been allowed it by the Edicts.  
Upon the 15th of July the King wrote a Letter to the Queen 
The King's Letter to Queen Mother about the Peace.  Mother, wherein he appeared extremely well satisfied with the Peace which had been concluded. He declared himself highly pleased with the Marks of their Affection which the Reformed had given him: That he thought there remained no more Seeds of Rebellion among 'em; and that they laboured in the demolishing their Fortifications, with the same zeal that they raised 'em. As for the Duke of Rohan, after he had kissed the King's 
The Duke of Rohan retires.  Hand, he departed with permission to retire to Venice. To say truth, 'twas no more than a Banishment covered over with the gay name of Permission. For it was by no means judged a piece of prudence to let the Duke alone in France, where his Reputation and his Intrigues might hinder the stifling the remainders of the Conflagration. However, it was no less beneficial for him to keep himself at a distance in such places where he could give no suspicion, as it was for the Court to remove him. For the least jealousy of his Conduct, had he stayed in France, had either brought his Head to the Block, or locked him up in a languishing Imprisonment. His Mother and Sister were released after the Peace; and the King allowed some reparation to the Duke for the waist which the Prince of Condé had made of his Estate.  
This Peace in the main had not been disadvantageous to the 
Montauban reduced.  Reformed, if by taking from 'em their Places of Security, they could have been cured of that distrust, which the ill observed Promises of the Catholics, experienced for seventy years together, had imprinted in their minds. They found themselves at the discretion of their Enemies by the Razing of their Fortifications; and all the Power of the Prime Ministry being in the Cardinal's hands, would not permit 'em to sleep in quiet under the Promises of his goodwill. Upon these Considerations it was, that Montauban refused a long time to ratify what the Assembly of Nimes had decreed. The Siege which she had so gloriously sustained persuaded her that she was invincible: And her Inhabitants were ●● pu●● up with their Success, that they believed that no body durst attack 'em. However, some Forces were sent that way to put 'em in fear; but the Cardinal, who aspired to be accounted the most accomplished of all Hero's, and to be thought able to do more by his presence, than a great Army by the Di●t of their most daring efforts, ordered his affairs so well, that the honour of reducing Montauban redounded wholly to himself. Thither he went; was admitted; and put into it what number of the King's Forces he pleased; ordered the Fortifications to be levelled & did more in a few days by an affectation of extraordinary Clemency, and of being exact to his Word, than a Victorious Army, where the King was in person, could accomplish by a long Siege. When he made his Entry into Montauban, the Ministers presented themselves to kiss his Hands; he received 'em: but before that, he gave 'em to understand, that he did not allow 'em that Honour, as Deputies of any Particular Body, because the Reformed made no Particular Body in the Kingdom; but only as men of Learning, for whom he had an esteem. The end of this Compliment was, to let the Reformed know, that their Union was quite extinct; and consisted no longer in any other thing, then in their Profession of the same Doctrine. The Ministers of State, the Intendants, the Governors of Provinces, and Princes themselves for a long time, did 'em the same honour, as the Cardinal had done the Ministers of Montauban: But at length, the Clergy, weary of hearing the Compliments of the Ministers, preferred upon all occasions, before those of all the other Deputies, obtained a Declaration which forbid 'em to make any such Deputations, as I shall have an occasion to speak in another place.  
As for the Assembly this year assembled at Paris, they chiefly 
Assembly of the Clergy.  minded their own Affairs. They obtained a Decree of Council, which forbid the seizing in the hands of the Receivers of the Clergy the Pensions which had been allowed 'em, under pretence of being the Debts of Converted Ministers. And this opened a large Door for the Knavery of those who were laden with Debts, and had not wherewithal to pay. But there were some Articles in the Ordinances of Lewis XIII. upon which the Clergy thought fit to make Remonstrances. Among which there was one which obliged 'em to draw up an Inventory of their Evidences. Against which they urged that such an Article would do 'em wrong; for that the Enemies of the Church, meaning the Reformed, 〈◊〉 draw from thence a pretence to molest 'em in the Pos●… of their Livings. Tho there was as much reason to fear 〈◊〉 Vexations of the Catholics, as those of the other People, because they would have found a means to prove the Falsehood 〈◊〉 Nullity of their Evidences, had they been once exposed to the Examination of cunning people; but it did not behoove them to speak of any other but the Reformed, whose Name was 〈◊〉 proper to conceal their secret Intentions. They demanded upon another Article, that the Clause of Verified in Parla●…ts, required by the Ordinance to set a Value upon the Conces●…s which they had obtained of several Kings, might be taken away. For they saw well, that at that rate, they should lose a great part or their Privileges, which wanted that Forma●…ty: Whether it were that the Parliaments did not easily allow 〈◊〉 sorts of Favours; or whether it were that the Clergy durst 〈◊〉 present 'em for fear of a Refusal. They rather chose that such Concessions should be granted by way of Contract with 〈◊〉 King, then by the public Forms of Law, in regard the most Zealous Defenders of Arbitrary Power, almost all of 'em agree, 〈◊〉 Contracts are more Inviolable than the Laws. But I make this Observation chiefly in this place, to the end that men may 〈◊〉, that this Clause, of which the Clergy so well saw the Consequence, had not been inserted in several Edicts given in favour of the Reformed, and particularly in that of Nimes, but only that they might have an Opportunity to deprive 'em of a great number of Concessions of High Importance for their welfare 〈◊〉 quiet.  
Now they who have a desire to understand how the Reformed 
Particular▪ Acts of Injustice.  were handled in such Places where they lived under the Protection of the Edicts, may readily understand by some Examples. The 23. of April, at an Assembly of the Town-Hall of 〈◊〉, there was a Resolution taken to admit no more of the Reformed to be sworn into Mastership's of Trades; and the Reason was this, that the contrary Custom caused Differences, and for that the Catholic Masters oppo'sd it. As if the Opposition of a few Malcontents were to have been of any value 〈◊〉 an Affair which the Edict had so clearly decided. The King, at another time, being at Valence in the Dauphinate, past a Decree of the Council of State, touching the Bells, the Churchyard, the Minister's, and the Schoolmaster's Salaries, and other Affairs of the same nature, to the good liking of all the Inhabitants: but the Reparation of the Church, contained a Regulation, which in despite of Custom, and the apparent Interest which the Reformed had in the Thing, confirmed to the Curate, the Catholic Consul, and such and such Inhabitants as were of the same Religion, the Power of distributing the Alms, and the Government of the Hospital. It may be easily then judged, what share that Regulation left us the Reformed of the Alms, or in the Government of the Hospital. But the Parliament of Rennes bethought themselves of being more just this year, and by a Decree of the 12. of June, Confirmed the Private Article of that Edict, which Exempted the Reformed from spreading Carpets before their Doors upon solemn Procession-days; only barely ordering that Carpets should be spread▪ But the Parliament of Dijon was not in so good an Humour▪ For it happened that a private person was accused before 'em for committing some Irreverence during the Procession of Corpus Christi Day. The Party accused, according to the Edict, demanded the Removal of the Cause to the Chamber of Greenoble But the Removal was denied him, under pretence that it was a matter of Sacrilege, and that the Parliaments were to have the sole Cognizance of those Crimes. But nothing was more unjust than this Pretention, in regard that the pretence of Sacrilege was one of the Cases, wherein the Reformed had most reason to be afraid of falling into the hands of Judges altogether prepossessed. The Parliament of Paris also by a Decree of the Third of August, reduced the Privilege of taking an Associate of the Reformed Religion, for the drawing up and passing Sentences in Criminal Processes brought against those of the Religion, to Cases of Marshal Law only. The Edict extended it to Final Sentences, by whatever Judges they were given: and Custom had stretched it to all manner of Criminal Processes, because it seemed Equitable; the drawing up of the Process by the first Judge, being that which of necessity byasses the Sentence of the Superior. I thought it requisite to set down the Original of this sort of Practice; because that these particular Decrees have 〈◊〉 time been turned into a General Law.  
But nothing was more mischievous to the Reformed then the 
1630.  establishment of Missions, which were Composed for the most 
Mlssiionaries.  part of persons of a violent, seditious, and pedantic Spirit, who thought it an honour to themselves to excite Tumults, and to ●…raw bad usage upon themselves, that they might have an Opportunity to trouble the Principal Members of the Reformed Churches. The most dangerous of these brangling Pettifoggers were certain Laics of the Scum of the People, the most Eminent of which were Pedlars, Cordwinders, Cutlers, and such ●…ke Riffraff, who rambled about from Town to Town, from Consistory to Consistory, from Synod to Synod, to give Insolent Challenges to the Ministers, preach Controversies in public Places upon theatres set up like Mountebank's Stages; to tease ●…nd weary out the meaner sort of people with pitiful and ridiculous Cavils; and to endeavour by the Conversion of some poor 〈◊〉 Widgeon or other, to gain a certain spill of Money which 〈◊〉 Clergy had fixed as the Reward of such petty Victories. But 〈◊〉 shall speak more at large in another place of this new sort of adversaries, my business in this place being only to let you know, how much the Duke of Rohan was bespattered with Reproaches 
The Duke of Rohan accused of the Ruin of the Churches.  and Scandals after the Conclusion of the Peace; the chiefest part of those that had most importunately pressed him to make it, imputing the Fall and almost Ruin of the Reformed Party to his Ambition, his Avarice, and his Precipitancy▪ So that he was forced to write an Apology for this last Peace: wherein resuming his Discourse from the Assembly of Rochel which began the War, he made it appear by a Recital of all that had been transacted, that his Conduct was altogether Innocent, and that the last Peace was altogether necessary, at a time when France having no Foreign Troubles to divert her, was pouring upon the Duke with no less than six Armies at once. But these Reproaches were only thrown upon him by those to whom the Peace was not so gainful as the War. For in the main, the Duke had gained the Hearts of all the People, and almost all the Reformed were of Opinion, that he would have done much greater Things▪ for 'em then the Admiral Chatillon, had he been as well seconded by the Citizens and Nobility as the Admiral was.  
In the mean time they began to brangle with the Reformed 
Cavils about the Right of Exercises.  in divers places about the Right of Exercises, more especially on that side next to Rochel, where Thuilerie the Intendant, and St. Chament the Governor made several Attempts. The first ordained that the Exercise should not be performed but in Places where it ought to be, according to the Edict; and that the Reformed, to make appear the Rights to which they pretended▪ should produce their Proofs before the Intendant within fifteen Days. He added, that within the said Term such Gentlemen as would perform the Exercise within their own Houses, should declare which was the Place of which they made choice for their Principal Dwelling: upon which they should enjoy the Right so long as they remained there with their Wives and Families; and that the said fifteen Days being expired without any such Declaration made, they should be deemed not to have sufficient Proofs of their Right, and therefore should have no more Preaching in their Houses till the King should otherwise ordain. This Inquisition was the occasion that the Churches in those Quarters were forced to undergo the Persecution of 〈◊〉 world of brabbling Cavils. But what was most troublesome, was, that the Churches whose Right was ocnfirmed by Thuilerie's Order, were in no better Condition, seeing that afterwards they found out a thousand Devices to deprive 'em of the Fruit of those Sentences. For in Places of which the Lords of the Manors were Catholics, the best settled Rights in the world signified nothing, in regard the violent Zeal of the Lord would not let his Tenants enjoy their Advantage. Of which there was an Eminent Example at Rochechovard, where the Exercise of the Reformed Religion began in the Year 1559. and where the Commissioners entrusted with the Edict of Nantes, confirmed it in 1601. by a solemn Decree. Nevertheless the Lord by force expelled the Reformed from the Place where they were accustomed to Preach, so that they were forced to seek out another. And notwithstanding all their Complaints they were exposed to long and tedious Vexations, which could not be determined but with the dissipation of their Church.  
The Bishop of Valence, a violent Spirit, and a hotheaded 
The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers.  〈◊〉, upon the 15th of June, procured a Decree of the ●…rivy Council, which forbid any Foreigner, though a received Minister within the Diocese, to continue his Ministry in the Kingdom. There were three of these whom the Bishop would 〈◊〉 involve in the same Prohibition; Martin, Scarpius and 〈◊〉: for the Bishop, as a Temporal Lord, had condemned 'em 〈◊〉 three. A●●esi kept his ground at Liuron, without taking any 〈◊〉 of the Decree. Scarpius retired to Die, where he lived without officiating in the Ministry. And as for Martin, he 〈◊〉 changed the place of his Residence, but never stirred out of the Diocese Which made the Bishop stark mad, a man otherwise proud, and transported with his Passions. But he obtained nothing from the Council but only against Martin who was the most hated, because he had been a Capuchin; and for that after he had quitted his Habit, he wrote a Book entitled. The Capu●… Reformed, wherein he gave no Quarter to the Hypocrisies of that Institution; and farther, because the Bishops having ●…t him in Prison, his ill usage could neither make him alter his Conduct, nor abate his Courage.  
That year, the same Bishop began a Persecution, which deriving 
The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes.  the Original of it in a particular Diocese, spread itself afterwards over all the Kingdom, and was the occasion of above 35 years' vexation to the Churches. The Pretence was, because one and the same Minister preached by turns in several places. And the King was made believe, that those places which were called Annexes, or Quarters, belonging to some principal Church, were so many Usurpations that were not authorised by the Edict, though there were nothing more false. For those Annexes were places where the right of Exercise had been acquired for same one of the Reasons mentioned in the Edict; but not being able of themselves to maintain a Minister apart, were joined together by the Authority of a Synod, to make up a sufficient Salary for one Pastor. This was no injury to the Interests of the Clergy; to whom it ought to have been an indifferent thing, how the Reformed order their Churches to be served. Besides that, 'twas very convenient for the Reformed; who, by that means, provided for their Churches and their Ministers at little Expenses. And that Reason was sufficient to excite the Zeal of Catholic Persecution, to deprive 'em of that advantage. And it may be thought that this Vexation began in Valence, because it is a Bishopric composed of two in one, Valence and Die, though the Bishop bears the name of Valence only. Now that Prelate could not endure that the Heretics should unite several poor Churches together, to enlarge the Minister's Salary, because it belonged only to the Church of Rome to unite several poor Bishoprics, to augment the Revenue of one single Bishop. This was seconded by the Bishop of Vaison, who joined with him in his Persecutions: and Both together obtained two Decrees of Council, one of the 3d of October, against the Minister of Dieulefit; the other dated the 11th of the same month, forbidding 'em to preach in any other than the place of their Residence. Nothing could be more vexatious in the Consequences of it to the Provinces wherein there were many Churches, more especially since the King had taken away the money granted by the King his Father in recompense of the Tithes.  
It appeared by these Examples of the Persecution, that the 
New Seeds of a Civil War.  Reformed had not now those Forces, which caused the Catholics to spare 'em before; but that in despite of the Act of Grace, they would be brangled every day out of the remainder of their Privileges. In a word, within less than two years they had so many unjust Injuries done 'em, as are hardly to be imagined. But two things hindered, that they did not hasten their destruction. The first was, because the Court itself was entangled in most desperate Quarrels and Confusions. Providence permitted, for the justification of the Reformed, who had been all along accused of being the sole Causes of the Troubles of the Kingdom, that after the Ruin of their Affairs, the Catholics should have their turn; should enter into Treaties, Leagues and Conspiracies, renew the Civil Wars, and keep the Kingdom, till the death of the King, in continual Combustions. The original of which Troubles was the Queenmother's discontent, who could not brook the high credit to which the Cardinal had attained by the success of his Enterprises. That Princess, ambitious and jealous of her Honour, was affronted that the Cardinal, whom she had introduced into Court, should be so powerful as to slight ●…her; and that on the other side, she should have so far lost ●…her former Reputation, that she could not as well contemn her Competitor. She saw herself despised since the taking of Rochel; and in truth, since that Enterprise had succeeded, the Cardinal had changed his Behaviour with all the world: nor did he carry himself in any thing so cautiously as before, because ●…e thought he stood in need of no body's protection. Nay, he could not forbear jesting a little too satirically upon the Queen; and in regard the Favour he was in had created him many Enemies, there were some that took delight officiously to repeat his Jests, and to season 'em with some dashes of particular malice. So that the Queen displayed all her Fury against him, and notwithstanding all the care which the King himself, Cardinal Bagni, and other persons of the highest quality took to reconcile 'em, she would never pardon him. The Duke of Orleans took his Mother's part, and several other considerable Lords did the same. As for the Cardinal, he was too much employed in dissipating all these terrible Storms, to think of the Reformed; and his Enemies had too much business on the other side, to mind these miserable Remainders of a Party that made no longer any 
1631.  Figure in the Kingdom. But the Cardinal had the good luck, 
The Queen withdraws into Flanders.  or else the cunning, to vanquish all these difficulties, and to reduce the Queen, his Mistress, to retire into Flanders, since she could not stay neither with safety nor honour in a Kingdom where she had so long exercised the Supreme Authority. The Duke of Orleans also departed France soon after, but returned with his Arms in his hand.  
The second thing which afforded some relaxation to the Reformed, 
Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden.  was, that the Cardinal was desirous to uphold the King's Alliances with the Foreign Protestants; that he had renewed the League with the Foreign Protestants; and for that he had renewed an Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden, a brave Prince, Ambitious, one that had acquired the Reputation of a great Captain, and who but a little before had made an Incursion into Pomerania, where he made it evident, that it was not a thing impossible to bring down the Puissance of the Emperor. This Prince entered Germany at the Cardinal's solicitation, and made those surprising Progresses which are hardly to be believed upon the credit of Relations. They were afraid he would have gone too far, so that after two years of continued triumph, he was slain at Lutzen; no body being as yet able to discover w●●ther the mortal Struck proceeded from the hand of his Friends, or his Enemies. There was also great care taken in treating with him, to prevent his Conquests from doing any prejudice to the Catholic Religion; and that Prince was very complaisant with the Cardinal upon that Subject. So that whether he would not offend a Confederate attended every where by Terror and Conquest; or whether it were that it was thought but Justice to spare the Protestants for the sake of a Prince so favourable to the Catholics, it was not looked upon as a seasonable time to overwhelm the Protestants of France.  
But what they were unwilling to do openly, they attempted 
Projects of Reunion.  by means more closely concealed and dangerous. With this design it was, that they set afoot again the Projects of Reunion, which were always as it were Forerunners of a Tempest that was insensibly gathering together. Two sorts of People were caught in this Snare. People that were sincere and upright, who believed in the sincerity of their hearts, that a reasonable composition might be drawn from the Catholics, at least in reference to the most gross and palpable Abuses; and that after they should be agreed upon Expedients to secure the Conscience, they might unite in an outward Communion: that Schism, looked upon by both sides as a great mischief, would surcease by this Accommodation; and together with Schism, all Discord and Hatred, Persecution of the weaker by the stronger, which are the inevitable Consequences of it: that being returned to the Bosom of the Roman Church, People that were expert, might the better labour in the Cure of her Distempers, because they would be no longer suspected; and for that being armed with Truth, they would in time, by the light of it, dispel the darkness and mists of Prejudice and Error. There have been at all times some People flattered with this pleasing Vision; and who never will be taught, that the mischiefs of the Roman Church are incurable, because she refuses all manner of Cure. ●rro●s purely speculative, and which arise from the false Ideas 〈◊〉 which the mind is prepossessed, may sometimes surrender 〈◊〉 the evidence of a Truth well made out by Demonstration: 〈◊〉 Errors of Interest are proof against all the most evident ●…nstrations, in regard they derive their Original from the ●…ption of the heart: and for that Maladies of that nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 always to be assuaged by Remedies that convince the 〈◊〉. Other People of a quite different Character, either 〈◊〉 by Promises, or pushed forward by Ambition, or else ●…ited of their own parts, and aspiring to the Honour of ha●…ng put an end to these fatal Contests, which for above a hun●…er'd years together had occasioned such Convulsions over all 〈◊〉, desperately threw themselves into the gaping Chasma's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pretended Concord; and provided they met with any ●…kelihood and facility, never gave themselves the trouble of ta●…ing securities and measures in favour of the Truth.  
'Tis said the Cardinal was desirous to make use of these two 
With which the Cardinal closes.  〈◊〉 of People to endeavour this Re union; because he might procure the same service from the simplicity of the one, as from the little sincerity of the other. And though the Author of his Life dares not positively assert that he had this Project in his 〈◊〉, because he meets with nothing of it in his Memoirs; nevertheless, 'tis not improbable that he had it in his thoughts: whether it were that he was desirous effectually to accomplish that Enterprise, or that he would have it so believed for a secret Reason of his own Policy. However, the Method which has been published, remains entirely in the limits of the Project, of which I shall suddenly have an occasion to speak. Moreover, the Cardinal affected all things that appeared to be great; ●…nd in regard he had a great desire that all his Actions should be the Subjects of so many Panegyrics, an Enterprise so extraordinary, as the Reunion of Religions could not choose but be most proper to flatter his Vanity. In a word, there happened some things during the first years that elapsed after the taking of Ro●…, that seem so naturally to depend upon this Design, that it may from thence with great probability be concluded, that he had laid the ground work of the Project in good earnest. On the other side, in regard that at the same time he had lost his Reputation at Rome, where his Alliances with Gustavus, and other Protestant Princes, were very much disgusted, because i● seemed that the Catholic Religion was as great a loser by their Victories, as the House of Austria; it may be said, that he only made use of his Projects of Reunion out of a design to regain the Pope's favour, by putting him in hopes that he would bring back all Europe under obedience to the Holy See.  
However it were, Projects were spread abroad upon this 
Intrigues of Joseph the Capuchin.  Subject which seemed to come from the Cardinal, because the first Overtures were carried about by a Capuchin, who had a great share in his Confidence. This was the famous Father Joseph, to whom the Austerity of his Order was no obstruction from being the Minister of the most Secret Intrigues of that Prelate; nor from doing him more important Services by his Negotiations, than all his Favourite Generals at the head of their Armies. The design was to bind a Conference between the Reformed Ministers and some Catholic Doctors: but to preserve the Advantage on the Roman Religion's side, two things were resolved upon. The first was, That the Roman Religion 
caught he Pro.  should not yield an inch of ground, either as to her Doctrine o● Worship; not so much as in things of small Importance, of such as had been the first occasions of Schism; as the Matter of Indulgences. But to take away this Pretence which this Obstinacy of the Romish Church, in her Opinions and Practices, might give the Reformed to persevere in their Separation, there were two Expedients set a foot. The first was, To agree on both sides upon the Expressions that were to mollify and sweeten the Articles which would be most harsh and uneasy. The other was, To show by Writings well composed and laid together, that the Catholic Religion was not so different from the Reformed as vulgarly it was believed; and that the difference was so slight, that it could be no lawful cause of Disunion. The second thing that was to save the Honour of the Romish Religion, was, that they were to bring it so about that the Reformed should be the Solicitors; to the end, that in the Reunion they might appear as Penitent Children that made the first steps towards their Mother to regain her Favour; and that the Catholic Church might look like a Mother that held forth her Arms ●embrace her Children returning to their duty.  
To bring this to pass, they were desirous to make use of the 
How the Synods were to speak.  ●od, themselves; and they were to endeavour to make the Proposals of it in the Provincial Synods, to the end the Deputation to the National Synod might be so ordered as to fall upon ●sons proper to manage this Design, and furnished with power ●embrace the Expedients that should be agreed upon in the ●●e of their Provinces. The first step, as the Plot was laid, ●s to send a Deputation to the King with a Remonstrance, ●t certain ill affected Persons went about to persuade him, ●t the Reformed Religion infused into the Professors of it, Sen●ents contrary to the good of his Service; but that they in●ded to show the contrary by a faithful Explanation of theirs: ●at to that purpose they besought his Majesty to permit 'em ●enter into a Free Conference with such Doctors as he should ●ase to nominate; and that if they could but be convinced that ●ere was a possibility of Salvation in the Catholic Religion, ●●y would be glad to come to a Reconciliation. Upon this Proposal they were to be taken at their words; and because they ●manded no more than to bind the Conference, it was to be ●w'd 'em as long and as free as they could desire.  
But for the accomplishment of this Design, there was a ne●sity 
Inclinations of the Ministers  of securing a sufficient quantity of the Ministers. They ●●d ●ounded all that resided round about Paris, but found 'em ●●y variously inclined. There were some, who either through ●●ruption or simplicity, lent an ear to the Proposals, and who ●o drew up draughts of a Reunion, which were communicated the Cardinal, to the end he might be judge whether they ●●re proper or no: And there are Memoirs that show the number of the Ministers thus gained to be about fourscore. There ●re others who by no means approved these Projects; but who ●●ght be allured by various Interests, that hindered their opposition; whether they were already engaged in Troubles, or feared ●e being brought into Vexations; or whether they were not sens●ble of the Delusions of vain Hopes. But there were others so that were stiff and inexorable, that came quick to the point, ●● declared that the nature of the Differences between the two Religions would not endure an Accommodation. These In●… nations of the settled Ministers about the Court, encouraged t●… Projectors to sound those in the Remoter Provinces; that th● might consider with which of these three different Inclination it was most proper to close. As for the Reformed Laics, th● 
And the People.  found 'em all in the opinion of the Obstinate Ministers; and 〈…〉 greatest part of 'em, not content to reject the Proposal as i● possible, looked upon it as fraudulent, and serving only as a ●…ver for some wicked Designs. In short, they were thinking make use of violence; and after the Success of the Conference where the King was to be in Person, the more easily to ●u●nt● Scales which way he desired, they were to enfore all the rest the Kingdom to stand to the Treaty which the Deputy-Minister should conclude. Edicts, Banishment of the Obstinate, a●… Military Executions, were to make good the Resolutiors tak● in the Conference; but such as would not accept of the Reunio● were to be allowed the liberty to dispose of their Estates, a● to withdraw within a certain time.  
It was also thought convenient to hasten the summoning o● 
Difficulties.  National Synod for the execution of this Design, because th● thought that things being well ordered in the Provinces, th● Assembly would serve to forward it. But they met with o● unlucky Obstruction which retarded the Grand Affair. For t●… Pestilence raged in several Provinces of the Kingdom; so th● 'twas impossible at that conjuncture of time to assemble Pro●icial Synods. And in the Assembly itself that was held at Charenton, there were great complaints of the Obstructions occasioned by that Distemper which hindered the Deputies fro● coming to the Assembly. In the mean time, there were tw● men found out, of the two different Characters above-mention who seemed to agree with the Cardinal in his Projects. T● one was Petit, a Minister and Professor of Theology at Ni●e 
Petit's Projects.  The other was Milletiere, who had written so much upon the Affairs of Rochel, and who had a great desire to signalise himself by a large Book upon the Subject of the Reunion. Petit ha● the reputation of being an Honest man; but he was one of th●● that suffered themselves to be bewitched with the charming nam● of Concord; and who, because they are honest, and mean we● themselves, believe all the World to be like 'em. Moreover, ●e had rather in view the Reunion of the Protestants among themselves, and particularly of those that followed the Doctrine ●f Arminius, condemned by the Synod of Dort, then of the Protestants and Catholics. But in regard he only propounded general means, they were not so easily applied to the Cardinal's Designs, with whom all honest men were afraid of dealing upon this matter. Because it was a scurvy thing to deal with a ●rafty and Potent Minister, who with ease might abuse the meanest Overtures that were made him. This caused the more ●●udent sort of the Reformed to fear whatever bore the name ●● Reunion; more especially the Synods rejected all the Proposals relating to it with scorn. For which Reason, Petit's Protect being by no means relishd, he never put it to the Press, but ●id aside all his idle Fancies, and persevered in the Reformed religion. Milletiere was a man all fume and vapour, full of himself, and persuaded that nothing came near his Merit and capacity. Moreover, either out of fear, lest the Court, remembering 
And Melitiere.  what had passed, should sit upon his Skirts, or in ●●pes to acquire great Honour, and to raise some great For●●ne by the success of this Enterprise, or tickled with the Ap●auses which the Jesuits gave him, that they might draw him ● their Party, they quite debauched him, so that he sided together with the Cardinal in his Project, and drew up a ●aught of an Accommodation just as the Cardinal desired it. ●e allowed the Romish Church to be in the right almost in all ●●ings; and in those which he would not give himself the trou●●e to justify, he made use of soft and qualified Expressions, under pretence of explaining 'em, and made 'em pass for questions that were not to hinder the Reunion of the Reformed.  
The different Projects of these two Men clearly displayed 
Difference in their intentions.  ●●e difference of their Intentions. The one laid down Principles to which the Church of Rome was far from agreeing, ●●t against which she could not defend herself, if there were ●ay thing of reality and sincerity in her Treaty of Reunion: ●nd in that sense it was, that the Affair was almost always taken by such as through simplicity closed with their Designs. The other granted for a Tacit Principle, that the Romish Church was in the right, and that there was nothing else but misunderstanding on the part of the Reformed; and this was the usual way of those who had this Concord in their eye, that they had more of worldly Compliance, than honesty or zeal for the Truth. But these attempts toward a Reunion came to nothing, because Petit did not carry his Overtures far enough, and for that Miletiere appeared too evidently partial. Besides, he had the misfortune not to be approved by the Catholics; so that when, after the Synod of Alenson in 1637. he published his Means to obtain Christian Peace by the Reunion of the Catholics and Evangelics upon the Differences of Religion; he was terribly vexed to see that the Sorbonne so ill received it, and censured it so briskly, as if they had held a correspondence with the Ministers of Charenton. Yet this was no hindrance, but that he was a long time a charge to the Churches, in whose Communion he affected to continue, to give the more credit to his Visions. But John Daille, who began about that time to make himself known by his Writings, refuted him so briskly from the very original of these Projects, that poor unfortunate Miletiere became at last the abomination of the Reformed, and the scorn of all Honest men. So that after several Admonitions and Warnings to no purpose, the Synods declared him no longer a Member of the Reformed Churches; no● was there so much as one that would receive him into her Communion: So that he was forced to turn Catholic through necessity, to the end he might be of some Religion. After which he became a Missionary, and went rambling about in search of Conferences; where he was still so badly handled as would have put him quite out of courage, but that his Obstinacy was such as nothing was able to vanquish. But at length Charles Drelincourt, one of John Daille's Colleagues, and a true Scourge of Humourists, such as Militiere was, totally routed him in a Conference, the Acts of which were published. However, this did not happen till several years after the time that I speak of.  
To return then to my Subject, I say, that this Project of Reunion was spun out a long while, and past through more than 
Issue of the Project in general.  one hand, because there are some Memoires still extant about the Time of the Cardinal's Death. The Jesuit Cludebert succeeded the Capuchin, who died in 1638. and greatly boasted of his having gained many Ministers. But a Thing of that nature remains very doubtful, when it is only attested by men of that Habit: and what they report upon that Subject may well be thought no more than a Romance made at Random. But the Cardinal had so much Business, by reason of the Conspiracy of St. Mars, and was laden with so many corporal Infirmities, that there is but little likelihood he should perplex his Brains with Designs of so great Importance. we'll grant in the first place, that he was assured of Peace with Spain, and that he had an Intention to keep afoot the Forces that served at the Siege of Perpignan, to the end they might be quartered up and down in the Provinces, to reduce by Terror those that would not willingly obey. Certainly a man would think there should be something too harsh and cruel in such a design, for a Person that felt the Approaches of Death, and was just ready to drop into his Grave; Consequently could not promise to enjoy the Fruit of such a bold Undertaking. The most prudent Authors therefore acknowledge they knew nothing of it but by Hear-say: and so that it may be thought that if he did open his Mind to any body upon this Subject, he did it by way of Stratagem, to make people believe that he felt himself strong enough to live a long time, since he undertook such great Designs. Thus Tiberius concealed his deadly Infirmities under the Cruelty of the Orders which he dispatched into all parts; and made the Terrible Acts of Injustice which he committed, to the destruction of his Subjects, to be looked upon as Testimonies of his Youth and Vigour.  
But before the Cardinal drew so near his end, there had been 
The truth of this Project.  Attempts made which the Wisdom and Constancy of several Ministers, and perhaps the Confusions in the Kingdom rendered fruitless. Nevertheless I must needs say, that this Project, in the full extent of it, and with all the Circumstances, was not altogether a Chimaera; that if it were not a Whimsy of the Cardinals, yet it was a Megrim of the Jesuits: that we have seen it set afoot in our Days as a Project which the Court of France approved; and that almost every part of it was put in execution. I may add, that the Illustrious Hugo Grotius went very far in these Projects of Reunion: He had a strong Fancy for it all his Life-time. It appears also by Letters which du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, wrote to him from before St. Angeli, in 1621. that he had been a great Stickler before that Time in those Accommodations, and that he laboured to bring 'em to perfection, by giving up the Cause in some Things to the Roman Church, and excusing her in all the rest. He likewise approved the Essays of Miletiere, and testified a High Esteem of him and his Works. Some years before his Death, he applied himself more than ever to this same Christian Concord, and Printed Consultations, Remarks, Vows, and Discussions, which only served to create Disputes about the manner of proposing the Peace. But let us now return to our History.  
The Contagious Distempers were no sooner in part abated, 
A National Synod.  but the Reformed held a National Synod at Charenton, with the King's Permission, and though the Brief were dated the 17th of January, the Synod did not meet till the First of September. Galand also who had been Commissioner in the two latter, was likewise Commissioner in this; and he did several Things that gave an occasion to the Weaker sort to observe that the Synod was not free.  
His Speech was honest enough: He gave Assurances in the 
The Commissioners Speech.  King's Name, that what was passed was forgot, and that for the future they should have all the liberty granted them for the Exercise of their Religion, and to hold Synods; provided the Reformed continued in their Duty, devoted to the King's Service, without speaking against the Public Tranquillity, and that they refrained from keeping either Foreign or Domestic Intelligence. And he gave these Assurances as in the Name Of a good Father, and a good King. But as soon, under pretence, that the preceding Synods had made Regulations to which the King had not agreed, and which were, as he said, conceived in Terms that were subject to various Interpretations, he propounded the renewing of 'em, not forbearing to hint some things that were never hinted before. He declared in the first place, that the King would no longer admit of Protestations, nor Remonstrances against the Establishment of the Commissioners that were present at the Synods; and he alleged that it was Conformable to the Practice of the Primitive Church, and the Politics of the best Regulated States. In the second place he required, that no Foreigners should be called to the Ministry within the Kingdom; because it was the King's Pleasure that those Functions should be reserved for Natural Frenchmen. He put 'em in hopes, that by having Recourse to the King's Favour, they might obtain Favour for those who had been admitted since the year 1623. But he extended the Prohibition for the future, to all that were born in Foreign Principalities, Societies, or Republics, Confederates, or under the Protection of France: and in a word, to all that were not born in some place within the King's Dominions. In the third place, That they who should be once admitted Ministers, should never stir out of the Realm without the King's leave. And because that Salbert, Minister of Ro●…, had withdrawn himself during the Troubles, that he might have the Liberty to Write, the Commissary declared him Suspended from the Exercise of his Functions: forbid him to stir out of the Place which the King had allotted him for his Exilement, or rather for his Prison; and disabled the Synod to nominate him in the Distribution of the Churches. In the fourth place, He renewed the Regulation which forbid the Ministers from meddling with Politic Affairs.  
This Article had a particular Aim against Beraud, Minister 
Ministers suspected by the King, excluded from the Synod.  of Montauban, a person of somewhat too violent a Spirit, and who went a little too fast. During the last Troubles he wrote a Book, wherein not content to justify the Taking up of Arms, he undertook to maintain, That Ministers had a Call to bear 'em, and to shed Blood. The Commissioner aggravated the Importance of that Opinion, dangerous in such a man as Beraud, who besides that he was qualified as a Minister, was also a Professor in Divinity. He was also the first that pronounced Sentence upon this Offender, and ordered the Synod to Censure him. There were also two other men, whom it was the King's Pleasure to have excluded out of the Synod, though they were Deputies of their Province. The one was Bouterove, Minister of Grenoble, which the Parliament of the Dauphinate thought worthy of no other Honour then to be committed to the Flames; because it discoursed a little too freely of the Affairs of the Times▪ and of the Lawfulness of taking Arms by the Reformed. The other was Basnage, Minister of Carentan, who had had to● great a share in the last Assembly of Rochel, and who appear▪ d in the Synods a very zealous and active Stickler. The Commissioner having made an end of what he had to say, an Answer was made him to every Thing that he had propounded▪ 
The Answer to the Commissioner's Speech.  In general, the Answer was very submissive; only they reserved to themselves the liberty of making their Supplications to the King, not to exclude from his Favour for the future, such as were born within the same Limits with those whom he was willing to tolerate for the Time past; and to comprehend Salbert in the Favour granted to all those who had been involved in the Misfortunes of the preceding Commotions. When they came to answer the Conditions which Galand had expressed in his Speech and which were to serve as a Foundation for the Assurances o● the King's Good Will; they steadfastly denied that they had ever spoken Words from which any Offence could be taken, and that were contrary to the Public Tranquillity; but they complained on the other-side, that in several Places the Catholics had perverted the Ministers Words, and wrested their most Innocent Expressions into Criminal Language. As for Beraud, that it was proper to hear him, before any thing could be said in his Business: He acknwoledged the Book, and averred that he had not Taught any such Doctrine as was laid to his Charge; and imputed to the Malice of the Time, whatever was taxed for suspected in it. He said, that there might be some Ambiguous Words in it, but that he detested the Consequences that bade been drawn from it. But the Commissioner would not let this pass for an Excuse, and convinced Beraud to have expressly written in the Preface of his Book the very Things of which he was accused. So that he was very smartly censured by the Synod, who stigmatised the Expressions of his Book with the Appellation of Scandalous Terms, which he had made use of to an ●●● purpose. This Doctrine was condemned, and the Ministers were forbid to teach it. In the mean time, Beraud continued excluded from the Synod; and before he could be readmitted, he was forced to undergo a new Censure from the Commissioner's Mouth.  
But this was not all that Galand did in the Synod. He would 
The Commissioner in vain opposes the Union of the Churches of Bearn, with the rest.  needs oppose the Union of Bearn with the rest of the Provinces. The Pretence was, that it had been hitherto displeasing to the Court; that it had been tolerated only for the Doctrine, and not for the Discipline; That the Clause of the Regulations that only seemed to hinder it, till Bearn was united to the Crown, did not authorise the admission of it after the Reunion, without ask the King's leave. He insisted upon the Laws of Queen J●ne, which forbid the removing the Causes of the Inhabitants out of the Country; and alleged the Example of Sedan and Metz, where the Ecclesiastical Affairs were determined in the ●ame Country. But the Deputies of Bearn wanted no Replies to overthrow these Reasons; and the Reunion of their Country to the Crown, served 'em as a potent Argument to make it out, that since they were accounted Members of the Nation, they had a Right to require that their Causes might be adjudged in the Synod of the Nation: that their Condition was not the same with Metz and Sedan, which were only under the protection of the Crown, and far from being reunited. They farther alleged, that the Laws of their Country were no way opposite to 'em; for that having their Synods and their Consistories within themselves, there remained only some particular Affairs of the Pastors, that could be removed to the National Synods. These Reasons, and some others, being seconded by the inclination of the Synod, prevailed so far, that the Ber●●●● got the better of the Commissioner; and that the Union was made upon certain Conditions. And the Synod, to the end they might be the less exposed to Reproaches, for having done too much in judging this Affair, looked upon it as prejudged by the usual presence of the Deputies of Bearn in the other Assemblies, since the King had also sent Commissioners thither: more especially for that the King had received their Complaints in the same Paper with those of the rest of the Churches. So that the Synod could not properly be said to make the Union of that Province with the rest, but judged it to have been already made; and for that they had presupposed that the Reasons of the Obstruction ceasing, the King would no longer be displeased with it.  
But Galand insisted farther, That there were several Articles 
Several Proposals of the Commissioner.  that concerned the Discipline and Practice of the Churches to be reformed. There were some that concerned the proclaiming of such as had changed their Religion, which was wont to be done publicly: and others touching the Registering of Christen and Marriage: several upon the particular subject of Marriages; upon the Censure of Books; upon the Censure of Unlicenc'd Books, of which number the King had sent 'em several to be condemned: upon the laying out of the Royal Money; upon Precedences in Churches; and the Prayers which were to be made for the Lords of the Manor, or such in whose Houses the Churches assembled. He was willing they should pray in general for the Lords of the Religion, but not make any particular mention of the Lords of the Soil. He proposed also, That for the future, they should hold no more National Synods in any other place then at Charenton: and this was a Trifle which the Catholics laid so deeply to heart, that though the preceding Synod had granted to the Province of Normandy the power to summon this, the Court would not grant it for no other place than Charenton. He demanded also▪ That la Bastide, Minister of St. Africa, might be removed from that Church, and out of the Province of Upper Languedoc, for some Actions for which he had been imprisoned, and afterwards indicted. But more especially he propounded, That no other persons but the Elders should be called to give their Advice in the Consistories; because Assemblies and Meetings of Masters of Families, fortified Consistories, and other Councils of the like nature, created Suspicions and Jealousies. On the other side the Reformed gave him satisfaction in several things, because it was no longer in their power to refuse him any thing: but they defended their practice of praying for the Lords of the places where they assembled; and Galand was obliged by dint of Remonstrance, to write to the King for leave to strengthen the Consistories, when necessity required it, with three Ministers and three Elders out of the Neighbourhood.  
In the mean time the Synod sent Deputies to the King to 
The Synod s●nds Deputies to the King. Papers.  carry him their Submissions, and a Paper of fifteen Articles, which set forth, That since the Reformed had neither any General to lead 'em, nor any strong Holds, Acts of Injustice and Oppression were every day multiplied upon 'em. After they had returned their most humble Thanks to the King for the marks of his Favour, and a Supplication that such Edicts as he thought convenient to number among the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom might be observed, they desired the re-establishment of those Churches where free Exercise had been interrupted: and by the Article it appeared, that there were three ●orts of Interruption which deprived the Reformed of their Churches. The one was somewhat remote, and was occasioned by the Hostilities which had enforced the Inhabitants to quit some certain places during the War; and where the Catholic Zeal would not suffer▪ 'em to meet again during the Peace. The other proceeded from the desolation of the places which the Catholic Armies had ruined: and the third derived itself from the Decrees which the Bishop of Valence had procured upon occasion of the Annexes. For beside those which he had obtained the year before, he had caused another to be issued forth, of the second of May, wherein, to obviate the Reason why the Reformed pretended to fix themselves in the possession of their Annexes, by alleging that they were places permitted, the right of which being grounded upon the Articles of the Edict, had extended the prohibition of one Minister to preach in several places, to places permitted. For these several Reasons, without naming the places where their Exercise had been obstructed in other Provinces, they set down Fourscore and twelve in Cevennes, Vivarets, the Upper and Lower Languedoc, and in the Islands of Ré and Oleron. The fifth required the Revocation of the Decrees granted to the Bishop of Valence. The sixth complain▪ d of the Prosecutions of some Ministers, accused to have uttered words both disrespectful and undutiful, though they had only preached their own Doctrine with moderation. The next set forth the delays of the Governors in the nomination of Commissioners that were to be present at the Synods, which had reduced some Provinces to be without Assemblies of that nature. The eighth and ninth insisted upon Foreign Ministers. The tenth desired that the Prohibitions of Beraud, Bagnage and B●teroue to sit in the Synod, might be taken off. The 'leventh concerned the grand Article of the Edict, which declares the Reformed capable of all manner of Employments; and complained, that it was so ill observed, that the Reformed were not admitted into the meanest and lowest Offices; that they were refused the Degree of Doctors of Physic, and the Title of Aggregated, where Accumulation was customary; and that they were refused their Freedoms in the meanest Trades. The twelfth demanded the Release of such as had been condemned to the Galleys, according to the Edict of Peace; of which number there were above Two hundred. The thirteenth demanded restitution of the municipal Tolls which had been promised in 1628. as also by the Paper answered at Montauban the next year: which had not prevented the Revocation of the Assignations allowed for the year 1627. nor their failing to allow any for the three next years; so that there was due for the time past the Sum of Six hundred thousand Livres. The Compensation promised the Bernois after so solemn a manner, had been as faithlesly observed as the rest of the Edicts. The one moiety of it was of a sudden defalked; so that the fourteenth Article required that care might be taken about it. We might add to the same Article the hard Usage of the Ministers of the Bailliage of Gex, who had been deprived for a long time of the King's Relief-money, which had been granted 'em in recompense for the Ecclesiastic Estates. Not that either Bearn, or the Country of Gex had any share in the last Civil Wars; but only in testimony of a more perfect goodwill to the Reformed, they that lived peaceably, and that they were called Rebels, were treated both alike. Lastly, the fifteenth Article contained an humble Request, That the Court would command the Advocate General of Bourdeaux to surcease prosecuting a Minister and his Son, whose Cause was nevertheless depending in the Chamber of Guyenne, which was then at Again, whither it had been removed.  
The Deputies that carried this Paper, and the Letters from 
The favourable Reception of the Deputies.  the Synod, to the King and the Cardinal, were Amyrant and ●●llars. The King gave 'em leave to make their Speech to him at Monceaux, and testified by his Answer, that he was well satisfied with them and the Synod. They were likewise well received by the Cardinal, who assured 'em that the King would maintain and protect 'em according to his Edicts: that he gave Beraud and Basnage leave to sit in the Synod; but that before he granted the same Favour to Bouterove, 'twas fit the King should be more amply informed of the Crime that was laid to his charge: that the King would give a very favourable Answer to their Paper, so soon as the Synod broke up. To the end, said he, that he might treat with his Subjects in a manner more suitable to his Sovereign Dignity, and the Sacred Authority of his Word: But the more edifying and solid part of his Answer was a Gift of Sixteen thousand Livres in ready money, to defray the Expenses of the Synod. All which the Commissioner imparted to the Synod, before the return of the Deputies. Beraud resumed his Seat in the Assembly: soon after Basnage took his again, and at length Bouterove had leave to sit there as well as the rest.  
For five years together there had not been any alteration of the 
The Nomination of General Deputies.  General Deputies: and during that time Bazin, who was one of those that were employed, happened to die. The Synod therefore had Orders to supply his place, but they were not left to their accustomed liberty of Nomination. 'Twas the King's pleasure till then, that six Persons should be nominated for him to choose two out of that number; and the circumstances of the Permission given the Synod to name 'em, pointed so exactly to the Persons which it behoved 'em to nominate, that it was to little purpose to make choice of any other. The Synod well observed this Innovation, but because it was the King's pleasure, they obeyed. The Marquis of Clermont was continued, and the Commissioner's Son was put into Bazin's room. These were ordered to carry the Nomination made by the Synod, accompanied with Letters full of Duty and Respect. To which the King made known his Answer by the Commissioner; which consisted of a testimony, that he was more and more satisfis▪ d with the Proceeding of the Assembly, and the Nomination they had made: that he would accept of 'em after the Synod was broken up; that he would give a Gracious Answer to their Paper, and he would allow the Synod three days longer to sit.  
They were so accustomed at Court to be afraid of the Reformed, 
The Reformed feared at Court.  that they seldom slept in quiet, while they were assembled; and their very Synods gave 'em terrible Alarms▪ This, which was only composed of People still consternated at the taking of Rochel, and the reducing of all the rest of their Towns and Cities, disquieted their rest for all that: and the Catholics, dreaded by the Progresses which Gustavus made in Germany, fancied him already in France, and restoring by main Force the Reformed to their pristine Splendour; which was the Reason that the King as earnestly pressed the separation of the Synod, as if it had been the Politic Assembly of Lo●dun, or that of Rochel. Nevertheless, before they broke up, the Synod ordained three things, which gave the Missionaries and Politicians fair Pretences to make loud Outcries. The first was a Regulation against the Accommodations of Religion, which referred to an 
important Resolutions of the Synod.  Act of the same nature that passed in the National Synod of Mompelier 1598. where all such kind of Projects were condemned with extraordinary Severity. The second was the Appointment of a Solemn Fast throughout all the Kingdom, which the Catholic took for a Proof that the Reformed were in hopes of being re-established by the Arms of Gustavus: for which Reason, said they, those People endeavoured to engage Heaven on their side, by Devotions more than ordinary. The third was a Declaration which the Synod made, that the Lutherans who desired it might be admitted to the Communion; that the ●eformed might contract Marriages with 'em, and take 'em for ●…fathers, provided they would instruct their Children only 〈…〉 those things, wherein the Lutherans and Reformed both agree. The Missionaries believed all obstacles of Reunion with ●…e R●mish Church removed by this Declaration: for that they ●…ald not conceive why the Reformed should have any more ●…epugnance against the Transubstantiation of the Catholics, ●…n against the Impanation and Ubiquity of the Lutherans; ●ore especially since the Synod acknowledged, that though there ●…ere Error in the Lutheran Doctrine, yet there was no Venom; ●●d that there was no Idolatry in their Worship. The Politicians believed it to be an Artifice of the Synod's Prudence, by his compliance with the Doctrine of his Ministers, to insinuate themselves into Gustavus' Favour.  
But notwithstanding all this, the Reformed were oppressed 
Annexes.  with several Acts of Injustice, almost over all the Provinces: ●o● besides the accustomed Cavils about the Rights of Exercise and Churchyards, the Decrees obtained by the Bishop of Va●●n●●, almost Dispeopled whole Provinces. Nothing was to be ●…en but Churches shut up, and Ministers Imprisoned, for not ●aving obey▪ d the Prohibitions against Preaching in more than ●…e Place. The Minister of Chatillon, a paltry Place in the ●…phinate, served himself nine or ten other Churches besides ●hat; if we may believe the Substance of the last Decree obtained by that Prelate: Nor was it impossible, because the greatest part of those Annexes were particular Houses where 〈…〉 Gentry would have Preaching in their Families; and where ●here were but few others besides their own Domestics. Many ●…mes also this Exercise was not common, it may be not above ●…e a Month, or once in three Months, in consideration of some Donative given upon that Condition to the Principal Church. In the mean time, the rest of the Bishops would ●eeds appear no less Zealous than the Prelate of Valence: So that every one sought to ruin the Churches in his Diocese. This procur▪ d a Decree of Council of the same nature, dated June 6. ●gainst Rivet, and other Ministers of Saintonge, at the Request of the Bishop of Saintes: Where a new Cavil was set afoot about the Place of Exercises; and if they could not dispense with resettling 'em in Places, where the Proofs were too clear to be contested, yet they would not restore 'em without paring off something from the Real Right that belonged to 'em; and removing 'em out of the middle of the City where the Church had always stood to the dirty Fag-end of some Suburb.  
The Exercise was likewise forbid at Rioux in Saintonge, by 
Exercise forbid.  a Decree of the Sixth of March: The Clergy of the Province were Plaintiffs in this Process, and there was a Question annexed to it concerning the Possession of the Churchyard, which they pretended was to be left to the Catholics, because there was above Eight hundred of them in the Parish, and not above Twenty of the Reformed. But they never said a word that the Congregation, for all that, was very numerous, as being much frequented by the Reformed Inhabitants of the Parishes adjoining. However, the Church had strong and sufficient Proofs of the Possession of it for above Eight years before the Edict: But for all that, they were deprived both of their Exercise and their Churchyard, leaving only another small Place for their Burials at the Charges of the Corporation. And indeed the Poverty of the Churches was such as obliged some Religious persons to bestow Donatives and Legacies to prevent the loss of Legal Right. But the Catholics greedy of the Profits, and moreover minding nothing but to hasten the Ruin of the Churches, commenced tedious Suits upon these Donations, and sought a thousand Quirks and Pretences in Terms and Circumstances to bring the Cause about on their side. Many times also the Heirs of the Donors opposed the Effect of the Will, and gave the Catholics an Opportunity to apply the Profits to themselves. Thus Elias Alardin gave this year an Annual Rent of Two hundred Livres toward the Maintenance of the Minister, and Three hundred Livres to the Poor. But this Donation proved the Original Occasion of a Suit that lasted above Fifty Years: and which was adjudged to the Advantage of the Church not above three years before the Revocation of the Edict; by that one single Act of Justice to cover and palliate a thousand others much more crying that were committed over the rest of the Kingdom.  
The Promises of giving a Gracious Answer to the Paper, so 
Consulships.  ●…on as the Synod broke up, were so soon forgot, that upon the ●…th of October, the King set forth a Declaration, purporting, ●…at in all Places where there were but Four Consuls, the ●…st and Third should be Catholics, if there were no Capitu●…ion to the contrary. The Design of which Declaration ●…s to exclude the Reformed from being admitted into the ●…tes of Languedoc, whither the Cities sent none but their first ●…nsul Thus the Reformed were excluded from meddling ●…th the Municipal Government of their Cities, and deprived ● all the Honours that were annexed to the first Consulship. ●…t in regard that many times the first Consul scorned that Em●…yment, or was not capable of it, the most Honourable Fun●…ons were then exercised by the second, who was generally a ●…an of Learning and bred up to Business. And for the Clause ●…at mentioned contrary Capitulation, 'twas a mere piece of ●…aud: For it was not meant thereby, that if there were any such ●…ause which gave the First Consulship to the Reformed, he ●…as therefore bound to hold it: but if there were any such ●…ause as took from the Reformed the whole Consulship, they ●…ere bound to rest contented. 'Twas sufficient for a City that ●…d Surrender'd at Discretion, if an Order came from the Duke ● M●●morenci, or some other Chieftain of the Royal Arms; for a City that had not expressly Articled that there should be ● Alteration in the Consulship, to say, that there was a Capi●…lation to the contrary. Lunel and Bedarieux for these Rea●…ns lost their share in the Consulship which remain'e entire to ●…e Catholics.  
But the Reformed were not the only Persons who com●…ain'd 
The Pu●… Liberty oppr●….  of Oppression: For the Cardnial carried his Authority in ●…e Government so high, that all the Kingdom groaned under 〈…〉 New and uneasy Yoke. The Catholics could not forbear ●…urmuring, to see the Liberty of the Kingdom die together ●…th the Pride of Rochel; and they who were blinded by a false ●…eql for Religion, well perceived that the Power of the Reformed had only served for an Obstacle to delay the Public S●…vi●ude. The Sovereign Courts were treated with unheard. 〈…〉 Scorn and lofty Disdain. The Court of Aides refused to veri●… certain Edicts that burdened the State with new Imposition● and being informed that the Edicts were just ready to be broug●… to 'em while the Court was sitting, they would not stay 〈…〉 'em, but rose immediately. For the punishment of which presumption the Court was interdicted, and other Judges 〈…〉 up in the room of those that had been so hardy, to judge of the●… Power. They continued in this Condition for some Months nor could they be restored till they had most servilely submitte● themselves. Nor was the Parliament any better used. For aft●… the Queenmother and the Duke of Orleans were withdraw● the King sent a Declaration to the Parliament against the Prin●… and his Adherents. But that same Senate, instead of verifying the Declaration, divided, and ordered Remonstrances. Th● King to punish this piece of Malapertness, sent an Order to th● Members to come afoot to the Louvre, not by their Deputi●… but in a Body, and to bring the Registers along with 'em Which being done, the whole Assembly, as August as the styled themselves, were enforced upon their Knees to hear ● tedious and mortifying Censure, which reduced all their Pow●… only to the enregistring and publishing all Declarations tha● were sent 'em, without any hesitation. The Keeper of the S●…tore before their faces the Decree for dividing the House, an● the Parliament had the hard Fortune to hear a Decree pronounced, which either exiled or suspended from their Employments some of the most considerable of their Members.  
It was not to be wondered that such unheard-of Proceeding 
1632.  should provoke the Spirits of the People to take Arms. Th●… 
Civil War of the Duke of Orleans.  Duke of Orleans therefore being returned into France, was 〈…〉 joined by a numerous Body of Malcontents, and in a sma●… time beheld all Languedoc at his devotion; and they who ha●… 
The Bishops of Languedoc side with him.  been the most fierce Persecutors of the Reformed, threw themselves into this New Party. Lestranges, Lord of Privas, side● with the Duke, and perished in the Cause. The Bishop's ●… ●…lbi, Vsez, Nimes, Alets, St. Pons and Lodeve joined with the Duke of Mommorenci. The Bishiop of Leon also was accused to have had a share in this War, and could not obtain his Pardon ●ill after the King's Death. On the other side, the Reformed 
The Reformed faithful.  served the King with extraordinary Courage. The Second Consul of Nimes preserved that City for the King, and ex●ell'd the Bishops and the First Consul, who favoured the Duke ●f Orleans. Montaubon sent her Deputies as far as Monceaux, ●o assure the King of the Fidelity of the Inhabitants, who offered to march a League out of their City to meet the Duke, and ●ight his men if they approached near their Quarters. The Duke ●f Espernon also had so much confidence in 'em, that he made ●o scruple to enter the Town, though much inferior in strength, ●nd to commit himself to the mercy of a People whom he had ●o rudely handled in time of War. Marion, Camp-Assistant on the King's side, made himself Master of Privas, which had ●in abandoned since it was taken, and recalled the Inhabitants who served him successfully, and defended the Town for the King against their own Lord. One would have thought that such an Action should have cancelled the Memory of what was passed: and indeed those poor Creatures were suffered to resettle themselves without any notice taken of it. But Thirty years after, they were made to understand, by Cruel Persecutions, that past Offences are never to be expiated by succeeding Services; and that by a Maxim quite opposite to the Rule of the Almighty, Transgressions are longer retained in the Memories of Princes, then Good Services.  
The Bishops of Albi and Nimes were degraded by reason of their Rebellion; and the Bishop of Vsez, dying in the midst of the Process, avoided the Disgrace. The rest were no less guilty, but perhaps might have better Recommendations; and their Acquittal cost 'em no more than a little agony of Fear. However, the Process commenced against Bishops for High Treason made so loud a noise, that the Reformed could not forbear triumphing, and to reproach 'em with their Principal Members tumbling into Rebellion, which till then, was looked upon to be the only Portion and Character of Heresy. The Ministers looked upon it as a piece of Divine Vengeance that the Bishops, who had so often accused 'em of breathing nothing but Rebellion, should so openly precipitate themselves into the Sin of Rebellion, that the veneration due to their Character could not exempt 'em from Punishment. But to mortify these Triumphers, they thought it expedient to put to death Marets, the Minister of Alets, as if he had had a hand in the Insurrection. Nevertheless, all his Crime was only this▪ That all the People of the City siding either with the Lord●… or with the Bishop, he was not so fortunate as to hinder the City from joining with the Malcontents; though he himself sat still without so much as meddling on either side. Thu● was one Innocent Minister offered up to atone for the Transgression of several Prelates, and the Minister of Alets paid for the Bishop. Couran, another Minister of the same Church▪ was only banished. The City of Lunel, the Governor o● which was the Bishop of Nimes' Brother, was inveagl'd into the Duke of Orleans' Party; and Scoffier Minister of the Place, was set down in the Catalogue of those that were to be sacrificed. But after the defeat and taking of the Duke o● Mommorenci, he gave the Governor of Aiguemortes notice of the Flight of the Bishop and his Brother, which was well taken 〈…〉 and that Mark of his Affection for the King's Service, saved his life.  
The Duke of Rohan was recalled to Court upon occasion of 
The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Italy.  these Troubles; and honoured with several Employments; whether it were to find him business that might hinder him from seeking for any in these Confusions; or whether it were to take him by the point of Honour, and engage him in the King's Service by that Mark of Confidence. But this War being suddenly ended by the taking and death of Marshal de Mommorenci, served only to advance the King's Authority, and disgust the Duke of Orleans, who retired out of France a second time; as also to add some new access of weight to the Slavery of the People. The Reformed reaped this little advantage by it, That they had but few Injuries done 'em this year, and continued somewhat free from Molestations. Only the Ministers in the Dauphinate were still tormented because they preached in more than one place. But upon a Petition which they presented to the King, they obtained a Decree which sent 'em 
Affairs of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referred to four Commissioners. Consulship of Alets.  to four Commissioners of the Parliament of Grenoble, who were ordered to take their Informations, and after that to give their Advice to the King. These Commissioners enlarged some Ministers, and sent 'em to the King for the interpretation of the Decrees of his Council; so that they were forced to tarry some years before the business was decided. The Consulships also gave some occasion for Innovation. Machaut, the Intendant, ordered that the Consulship of Alets should be alternative under the good pleasure of the King, and till he should otherwise ordain. But the Reformed who found this Sentence extremely opposite to their Ancient Customs, appealed to the Council, where the Question hung for twenty years undecided. Upon 
Exercise forbid.  a Process commenced against the Reformed of Mountaign, touching the right of Exercise, and building a Church, Bignon, Advocate General, procured a Decree which deprived the Reform both of the one and the other. He laid down those things for a foundation of his Conclusions, which if he could have got 'em to have passed currant, the Reformed must have 
A shameful Cavil.  lost the three fourth parts of their Churches. First, He affirmed that the Reformed had no right to any Church, but in places of Bailliage settled by the Commissioners; and he supported this Assertion by the Decrees set forth in 1562. and 1577. which by consequence had been revoked by the Edict of Nantes. Moreover, he would needs have it, that the permission of the Lord, which was produced by the Inhabitants, should be looked upon as extorted; because it was not to be presumed that a Catholic Lord would permit the establishment of a Religious Exercise that was contrary to his own. This was well found out to destroy all those Places where the Reformed Exercise was performed in Catholic Proprieties. Had the Church produced the most solid Proofs in the world of their Possession, and failed of the Lord's permission, it would have been urged, that that very defect had disannulled all the rest; and if they produced the Lord's leave, than they cried it must have been extorted. But at last he pretended that the Place belonged to an Ecclesiastic Lord; and so the Reformed, who produced Evidences since 1558. could not reap the benefit of a Possession near fourscore years. This was no more than positively to say, That whatever Title the Reformed could produce, 'twas impossible for 'em to have any Justice done 'em.  
There happened at the beginning of this year an Accident 
An inconsiderate Curiosity of two Scholars.  altogether singular; the Circumstances of which were so remarkable, as not to be omitted in this History. Two Scholars of the Academy of Saumur took a fancy to be present at the Mass, which the Catholics call Midnight-Mass, because it is said upon Christmas-day in the Morning, presently after Midnight Bell has rung. Many times a silly Curiosity carries young People to be Spectators of these fine Shows, because a prodigious Concourse of all sorts generally crowds to gape upon this Solemnity, as expecting something extraordinary. But what was more, these young Hair-brains presented themselves before the Altar, as if they intended to receive the Communion; but upon their taking the Symbols into their hands not with that reverence as they ought to have done, they were known for what they were, apprehended and indicted; but for fear of depriving the City of the benefit which they reaped by the Academy, condemned to very easy Penalties. There was an Appeal from this Sentence. But the Chamber of the Edict of Paris surcharging the Sentence of the former Condemnation, ordered by a Decree of the 17th of February, That the Scholars should declare and acknowledge at Saumur within the ordinary Jurisdiction of the Seneschalship, in a full Court, upon their Knees, and bareheaded, That they had rashly gone upon Christmas-day in the Morning to Midnight-Mass, and that they had indiscreetly received the Sacrament of the Altar: That they should beg pardon of God, the King and Justice; that they should be banished out of the City and Provostship of Paris for three years, and out of the Seneschalship of Namur for ever; that they should be fined twelve hundred Livres to the King; of which two hundred should be laid out in Bread for the Prisoners in the Palace Jail; two hundred for the purchase of a Silver Lamp, to be hung before the place where the Sacrament of that Church was deposited; and the remainder for the setting up a Copperplate, whereon the Decree should be engraved, and for settling 〈…〉 Fund for the furnishing that Lamp with Oil to perpetuity. The Decree also enjoined the Scholars to obey their Proscription exactly, and forbid 'em relapsing into the same Transgressions again upon pain of death; sent 'em to the Judges of Saumur, who were to see the Sentence duly executed, and to detain 'em in Prison till payment of the Fine. Which last Clause was without question added to oblige the Parents or Relations of those Young men, to pay the said Fine as a Ransom for their Release. However, they refrained in the Decree from the words Amende, and Amende Honourable: so that had it not been for the Fine, a man might have said that it had been a Consistory which condemned those young Fops to a public Reparation for an Offence that deserved it according to the Discipline of the Reformed: They had not then well studied the Privileges of the Roman Religion. In these latter years they would have adjudged it, that those Scholars by that Act had embraced the Roman Religion, and the Church and the Academy both, would have been interdicted.  
But the death of Gustavus this year delivered the See of Rome 
The Death of Gustavus.  from the fear of his Arms. But in regard the Generals that succeeded him preserved the Advantages they had won, it no way 
1633.  cured the Wounds which the House of Austria had received; and France, who found the convenience of an Alliance with Sueden, made a new Treaty with Christina, Gustavus' Heiress. Moreover, the Cardinal had much business both at home and abroad, and so much ado to guard himself from Conspiracies against his life, that he had not time to think of the Protestants. Never 
Great Troubles in the Kingdom.  were known within the compass of one year, so many Changes of Officers at Court, in the Armies, in the Governments of Towns and Provinces, than were seen this year. The Reformed made no figure; but for all that, the whole Kingdom was full of Factions and Cabals. So that these Commotions which could not be imputed to Heresy, sufficiently justified the Religion upon whose Shoulders they would have thrown the Occasions and Causes of all the last Wars; and no less truly the● apparently fixed the Accusation upon the Wickedness and Infidelity of the Government. It seemed but reasonable, that the Reformed should be excused, who had only taken Arms for their Liberty, when the Catholic Lords, Princes and People had recourse to the same means, for the preservation of their Privileges and their Dignities.  
In the mean time the Precedents Frere and Perissol, and the 
Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon the Annexes.  Counsellors Basset and Calignon, appointed Commissioners by the King in the Parliament of the Dauphinate to examine the Affair of the Annexes, plied the Commission close, and drew up their Opinions, which they sent to the King the Seventh of May. They asserted that there were several Places within the Province where the Exercise was permitted, which were served by one of the same Ministers; and this they thought could not be prevented, because the Articles of the Edict upon which the Right and Privilege of Exercise was founded, did not confi●e 'em to the place of the Ministers Residence, no more than the Memoirs sent by the King to the Commissioners who looked after the execution of the Edict. But they presupposed, that under the Pretences of Marriage, Baptism, or some other Occasion, the Ministers took the liberty of preaching in places where they had no right; and that might happen out of a respect which the Ministers had for the Gentlemen, whose Houses were not precisely qualified for the settlement of a Right of Exercise. The Commissioners pretended that they had provided against that Abuse; and advised the King to forbid the Ministers, and all the rest of the Reformed, under the Penalties of the Edicts. This Advice was followed in Council, and produced a Decree of the 26th of September, which copied it out almost word for word; which for some time gave some respite to the Persecutions begun by the Bishop of of Valence.  
One thing happened this year which afforded not a little Consolation 
Re-establishment of Privas.  to the Reformed. For the Receiver of the Taxes of Vivaretz presented a Petition to the Council that he might be discharged, because he could not raise the Money which was laid out upon his Division. Now the principal ground of this Petition was the ruin of Privas, the Inhabitants of which Town, durst not venture as yet, either to build their Houses, ●●r to till their Lands, because they were not yet allowed by Authority to resettle themselves in opposition to the Rigorous Terms of the Act or Edict of 1629. The Council by 〈…〉 Decree of the 15th of February, referred the Receiver to Mi●…n, Intendant of Languedoc, for his Advice. And Miron's Ad●…ice was, To moderate the Severity of the Edict, and to ●ermit that the Inhabitants of Privas might return to their Habitations, and resettle themselves in the City; and withal ●o leave the Offices of the City free without distinction of Religion. He also accompanied his Advice with good Reasons, of which the chiefest were, That all the Rebels were ●ead, or had made amends for their Offence; that the greatest part of 'em were slain at the taking of the City; that a good ●any were dead of the Pestilence that raged for three years together; that those few that remained had faithfully served ●he King, and ventured their Lives in his Service against the Lord of the Place; that the Wives and Children both of the ●ne and the other had suffered enough to expiate both their Husbands and their Parents Crimes; that the Lord of the place had been the only hindrance that obstructed those poor People from resetling themselves, and that there was no like●…ood of finding Catholics enough elsewhere to repeople the City. The Council was moved with these Reasons, and Mi●…'s Advice was followed and put in execution. But in regard ●…ere was nothing so much preached up at that time as the Con●…ncy of the Royal Word, which they would have had to be ●he Subjects only security, they forgot to be so punctual as ●hey ought to have been, in demanding the Revocation of the last ●dict in due Form: and so the Children were punished in our ●ays for the over-confidence of their Fathers. They had done ●etter, had they followed the Politic Maxim of the Cardinal himself, who, to oblige the Duke of Lorraine to give him some assured Pledge of his Word, told him, He must have other Security than the Word of a Prince, who was guided by Infusions ●rom without, and had already broken his Promise. And indeed the King was incensed against the Reformed by so many sorts of People, and there was so little reliance on the Promises that had been made in his Name, till the Present time, that it would have been more proper to have demanded o● him verified Letters▪ Patents for the Security of this Reestablishment.  
But the Ministers of Paris were not so favourably used, by 
Treatise, entitled, The Eucharist of the Ancient Church.  reason of a certain Book that was published under this Title The Eucharist of the Ancient Church. This Book was writer by one Aubertin; and he had the Approbation of his thre● Colleagues, Mestrezat, Drelincourt and Daille. They assumed the Quality of Pastors of the Reformed Church, and of Ministers of the Gospel. Aubertin also, who dedicates his Book t● his Flock, called 'em the Faithful of the Reformed Church of Paris Bellarmin and Baronius were styled, as well in the Title as i● other Places, Enemies of the Church. Now the Clergy's Agent bethought themselves of a short way to confute this Boo● which made a great noise. For instead of answering th● Book, they indicted the Author and his Approvers; and letting alone the Matters of Fact and Reasons, they attack'● the Titles of the Book and the Preface, and the Terms 〈…〉 the Allowance. Against Aubertin there was a Warrant give● out to seize his Body by a Decree of the Privy Council, date● July the 14th, importing, That if he could not be taken, that he should be cited to appear within three short days; and the Approvers were summoned to make their personal appearance. Th● Affair made a great noise, but came to little, being as it wer● stifled in the birth, and producing for this time no other the● verbal Prohibitions. The Book was no longer sought after so that the Success encouraged the Author to review, enlarge and handle the Matter from the bottom in a Thick Latin Volume, which was never printed till after his death; nor du●… any of the Impartial Catholic Doctors venture to refute 〈…〉 closely and roundly.  
But the Reformed were constrained to look on, and see the 
Exercises forbid.  Rights of their Exercises violated in more than one place th●… Year. The Council took from 'em Saujon, by a Decree of th●… 18th of November, because the Lord of the place was a Catholic. Citois, Seneschal of Richlieu, which the King had erected into a Duchy and Peerdom in favour of the Cardinal, for the same reason obstructed the exercise at St. Gelin, which is a De●esne that holds of the said Duchy. And the Cardinal, though at the bottom he were not so nice as others in those things, countenanced and approved what his Officer had done. The 
Parti●-Colledges.  Colleges also which they of the Religion h●d enjoyed in places of which they had been a long time Masters, were mipartyed this Year by a Decree of the Council of the 23d of July. The occasion of this Decree, was a dividing of Voices which happened at Castres', upon a Petition of the Catholics of several Cities, who pretended to make the Edict of 1631, ●or mipartyed Consulships, a Precedent for the Colleges. The Decree of the Council decided the division of Voices 〈…〉 their Favour, and authorised the Argument they alleged.  
But the following Year was not so serene nor peaceful for 
1634.  ●he Reform: For though the Cardinal, in a flattering Speech 
The Continuance of the Public Oppression.  which he made the King, seated upon this Throne of Justice ●he 8th of January, acknowledged that Heresy had not been the ●…le Rebel in his Kingdom, yet hardly any but the Reformed suffered this Year. 'tis true, that the King of his mere Authority, without examining their Deeds and Evidences, can●ell d the Privileges and Exemptions of several Cities that were not liable to the Vexations of Taxes. The Pretence was specious; for it seemed as if the King had not used 'em so severely, but to throw upon 'em some part of the charge with which the others were overburdened. But in regard that in process of time it was apparent, that though these Cities were made liable to Taxes, and yet the rest were no way eased, 'twas ●ound that this same change proceeded from no other design ●hen to reduce the whole Kingdom to a Uniformity, and involve the entire Body in the same Servitude. As for the Reformed, they were molested for other Reasons. There was something of Policy intermixed with the Vexations that befell them. Nevertheless they were ne'er a whit the less real nor incommodious. A Doctor of the Sorbonne, and a Divine of Lion, printed 
Pretensions of France to all Europe.  a Book at Paris, wherein he maintained that the King of France had a Right to all Europe, and that he did well to make Alliances with the Protestant Princes, to recover the Usurpations of the House of Austria; which was openly to publish the Cardinal's Designs. The Spaniards were willing to make the be●… of this opportunity, to revive the dejected Courage of the zealous Catholics in their Favour. Thereupon a certain Autho●… who assumed the name of Alexander Patricius Armacanus, wrot● 
Answered.  in their behalf against the Doctor of the Sorbonne. He made it ou● at large, That the Alliance of the King of France with Protestants, was contrary to the Interests of the Catholic Religion because the War with the United Provinces and that of Germany, were Wars for the sake of Religion. He made use of a● that had been said for the Justice of his Arms, against the King and showed that the House of Austria was under the same Circumstances in respect of the United Provinces and Germany. He strenuously made it out, That the King chiefly employed the Heads of the Reformed for the Conduct of his Armies; 〈…〉 that he then had given the Command of 'em to the Duke's 〈…〉 Rohan and Bovillon, and the Marshals de la Force and Ch●●●lon. I know not how he forgot that he had bestowed a Marshal's Battoon upon one of the Reformed. Perhaps it might be after the Author had published his Book. However, the 
The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France.  Duke of Sulli received that Honour this Year in the Month of September; which was done, to make him amends for the Employments which the Queenmother had taken from him: 〈…〉 Recompense which he had stayed for above twenty Years. However, he lived seven Years afterwards, and in his latter day● showed some more marks of Piety than he had done all the re●● of his life. He had been always seen present at the Sermon● preached in his House, but after a very indecent manner: for 〈…〉 was generally playing with a little Dog that sat upon his knees▪ But a young Minister rebuked him by degrees for those ill Habits; accustomed him to Censures; set up a Consistory in the Church that met in his House, and made him accept himself ●he Office of an Elder, wherein he officiated till his death. But to return to Alexander Patricius' Book, it was thought that there was nothing more proper to ward off the Gashes of his ●renuous Objections, then to vex the remainder of the Reformed with some Acts of Injustice. But in truth they served to very little purpose; for still the Cardinal bore the reproach of doing more mischief to the Catholics abroad, then to the Reformed at home; and that while he took from the one ●ome Church or Church-yard, he was the occasion that the other lost whole City's and Provinces.  
I do not reckon among the greatest Vexations of the Reformed, 
Decrees upon several occasions.  the Decree of the 16th of March, set forth in the Permanent of Paris against Foreign Ministers; which under pre●ence that they might hold Correspondencies with the Enemies of the Kingdom, or preach Doctrines contrary to the ●aws of the Land, forbid 'em for the future to exercise the ●unction of the Ministry in France; ordered those that were admitted to quit their Functions, and threatened the Reformed with heavy Penalties if they went to hear 'em. I also look upon another Decree of Council dated June 20. as a small thing, though it made the same Regulation in particular for Poi●o●; and added Prohibitions to all the Ministers to preach in Villages, out of the places allotted for their Exercises. I rank in the same number the Decree of the Parliament of Dijon, which condemned the Reformed to spread Carpets before their Houses upon Procession days, or to suffer 'em to be spread at their own charges, excepting such as were very poor, and not able to defray the Expenses. These were things that made little noise, neither could they be attended with any considerable Consequences.  
But there was something of greater Importance in the Decree 
Pre●●●●●▪ adjudged to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Guyenne.  which the Catholic Officers obtained from the Council Febr. 5. which adjudged to the Dean of the Catholic Counsellors, though he were the youngest of all, in the absence of the Precedent, the Right of Precedency, above the Reformed Counsellors, both in the Court of Audience, in the Council, and in the Townhouse. 'Tis true, that the same Decree preserved to every one, in other Cases, as in all public and private Sittings, at the Visitation of Prisoners, at Hear, Examinations, and Confronting of Testimonies, and at the Torturing of Criminals, the Rank which appertained to 'em by the Antiquity of their Reception. But for all that, this Decree made a very great Breach in the Privileges of the Officers of that Chamber. Nevertheless there was a Declaration of the 29th of 
The Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres', forbidden to wear Red Robes.  October, about the Robes worn by the Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres'. The Reformed, according to Custom, wore Red Robes and Caps lined with Ermine, both in the Public and Private Assemblies of the Chamber. But the Parliament of Tholouse, who could not brook that mark of Equality, had set forth several Decrees against that Custom, of which the Reformed took little Notice, as believing their Authority independent from that of the Parliament. Thereupon the King interposed in the Contest, and put an end to the Dispute by an Edict; wherein after he had set forth, that the Custom was not grounded upon any Edict, and that the Thing was done contrary to his Intentions, as he had made known to those Officers by several Letters under his Privy Signet, he forbid 'em, according to the Decrees of that Parliament, to assume that Privilege, till the Chamber should be incorporated. Thus the Reformed were deprived of the principal mark of Honour which was to have been annexed to their Dignities, though the Edicts of their Creation ascribed the same Prerogatives to them, as to the Catholics.  
There were many people who took for an Affair of Religion, 
The pretended Possession of the Ursulines of Loudun.  the Comedy that had been Acted for several Years together, at the Ursulines Nunnery in Loudun. That Convent was governed by a Priest, whose Name was Vrban Grandi●r, learned, a good Preacher, and pleasant in Conversation. He had also written a Book against the Celibacy of the Priests, and spoken somewhat freely of some other Practices of the Romish Church. His Enemies therefore bethought themselves of Accusing him with Magic and Witchcraft; and particularly of having delivered some of the Nuns of that House into the Power of the Evil Spirit. The Credulous People failed not to believe his Story; and so much the more easily, because that Posses●…ons of the Devil and Exorcisms had been talked of time out of ●…ind. But the Authors of this Farce performed their parts so ●…, and Grandier defended himself so well, that 'twas a long time before Judges could be found that would be so Complaiant as to determine the Affair to the goodliking of these Bigots. The Parliament of Paris, that pretends to great Knowledge in ●…e Chapter of Magic, and never Sentence any Body to Death or that Reason alone, was not thought proper to take Cognizance of that Affair, wherein persons that were too upright and sincere, were not to be employed. Therefore they were in a great Quandary what Commissioners to Nominate for the ●earing and Determining this Cause. For as there was a necessity of having Ecclesiastics to judge Grandier, so there was the same necessity that his Judges should be at the Devotion of others. These Difficulties made 'em several times change the 
Ridiculous Effects of Exorcisms.  Exorcists themselves, who were no way so successfully Serviceable as they ought to have been to the Designs of those who guided this Affair. There is nothing which affords more Di●e●●isements then to read in the verbal Reports of those Exorci●ers, the grand Oversights which those ill-instructed Religious Dances every moment made; whether it were mistaking one Question for another, and so making Answers no less absurd, or in pronouncing the Latin words which they were made to get by Heart, so ridiculously maimed and mangled as they were; or whether it were in altering some Term, which made 'em stumble into monstrous Incongruities against all the Rules of Grammar. These Buffonries, which made all the Spectators ●…ugh, put the Exorcists quite beside the Cushion, who afforded no less Pastime to those that were present by the Excuses which they alleged in Favour of the ill-prepared Demon. However, at length they found out such people as served their turn to complete 
The death of a Priest accused of having bewitched his Nuns.  this Farce. Grandier was Condemned to die, as being Covicted by his own Confession, not only of having both Writ and Spoken in Contempt of the Catholic Doctrine, but of Magic also, by the Depositions of the pretended possessed Persons. They likewise took for Proof of his being a Magician, the Constancy which he showed under the Torments of the Rack, and at his Death; as also the Marks of his Aversion to the Bigotries practised by the Romish Church upon the like Occasions, which he testified upon the Ladder. But serious persons, who saw him do no more than what the Reformed did, when Condemned to the same Punishment, believed that all his Magic consisted only in this, that he was half a Heretic; and that he had done no other harm to the Nuns, then to teach 'em a Doctrine little conformable to that of the Romish Church, in reference to Monastic Vows and Celibacy. And there were some honest people who pitied his Condition, and murmured that the Life of a Man should be Sacrificed to the Hypocrisy of some certain Villains that made it their Business to gain by Frauds of that nature. However they thought fit to keep up some Remains of this Diabolical Possession for sometime after Grandier's death, lest people should perceive that the whole Aim of this sacrilegious Play was only to get his Blood. But at length the Mischief surceased; the Nuns appeared no more upon the Stage; and the Missionarics themselves made little or no more noise of the Accident, because there happened some things in the carrying on of the Comedy, the Reproach of which they had not the Impudence to bear.  
On the other side, the Persecution began again under the 
New Vexations about the Annexes.  pretence of Annexes; and the Bishop of Valence, unwilling to be balked in his Enterprise, renewed his Violences in his Diocese. The Prior of Aureil also, in imitation of him, had the boldness by virtue of his own Authority, to Arrest Apaix, a Minister in those Quarters, who came to Preach in other Places, besides that of his Residence. He locked him up first of all in his Priory, from whence the Bishop's Almoner removed him to the Prison of Valence. Nor could he obtain his Liberty, till he gave Bail for his forthcoming. But at length he was absolutely released, and his Bail discharged by a Decree of the Privy Council, dated Novem. 24. Which Decree might have been taken for an Act of Justice, had it not been attended eight days after, by a more rigorous Declaration than all the Decrees that had been issued forth upon this occasion. It was dated from ●…. Germans, Decem. 12. and forbid the Ministers of Languedoc, and all others to Preach or perform any other Exercise of the Reformed Religion in any other Places then where they resided; provided that Place too were one of those where the Exercise ●as allowed. And the Penalty of transgressing was, to be punished as Breakers and Disturbers of the Peace, and a Fine of ●…ve hundred Livres, which they were to be constrained to pay ● Imprisonment of their Bodies, and an Arbitrary A mercement. The Pretences for this Severity were, that the Tenth article of the Edict of 1561. forbid Ministers to ramble from ●…age to Village to Preach; which as they affirmed, was likewise confirmed by several Decrees. 'Twas presupposed, that the ●●ight of Exercise did not belong to those Places, and that the Ministers of Languedoc had broken the Regulation: And this declaration was sent to Castres', where it was Registered Jan. 5. ●● the following Year. Nevertheless, the Declaration afforded a fair Occasion for the dividing of Voices: For it Revived ●● Edict which was cancelled by that of Nantes, which was ●● pernicious Consequence, in regard that all the Concessions ●● that Act might be eluded, by explaining 'em by the Terms ●● Other Edicts that were abrogated: And indeed this Method ●as found so useful and proper to ruin the Edict of Nantes, that they pursued it as far as it would go. Moreover, the Declaration presupposed that the Annexes were Places without Right ●● Exercise; but the Reformed never yielded that to be true. Nevertheless the Thing being passed into a Law, the Ministers ●ere reduced to a great Streight, from whence they could not ●ee themselves till after several years' Patience under another ●eign. But the most heavy Persecution of the Reformed this ●ear, was that of the Extraordinary Sessions in Poitou, which 
An Extraordinary Sessions in Poiton.  ●et on purpose to vex 'em; and whose Jurisdiction extended ●●o Ango●mois, Aunix, Anjou, Le Maine, La Touraine, Le Li●…. and Perigood. This Grand Sessions was an Assembly consisting of Commissioners chosen out of one or several Parliaments, which were sent into those Provinces where any public Disorder were pretended to have been committed, which could not be suppressed by the Proceedings of Ordinary Justice So that they were like those Itinerary Parliaments, which formerly went from place to place to Administer Justice when Necessity chiefly required it. These Grand Sessions were won to be a Terror to persons in Power, who had oppressed the people without fear of punishment: So that when this Grand Session approached any Provinces, all Offenders against whom nobody durst open their mouths before, began to quake for fe● of the Punishments which they deserved. But this Year the Grand Sessions did no harm to, nor terrified any body but the Reformed. And the manner of their pronouncing Sentence was enough to put those poor Creatures in fear of being lo●● past all Redemption. But in regard that in the main the● Decrees made more noise than they did mischief, and the re● of the Provinces being exempted from this Storm, it may ● thought that the Cardinal sought rather to show his Grande●● and his Power, than the effect of his Rigour, to stop the mouth of those that accused him of favouring Heretics.  
This Assembly sat down at Poitiers the 4th of September 
Affright'st of the Churches.  and that of the Audiences the 11th of the same Month; and under pretence of punishing Offences that were not pardoned by the Edict, and after which no Inquisition had been made by reason of the Troubles, they put all the Churches of those Provinces in fear of the loss of their Exercises. After they had ordained the inferior Judges to give Information of all the Violences, Rebellions, Usurpations of Cures and Priories, to Decree, Seize, and make all requisite Pursuits and Inquiries, eve● to the Definitive Sentence exclusively, the Grand Assizes began to issue forth Sentences more decisive. There was one of the 6th of September, which contained Nine principal Articles; The first forbid the Reformed for the future to Bury i● 
An Important Decree upon several Articles.  Catholic Churchyards, under the Penalty of a 1000 Livres and to have the Corps' digged up again. The second ordained that the Catholic Service should be re-established in Churches which had been in the possession of the Reformed. The third forbid Tolling to Church with the Bells that belonged to the Catholics. The fourth took from 'em the Privilege of having Schools in places where they had not leave to erect 'em by verified Letters-Patents. The fifth, to oblige the Reformed Lords of Manors to make choice in which of their Feiffs they intended to settle their Habitation, and consequently the Right of Exercise. The sixth ordained, that they should surcease their Exercises in places where the Lords should become Catholics; ●●● that they should not perform 'em within the Feiffs of Catholics, but with their consent. By the seventh, they were to demolish all Churches built in Churchyards, or near to Churches where the Catholic Service might be interrupted; ●● also all those that had been built since the Edict, without permisson verified. The eighth forbid Preaching in the Houses and Habitations of Ecclesiastics; and the close of that Article ●●tended the Prohibition to Halls and Public Places. The ninth condemned the Reformed to refrain from the word Church, than they spoke of themselves, and to call their Doctrine by the ●ame of the Pretended Reformed Religion, under the Forfeiture ●●●●● Liures. This Article principally concerned Treaties of Marriage, where the Persons covenanting called themselves Memoirs of the Church belonging to the Places of their Abode. This Nicety went a great way: But I have known Catholic Notaries, whose Zeal was so scrupulous, that when the rough Draught of the Contract was brought to 'em, which began, A Treaty of Marriage which by the good Pleasure of God will be Solemnize, etc. would needs have the words, By the good Pleasure of ●●●, blotted out, as doing Heresy too much Honour.  
This Decree was properly the substance of all the rest that 
Another troublesome Decree about meeting the Sacrament.  ●ere made by the Grand Assizes. There was nothing to be ●en but the taking away of Churchyards, Exercises forbid, ●reaching silenced, Churches pulled down, and incommodious and vexatious Regulations. Upon the 20th of September, a Decree ●as set forth, which obliged the Reformed, both Men and Women, to get out of the way upon Tingling of the Bell, when they met the Romish Sacrament in the Streets; or if they could 〈…〉 to put themselves into a Posture of Respect: and in regard ●h● Women had no Hats to pull off, they would needs enforce them to kneel like the Catholics; and for the Men, though this Regulation were renewed almost every year, neither getting out of the way, nor pulling off their Hats would serve their turns, when they fell into the Hands of the Populacy. The same Regulation was confirmed by another Decree, dated Nou. 24.  
The 26th of October came forth a Decree, which ordered the 
The Church of St. Maixant Demolished.  Church of St. Maixant to be Demolished. The Archbishop of Tours, who was Abbot of that Place, made a Latin Speech to the Grand Assizes, which savonred very strong of the College; but the Cause of an Archbishop against the Reformed was too Specious to require much Pleading. Nevertheless 
Omer Talon's manner of Pleading.  Omer Talon, the Son of James Talon, Advocate General in the Parliament of Paris, who had the same Employment in the Grand Assizes, pleaded strongly for the Archbishop. He affirmed openly, that the Reformed were suffered only by Toleration and Connivance, as men suffer a Thing which they had rather be without. From which dangerous Principle, he drew a Consequence much worse: That what concerned the Religion o● the Reformed, was not to be reckoned among Things favourable for which the Terms of the Law are wont to be favourably interpreted; but that in their Cases the Rigour of Expression was to be observed. The nothing could be said more contrary to the Intention of the Act, and the Repeated Promises of Lewis XIII but chiefly of Hen. IU. who had declared more than once, that Ambiguous Expressions ought to be favourably explained. Besides Talon sought for the Interpretation of the Edict in the preceding Edicts; which was very strange in a man that made a profession of Honesty, as he did, and who was too clear-sighted, not to understand that there was nothing more Unjust, or more Imprudent then to fetch from Laws revoked, the Explanation of a New Law which Repeals 'em. 'Twas either a great piece of Injustice, or a manifest Absurdity to seek for the Sense of a new Edict in those that preceded: Besides, that they must have been in some measure conformable to the New one, or else they could never be any way effectual; and by consequence, they could never be serviceable to pinch and strait-lace Concessions of a New Law, when they contained Expressions neither so Ample nor so Favourable.  
Nevertheless, upon this Principle it was that Talon leaned, That he might make a distinction between the Right of Exercise, 
A distinction between the Right of Exercise, and the Right of the Church.  and the Right of the Church. For he asserted, that no Churches could be built but in places of Bailliage; and such whose possession was grounded upon the Edict of 1577. because the Sixteenth Article of the Edict of Nantes allowed the having of 'em, according to the Twelfth Article of the Conserence of N●rac. Fron whence he concluded, that the Favour not being extended in express terms to New Possessions, established by virtue of the Siege of Nantes, they could not have places built on purpose to preach in; and that there could be no preaching but in the Minister's House, or else in one that was hired. But to say truth, there was enough in the Article itself of the Edict to refute this Cavil. For that this Article coming after all the rest, which explained the Foundations of the Right of Exercise, 'twas natural to extend the Permission for building of Churches, to all places where for the future it was lawful to preach. The Article of Nerac was not quoted to reduce the Liberty of having Churches to places where the Privilege of Exercise was purchased from the time of that Conference; but to testify, that in regard the Treaty of Nerac permitted the building of Churches, wherever the Exercise was then granted by the Edicts, it was in like manner permitted by the Edict of Nantes to build, or have 'em in all Cities and Places where that New Edict established the Exercise. But though no such thing had been, yet it may be said that this Pretention was but a mere Cavil at best, from which there redounded neither Honour nor Advantage to the Catholics; since in reality, the Exercise being permitted, 'twas indifferent to the Catholics to see it performed in a House built on purpose, or in a hired House. 'Tis true, that the greatest part of the Churches were built since 1600. but that was no reason why they should be called Usurpations; for that which hindered the building 'em sooner, was, because the Reformed had places there where they performed their Exercises which the Edict obliged 'em to quit; either because they were Houses belonging to Ecclesiastics, or because they were Structures belonging to Corporations, as Hal●s, Town-Houses, and the like. The loss of which Buildings made 'em bethink themselves of having others; and till they could raise Money to build Churches, they were forced to hire Houses, where sometimes they lodged the Minister himself.  
Nevertheless, upon this Foundation it was, that the Grand 
Several Decrees of the Grand Assizes against the Reformed.  Assizes condemned so many Churches: And it is requisite to be observed, for the better understanding whence it came to pass, that in one and the same Decree they ordered the demolishing of a Church, and at the same time the producing of the Tithes and Evidences by virtue of which they claimed the Right of Exercise. The reason of which double Order was, because they thought that the Right of Exercise was no Evidence of the Right of the Church, but that the one might be had without the other. However, to involve more Churches in the same Inconvenience, they added one more of Proximity or Inconvenience to the Catholic Churches; and under those Pretences, besides the Church of St. Maixant, they condemned the Churches of Cherveux, Chef-boutonne, Mo●gon, G●nouille, Lusignan, and I know not how many more. There were several Decrees also which ordered the Restitution of Churchyards to the Catholics; forbid keeping of Petty Schools; dispossessed the Reformed of some Chapels; gave Commission to order the Ministers and Consistories of certain Ministers to produce their Evidences; forbid opening of Shops of Holidays, and to frequent Public Houses during Mass-time. Cooks also and Vintners were forbid to admit People into their Houses during that time, or to sell Flesh upon Prohibited Days. Others forbid blaspheming the Mysteries of the Romish Religion, or to hinder the Officers of the Places from spreading Carpets before the Houses upon Procession Days.  
These Proceedings continued for some time after the Year 
1635.  was at an end; nor were other Places besides those aforementioned, exempted from as great Acts of Injustice.  
Upon the 16th of January the Privy Council issued forth a ●…r●e, the Consequences of which would have been very 
Persecution raised by Cacherat against the Churches of Normandy.  ●…kward, had it been put in execution. For Cacherat, Minister of Qu●llebaeuf in Normandy, was a Man of a mutinous, ●…tions, turbulent, insolent and transported Spirit; always 〈…〉 odds with his Church; always quarrelling with the Synod of his Province. He had created Troubles and Vexations that had lasted above ten years, and which had been carried to the National Synods. Among the rest, that which was held in 1631▪ had used him civilly; which made him but more proud and daring. But the Synod of St. Lo suspended him from the Ministry for his Rebellions; and in regard he refused to appear, he was summoned before the next. These Proceedings transported him even to Rage; insomuch that he presented a Petition against all the Ministers of Normandy to the Council, wherein he accused 'em of intruding into the Ministry without a C●ll; that they had abused their Functions; that they forsaken their Pulpits to hold forth at Meetings; that their Mission was not conformable to the Statutes of their Discipline; and that they had been illegally admitted by their Churches, whither they had never been sent either by Synods or Colloquies. He de●●r'd they might be treated as Deserters, and forbid to officiate in the Ministry, and that what they had hitherto done, might i. e. declared null and void. He complained that they had loaded him with Calumnies to ruin his Reputation and that they detained his Salary from him, which they had not paid him in two years. Lastly, he concluded, that no Ministers might for the future be admitted before they produced Authentic Acts of their being called, to be viewed by the Advocate's General, or their substitutes: And that they who took upon 'em at present to ●fficiate, should be obliged within a Month to show their Diploma's and their Qualifications to the Judges of the Places. These Hairbrained Accusations put the Reformed in great fear at a time when their Destruction seemed to be sworn. And they made no question but the Bigots would embrace so fair an opportunity to put all the Churches in confusion; more especially because he was one that lived still in their Communion, who gave the occasion. Nevertheless, all this hurly-burly had no other foundation, than the lending of some Minister of one Church to another, without Chacherat's Approbation; or some Order executed in his Church against his Will. At length, after a long solicitation, a Decree was made which dismissed both Parties, but ordered, that for the time to come no Minister should be admitted without taking the Oath of Allegiance; that they who had officiated in Foreign Countries, should not reassume their Functions in France without the King's Permission, and taking a new Oath; and that no Foreigner should officiate in the Ministry, or in any other Religious Office without express leave. But the Innovation of swearing Allegiance was that which most perplexed the Reformed. For they held it much for their Minister's Honour, that the State was wont to be assured of their Fidelity, without exacting a solemn Promise; but that the Bishops were obliged to take the Oath before they could be admitted. Besides, they took this Oath for a forerunner of great Misfortunes; as being a Custom borrowed from the Reign of Charles the IX. And lastly, they were afraid that it would prove the occasion of a thousand Cavils, to engage 'em to swear things either contrary to their Consciences, or prejudicial to their Liberties. But luckily for 'em this Decree came to nothing, as being never put in execution. As for Cacherat, he abjured his Religion; and having obtained a Pension from the Clergy, enough to live upon, without working for a Livelihood, he never any more disturbed the Peace of the Churches. Some Memoirs there are that mention an Edict to the same purpose with the Decree; but I never saw it, and believe it to be an Error of him that compiled 'em.  
But the 18th of the same Month the King set forth a Declaration 
Precedency adjudged to the Catholic Councillors of the Chamber of Castres'.  that gave Precedency to the Counsellors of the Parliament of Tholouse that served in the Chamber at Castres', in the absence of the Precedents, before the Reformed Counsellors, though never so much their Seniors; so that that same Chamber was reduced to the same condition with that of Guyenne. Toward the end of this Month also, the Catholics would needs make the Reformed of Loudun pay the Costs and Charges they had been at in exorcising the Vrsulins; for as yet they had not ●●one with that Farce. The Reformed had erected a College 
The College taken from the Reformed of Loudun.  ●● that City, where they were very numerous. The Catholics therefore meditating which way to deprive 'em of it, presented a Petition to Laubardemont, deputed Commissioner to take the Informations concerning that same Diabolical Possession, and much at the devotion of the Ecclesiastics. They set forth, That ●he Vrsulins house was too little to contain 'em, and for the performance of those Exorcisms that were requisite; that all the Churches of the City were taken up, excepting one Chapel which the Guardian of the Franciscans offered to lend 'em; that the College of the Reformed aught to be taken from ●em, as being erected without the King's leave; and upon these Suppositions, they desired that the College might be given to the Catholics; that so the Vrsulins, or a part of 'em, might be removed thither, for the better convenience of exorcising 'em. Upon which, the Commissioner gave 'em a Grant of it with a Proviso, till the King should otherwise ordain. And thus the Reformed were made to pay the Expenses of a Comedy, wherein they were no otherwise concerned then to make themselves sport with it, and laugh at it in private.  
The 9th of March the Council put forth a Decree, which 
Exercise forbid at Paro●  forbid the Public Exercise of the Reformed Religion at Paroi in Ch●rol●is, a small Village, of which the Abbot and Monks of 〈◊〉 were the Lords. Cardinal Richlieu was chosen Abbot of it, and by Consequence he had an Interest in that little City: so that the Decree could not fail of a solemn execution. But besides the Interdiction of Public Exercise, it contained also a Prohibition to keep Schools therein; to sell Flesh upon prohibited days; to work with their Shops open on Holydays; to meet in Houses to perform the Duties of Catechising, Preaching or Prayer; to hinder the Ecclesiastics from visiting and comforting the Sick; to sing Psalms in the Streets, or so loud in their Houses, as to be heard; to bury in the Churchyard belonging to the Hospital, or at any other hours than those that were prescribed by the Edict. It ordered also the Reformed to keep and spread Carpets before their doors upon Procession days. It gave leave that the Reformed might send their Children to the College which the Cardinal had founded, with promise that they should not be seduced to change their Religion; and that they might be Sheriffs if elected, without any obligation of being forced to hold. At the same time the Reformed of Chaume, a Borough depending upon the Jurisdiction of Olon, which belonged to the Marquis of Royan, lost their Right of Exercise. Nor was there any notice taken of their Possession well proved; or that they had not only the consent of the Lord, but an agreement in writing made in the year 16●●▪ with him, the Curate and the Catholic Inhabitants, wherein the Lord expressly covenanted to desist from all opposition against their Right for the future. All the Favour they could have shown 'em was, that they had the liberty left 'em to make their Addresses to the King, that they might have some other place allowed 'em without the Jurisdiction of Olonne.  
Now in regard the Declaration of the preceding year in reference 
Order of the Intendant of Poitou about Annexes.  to the Annexes, had rendered the Law general, though it were only set forth for the Province of Languedoc, the Minister's o● Saintonge and other places, were put to a great deal of trouble upon this occasion. Rivet of Champvernon was deputed to the Court by the Synod assembled at Mauzé, to crave some relief against these Vexations; who brought back a Reference of the 16th of April to Villemontée, Intendant of Justice in those Provinces. This new Judge was given to understand, that the Prohibition mentioned in the Declaration, and by the Decrees, deprived the Reformed of all manner of Exercise of their Discipline, and exposed all Ministers that preached in any other place then where they resided, or by virtue of an Order, or Loane authorised by the Synods or Colloquies, to a thousand Prosecutions: though those Accidents many times could not be avoided, by reason of the death, sickness, absence, suspension or degrading of the Incumbent Ministers, or upon some other urgent Business which required the Synod to depute Commissioners. They gave him to understand, that there were Ministers settled by the Synods, to preach alternatively in several places where they had a Right of Exercise, and ●● consequence they could not be accused of preaching out of the places where they were settled. The Commissioner was apprehensive of these Reasons, and by an Order of the 22d of June, gave the Ministers leave to preach out of their Residence when they should be sent upon any of the foremention'd Occasions.  
However the Reformed of Metz were not so favourably used 
The Reformed of Metz forbid to have a College  at the Council. For they had a desire to erect a College in their City; but the Bishop of Madaure, Suffragan to Metz, opposed it; and the three Catholic Bodies of the City joined with him. This Business was removed to the Council, where the Opposers obtained a Decree in their favour, dated July the 25th. That Decree forbid the Reformed to have either Masters, Regent's, Classes, Schools or Colleges. It only gave leave that they should have Masters in the City, to ●each Children to read and write French; but prohibited ●hose Masters from taking Pensioners. It forbid likewise the having those Petty Schools without the City; reserving only the liberty of sending their Children to Catholic Schools. Now in regard the War began this year between France and Spain, the Affairs of State afforded some little Relaxation ●o those of the Reformed Religion: So that there remains 
The Duke of Bovillon changes his Religion.  ●ittle of moment for me to relate, but only what befell the Duke of Bovillon, Son of the Marshal. He became enamoured ●f the Marquis of Berghe's Daughter, who was indeed a very lovely Lady. To marry her, he renounced far greater Matches, ●o which he might have pretended. And he abandoned himself so entirely to this Woman, no less a Spaniard by Inclination, than a Zealous Catholic, that by her Persuasions he quitted his Religion, fell off from the Interests of France, and reduced his own Family to the Precipice of Threatening ●uin. Therefore, that I may not be forced to return any more ●o this Subject again hereafter, I shall speak all together which is to be said of him; That he had a share in all the Confusions of France; that he admitted the Count of Soissons into Sedan, who was slain in a Combat before the Town; that at the same time that his Pardon was granted him for that Rebellion, he entered into the Conspiracy of Cinq Mars against the Cardinal; that the Plot being discovered, he was seized in Italy, where he had the Command of an Army conferred upon him, to remove him from the City, and to be masters of his Person when they pleased. That knowing well that the Cardinal never forgave twice, he offered to surrender his City to the King to save his life, and Sedan was the Price of his Liberty. The Cardinal before his death had the Pleasure of that Conquest, after which he lived not long. Thus the Father of the Duke having had a Principality, as the fruit of his siding with the Reformed Religion; the Duke his Son lost it as the Reward of his turning Catholic. And because his Wife brought him little or nothing in Marriage, 'twas said of him, That the Dowry which he had with her was the loss of Sedan. This Misfortune befell him in the Year 1642.  
The End of the Tenth Book.   

THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes. THE SECOND PART. THE ' LEVENTH BOOK.  
The Epitome of the ' Leventh Book.  
AN Assembly of the Clergy. A furious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans. Odious Accusations. The first Accusation, of openly violating the Edicts. Daille's Books attacked by the Bishop. Second Accusation, for having taken a Prayer for the King out of the 20th Psalm. Avenomous Aggravation. Third Accusation, for blaspheming the Sacred Things. A fraudulent Question of the Missionaries. The Bishop's Conclusion. A Dispute upon the second Accusation between Daillé and Muis. An Edict against Blasphemers. Arenewing of the first Accusation. Papers of the Clergy. Answer to the 16th Article; to the 32, 33, and 26. Interdiction of particular Exercises at Villiers le bell. Exercises prohibited at Corbigni, Vitré and Clay. Other Regulations. The Bailliage of Gex. Schools Interdicted. An unlucky Decree of the Privy Council upon several Articles. Others touching Patents for Offices. Exercise forbid again at Clay. The House of Charity interdicted at Paris. The House of the Propagation of Faith; and a piece of remarkable Injustice. Conversion of Francis Cupif. Regulations of the Reformed of Pons. A National Synod at Alenson. The Commissioner's Speech, and his Instructions. Article touching Baptism. Answer of the Moderator. Article of Annexes; of the payment of the Ministers and Baptism. A Deputation to the King. Papers from the Synod. The Deputies treated at Court, and their Speeches. Nomination of General Deputies. Particular Deputies. Milletiere's Projects condemned. The King puts France under the Protection of the Holy Virgin. The Death of the Duke of Rohan. A remarkable Order of the Intendants of Languedoc. A Presia●●l Court erected at Nerac. Sick People tormented by the Monks. Edict of the Duke of Bovillon in Favour of the Reformed of Sedan. The Birth of the King now reigning. A new Regulation for Villers le bell, and the Dauphinate. Statutes of the University of Poitiers. Order of Judge may of Montauban. Particular Acts of Injustice at Rochechovard, at Vitré and Dijon. Offices. Exercise forbid at Taulignan. Church yard at Blois forbid to be enclosed. Croquers. Decree of the Parliament of Pau, forbidding the Exercise where there were not Ten Families. Exercise forbid at Pivigemet and Beaulreu. A singular Artifice to oblige the Reformed to call themselves Pretended Reform. Blasphemies pretended, and pretended Sacrilege. Division of Voices at Castres', and the Effects of it. Interdiction of Exercise out of the usual places. Marriage of Priests converted. The Advocate-General's Plea. Precedence adjudged to the Catholics of the Chamber of Accounts at Mompelier. A new Decree about meeting the Sacrament. Vexation of some Officers of Castres'. Exercises and Schools forbid. Burials, Blasphemies and Profanations. Offices. Priests and Monks changing their Religion. The ancient Church at Vitré pulled down. Exercises forbid at Gex, Sancerre and Chauvigni. A new Cavil about the Right of Fiefs. Exercise forbid at St. Ceré. A Cavil about a Churchyard. Exercise forbid at St. Savin and Antibe. Distance required between the Churchyards of the Reformed and the Catholics. Burying violated. A pretended Miracle. Re-establishment of the Mass at Tonnaiboutonne. Offices. Schools. Blasphemies and Profanations. Other Examples. Universities. Books. Acts of Injustice at Sancerre. Death of the Cardinal. Exercises and Irreverences. Children of a converted Priest. Visiting of the Sick, and Jurisdictions. The Death of the King.  
BUT the next Year a violent Tempest poured down upon 
1636.  the Reformed. The Assembly of the Clergy was sat 
An Assembly of the Clergy.  own before the end of the Year 1635, and the chief Depu●s on'y spoke to the King upon the Subject of the Regale, ●●ich the Parliament of Paris went about to extend to all the ●shopri●s in the Kingdom. But the Nets, Bishop of Orleans, ●●uld not confine himself within those Bounds, when he made ●● Speech to the King upon the 17th of February. For he made 
A furious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans.  ●●e most violent Harangue that had ever been spoken, against the ●eformed, till that time. He uttered nothing but Extravagants, Rave and Blasphemies; nor did he vouchsafe the Reformed any more honourable Epithets, than those of Insolent, ●…ad, and Frantic. 'Tis true, that at first, he acknowledged that 〈…〉 the States of the Kingdom had applauded the Design of the ●●ngs of France to attempt the Cure of the Reformed, to whom 〈…〉 gave the Appellation of Distempered, by gentle Remedies; ●…at is to say, by the Edicts of Peace: and to honour the Cler●● with a false Moderation, he added, That the Ecclesiastical ●●dy itself would not have been sorry to have seen stifled and extinguished so many Fires kindled to reform and punish 'em, and 〈…〉 set up in their room Lights more pure and innocent to illuminate their Consciences and Understandings. But for all this ●…ir Beginning, he failed not to accuse the Reformed of three ●●ings extremely odious. The first was, for openly violating 
Odious Accusations.  ●●e Edicts: the second was, for ceasing to pray to God for the ●…ing in their Psalms: and the third, for profaning and blaspheming the Sacred Things.  
The great Proof of the first Accusation was drawn from the 
I. Accusation, for openly violating the Edicts.  Act of the National Synod in the Year 1631, wherein it was declared, That the Lutherans might be admitted to the Communion, to intermarry, and present Children to Baptism. Which he pretended was contrary to the Edicts, because it tended to the introducing of a new Religion into France; as if by that Act of Fraternal Communion, the Synod had ever pretended to associate the Lutherans in the same liberty of teaching their Opinions, and publicly exercising their Religion, as the Reformed ha● obtained by the Edicts. Which nevertheless was so far from th● intention of the Synod, that in the Act of the Union itself, 〈…〉 was expressly required, That such Lutherans as should be made choice of for Godfathers, should promise to teach 'em no other Doctrines than those about which there was no dispute. How ever the Bishop hung fast upon the Apology for that Reunion which Daillé had published about two years after the Synod broke up. That same Minister had taken for the foundation 〈…〉 
Daillés Books.  his Justifications the difference of Errors; of which there were some that were not so heinous as others; and among whi●● as there are some that are intolerable, that broke all communion between the Orthodox and the Erroneous, so there an● others that may be born withal, as no way tending to such 〈…〉 Rupture. He alleged for an Example of the latter, the Opinion of the Greeks about the proceeding of the Holy Ghose which he did not believe to be of that consequence as to authorise a Schism. He endeavoured also to settle general Rules, to judge what those Errors are that break communion by reason of their extreme distance from the Truth. This was a very prudent Apology, and the Author's Principles were managed with so much discretion, that it was impossible for any person to be offended at 'em, unless blinded either by his Passion or hi● Ignorance. The same Daillé published the next year a little Treatise, which he entitled, Faith grounded upon Scripture which destroying the Authority of Tradition when the Dispute lay about Articles of Faith, proved exactly the Doctrine o●… ●…e Reform, and gave light to the Rules which he had pro●…'d for the discerning of Errors.  
The Bishop attacked these two Books with extraordinary violence. He could not endure that Daillé should think the ●●nathema pronounced against the Greeks too severe, only for an 〈…〉 considerable deviation from the Doctrine of the Latins, ●…uching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost; and so insisting upon that Indulgence, and some other Principles that Daillé●●d ●●d maintained, he accused him of teaching, either in express ●…erms, or by Consequences necessarily drawn from his Doctrine, ●…at all Heresies would admit of a Dispute, except eight of the most important. I know not how the Episcopal Charity 〈…〉 that Prelate could accommodate the usual Maxims which ●…each up Union, and detest Schism in such vigorous Terms, ●…ith this Complaint of a horrid Attempt of a Minister, that ●…t no more than eight Reasons of Division among the Chri●…ans: as if the grand Interest of public Edification and ●…iversal, ought not to make all good men wish, that ●…ere had been less than eight Reasons of Divorce, if they ●…uld have been reduced to a lesser number, without doing ●…jury to the Truth. But the Bishop's aim was to indicate, that this was to teach an Indifferency in Religion ●●n●rary to the Edict, and that according to Daillés Principles, no Man was bound to quit his Sect, to embrace a better opinion.  
The second Accusation was still more malicious. And the 
II. Accusation, for having taken away from the 20th Psalm the Prayer for the King.  ●…etence which the Bishop took for it, was the Alteration made 〈…〉 the 20th Verse of the 20th Psalm, which is the 19th according to the Latin, and begins with these words, Lord save the ●●ing; and in the French Paraphrase of the Reformed, thus, ●…he Lord hear thy Prayer. 'Tis true, that this last Verse had ●…rmerly been paraphrased after this manner: Be pleased, O Lord, 〈…〉 defend us, and preserve the King. Be pleased to hear our Prayers, when we cry unto thee. But the Reformed having made several Alterations in Clement Marot's Paraphrase, when they supplied it to the Public Use of their Devotions, because his expressions were a little too harsh, too roving, and somewhat to●… slight, and having made these Alterations at several times, an●… upon several occasions, it happened that this Couplet of the Psalm was corrected among others, as having been translated by the Poet after a manner more conformable to the Vulgar, the●… to the Hebrew Original. Thereupon this Paraphrase was inserted instead of the former, Be pleased, O Lord, to defend 〈…〉 and cause the King to hear our Petitions. Encounter all our Fears. I make no question, but that when this Correction was made, the Reformed had a design to have a formal Prayer, extracted from the Words of the Holy Ghost, to desire of God who governs the hearts of Kings, that he would incline hi● to be favourable to their Suits. Upon that score the●… found this New Paraphrase more suitable to their Occas●…ons, as being in their Opinion more conformable to the Hebrew than the former. But certainly he must see with the Eyes of a very Irregular Passion, who sees any thing in the Alteration, with which a Sovereign Prince could be justly an● deservedly offended.  
Nevertheless, the Bishop found, as he thought, two Gro●… 
A venomous Aggravation.  Errors in this Correction. The one was, That the Sense was corrupted: And the other was, That the Reformed had put themselves in the King's room; and that they had assumed the Prayer to themselves which the Holy Ghost ha● dictated in his behalf. This was branded as a piece of Insolence, and an Attempt, which abolishing the Prayer that ought to be offered for the Preservation of the King, ravished from him, as much as in 'em lay, the Honour, Fear and Tribute that was due to him. So that the Bishop would fain have proved from thence, That had it been as much in the power of the Reformed to deprive the King of all the Prerogatives of his Crown, as it was to alter the words of the Psalm, they would never have scrupled to have done it. And this Accusation was aggravated with all the Tours, the Dresses and Enamellings of a Acquaint Wit, that Propense Malice and Black Malignity could infuse into a Quick Imagination. Nevertheless, there is one Reflection to be made upon the Transports of this Outrageous Bishop, sufficient to ●…scover the Injustice of 'em; that this Alteration had been made for above Seventy years, and yet never any notice ●…d been taken of it; and we find at this day the same Correction in the Psalms that were printed in 1560, and 1561. Therefore had this been such a Crime, 'tis a wonder that the ●●al of the Catholic Clergy should sleep so long without ●…er taking cognizance of such a Capital Crime. But the times were changed, and the Bishop might say what he ●…as'd against an Unfortunate Party not in a condition to ●…s●nd themselves.  
The Third Accusation was grounded upon the Expressions 
III. Accusation, for blaspheming the Holy things.  which the Ministers made use of, in speaking of the mysteries of the Roman Church. The Bishop called Drelin●…rt Impious and Blasphemer, by reason of the disrespect●… Expressions which were to be found in his Writings. That ●…nister, the True Scourge of Controversie-Mongers and Missionaries, and who had learned from Moulin the art of finding ●…t the ridiculous part of Superstition, called things by their ●…mes with great liberty. For he called the Church of Rome, ●…famus Strumpet, and the Idolatrous Babylon. He called the sacrament which the Catholics adore, a God of Dow, an abomination, a Wafer, which the Priest would make you believe he has turned into a Deity, after he has blown up●… it four or five words. He handled the Mass like a piece 〈…〉 Farce and Mummery. Moreover, the Bishop accused him 〈…〉 saying that the Virgin was an Idol, and the worshipping ●●r an Abomination: That the Festivals of the Saints were 〈…〉 mere Superstition; that their Legends, which the Prelate 〈…〉 the History of their Virtues, was a Gallimaufry of Extravagant Romances and Idle Tales. He complained that the same Minister had called the Pope Antichrist, and Captain of the Cutpurses, meaning the Bishops and Monks: ●…d that he had called it in question, Whether he were St. Peter's, or Simon Magus' Successor. Above all things, ● ascribed to him one thing very Criminal, that he had asserte● that St. Lewis at the point of death disgusted the Mass. Upon which we must observe, that one of the most wicke● and ensnaring Questions which the New Missionaries starte● to puzzle silly People, was, Whether they believed, th● 
An Ensnaring Question of the Missionaries.  Charlemaigne, or St. Lewis, or the Reigning King, we●● damned? 'Twas High Treason to answer in the Affirmative; and it was dangerous to answer in the Negative. F● then the Missionary concluded, that men might be saved ● the Roman Profession. But usually they got rid of this fradulent Question by answering, That they made no doubt b● that all Princes were saved, because that God enlightened ' e● at the hour of death, and infused into 'em a good liking ● the Romish Superstitions. And this Vulgar Error the Bishop laid to Drelincourt's Charge, because he had said something like it in some of his Works. However, these Expression were not particular to himself, for that the greatest part ● the Ministers kept up the custom of talking of the Guid● and Practices of the Roman Church, in such a manner ● the Catholics deemed not very decent. But He stuck closest upon Drelincourt's Skirts, because he instructed the Pe●ple by his Familiar Writings, and armed 'em with easy an● short Answers against the Sophisms of the Missionaries. S● that he was very odious to this new Order of Persecutor● who made it their business for thirty years together, by a● imaginable ways, to do him one of their good Turns.  
The Bishop, after these Terrible Accusations, vaunted, 
The Bishop's Conclusion.  know not by what Figure, for it was very singular, that h● was obliged to reserve a Charitable and Judicious Silence i● reference to the Language of the Ministers; but though h● forbore to speak of their Crimes, yet he talked loud of th● Punishment due to 'em, of which he demanded a severe Infliction; that they should be forbid to pronounce such ●●●nous Affronts and Blasphemies against the Church, against the Sacraments, against the Saints, against the Pope and hi● prelate's. That those Paragraphs wherein the Pope was called ●ntichrist, might be razed out of the Prayers of the Reform▪ d; that the Prayer for the King might be restored as ● was. That all Innovations contrary to the Edicts might ●e punished and chastised; that Indifferency in Religion broached by Daillé might be stifled in the Birth; that his Books ●ight be burnt by the hand of the Common Hangman; and ●hat he might be punish▪ d severely as a New Arch-Heretic, together with all those that favoured his Libertinism. Which ●a●t Clause had an Eye upon Aubertin, Mestrezat and Drelin●●●rt, his Associates, who being appointed by the Synod of the Province to overlook the Books, had subscribed their Approbation of his Works. The Bishop at last protested, That he spoken not out of any hatred of Persons, because Charity forbade him; but to destroy Errors, and prevent the Erroneous from rendering themselves odious to God, unfaithful to ●h● King, baneful to themselves, and unprofitable to the Public. This is just pursuing the Motions of a sort of Charity, ●ike that of the Inquisition, which puts People to death ●fter they have repent, for fear lest if they should let ●em, live they should expose 'em to the danger of a Relapse.  
The second Article of Complaints, touching the Papaphrase 
A Dispute upon the 2d. Accusation between Daillé and Muis.  ●pon Psalm 20. of an Affair of State, became a Business of Criti●ism: D. Muis, Royal Professor of the Oriental Languages at Paris, ●pheld the Bishop's Cause; and in a new Version of the Psalms, wherein he followed the Hebrew exactly, and in a literal Commentary which he added, he thought it best to follow the Vulgar in the Translation of this Verse. This man wrote against Daillé, who defended himself against the Attacks of the Bishop with as much Vigour as Modesty; and answered de Muis in such a manner, as to win the more unbyass'd sort of people to be of his side, or at least so propitious to him, as to judge that there was nothing that could give offence in the Alteration which he had made in the Couplet, or that hindered the Psalm from being an entire Prayer for the King. But the third Accusation gave such a Blow, that the Consequences of it were soon felt: For the King set forth an Edict which was verified in the Parliament 
Edict against Blasphemers.  of Paris, March 9 and which condemn Blasphemers of God, the Virgin, and the Saints; For the fourth time, inclusively to redoubled Fines, Forfeitures, and Penances: For the fifth time, to be Pillory'd: For the sixth time, to have the Upper-Lip cut off: For the seventh, to lose the Lower-Lip also; And for the eighth, to have the Tongue pulled out.  
'Twas an easy thing to extend the Rigour of this Declaration 
Effects of that Declaration.  to the Reformed, who no sooner taught that the Merits of the Saints were of no benefit to Men, or that God never appointed the Holy Mother of Christ a Mediatrix for Sinners, nor Queen of Heaven, but they were accounted Blasphemers. For which Reason it was, that upon the noise of this Declaration, John de Gap, a Capuchin, going to hear Lafoy Say, a Minister of Loriol Preach, carried a Complaint against him of the 24th of March, and informed the Judges of several Blasphemies, which, as he said, that Minister had pronounced in his hearing. This Affair spun out for above two Years before it was fully prosecuted; but at last a Capias was issued out against the Minister, and Inquiry made after his Person, which enforced him to keep out of the way till the Tempest was over. However Chartier a Merchant's Son of Blois had not been so easily acquitted, could they but have caught him. For there was a Complaint and an Information put in against him upon the 22th of May, for some pretended Blasphemy which he had uttered against the Sacrament, the same Day that the Romish Church carries it about in a Pompous Procession. Now in regard he did not make a voluntary Appearance, but kept himself from being taken, he was condemned for Contumacy the First of October, to undergo the Amende Honourable before the Principal Church of Blois, to have his Tongue bored, and his Lips slit; to be Fined Three hundred Livres to the Poor, and Banished for ever out of the Balliage and County of Blois. These were the Fruits and Penalties of this Declaration. But this Violence lasted not long; and though we have seen from time to time some Vexation arise from this Fountain; nevertheless ●t was not the Occasion of so much Mischief as they who set ●orth the Edict expected.  
As for the first Accusation, it produced no more then Childish 
The first Accusation revived.  Cavils, with which the Missionaries astonished inconsiderable People: Not but that the Clergy would fain have made a Business of Importance of it. For the Bishop of St. Flour, who took ●is leave of the King, in the Name of the Assembly, upon the ●oth of April, could not forbear talking of the Union with the Lutherans after a most Envenomed manner. He made a Speech full of Allusions to the Affairs of the Reformed, more especially ●o the taking of Rochel, which he called the Rock that had a share 〈…〉 all the Commotions of the Kingdom, and the Foundation of a Religion contrary to that which Christ established upon the Rock. Among other things he congratulated the King, That his Power which in other Reigns was limited, now knew no bounds. A Compliment which it is a difficult thing to believe, That Subjects who have any Sense or Understanding, Cordially bestow ●pon their Sovereigns. The rest of his Speech rolled all upon ●he Immunities of the Clergy, which as he made the King believe, were violated in divers things. Moreover, he presented 
The clergy's Papers.  ●o the King a Paper from the Assembly, of which there were ma●y Articles that concerned the Reformed. The greatest part were Answered by the King, with those Extensions that carry ●he Concession farther than was desired. Thus the Sixteenth 
Answer to the 16th. Article.  Article demanded, That the Reformed might preach no more upon the Lands which belonged to the Ecclesiastics; nor within 5 Leagues within Cities where Parliaments sat, nor in Episcopal Cities, nor in Places so near Catholic Churches, as to disturb Divine Service: That Churches built in such Places might be pulled down within three Months; and that the old Churchyards might be reserved to the Catholics. The King granted every thing, and added the pulling down of all Churches that had been built since the Edict, without Letters Patents enregistered: And in Cases of Difference about the Execution of the Edict, he summoned the Cause before himself, because at that time there were no Commissioners. In like manner, as to the Thirty second Article, wherein the Clergy demanded that the Ministers might not be suffered to Preach in the Annexes, 
To the 32d  the King expressed the Prohibition in more rigorous Terms than those of the Demand; and forbid the Ministers to Preach without the Place of their Habitation.  
Likewise to the Thirty third Article, which required the 
To the 33d  Executions of Decrees of Parliaments, and Grand Assizes, for the Demolishing of Churches, the King consented; and withal, added those that had been set forth for the Restoration of the Ecclesiastics to their Estates and Privileges; and upon pretended Infringements of the Edicts committed by the Reformed. The rest demanded that the Chamber of the Edict, or Party-Chambers might not take Cognizance of Appeals of Temporal Persons from Ecclesiastical Courts; That the Reformed might be deprived of such Honorary Privileges as belonged to 'em in the Churches: And that the Bishop might confer Benefices instead of Him who had the Right of Patronage. That the Reformed Judges might not take Cognizance of the Transgressing of Holidays; That the Judges of Courts possessed in Peerage with the King, if they were Reform, might be reimbursed, and Catholics put in their room: That the Commission given out for the Execution of the Edict in the Dauphinate, might be revoked; That the Materials of the Fortifications of the Reformed Cities which had been Demolishd, might be bestowed upon the Clergy to build Churches: That the Syndics & Promoters of Dioceses might be admitted Plaintiffs in Suits about Infringements: That the second Place at all General Assemblies in Town Houses might be allowed the Bishop's Vicar: That it might be lawful to lay Impositions upon all the Inhabitants of Parishes, for the building of Vicarage houses, Reparations of Structures, purchase of Ornaments, and other Things of the like nature: That Tithes might be paid by the Reformed, who as they pretended had been exempted in some Places for sixty Years together, by the Misfortune of the Wars; and this, notwithstanding any Contracts, Agreements, or Decrees that had been made or issued forth to the contrary. The King granted within a little all these Demands to the Clergy. Nor do I see but one Article wherein he observed any Measure of Equity for the Reformed; and that was upon the Twenty sixth Article, Wherein the Clergy demanded 
To the 26th  that the Schoolmasters might be Catholics; which the King granted according to their desire; but without any prejudice to Schools granted the Reformed by Letters Patents enregistered.  
Now in that ill Humour wherein the Council was at 
Particular Exercises forbidden at Villiers see bell.  that time, there appeared several Decrees, which put the Reformed to no small Trouble. For the Inhabitants of Villiers le bell and parts adjoining, were accustomed to meet upon Sundays or Holidays in that Borough, when the Season would not permit 'em to repair to Charenton, which was the nearest Place where there was any Exercise. The Place of their Meeting was some Private House where they Rendezvous'd, upon the Sound of the same Bell which Called the Catholics to Church. But in regard they had no Minister, they only met to hear some Sermon, or some Chapter in the Scripture read, to sing Psalms, and Pray together. These private Exercises did no body any harm; nor could the Catholics be disturbed, in regard the Reformed had ended their Devotions long before the Catholic Church was done. Yet would they needs have these Assemblies to be a Misdemeanour, and to render their Prosecutions of those People the more plausible, 'twas added, that they spoke undecently of the Romish Preachers; and that they made the Children of the Catholics that were sent to their Schools to read the Books of the Reformed. Upon which immediately came forth a Decree of the Privy-Council, dated May 16th, by which these Petty Exercises, and supposed Misdemeanours were severely forbid.  
Corhi●ni was a little City, where the Reformed had a Place 
The Exercise forbid at Corbigni.  of Exercise by virtue of as clear a Possession as could be in t●e World; so that the Commissioners had continued 'em in 〈…〉 solemn Ordinance made in the Year 1600. That Ordinance removed 'em to the farther end of one of the Suburbs of the City, within the Jurisdiction of Corbigni, with a Proviso, till the Opposition which the Abbot made to the settlement of the Exercise in the City should be determined. This Business hung in suspense near Seven Years; after which, there was a Decree of Council of the 13th of March, 16●7. which allowed the Exercise, not within the City, but in one of the Suburbs, and within the Jurisdiction of the City; and appointed that Place for the first Place of the Bailiage. B●● in regard there happened since that, an Alteration in the Proceedings of that Court, and because the City depended upon the Abbey of St. Leonard's, the Abbot obtained this Year a Decree upon a Petition, which forbid the Reformed their Exercise in that Place, or upon any Lands, or within any Jurisdiction of the Abbey. Nor did they, when they took away this, appoint any other Place for the Reformed; but constrained 'em to sell the Inheritances which they had Purchase in the Suburbs, before they would provide 'em another Place. 'Twas only told 'em, that the King's Officers should give 'em notice whither or no there had been a Place of Bailiage delivered according to the Edict; that if there were, there might be one allowed 'em. By which it appeared, that the Decree had been issued forth without any knowledge of the Cause; because this Place had been granted in Right of Bailiage by a Definitive Decree. But for all that, this Decree was put in Execution, without any regard at all had to the Opposition which the Reformed made. They also took the Opportunity to serve this Decree when Monsanglard, the Minister of the Place, was in his Pulpit; to the end the Thing might make so much the Greater Noise, and more effectually redound to the Reproach and Affront of the Reformed. This Monsanglard had been accused in Court, for having said, That at Rome they sold Remission of Sins; for which the Judge of the Place Condemned him to the Amende Honourable, and all the Consequences of that Punishment. But upon his Appeal, the Minister being removed to the Prison of Paris, called La Conciergerie, and pleading in his own justification, That he took what he had said out ●ut of a Book of the Rates of the Apostolic Chamber, Printed at Rome itself, they were ashamed to Confirm the Sentence, and Dismissed both him and the Process out of Court.  
There is also another Decree to be seen of an uncertain Date, set forth by the Chamber of the Edict of Roven, which forbid the Reformed to continue their Exercise in the Borough of St. S●lvin, because it depended upon the Abbey of Almeneche. Another Decree of Council ordained, That the Church of ●…r should be pulled down, as being too near the Catholic Church, after they had built another which should be neither within the Jurisdiction, Signiories, or Precincts of the Eccle●…. The 20th of June, came forth another Edict of the Privy Council, against the Lord of Clay and Biche, which forbid the Exercise within the Signiories where the Lord did not actually reside, the presence of his Domestic Servants not being sufficient to Authorise it. The same Decree forbid Preaching without the Place of their Residence, upon pain of Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment. I also find Two Decrees Cited by such as have Collected those Sorts of Acts against the Reformed; the First of which was Dated the 15th 
Other Regulations.  of July, the Other the 12th of December. They Imported, that the Exercises should not be performed in the Lord's Houses when the Minister should be absent or sick. The Parliament of Bourdeaux also Signalised themselves by a Decree set forth 
A Decree to the prejudice of Paternal Authority  the 4th of July, against the Authority of Parents. For one Lafoy ●…ee dwelling in the Borough of Castres', had married a Catholic Wife, by whom he had six or seven Children, which the Wife, making an ill use of her Husband's Indulgence, brought up in the Catholic Religion. This Woman happened to die before the Children had attained the Age of Discretion, and the Father was accused for constraining the Children to go to the Reformed Church. Upon which the Parliament interposed, and gave the Advocate-General leave to bring in an Information: and in the mean time General Prohibitions were sent abroad, forbidding Parents to force their Children to go to Protestant Sermons.  
The Bailiage of Gex was used after the same manner as 
Bailiage of Gex.  the rest of the Kingdom; where the Prince of Condé, as Governor of Burgundy, upon which the Bailiage depended, put in execution the Prohibitions forbidding the Admission of Foreign Ministers, comprehending under that Name the Inhabitants of Geneva. He also equally divided the use of the Common Pastures of the Country between the Reformed and the Catholics, though the Reformed were Ten for One.  
The greatest part of the Decrees which I have enumerated, 
1637.  were revived again the next year: But there were 
Schools forbidden.  several to which they added other Articles very grievous and troublesome. The Parliament of Roven, by a Decree of the 18th of March forbid the keeping of any Schools at St. Lo. For the Consistory had set up some according to the Exhortation of the National Synods, and had also put in Regent's, such as those Synods approved. The Promoter Coutances undertook this Business, and upon an Appeal from the Sentence of the Ordinary Judge he procured a Decree, which annulled the Power of the Consistory; forbid 'em for the future to give Approbation of the like nature; permitted Masters only to teach to write and read in private Houses, but not to instruct or Catechise, not to say Public Prayers, or read Lectures, contrary to the Doctrine of 
A Vexatious Decree of the Privy Council upon several Articles.  the Romish Church. Upon the 21st of April the Privy Council set forth a Decree which forbid the Exercise in the absence of the Ministers; as also in any other Places than those wherein it was lawful for 'em to reside by the Edicts. The same Decree forbid the hindering of Fathers, Mothers, Tutors, Kindred, Masters, etc. to send their Children, Relations, Friends, Servants, etc. to Masters of Catholic Schools approved by the Ordinaries. So that what with taking away from the Reformed the liberty of having Colleges, what with obliging the Consistories to suffer the sending of Children to suspected Masters, they who had Children to bring up, were reduced either to let 'em grow up in ignorance, or expose 'em to the Snares and Inveigling Persuasions and Allurements of Catholic Tutors. By the same Decree, the Reformed were also ordered to spread Carpets before their doors upon Solemn Procession-days: upon neglect of which, after the first Summons, they were to be spread at their Cost and Charges; and if they obstructed or opposed the doing of it, they were condemned to Imprisonment; which was directly opposite to the third private Article of the Edict of Nantes.  
Upon the 28th of the same Month came forth another Decree 
Another Decree touching Patents for Office●.  of the Privy Council, the effects of which were still more vexatious. For it forbid the Bailiffs and Seneschals to admit any Plaintiffs or Demandants in a Suit, whether Notaries or Advocates, without the King's Letters Patents. For the Council bethought themselves of inserting into Letters of this Nature the Clause of the Catholic Religion, on purpose to exclude by that means all the Reformed from any Offices. But Custom has settled a Remedy against this Artifice, in regard that in almost all the Jurisdictions of the Kingdom, the Judges admitted People to the exercise of these petty Employments, upon the bare resignation of him who had the Letters Patents: so that they passed from hand to hand without having any recourse to the King; which spared the Reformed the Affront of a Refusal, the Catholics the Trouble, the Delays, and the Expense of a Suit; there being none but Employments that were somewhat considerable, for which they troubled themselves to take out the King's Letters Patents.  
The King was made believe, that it was contrary to his Oath, that there should be any Offices in the Kingdom which did not depend upon him, and which were executed by persons that were not invested in 'em by his power. The first design was to deprive the Reformed of the easy means to maintain themselves in those petty Employments, which caus● 'em to be valued in the places of their Abode, and sheltered 'em from a thousand petty Vexations. But if so fell out, that this Regulation did as much Injury to the Catholics, as to others; and that the Name of Reformed served in this, as well as in other things of greater moment, to involve all the French in the same Restraint. This was Sport for the Clergy; who exempting themselves from Servitude, sacrificed to their Passion and Malice against the Reformed, the Liberty of the whole Kingdom.  
Upon the 23d of June came forth another Edict from the 
Exercise forbid a●●tin at Clay.  same Council against the Lord of Clay. This was the fifth that had been issued out against the Exercise in his House, under pretencee that he never resided there; yet to ward off this Cavil, he had declared at the Sessions-house in Paris, that he had made choice of his House at Clay for his principal Habitation, and that he intended to reside there for the future: which ought to have mintained his Right of having Sermons in his House, had it not been the Maxim of the Council to make use of any Pretence to forbid the Exercise of the Reformed Religion, and still to uphold the Prohibition when the Pretence was removed.  
The Reformed of Paris had set up a House in the Suburbs 
●…se of ●●●●ty forbid at ●●ris.  of St. Marcean, whither they carried their sick People; they had already furnished it with Fourteen or Fifteen Beds, and designed to have sent in more. Now it happened that a Cooper's Apprentice, born a Catholic, working with a Reformed Master in the Church Marshes, fell sick, and with his own consent was carried to this New Hospital; whether he had imbibed any tincture of his Master's Religion, or whether the Abhorrency which poor Creatures have for the Hostel de Dieu at Paris, where the Infection is generally mortal to all that are carried thither, caused him to prefer a House more neat and healthy. However it were, his removal from one end of Paris to the other, could not choose but be taken no●…e of. Upon which a Commissioner came upon the 19th of 〈…〉 to this New House of Charity, to draw up a Verbal ●eport of the condition it was i●, and of the use for which was designed. Upon which Verbal Process, the Privy Coun●… i●a'd forth a Decree of the 30th of June, wherein without so much as mentioning the Religion, but only supposing that it was ●…tra●▪ to the King's Authority, to erect Host, itals without the King's Permission, (as if there had been so much need of ●…e Authority of Men to exercise Works of Humanity and Charity so expressly approved of God) and pretending in ●…e second place, that the sick People were not looked after, ●●d relieved in that New Establishment, as Christian Chari●… required; it was ordained, that all the sick People which ●…ere in the Reformed Hospital, should be removed to the Ho●…el de Dieu, where they should be received upon the first command; that the Beds should be put into the hands of ●rustees, to be at the King's disposal to whom he should think 〈…〉 et; and that the Governor should leave the House with all his Family, upon pain of Imprisonment, and other corporal punishment. This Decree was put in execution by the Usher 〈…〉 the Council upon the 4th of July, who found no more ●…hen five sick, Persons in the place: one of which finding himself strong enough to provide for himself without assistance, had his Liberty to go where he pleased. The other ●…r refusing to be carried to the Hostel de Dieu, and naming the places whither they desired to be carried, were removed without any opposition by the care of the Usher, who did 〈…〉 Office with more Civility than the Rabble would have had him.  
There was a new House erected in the Fauburg St. Ger●… 
The House of the Propagation of Faith: and a remarked l● piece of Injustice.  by the Pope's Bulls and the King's Letters-Patents, under the name of, The Propagation of the Faith; which was designed for the lodging of young People that might be induced to embrace the Catholic Religion. Now one La Fra●…r●● happening to die., left two Daughters with his Wife. One of these having attained to Thirteen years of Age and the other to Eleven, they were both inveagled in●… this House. Their Mother presented a Petition to the Bai●… of the Suburb, who was then Judge of the Suburb-Cou●… and redemanded her Daughters. The Judge having examined the matter, and finding it to be a manifest Cheat thought it his duty to do justice, and delivered the Childre●… back to their Mother. Now the Pretence which they ma●… use of to gain the good will of the Children was, that their Mother was married again, and would be sure to misu●… 'em. Upon which the Governors of the House made 〈…〉 most hideous complaint both against the Father-in-law, and the Bailie; accusing the one to have committed several violences in the House; and the other for coming to the House to take away the Children by main force, accompanied with several drawn Swords that made a noise and 〈…〉 hubbub before the Door, to the great scandal of the House And moreover, they positively affirmed, That the Childre● had many times declared before their Father-in-law himself that they desired to be bred up in the Catholic Religio●… Thereupon the Council made a Decree, which plainly showed that they were not convinced of the truth of the Relation▪ For it only decreed, that the Bailie should deliver the Verba●… Process to Thiersaut, Master of the Requests, to the end that upon farther Examination such order might be taken a● should be thought expedient. However, the King summoned before himself and his Council all Causes concerning that House and the New Converts, and forbid the Bailie to take cognizance of 'em for the future. As much as to say, that they thought it not just to condemn a Judge who had done no more than his duty; however, they would not leave the Reformed under the Protection of those that made a conscience of doing 'em Justice.  
The Doctors also of the Sorbonne would needs be stickling 
The Conversion of Francis Cupif.  this year to display some marks of their Zeal against the Reformed. For it so fell out, that Francis Cupif, a Doctor of that Faculty, and Curate of Contigni in the Dio●…s of Angers, embraced the Reformed Religion, and set ●…th a Declaration of the Motives that had obliged him to ● Which Declaration he addressed to the Bishop of the ●…ocess; believing it most proper to give him an account ● his Conduct. But the Bishop, either disdaining a Cu●…e of a Village as beneath him; or else, as many times ●…als the Prelates, not having Learning sufficient to answer ●…, left the care of being revenged upon him, to the Sor●…e. Whereupon, that College upon the 14th of July●…w ●…w up a Sharp and Violent Order, by which they de●…ded Cupif from all his Dignities, and bestowed a thou●…d Maledictions and Curses upon him. But he avoided 〈…〉 being far more severely handled by retiring into Hol●…d, where he waxed old in the Functions of the Mini●…y; wherein he acquitted himself in a more edifying man●…, than the greatest part of those that abandon the Church ● Rome are wont to do.  
The Reformed were very numerous at Pons in Saintonge. 
Regulations against the Reformed of Pons.  ●…or could their Adversaries contrive any other way to vex ●…, then by bestowing upon 'em a Regulation dated at Bour●…x, December the 5th, upon the Motion of the Advocate●…neral; which forbid 'em to work upon Holidays with ●…eir Shops open, nor to sell Flesh upon days prohibited ● the Romish Church; nor to throw their Dirt about the ●…oss which the Recollects had erected, nor at the end of 〈…〉 Streets that adjoined to their Church. Here it is to be ●…serv'd, that those Monks had erected a Cross on purpose ● that very place which time out of mind had been the ●…mmon Dunghill for all the Neighbourhood. But the Con●…nt being annoyed by it, bethought themselves of this Ex●…dient to remove the Nuisance; and the more easily to ob●…n their Desires, they demanded the Prohibitions only against the Reformed, to deprive the whole City of a Con●…nience; and a Fine of 80 Livres was laid upon all that ●…us'd to obey the Decree.  
In the midst of these Vexations and Injuries done th●… Reform throughout all the Provinces, they assembled ● 
A National Synod.  National Synod at Alencon. Which Assemblies served to 〈…〉 other purpose, then to give 'em an opportunity to bewa●… together the bad condition of their Affairs, and to ●e●… what Remedy was most proper to be applied to their Calamities. They were extremely tormented with the presence of the Commissioners. For when they had drawn up ● Paper of their Complaints, 'twas thought a great matte●… well accomplished to receive it back from the hands of the●… Deputies; nor could they many times obtain the favour 〈…〉 an Answer. Nevertheless, the Court was still jealous o●… these Assemblies; and they were so accustomed to fear th●… Reform in a Body, that they were always alarmed a●… that which was no more than the shadow of their Unio●… And indeed, the Reformed were as yet considerable ●o●… their number. Their Churches in the Country were fo●… the most part composed of Nobility and Gentry. There were several, wherein there were reckoned fourscore or ● hundred Families of Gentlemen; which did so much honour to their Religion, that you might frequently see three● score or fourscore Coaches waiting before the Place of their Exercises. They were not therefore yet so low, but that they were in a condition to put their Adversaries to trouble● had their Intentions been evil. So that the Court, wh●● knew too well what was in their power to do, were afraid lest the Synods should take up Resolutions which the Gentry were to put in execution. For which reason, they were unwilling that any Synods should be held for the future in any other Place then at Charenton, to the end they might have a near eye upon those formidable Assemblies. However, there was no danger on that side. For the Reformed well understood, that they were at the mercy of their Enemies, and that they had nothing left to preserve and support 'em but the good will of the King's pleasure. The Knowledge of this obliged 'em to extend their Obedience as far as it would reach, for fear of being Exterminated upon the Least pretence, as Rebels: and the Synods Laboured by good Discipline, to remedy the Mischiefs that might arise from the Persecution.  
The Court gave leave for their Synod to be held at Alenson, 
At Alenson.  ●e Small City, where there was little Probability that the Reformed should attempt any great Matters; nor is it so far remote from Paris, but that upon Occasion the King might send his Orders thither in four and twenty Hours. Nevertheless there was a high Value put upon this Favour, as if it had been a thing of Great Importance. The Brief by which permission was given, and the Commission was Couched in the ordinary Terms, and breathed nothing but good Will and Kindness. The Commissioner was St. Mark, a Councillor of State; a Person as much at the Devotion of the Court as Galand had been. The Synod also sat down the 27th. of May, and after the Usual preliminary Ceremonies, St. Mark, having presented his Commission, made an Ingenious Speech before he proposed 
The Commissioners Speech.  the Articles with which he was entrusted by his Commission. First of all he showed, that the Greatest Part preac'h the Doctrine of Obedience; and to Confirm 'em in their so doing, he declared, that the King had promised Constantly to observe the Edicts, so long as the Reformed performed the Duties of Faithful Subjects. He Extolled in a flattering manner the King's Power, which the Hand of God that assisted him all along rendered formidable both abroad and at home. He spoke of the Misfortunes which the Reformed had suffered, while they had Places of Strength in their Hands; and of the repose which they enjoyed since they depended Solely upon the King's Favour. He compared their Condition grounded upon the King's word, and upheld against the Passions of People, agitated by too various Commotions, to the Earth that hangs poised in the Air by the Word of God. He heightened the Confidence which the King had in 'em, as appeared by that Mark of his Favour which he had bestowed upon 'em, by graciously permitting 'em to assemble in a Time of War: And from all these Reflections, he concluded that it behoved 'em to regulate all their Affections, their Words and Actions, by Obedience.  
After this, he came to his Instructions, and declared. I That 
And his Instructions.  the King forbid all Holding Intelligence, both Domestic as well as Foreign. The Pretence was, that the King had been informed that the Colloquy of Nimes and Rousselet, and the Minister, had received a Letter from the Canton of Bern, with whom altho' they were in Alliance with the Crown, and of the same Religion with the Reformed, it was not Lawful to hold Correspondence even in Ecclesiastical Affairs, because it made the State jealous of a Correspondence of another Sort; for which reason the King's Subjects were not allowed to Visit Foreign Ministers: Whence it followed, that 'twas a Breach of their Duty to receive those Letters, or else that they ought to have acquainted the Governor or the Commissioner with 'em. II. That the King was no way pleased to hear that one Province held Communication with another; as had happened between the Synods of lower Languedoc and the Dauphinate, upon occasion of the two Ministers Cregut and Arnaud. The Reason of this Prohibition was, because the Reformed being no Body Politic, they could not hold Politic Councils. Moreover that the King would not permit that any Minister should be deputed to be present in one Synod in the Name of another; nor that Provincial Synods should Ordain General Fasts. III. That it was the King's Pleasure the Ministers should preach Obedience, and that when any thing should be Ordained, which might seem repugnant to Liberty of Conscience, for want of knowing the Motives that induced him to it, they should not tax his Conduct with any design against Religion, the Liberty of which he was resolved to maintain: Consequently, that He ordered 'em to abstain from the Words, Scourges of God, Martyrs, Persecution, and other the like Terms. IV. That he forbid 'em to make use of the Words, Antichrist, or Idolaters, or any other of the same Nature, when they spoke of the Pope or the Catholics; and to forbear all Sharp and inveterate Expressions against the Ministers who had changed their Religion, under the Penalty of Interdiction, or a greater Punishment for the same Offence repeated. V. That he forbid the Selling Religious Books, whether Printed within or without the Kingdom, if they were not first Examined and approved by two Ministers, appointed by the Synods, under the Penalty of Confiscation. VI That whereas at Andusa, the Synod had refused to ordain the Benediction of a second Marriage of a Person, whose First Marriage had been adjudged Null and Vacant by the Sentence of the Magistrate, it was the King's Pleasure that the National Synod should enjoin Obedience to the Judges in such Cases, and that what had been done to the Contrary might be amended. VII. That the Ministers should obey those Declarations which concerned the Annexes, upon Penalty of forfeiting the Favours granted by the Edicts. VIII. That they should not make use of the Money taken out of the Poors Box to pay the Ministers, who were referred for the payment of their Salaries to the XLIXth. Article of Particulars. IX. That they should not go a begging from House to House, under pretence of necessary Expenses, in regard the King gave leave to the Heads of every Church to assemble, in the Nature of a Consistory, to regulate the Contributions for payment of the Ministers Salaries; for defraying the Expense of Journeys for the Colloquies and Synods, for the payment of Academies and repair of Churches, of which there should be a Roll made up and Authorised by the Magistrate, and declared to be of as full force as when the King's Money was to be Collected. X. That they should Correct the Sentence of the Provincial Synod of Nimes, which had adjudged a certain Sum to Petit, Professor in Theology, out of the Academy Money, which had been raised upon the three Colloquies, contrary to the Settlement of the Regulations. XI. That there should be an Emendation of what had been adjudged by the same Synod, touching the Nullity of Baptism administered by Persons never lawfully called to the Ministry.  
The Commissioner, being unwilling to speak any thing of his own Head upon this last Article, which was a matter of Importance and Nicely to be handled, tho' earnestly recommended to his Management, read the very words of his instruction, which without doubt had been drawn by a Divine of the lower Form. The substance of it was, that from the Judgement of the Synod there arose an Opinion of the Anabaptists, who repeated Baptism upon the Question which they start, whether he who performed the Ceremony, had been rightly called or no. A new Argument of which that Sect was never wont to make use. That there was an Ambiguous Interpretation to be made of the Sentence of the Assembly, which seemed to intimate that the Roman Church approved the Baptism of the Anabaptists, tho' she declares their calling to be Illegitimate. That Baptism was of force Ex opere Operato, according to the Language of the Schoolmen, to express that Virtue of the Sacrament by which it actually confers Grace upon those who receive the Outward Symbol, without any Inward preparation to participate of it, provided they obstruct not the Operation of it by any Mortal Sin. Now the Roman Church not having any need of Legitimate callings, by the Confession of the Reformed themselves, 'twas not for them, to invalidate that Baptism which she Approves, because that in a Case of necessity probably adjudged, all Persons have a Calling to administer it.  
There might be curious Reflections made upon this odd Piece of ill contrived Theology, were they not too remote from my 
The Moderators Answer.  Subject to make any upon 'em. I shall therefore only say, that all the Commissioners sweet Words, could not soften a sort of Articles so new, and so full of Inconveniencies that they could not be observed without reducing the Reformed to a most cruel Confinement. More especially the Third was couched in Terms that were very Extraordinary: And it was an exacting from 'em, a strange degree of Blindness, to desire that the Reformed should remain persuaded, that their Enemies had no other than good Intentions toward 'em, tho' at the same time they should see 'em doing things actually prejudicial to the Liberty of their Consciences. For this is that which was meant at least by that same strain of Language; When for want of knowing the Motives, it might seem to them, as if the Proceedings of the Court were prejudicial to that same precious Liberty. The Synod answered the Commissioners Speech, as people answer when they tremble. They excused one part of those things which had served as a Pretence and Groundwork for his Instructions; and as to almost all the Rest, they made great Protestations of their Ready Obedience. The Moderator began with returning Thanks to God, that ●e had inclined the King's Heart to uphold the Reformed by his Good Will and Favour; to which he added some kind of adulatory Compliments to the Commissioner. He excused ●he Letters received from the Swissers, which only concerned ●he Calling of Rousselet to the Profession of Theology at Neuf●●atel, where he was born; and which had been produced at ●he Synod, in presence of the Commissioners then sitting a●ong 'em. He excused the Correspondence that had been ●eld between the Synod of Lower Languedoc and the Dauphi●ate, as necessary for the Enquiry that one Province was ●ound to make after the Pastors of the Other, according to the method of their Discipline. He assured him that Private synods should not set up any more Regulations, nor appoint ●ny more general Fasts, but that they should submit to the Government; that they should keep close to the Confession of ●aith, and the Word of God: That they should abstain ●rom ●arsh and bitter Expressions against all Persons whatever; to ●hich he added, that it was the Humble Supplication of their ● hole Body to his Majesty, that on his part he would Vouchsafe to restrain the Affronts and Insolences of the Catholics. ●e promised that nothing should be written without Approbation, and that they would obey the Decrees of the magistrate ●ouching the Dissolution of Marriages: From which the Province of Cevennes, which was accused by the Commissioners, protested that they never had the least thought to de●art.  
He enlarged somewhat more, and was a little more reso●●te upon the Article of Annexes; and told the Commissioner, 
Article o● Annexes.  that they never preached by force in any Place: That the Edict of 1567. which was alleged to Authorise these new ●rohibitions, ought not any longer to have the Force of a ●aw, since it was revoaked by the Edicts which were afterwards set forth; and more especially by the Edict of Nants: ●hat the Ministers never preached but in such places where free▪ Exercise was allowed: That several of those places also had been Confirmed by the Commissioners who had consideed 'em, as separate Quarters of the same Body: That the Ministers never preached out of those Circumscribed Limits, in the Church of another Minister, but in case of Absence or Sickness, or when some other Lawful Cause required it. That they had leave by Virtue of the Edict to abide where they pleased themselves; and by Consequence in other places besides the District of their Exercise, when they found it for their Convenience. Upon these Grounds, they besought the King to revoke those Prohibitions which derogated from the Edicts. They besought him likewise to hinder the Officers of Justice from meddling with Annulling Contracts made between the Churches and their Ministers, to let the Method stand without 
Payment of Ministers.  any alteration for raising the Salaries of the Ministers, and paying the Schools; and to ratify what had been done in Favour of Petit the Professor, as being Conformable to Custom. In a word, he justified the Opinion of the Synod of Nimes, 
Baptism.  touching Baptism, as being the Doctrine of all the Reformed Churches: He rejected the Opus operatum of the Roman Church, and humbly implored the King, since he permitted the Profession of the Reformed Religion, to give leave, that that same Determination of the Synod might be allowed of.  
After this they deputed two Ministers and one Gentleman to be sent to the King: but when they went about to read the Instructions of the Provinces for drawing up the Papers which the Deputies were to Carry, the Commissioner endeavoured to have hindered 'em, as if it had been matter of Politic concern, with which the Synod had nothing to do to Meddle. Nevertheless he Suffered himself to be overruled, when they gave him to understand, that there was nothing of Debate or Consultation in the Case, but only a mee● collection of such Complaints and Remonstrances into one Paper, which the Deputies of the Provinces brought ready Digested. He would also have obliged 'em to set down at the head of the Paper the Title of Pretended Reformed Religion: but as for that they excused themselves, by returning him for answer, That the King had never exacted from his Subjects that they should brand themselves with any such Appellations, in things wherein they were to speak according to their Consceiences. So that at length they delivered to their Deputies their Letters, their Instructions, and their Complaints. Their Instructions recommended to 'em three Articles in particular: The Point concerning the Annexes; that of Baptism; upon which they were afraid that the Council would make some untoward Order; and the Point of being exempted from spreading Carpets before their Houses, which had occasioned great Vexations over all the Kingdom. As for the Paper of Complaints itself, it contained Nine Heads: And tho' the King had done nothing in consideration of the Complaints of the preceding Synod, yet they resolved to present 'em, rather that they might preserve to themselves the Liberty of making their Complaints, then for any hope they had of an answer.  
The First Article complained that notwithstanding all the Promises which the King had made by the Edict of the Year 1629. There were no less than Thirty eight Places, where they could not obtain the Reestablishment of Free Exercise, tho' it had been put forth in 1620. All which places were named in the Article. Forty seven Others were also marked down in the Second, some in Saintonge, some in Aunix, others in the Islands of Oleron and Rè, and several other Places, where they had Suppressed the Free Exercise of the Reformed Religion by force, through the Misfortune of the Times. The Third Article demanded the Liberty of preaching in the Annexes. The fourth contained three Complaints. That the Churchyards were not restored to the Reformed, which had been taken from 'em before the Year 1625. tho▪ the Restitution were promised 'em in the Answer returned to their Papers: That in other Places they had been deprived a fresh both of their Church▪ yards and Churches: That in other Places they had been hindered from building Churches: and they named several Places where these Acts of Injustice had been done 'em. There was one Town among the Rest, where they were enforced to bury their dead in their own Fields, and where above Three at a time were forbid to attend the Corpse. The First spoke of Alenson, where the Synod was assembled; which had had a Suit before the Council, touching the Right of Free Exercise in that City; and of Burying their Dead in the Suburbs of St. Blaise, where there was a Church yard. There had been a Decree of the 13th. of May, which put a stop to the Cavils of the Catholics: Nevertheless, in contempt of the Decree, and during the sitting of the Synod itself, they had given a new Assignment upon the same Brangle to the Reformed at the Council. The next concerned the Affairs of the Country of Gex, where Machaut, by his Ordinances had overturned all ancient Customs of the Province, and the Regulations themselves which had been made by the Commissioners in the Year 1612. with the Consent of the Bishop, and the Catholic Inhabitants. Which Regulations had been confirmed in Council, by a Decree of the 13th. of December, the same Year. But for all that, Machaut annulled 'em, without giving notice to the other side. 'Tis true, they did not mention the Prince of Condès Name in this Complaint, tho' he had at least as deep a share in these Violences as the Intendant; for they were willing to pay that Respect to his Quality. The Seventh and Eighth complained of some Decrees of the Parliament of Rennes, of Roven, of Bourdeaux, and of the Council itself, which condemned the Reform either to spread Carpets before their Houses upon Procession-days, in places where that Ceremony was observed; or to contribute toward those things from which they were expressly discharged by the second Article of Particulars; more especially as to Fraternities, building or repairing of Vicarage Houses, or the Hiring of Houses wherein Mass was to be said. The Places where these Sentences had been given, were Vitrè in Bretaigne; Clay, a Village near Paris; Harfleur, in Normandy; Bourdeaux, where the Parliament had made a decree, tho' the Partie-Chamber, which was then at Again, had taken Cognizance of the Matter, and given a quite Contrary Sentence. The Other Places were St. Ambrois, in the Diocese of Vsez, Sauve and Peiroles, in Lower Languedoc; and Segues, in Provence; where Judgements had been pronounced by Inferior Judges. In the Ninth, they complained of the taking away of Children; for which they instanced the Daughter of one Ri●on, an Apothecary at Mamers, a small Town adjoining to Alenson; another of Giles Cou●●●▪ not above two Years and a half Old, which the Nuns ●● ●●●●ir, an Episcopal City of Lower Brittany, had brought ●● a●ter the Death of her Father. The Tenth, and the ●●xt Following spoke of Colleges, by reason of which the Reformed had been sued, wherever they went about to ●●●ct any: And more especially, for that the Commissioners, who were appointed to make a Partition of the Colleges of Royal Foundation, between the Catholics and the Reformed in the Province of Languedoc, disagreeing upon this, that the Catholic Commissioner had forbid the Reformed to teach Theology in that part which was adjudged to their share, the Council, deciding the Partition, had confirmed the Sentence of the Commissioner, tho' in a Case of the same nature they had given a Decree in favour of the Academy of Montauban. And the Pretence for so doing was, for that formerly the Academy of Nimes, was shared between that City and Mompellier; in one of which they ●aught Human Learning and Morality, in the other Divinity. But the Synods understanding the Consequence and Inconvenience of that Division, had reunited to Nimes all the Parts of that College. And this was enough for the Council to take from the One the new Privilege it had obtained, without restoring it to the Other. The Twelfth and Fourteenth spoke of the Ministers, from whom in several Places they had taken away the Liberty of Residing therein, and whom they had deprived of almost all the Privileges granted 'em by the Edicts. They were assessed in the Parish Rolls, even for those Estates which they had let to farm: And some there were, that were constrained to pay the Total for the whole Parish. The Thirteenth made mention of several Places, where the Reformed had been constrained by Menaces and Violence to quit their Habitations. The Fifteenth renewed their Importunities, so often repeated, for the Release of those who had been condemned to the Galleys during the Wars. The Sixteenth made Remonstrances upon the Attempts of the Parliaments, and which was most Surprising, and a novelty altogether, of the Intendants upon the Jurisdiction of the Party-Chambers. And they instanced for Examples of these Attempts, the Parliaments of Aix and Rennes, and the Intendant of Labress, who together with the Presidial Judge of the Borough, had given a Sentence quite contrary to the Decree of the Party-Chamber of Grenoble. In the Seventeenth Complaint was made, that the Reformed were excluded from all manner of Dignities and Employments, Doctorships, and Degrees in the Faculty of Physic, and Freedoms of Companies: Moreover that they were deprived of their Offices which they had in possession, as had befallen the Notaries and Proctors of the Bailliages, in pursuance of the Decree of the 28 of April, which forbid the Exercise of any Offices before the King's Patents obtained. The Eighteenth Complained of the Parliament of Pau, which first began to give the Reformed of Bearn, to understand that they were no longer to enjoy their Liberty. They forbid 'em to toll their Bells upon-certain days, which was only to give notice of the Hours of their meeting; to appeal from the Judgements of the Provincial Synods any other where then to the Parliament; and to appoint Fasts in the Churches of the Province, before they had obtained leave. Lastly, they desired the Continuance of the Money paid of his own Bounty; and complained that the Assignments formerly given were revoked.  
By the Complaints renewed in this Paper, it is apparent, 
Deputies how treated at Court, and their Harangs.  that little notice had been taken of those that preceded: but for all that the Deputies repaired to Court, and desired Audience. Ferrand, the Minister, who was the Chief Person in the Deputatiun, made a most flattering Harangue to the King. He carried as High as Possibly he could the King's Independency, whom he called the First next to God, and the Second after Him: And assured him that whatever he said of Royal Power, was the Doctrine of all the Reformed, which he expressed in such Terms as made a Tacit Opposition to the Opinion of the Catholics upon that Subject. And thus the Reformed became guilty of that weakness which is Common to all that are in fear. They exalted beyond Measure, by flattering Aggravations, that Power, which as they began already to be deeply sensible was abused to their Mischief, not considering that when they prescribed no bounds to the Power which oppressed 'em, they legitimated, as I may so say, the Conduct of their Oppressors, and deprived themselves of their Privilege of Complaining. But all this stood 'em in no stead: For the King rather chose to remain Liable to the Censures of the Pope, then to be beholding for his Exemption to the Doctrine of the Heretics. The same Ferrand also made a Speech to the Cardinal, in most Submissive Language, and in his speeches both to the King and that Prelate, he made use of the usual wish, very Common in the Mouths of the Reformed, but much more in use when the Catholics speak or write to the Pope; wherein they wish that God would cut off something from their own Years, to make an Addition to the Life of their Pontiff. But notwithstanding all their Cringing Submissions, they carried nothing back along with 'em but fair words, and the King wrote as well to the Synod as to the Commissioner certain Letters which contained the same in Substance that he had said by word of Mouth to the Deputies. The Chiefest Favour they obtained, was Money to defray the Expenses of the Synod; but the Answer to their Papers was put off, till the breaking up of the Assembly.  
The Commissioner was very Importunate with the Synod to 
Nomination of General Deputies.  break up; and by his Earnest insisting upon their Separation, it was evident that when the Court beheld the Reformed met together in their Assemblies, she was sensible of those Fears which their ancient Union had infused into her. And indeed there were but few Reasons that could oblige the Assembly to sit any long time; for they had finished their Business, and had appointed General Deputies: Which Nomination was done with Little Ceremony. The Marquis of Clermont was continued, and they joined Marbaud with him for his Associate. They had also written to the King upon this Subject, and he had promised, according to Custom, to consent to the Nomination, after the Synod was broke up. Nevertheless the Marquis of Clermont remained alone in the discharge of that Employment; and neither Galand, who had been appointed by the Preceding Synod, nor Marbaud who was named by this, were any way concerned with him. But the Synod no way satisfied that the Court refused to answer their Paper, and foreseeing also that so soon as they were once separated, their Complaints would be forgot, were desirous to take some Course that they might not lose the Benefit of all their Cares. To that purpose they thought it proper to join Particular with the 
Particular Deputies.  General Deputies, who might solicit the Answer which was promised to their Papers, and chiefly take care of three Articles which they jud'gd to be of Greatest Importance. The Commissioner was desirous to thwart this Resolution, and pretended that a Deputaion of that Nature was a Politic Affair, with which an Ecclesiastical Assembly had nothing to do to meddle without Express leave. But the Synod stood their Ground; and having given him to understand, that there was nothing of Debate and consultation, that their business only was to appoint certain Deputies to carry on an Innocent Solicitation, a Liberty which the Laws allow to all men whatever, and that it could not be displeasing to the King, who had frequently suffered the same freedom, they then went on with their Design, and Deputed Angle and Gigord, two Ministers of Great Credit and Authority in their Provinces.  
La Militiere, who had already rendered himself very troublesome 
Militiere's Projects Condemned.  by his Projects of Reunion, addressed his writings to this Synod, where they were condemned: And as for the Behaviour and Writings of Daille, who had refuted this Visionary, they were approved: And they wrote moreover to that same Reconciler, that if within six Months he did not manifest his Repentance, by an Authentic Declaration to the Consistory at Paris, they would no longer look upon him as a Member of the Reformed Churches. But the Greatest Good this Synod did the Reformed, was their appeasing the Dispute which had made a great noise for some years, upon the Subject of Universal Grace. Nothing was ever known more Hot and Violent than the Fury that appeared in the pro' and con of this New Controversy: And it had certainly Completed the Ruin of the Churches, had not the Synod found out a way to calm the Tempest, by obliging the contending Parties to a Mutual Toleration.  
The next Year was not remarkable for any Great Events 
1638.  that concerned Religion. However, the Reformed were not a little grieved to see a Declaration set forth by 
The King puts France under the Protection of the Holy Virgin.  the King, upon the 10th. of February, by which he put his own Person and his Kingdom under the Protection of the Blessed Virgin: The Memory of which, was to be perpetuated by a Picture set up on purpose in the Cathedral Church of Paris, commonly called Nostre Dame. This Declaration contained in Substance those Expressions which the Reformed, persisting in their Sentiments touching the Object of Religious Worship, could not choose but look upon as Impious: And that alone was enough to blast all their Hopes of expecting any thing Favourable from a Prince, whose Zeal for his own Religion transported him to that excess of New Devotion. For to put his Kingdom under the Portection of a Creature, tho' never so Holy, never so Divinely Privileged, was evidently to vow the Extermination of those whose Principles enjoined 'em to believe, that in seeking such a Protection, the King renounced the Protection of God.  
The Duke of Rohan died this Year of the Wounds 
Death of the D. of Rohan.  which he received at the Battle of Rhinseldt: Which at first were not looked upon to be Considerable; or at least there was no body that ever believed they had been Mortal. Which was the reason that some People believed 'em to have been poisoned; and that the Jealousies the Court had of him, had given an occasion to lay hold of this Opportunity, to send him out of the World without any Noise: And the Surgeons that were sent him, under pretence of being serviceable to him, were thought to be the Instruments of this black Piece of Politics. 'Tis said that the Duke's Journey into Germany, to serve the King in the Duke of Weimar's Army, whither he went, against the Good liking of the Court, and where he would not accept of any Command, was the Effect of some secret Projects, the Consequences of which some People were much afraid of. Some belieu`d that he held a Strict Correspondence with the Deceas`d King Gustavus; that they had jointly labour`d the Re union of the Lutherans and Reformed; that their Intrigues in Order to it had produc`d the Act of the Synod of Charenton: That in pursuance of that Act, the Reformed in Gustavus`s' Army had receiu`d the Communion after the Lutheran Manner, and the Germane Lutherans who seru`d under the the Duke of Rohan, in the Country of the Grisons, had receiu`d after the manner of the Reformed: That those two Aspiring Genius`ss built Great designs upon this Reunion; that the Death of Gustavus, procur`d by those who were desirous to stop the Torrent of his Victories, disappointed all the Duke's designs. Therefore it was giu`n out that he was about to revive the same Corespondencies with the Duke of Weimar, a Prince of vast Courage, great Experience, and accounted one of the Bravest Captains of his Time. Nor had the Duke of Rohan any more than one Daughter, who was a transcendent Match; and therefore `twas verily thought that he had a design, to the end he might procure a stricter Union with the Duke, to give him his Daughter in Marriage. But that Prince was by no means beloved in France, because he had nothing that was Low or Base in him, and for that he knew how to render himself redoubted. Besides he had settl`d himself in Germany by his Conquests, and this Year he took Brisac, more upon his own account then upon the Kings. A Person of such Importance, Powerful upon the Frontiers, esteem`d among the Protestants, respected by all Men, would have been too Formidable, had he been united with the Duke of Rohan, by so strict an Alliance. Nor were the Reformed in France become despicable as yet; and therefore they were unwilling they should have a Leader, of that Fame and Authority as the Duke of Weimar. The Hungarians, on the other side, were grown so strong, that their Enemies were constrained to grant 'em the Privilege of being a Fourth Estate in the Kingdom: And it was to be feared, lest the Duke of Rohan, who made it his Business to advance the Reformed Party in France, should have a design to procure 'em at least the same Privileges; and that under the Pretence of the Marriage of his Daughter, he would engage the Duke of Weimar and other Germane Princes in such an Enterprise. These Considerations, made it very much to be suspected, that the Cardinal, who knew very well how to start a great many others, was desirous to fend off the Blow, by sending the Duke of Rohan into another World; as knowing him capable to go through with whatever he undertook. 'Tis true, that Great Men are seldom thought to die a Natural Death; and it is a rare thing to see any one depart this Life without searching for the Causes of his Death in the Politics of his Enemy. However it were, the Duke of Rohan died in the sixty eighth year of his Age; and his Death was a great Affliction to all the Reformed, who had a great Confidence in him, tho' such Persons among 'em, who had been gained by the Court, would needs persuade 'em that he had sacrificed the Public Good of the Churches to his own Interests. But above twenty years after his Death, they who had seen the Wars which he had managed, never mentioned him without tears in their Eyes.  
The 28th. of the same Month of April, Miron and du 
A Remarkable Ordinance of the Intendants of Languedoc.  P●● Intendants of Languedoc, set forth an Ordinance at Mom●●●●r, which was the Rule and Model of all those which were afterwards issued out against those whom they thought good to call Relapsers. They took for their Pretence, what happens but too frequently in Truth, that both Men and Women, who found it for their advantage to marry Catholics, openly professed the Catholic Religion, when the Catholics would not so much as hear of the Match upon any other Condition; but almost as soon as ever the Marriage was Consummated, the Reformed would return to their first Religion, and then submitted themselves by a Public Confession to atone for the Crime of Abjuration which they had committed. They made 'em also undergo the same Punishment, tho' they had not abjured, but had only complied so far as to suffer themselves to be married by a Catholic Priest. The Clergy were doubly affronted by this; in the first Place, beholding the Mysteries of their Religion pro●●●'d by such a Piece of Inconstancy; and next to see the uncertainty and vanity of their Conquests. Thereupon they made th●… Complaints to the Intendants, aggravating in a most inveterate manner that Profanation of their Catholic Sacraments. That Bitterness, as well as their Ignorance in Ecclesiastical Antiquity, chiefly appeared by the Comparison which they made between the Reformed and the Jews, who were accustomed▪ said they, in the Primitive Times, to seign themselves Catholics, and under that Colour, went to Communions, on purpose to break the Images and profane the sacred Host. They pretended that this Profanation was contrary to all the Edicts, which never pardoned such sort of Crimes. Upon these Complaints the Intendants ordered the guilty to be prosecuted. But the Custom was too deeply rooted, and the Mischief was grown too common to be cured by such a Remedy; nor do I find that the ordinance wrought any Effect.  
In the Year 1629. the King had erected a Presidial Court 
Presidial Court at Nerac.  at Nerac, a City in the Province of Albret, where the Reformed were the most Numerous. The end of which establishment was to strengthen the Catholic Party, by conferring upon 'em the greatest part of the Offices and Employments in that new Court. But neither in the City nor in the Province were there Catholics enough to be found, who were capable to supply those Offices: So that they were forced to send for Graduates, to officiate for the present time, in expectation of able Persons that were fitly qualified for their Places. Nor could they meet with a sufficient Number of Catholic Graduates: But at length the Project was brought to perfection this Year, by sending for men of Ability from other Places, and admitting some of the Reformed into Employments which the rest could not supply.  
At this time also, the Sick were continually tormented 
Sick People tormented by the Monks.  by the Monks, who made an ill use of their infirmities, to ex●ort from 'em some Declaration that might pass for a profession of the Catholic Religion. I meet with one remarkable Example during the sickness of Anne Violet, a Maid of three or four and twenty Years, who lived at Poitiers. This poor Maid falling sick, lost her senses, through the Violence of her Distemper: Which is confessed by the Monks themselves, who wrote the Relation of it, in the true style of a Legend. An Austin Friar went to Visit this Maid of his own Head, and caused her to pronounce certain Words, from whence he concluded her willing to die a Catholic. In the mean time Cottiby Minister of the Place came thither, and his Meeting with the Monk having occasion`d a loud Dispute between 'em, drew together a great Concourse of People, always listening after Novelties, and among the rest ●ame the Mayor, pretending to prevent Disorders. But instead of having any Regard to the condition of the sick Person, he put all the People out of the Chamber, and being Master of the Room, caused a verbal Answer of the Questions propounded to the poor Creature in a Delirium, to be drawn ●p as before himself, being a Magistrate, to the end report ●ight afterwards be made of it for a certain Truth. However, the Rave of that unfortunate Creature ceased not. ●he had till than most dreadful Dreams, and she lay Crying without Intermission, that she was damned. And upon that it was, that the Friar had grounded his Conceit, that ●…e would be willing to quit her Religion to rid herself ●f her Fears. But after they had made her talk as long, and what the Monk pleased, her Visions and Outcries still continued, and her Fears of Damnation were still the same. Nevertheless the Catholics would not lose this fair Opportunity to signalise their Zeal, and cried up the Deliri●ms and Rave of this poor Creature in a high Fever for a Miraculous Conversion. This happened toward the end of July.  
The last of the next Month, the Duke of Bovillon published 
An Edict of the D. of Bovillon in Favour of the Reformed of Sedan.  an Edict in Favour of the Reformed within his Principality of Sedan; and tho' it contained no more than eighteen Articles, it was as much to their Advantage as could be desired. The Three first imported Assurances to uphold 'em in the free Exercise of their Religion and Discipline in all the Exercises of their Academy, their College and their Schools; in the Possession of their Churches, Churchyards▪ Goods, Houses, Rents, Revenues, Foundations, Donations and Legacies, which belonged or might belong at any time either to their Churches or their Poor; in the Administration of those Estates, and in the Enjoyment of such Funds a● the Prince was wont to supply 'em withal, for the whol●… both ordinary and extraordinary Expense, which might depend upon the Exercise of their Religion, or for the subsistence of their Academy and the Poor: The Direction also of those Contributions was left to a Council which should always consist of Reformed Members. The Fourth promised to support that Council in all the Power and Authority derived from the Primitive Institution of it. The two next that followed, discharged the Persons and Estates of the Reformed from whatever might be burdensome to their Consciences; so far as to enfranchise their Houses from all manner of Vassalages and Subjections that should be contrary to their Religion. The Seventh dispensed with the Law●… observed by the Roman Church in reference to degrees o● Kindred relating to Marriages. The Eighth gave Liberty to all those who had a desire to embrace the Reformed Religion, to do it freely, and received 'em under the Prince's Protection, provided they took the Oath of Fidelity as other Citizens did. The Ninth confirmed all the Marriages s● solemnised or to be solemnised by Ecclesiastical Persons, that had quitted the Roman Church, without any Necessity of having recourse to any other Declaration then what was contained in this Edict. The Tenth asserted the Right of Parents, and allowed to Fathers all that Authority which Nature had given 'em over their Children, and ordained that Pupils, whether Catholics or Reformed, should have Tutors and Guardians of their own Religion. Disinheriting of Heirs, upon the Account of Religion was forbid, and declared null and void by the Eleventh Article. The Twelfth permitted the Printing and Selling of Religious Books, provided they had been viewed and examined by the Council of Moderators. The Thirteenth maintained the Reformed in their Right to have a Printer. The Fourteenth and Fifteenth ●ave the Reformed free Admittance into all Employments, even those of the Civil Government and Shrievalty, and promised ●hat regard should be had in the supplying of those which ●ere vacant, to the Number, Affection, Quality and Merit of the Reformed: Which was, in truth, to assure 'em the possession of all Employments. The Three last concerned ●he Execution and Stability of the Edict; that the Prince gave his Faith and Word to see it performed: No less de●…ring that his Successors should make the same Promise upon their coming to the Dignity; that if they were Minors, their Mothers or Guardians should promise in their Names, after they had first received the Oath of Fidelity from their Subjects; and that the Princes themselves should renew that Engagement when they came to be of Age; that all the ●hief Officers at the time present should swear to see it fulfilled; and that all that should come to Preferment afterwards should take the same Oath; and that the Edict should be read and published in all Places where it was necessary. Which Publication was first made upon the 10th. of September in a General Assembly of the Officers, Burgesses, and all the Inhabitants in presence of the Duke himself: Upon the 18th. in the Sovereign Council; and in the Chancery upon the 29th. of the same Month. This Edict was also styl`d in the Preface Perpetual and Irrevocable; nor was the Religion of the Reformed called the Pretended Reformed, but barely contrary to the Catholic. However, this Edict as express and clearly couched as it was, and tho' set forth before Sedan belonged to France, has proved no more Inviolable than that of Nantes.  
For upon the fifth of September it was, that France beheld 
The present King born.  the Birth of the King now Reigning, who has cancelled all these Edicts. Both the King and Queen had made great Vows to the Holy Virgin, that they might obtain Children by her Intercession. For which reason it was that they acknowledged the Succour which she had afforded 'em in answering their Supplications, by sending most magnificent Presents to the Lady of Loretto; and among the rest a Statue of the Newborn Prince of Massy Gold, carri`d by an Angel in Silver; the whole of a very considerable Value. Certainly the Reformed had great reason to fear the Effects of such a Gross Piece of Superstition as this, and that a Prince for whose Birth they were beholding, as they said, to the Intercession of Saints, would be bred up under a great Antipathy against those who looked upon the Doctrine of Intercession as a dangerous Error. Moreover, the Birth of this Prince occasioned the Creating of several Guilds or Fraternities; and multiplied the Nobility, by ennobling Letters, which were so couched, that there was not any Clause inserted to hinder the Reformed from the reaping the Benefit of 'em, to the end the Joy might be general. So that in regard they met with a thousand Obstructions in the Common ways to advancement, there were many Persons that took out these, either that they might have the Liberty to follow their Trades, or to ennnoble themselves. But the Favours that were done 'em, did not extend very far; nor was the Year 1639. more propitious 
1639.  to 'em then the Rest. The Cardinal had embroiled himself with the Court of Rome, and he had a mind to make himself feared in that Court, as he was dreaded over all the rest of Europe. There was nothing talk`d of in France but of creating a Patriarch, and by that means of breaking off all Correspondence with the Holy See. Searches were made by the Cardinal's order, what Quarrels the Popes had with the Kings of France, and Memoirs of every one were drawn up. Therefore, to prevent least these Contests should prove a Scandal to the Catholics, there was no other way then to let 'em see, that there was nothing of good intended by 'em toward the Reformed.  
Therefore the Privy Council, by a Decree of the 18th. of January, renewed their former Prohibitions to the Inhabitants of Villiers le Bell, forbidding their Assemblies to sing Psalms and say their Prayers; to work upon Holy days, or to bury their Dead, but at such Hours as were permitted.  
But the Parliament of Grènoble went farther, and rammassed together in one long Decree of the 21th. of March, whatever 
New Regulations for Villiers le Bell and the Dauphinate.  several other particular Regulations contained of most incommodious and offensive to the Reformed. It forbid their Ministers to preach in the Houses of the Lords of the Manor in their absence, or of their Wives and Families, or in the absence, of the ordinary Chaplain. It forbid the Ministers to preach out of the Places where they were settled; and all others, as well as Ministers, to obstruct the sending of Children, Pupils and Servants to Catholic Regent's and Tutor's approved by the Ordinaries, under the Forfeiture of two thousand Livres, confiscation of Fiefs, or Court Jurisdiction; and the penalty of Imprisonment or other corporal Punishment to be inflicted upon the Ministers. It forbid the admitting of Notaries or Proctors without Letters Patents, and till they had made it out by an exact Examination, that they were qualified for the Employment mentioned in their Letters; and such as had not undergone this Trial, were interdicted. It condemned the Reformed to spread Carpets before their Doors upon solemn Procession days, and more particularly upon Corpus-Christi day, and the Assumption of the Virgin, a day which the King had made choice of to preserve the Memory of his Vow, by virtue of which he had put himself under the Protection of that Holy Saint; the Efficacy of which, such was the Persuasion of the People, had obtained the Birth of the Dauphin. And if the Reformed failed of doing it upon the first warning of the Officers, the Catholics were authorised to cause the Carpets to be spread, at the Charges of the Reformed, who were liable to Corporal Constraint, if they refus`d Reimbursement. It ordered Information to be given of such Hospitals as had been erected without leave of the King or Parliament, and forbade the Erecting of new ones, or any other Houses of Retirement, without leave first obtained. 'Twas mention`d also in the Decree, that the Chambers had been consulted, but the Suffrages of the Reformed Counsellors were not numerous enough to carry it against the Catholics.  
The University of Poitiers had certain Ancient Statutes 
Statutes of the University of Poitiers.  which obliged their Members to certain Devotions; which Statutes had been neglected, while the Edict was observed with any thing of Sincerity, because they could not bring the Reformed to submit to 'em. But when their Destruction was openly laboured, they bethought themselves of Reviving their Statutes, that they might have an Opportunity to put the Reformed by, when they demanded their Degrees. The Pretence was, that these degrees were conferred in the Cathedral Church, where it was presupposed that the Reformed could not take 'em: And moreover that they could not be present at the Processions which the University, according to the Statutes were bound to solemnize every Month, carrying in Pomp to the Church of the Jacobins that which the Catholics call the Holy Sacrament. These Statutes had been revived in the years 1619. and 1620. But that they might have a more specious Pretence to refuse the Reformed their Degrees, the Bishop this year set forth a Chapter Ordinance, dated April 28. wherein he declared, that he would no longer suffer the Reformed to take Degrees in his Church. So that the Ordinance of one single Bishop rendered fruitless the Edict of a Great King.  
The first of the same Month came forth a Decree of Council 
An Order of Judge Mage of Mountauban.  which summoned Constans, a Councillor in the Presidial Court of Mountauban, and Rieuperieux, the King's Advocate, to be heard upon an Affair which had made a great Noise; and until they had had their Hearing, they were suspended from their Employments. The Business was, that Mage the Judge, and the Judge Criminal of Montauban, had upon the 16th. of January set forth an Order which Obliged all the Inhabitants of the Jurisdiction, both within and without, as well Catholics as Reform, to observe holidays, and forbid 'em to expose to sale either Flesh or Fowl, or Wildfowl, upon such days as were not allowed of by the Roman Church. In this Order, to make it more authentic, they cited a Decree of the Chamber of Castres', set forth in March 1634. And an Order of the Intendant of Guyenne of the 16th. of the same Month 1638. Now when these two Judges, who pretended that the sole Cognizance of the Civil Government of the City belonged to them, caused the Order to be read in Court, Rieuperieux opposed it; and required the Judge Criminal and four Counsellors that were present to do him Right upon his Opposal. But Mage, the Judge, persisting, and ordaining the Order to be Registered, Constans, who was eldest Councillor, gave an Injunction to the contrary, and forbid the Prothonotary to Register it. The Heat of this Contest broke up the Court, and the Judge having fortifi`d himself at the Council, failed not according to the Maxim observed there, always to lay all the blame upon the Reformed, to the end he might obtain a Confirmation of his Order, and a personal Summons for Constans and Rieuperieux, 'Tis remarkable that this was a Dispute about Competitorship, or rather sufficiency of Power; a Trial of Skill to know whether the first Judge could alone of himself make Orders relating to the Civil Government, without advice of the Counsellors, and without imparting it to the King's Advocates. But because there was something more in the Matter which concerned the Franchises of a Protestant City, the Judge's Order was confirmed before any Cognizance had been taken of the Reasons for Rieuperieuxes Opposition.  
The Church of Rochechovard had been tormented near ten years 
Particular Injustices at Rochechonard.  by the Lord of the Feif, who omitted no Invention to ruin it. The People had always met in the Common Hall of the City, which was a very small Town: But in 1630. the Lord instigated by the Bishop of Lymoges, took from 'em the use of the House by Virtue of his own Authority, without any prosecution at Law. Nevertheless the Church suffered this Attempt without making any Resistance, and provided themselves of another House wherein to continue their Exercises. However, four years after the Lord would needs lay hold of the Opportunity, and destroy the Church by means of the Grand Sessions that used to be kept in that Hall; but failing in his design that way, the Business was removed to the Chamber of the Edict at Paris; where he had not that Success neither which he desired. This obliged him, because he would not seem to be baffl`d, to remove the Cause before the Council, where all the Mischief he could do, was, that he obtained an Order of the 10th. of May this year, for the Reformed to produce their Original Titles, of which they had nothing but compar`d Copies in the suit commenced. And the same Order forbid the inserting of any Alterations or Innovations on either side. The Church having done their Duty, the Lord let the thing hang for several years, perceiving he could ground no Right upon the support of undeniable Proofs: So that at last, he let the Business quite fall; and the Reformed, who enjoyed their Liberty, fearing themselves to molest the Quiet of their own Privileges, by demanding Judgement, never minded the suing for any Decree in their Favour. And the Affair still remains undecided, according to the Custom of the Council, who never did any thing for the Advantage of the Reformed, but when they were so earnestly pressed to it, that they could not avoid it: Which cost that Church very dear, as I shall relate in another Place.  
Upon the 16th. of June the Parliament of Rennes condemned the Reformed in Vitre, to spread Carpets before their Doors upon Procession days; tho' about ten years before 
At Vitrè and Dijon.  they had set forth an Edict quite opposite to it: And upon the 14th of December, the Parliament of Dijon made another, which was no less singular. For two of the Reformed had had a suit together: The one demanded that his Cause might be sent back, the Other required that the Cause might be continued. Accordingly the Parliament judged the continuance of it; and the Pretence was, that it was a case wherein the Cause of the Defendant was to be favoured. They might have said with much more Justice, that in regard the Dispute was about a Franchise, he who was willing to wave it, could not so well do it, to the Prejudice of him that endeavoured to make use of it.  
The sixteenth of December, the privy Council condemned the Reformed, who practised as Proctors in some Jurisdiction or other of Poitou, to produce their Letters Patents, and to justify that they were qualified for the Employment; that is to say, that they were Roman Catholics: In the mean time they were forbid to practise in them. This 
Practise of Notaries forbid.  was the Language of all the Courts in the Kingdom, who knew the King had by that means a design to exclude the Reformed from all petty Employments. The same day came forth another decree which forbid the Exercise of the Reformed Religion at Taulignan in the Province of the Dauphinate; 
Taulignan.  and which would not permit 'em to bury but in the dusk of the Evening, as at Paris, and other great Cities, under the Forfeiture of three thousand Livres. I meet with also another Decree the same day, which forbid the 
Chucrh-yard at Blois.  Reformed of Blois to lock up their Churchyard. For the Archdeacon, who is the chief Clergyman of that City, had presented a Petition to that Effect, wherein he set forth, that the locking up of the Churchyard would create a Jealousy in the Catholics: For that the Churchyard being advantageously seated to command the City, which was built upon the Descent of a Hill, they might meet together and fortify themselves in it, to the great danger of the City. Which was a Precaution that signified very little, at a time when France was already subdued, and patiently bore the Yoke. So that there were none but the Croakers, who 
Croakers.  made a little Bustle in some of the Provinces: For so were the Peasants call`d, who not being able to bear the Taxes and Imposts with which they were overwhelmed, nor the Vexations of the Gentry, had taken Arms to defend themselves. Nevertheless the Council granted those Prohibitions to the Archdeacon, not because the Reason of the thing deserved it, but because it would be an Inconvenience to the Reformed, who Burying their dead in an open Place, would be expos`d to the Affronts of the Rabble.  
The next year they continued their Vexations of the Reformed, 
1640.  by a thousand Squabbles and Cavils. The Bishop of Oleron, in Bearn, and the grey Friar Placed his Proctor, attempted to put down the Exercise at Oleron, St. Marry, Luc and Saucede. And the Parliament of Pau, whither the Cause 
Decree of the Parliament of Pau.  was removed, retained it; and in the mean time forbid the Continuance of Preaching in Places where there were not above ten Families of the Reformed in all: Grounding their Proceedings upon the Answer returned to the Paper presented by the ecclesiastics in 1617. upon which a Decree was made the 23th. of January. The Parliament of Paris also, by a Decree of the 7th. of September forbid La Gateliniere to suffer any Preaching in his House at Puigeniet, nor in any place belonging to the Bailliage of Tours. The same day likewise the Parliament of Bourdeaux sent the same Prohibitions to those of; Beaulieu in Limosin, at the same time forbidding 'em to hold a Synod in the City, or to make use of the Common Bell for tolling to Sermon, under the Forfeiture ●● 10000 Liures. 'Tis true indeed that this was not ordained but for such a Time, and till it should be ordered otherwise.  
The Schools were the Subject of many Cavils, as 
Schools.  well as their Exercises. For the Syndic of the Clergy o● Roven took his Opportunity when the Council stayed a● Roven, in regard the Chancellor had Orders to repair into Normandy, and Command the Forces that were sent against the Piednuds, or the People that went Barefoot; for so were they called in that Province, who were named Crokers in other Places. This same Syndic set forth in his Petition, that the Catholics themselves had not the Liberty to keep Schools, without leave of the Chancellor of the Metropolitan Church; whence it followed that the Reformed were not to have that Privilege without Permission. For this reason, the Council, upon the 6th. of February, set forth a Decrcee prohibiting Schools to be kept at Roven, or in any other Places where there was not a Right of Exercise. Upon the 10th. of December the Parliament of Bourdeaux, at the Instance of du Sault, a Zealous Persecutor, who pleaded in the room of the Advocate General, by a Decree forbid Ord● and Grenier, Regent's of the Reformed Schools at St. Fri, to keep 'em open, for that they had intruded into 'em of their own Heads, without leave of the Court. The Fifteenth of the same Month wrote expressly to the Bishop of Poitiers, to let him understand that 'twas his Pleasure for Decorums sake, that the Schools where Boys and Girls were taught, should be distinct. Two Months after appeared a Judicial Sentence, upon a Motion of the King's Advocate, that all Schoolmasters, as well Catholics as Reform, should be bound to take their Licenses from the Bishop; and by Consequence, to observe the same distinction between the Schools of both Sexes. Since that, the Law is very much altered; for that by forbidding the Reformed to have any more than one School in a Place, they have provided against their Observance of that Distinction: As if the Profession of Heresy were a reason sufficient to deprive Heretics of their Right to observe the Decorums of Morality.  
The Advocate General in the Parliament of Pau, bethought himself of a rare Artifice, to oblige the Reformed under that Jurisdiction 
Singular Artifice to oblige the Reformed to call themselves pretended Reform.  to give their Religion the Title of Pretended Reform. They were wont to qualify themselves with the Addition of the Religion of the Edict; or barely Of the Religion: And this they observed in all their Public Acts; even in the Plead of Advocates. But the Advocate General undertook to prohibit 'em that Custom, and to render this Severity more Tolerable, he was desirous to usher it in by some Act of Justice. He showed how that the Catholics commonly called 'em Huguenots and Heretics; which might cause great Disorder; besides that the Reformed were not to be Suffered ●o use such Expressions as frequently came out of their Mouths. ●n Conformity therefore to this Request, the Parliament set forth a Decree, forbidding the Catholics to call the Reformed Huguenots or Heretics; and prohibiting the Reformed to give their Religion any other Name then that of the Pretended Reform. But the Catholics never obeyed those Prohibitions, either in Bearn or elsewhere; and the Reformed avoided, as much as in 'em lay, the Assuming a Title which they could not own with a safe Conscience.  
Vanier and Mangets, Inhabitants of Nanterre, having let 
Blasphemies pretended.  ●●ip something in common Conversation, touching the Person of the Holy Virgin, and the Honour due to her, which seemed very remote from the Sentiments of the Roman Church, whose Disciples never mention that blessed Creature, but with that Respect which they pay to God himself, the Discourse of those two Men was looked upon as Blasphemy, and the Judge of the Places ordered 'em to be prosecuted as Blasphemers. To this they added another Crime as little understood as the former, and accused 'em of edeavouring to seduce some young People of the Town from the Catholic Religion. And they inserted that Term young People, to hedge in the Article of the Edict of Nantes, which equally forbid as well the Catholics as the Reformed, to practise the Trade of Seducers. But in reality, these young Men were Persons ripe in Years, and of an Age which absolutely discharged the Article of the Edict from taking Cognizance of 'em. The Crime of being Seducers was common to Both, but Vanier, was chiefly charged with the Blasphemy. For which being convicted, he was Condemned to undergo the Amende Honourable, and to the Galleys for five Years: The other was only Sentenced to the First Punishment, and banished the Town and Parish. But the whole cause being removed to the Chamber of the Edict at Paris: The Punishment was mitigated; so that Vanier was condemned to Confess in the Court of Nanterre, with his head bare and upon his Knees, that he had rashly and Impiously uttered the Blasphemies that were laid to his Charge, and which he had owned in his Interrogatory. He was also banished out of the Provostship of Paris, and fined eight Livers. There are two Things in this affair which plainly make it out, that these pretended Blasphemies consisted only in the Liberty which Vanier had taken to express in Terms not rightly chosen, the Doctrine of the Reformed touching Religious Adoration. That is, that he freely confessed before the Judge what he had said, which was more than a Person accused of down right Blasphemy, would have doubtless done with so much Confidence. The other is, that the Sentence pronounced by the Judge of Nanterre, was mitigated by the Chamber of the Edict; which would not have so fallen out, had there been any thing of Solid in the Accusation of Blasphemy. There have and will be seen Examples, by which it is to be observed, that the Advocate General became the Appellant for a slighter Punishment, when there was but any pretence for it in the Accusation of the Basphemer, and that the Chief Judge had not pronounced the Utmost Severities of the Law. This Decree was issued forth the 1● th'. of September.  
Such another Accident happened at Poitiers, upon a pretended 
A Pretended Sacrilege.  Sacrilege. For a certain Cross erected in the Highway, near that City, was found pulled down and levelled with the Ground, upon St. Michael's day. Upon which there was both Inquisition made and Information given before the Judge of Poitiers, and the Testimonies charged the Crime upon a Person of the Religion: And had he been Convicted of the Fact, he had deserved no less than Breaking upon the Wheel. For People have been burnt alive for Committing certain Insolences against the Cross, which after their Death, was found where it stood, to be as ●ound and as free from any Damage, as when it was first errected. But this supposed Criminal was acquitted at so Cheap a rate, that it served for a strong Presumption of his Innocency. For he was condemned only to the Charges of the Trial, to a slight Fine, and to set up the Cross again. And he rather chose to fulfil the Sentence, then to prosecute the Reversal of it, fearing to enlarge and Swell his Accusation by an Appeal.  
Upon the 12th. of September a Decree was published at 
Partition of Voices at Castres'▪ and the Consequences of it.  Castres'; the Consequences of which were Tedious and Vexatious. The Advocate General set forth four Things. I. That the Reformed never put off their Hats to the Sacrament, when they met it in the Streets, nor ever fell upon their Knees. II. That they would not let their Domestic Servants go to Mass. III. That they would not suffer 'em to be Comforted in their Sickness. IV. That they constrained 'em to work upon holidays: And of all these Abuses he moved for a Regulation. As for the three last Articles, a Regulation was granted him with a Nemine Con●ra●●●●nte: And the Reformed were forbid to give their Servants any Trouble in those Particulars. But they were divided upon the first: The Catholics, most Zealous Members of the Parliament of Tholouse, were of Opinion that the Catholics should be ordered to kneel, when they had not time to get out of the Way. On the other side, it was the Judgement of the Reformed, that those of their Religion were not bound to Kneel; that it was sufficient to Ordain that they should retire into their Houses, or any where▪ else upon the sound of the Bell; that the Reformed in General had never Violated the Edicts; and that particular Persons when they had Committed any Fault, had been always punished by the Chamber, without Dissimulation or Connivance. Upon this Division of Opinions being carried to the Council, there came forth a Decree of the 24th. of October, which cofirmed the Opinion of the Catholics; ordered the Reformed that could not get out of the way, to put themselves into a Condition of Respect as Others did: And upon their Refusal, condemned 'em, for the first Fault to a Fine of 500 Livres, for the Second 1500, and for the Third 2000, and Banishment out of the Province. There could be nothing ordered more Expressly against the Articles of the Edict, which exempted the Reformed from every thing that was contrary to their Consciences.  
Several Contagious Diseases had been very rife in France this Year, and had made a great Havoc of the People, principally in the Southern Provinces. And this Contagion having spread itself in several Places where the Reformed had a Right to Assemble, and perform the Exercises of their Religion, chiefly at Nimes and the Parts adjoining, they took the Liberty to meet in the Streets, in the Public Places, and in the Fields; whether it were, because they would not deprive those Persons of the Comfort of Pious Exercises, for whom it was not safe to have a free Conversation with Others, that they caused 'em to sit under the Wind; or because they were willing to prevent the Sound from being Infected, by suffering 'em to sit among persons suspected of Infection in close Places: But most certain it was, that they never pretended thereby to make any Encroachments; and one would have thought, that at a time when such a Terrible Judgement required the Incessant Applications of Prayer and Devotion, the People might have been dispensed with the delays of a Regular Address to obtain the Prince's leave. Nevertheless, this Attempt was looked upon as Criminal, tho' it had been authorised by a Decree of the Party-Chamber. Thereupon there was a Decree made by the Privy Council, which forbid any such sort of Exercise; which reserved to the King the Power of appointing some Place, for the Reformed where to meet in Case of Contagion, and which ordered Machaut, Intendant of the Province, to prosecute Du Cross, and others accused of this New Crime: And the Intendant was authorised to give a final Sentence, from which there should be no Appeal. Now they who are acquainted with the delays of the Council, and the Commissioners, to whom such things are referr`d, can never question but that the design was to reduce the Reformed, either to forbear their Exercises while those Contagions continu`d; or else to infect one another if they would not deprive those that were upon Recovery and such as were suspected of Infection, of the Consolation of their public Devotions, who both of 'em stood in the greatest need of it. This Decree came forth the 30th. of October, but had not authority enough to serve for a Regulation.  
But there was a particular affair, and which made a 
Marriage of converted Priests.  great noise adjudg`d by the Parliament of Paris, the 22th. of August. There was a certain Priest in the Diocese of Nevers, whose name was Sebastian Tridon, who not conforming to the Roman Religion, and abhorring the Tyranny of Celibacy, embrac`d the Reformed Religion, and afterwards marri`d. The Bishop of Nevers, to prevent the Noise of this Conversion from spreading any further, and to brand the Priest with Infamy, set afoot an Accusation of Lewdness against him, and omitted nothing of Falsehood or False dates, to colour the Calumny. For which reason the Priest appeal`d from the Sentence of the Bishop, as a Secular Person from an Ecclesiastical Court, and undertook to prove the Falsehood as well of the Decree, as of the verbal Report of a pretended Lying-in of the Maid, whom he was accus`d to have debauch`d. On the other side, three Brothers which he had, oppos`d his Marriage, and obtain`d of the Judge of St. Peter le Moutier, Prohibitions to Montunglard the Minister, and all others, to proceed any farther towards the Celebration of the Marriage, as also to Tridon and Mary Bruander, who was betrothed to him, to think any more of it. 'Tis true, it deeply concern`d the Brothers, as well for that by the Marriage they lost the hopes of succeeding as Heirs to their Brother; as for that Tridon quitted several rich Benefices, by forsaking the Roman Religion. For it appeared by the Process, that he was in possession of an Abbey, a Canonship, and a considerable Vicarage. Well— There was an appeal from that Sentence, as also from the Proceedings of the Official; and the Cause being remou`d into the Chamber, Tridons' Advocate insisted upon the Liberty granted by the Edict, and upon the long Toleration of several Marriages in the same Case. The Bishop's Advocate, who was also for the Rest of Tridons' adversaries, insisted chiefly upon the Vow of Priesthood, which he pretended was inviolable; and which is worthy observation, he said nothing of the Challenge, but by the by; only he told the Court that the Methods he had taken were impertment and false. And at the Conclusion of his Plea, he put home to the Reformed a Point of Honour, who if they loved the Purity of their Religion, would never admit any to the Profession of it, but such who embraced it upon the Principles of Virtue, not such as became their Proselytes for love of Libertinism, and publicly abandoned their Continency. As if, not to say any thing of the lawfulness of Marriage at present, it could be deny, d, that a man who only sought to marry for no other reason, then to find a Remedy against Incontinency in the state of Wedlock, were not visibly overruled by the Maxims of Virtue. And the Advocate General, Talon, likewise, tho` he had laid a great stress upon the Opinion of the Roman Church, which believes that the sacerdotal Character, such as that she deems to be imprinted by Baptism, can never be lost, nor repeated, could not forbear to second the Advocate's conceit; but the Advocate pretending that Celibacy was an Apostilick Tradition, deriding as Fabulous the Story of Paphnutius, who in a full Council had given the Name of Chastity to Conjugal Society, according to the Relation of Socrates; Talon acknowledg`d the contrary, that Marriage and Orders were not incompatible by their Institution; and that Celibacy was only introduced for the sake of greater Purity; but in the main he asserted, that the Particular Articles were never enregister`d; tho' eighteen years before, his Father James Talon had maintain`d the contrary, and caus`d the Register to be brought into Court: That they contain`d Privileges and Resignations, irregular from the common Law; which were not capable of any extended Interpretation, but were to be expounded according to the Letter: That it was with the Liberty of Sentiments granted by the Edict, as with the Liberty of Exterior Actions, which are reduced into Laws of the Kingdom: That Priests might Embrace the Reformed Religion, but not Violate the General Laws of Celibacy, which were the Laws of the State: That there were a thousand Inconveniences to be feared if they should be permitted to Marry, more especially, if the same Priest, after he was Marry`d, should happen to return to the Roman Church. He cited the Decrees made upon the Marriage of the Cardinal Chatillon, and the Chevalier de la Ferte Imbaut; and to elude the Force of the long Toleration of Marriages of the same Nature, he would needs have it belieu`d, that it proceeded from two Causes: First, for that the Kindred of Marry`d Priests stifled the memory of their Crimes, for the Honour of their Families, as not being any way bound to reveal 'em. The Second was, that the ecclesiastics were never eager in the Prosecution of such People, which was the cause of their Impurity. These were the Advocate General`s Reasons, which it would have been an easy thing to have refuted, had the other side been permitted to Answer. For the two Causes from whence he deduc`d the Toleration of Marriages, of the same Nature with Tridons', were notoriously False. The Kindred having had always prevailing Reasons to prevent 'em; and the ecclesiastics never omitting any Opportunity of persecuting those Priests who forsook the Roman Church. Besides, that outward Sentiments or Actions were so far from being restrained within the Bounds of the Laws of the Kingdom, by the Edicts, that quite the contrary, those Edicts were only promulgated, to exempt the Reformed not only in respect of Sentiments, but in regard of outward Actions from the Rigour of the Common Laws as to what concerned Conscience. Nevertheless, in regard the Time for Interpreting any thing in Favour of the Reformed, was not yet come, Parquets Conclusions were followed in part, and the Sentence of the Judge was Confirmed; but they order`d no General Regulation upon the Matter. However 'tis true, that a Precedent in adjudged Cases, never fails to have the Force of a Regulation, especially when there is an Antipathy against the Parties against whom the Judgement is given.  
By a Decree of the 30th. of November, the Catholic 
Precedency adjudged to the Catholics.  Officers in the Court of Accounts, Aids and Finances of Mompellier, were adjudg`d to precede the Reformed, in all the same Cases, and with the same Expressions, as Precedency had been adjudg`d to the Counsellors of the Chambers of Languedoc and Guyenne, by the Decrees which I have set down in another Place. So that in all the Sovereign Jurisdictions, the Reformed were despoyl`d of all the Privileges which in pursuance of the Edict, they were equally to enjoy with the Catholics.  
But the next Year produc`d 'em those Vexations, of which 
1641.  the Consequences were no less afflictive; and the Chamber 
A new decree about meetting the Sacrament.  of Castres' was the Principal Object of their Cavils. For the Decree of the 23d. of October, touching the Veneration which was to be pay`d by the Reformed to the Sacrament, and which oblig`d 'em to kneel when they met it in the Streets, having been presented to the Chamber to be register`d, Tzarn the Prothonotary, being backed by the Reformed Counsellors, refus`d to enrol it; Boyer and Baule`s, Consuls of the same Religion, refus`d the Publication of it. The reason of their refusal was evident enough; because the Reformed could not give that Exterior Mark of Veneration to the Sacrament, which they did not think proper to be ador`d without doing an Injury to their Consciences. Whereupon the News of this refusal being carry`d to Court, it was there deem`d convenient to issue forth a new Decree of the second of January, to interpret the former. There it was Acknowledg`d that the Equivocal sense of some Expressions was the reason of their requiring the Reformed to kneel; and therefore to exempt 'em from this Injurious Compliance, it was ordain`d that both Men and Women should get out of the way upon the Tingling of the Bell; and if they could not, that they should put themselves in a Posture of respect, the Men by putting off their Hats only. But to the end that this Interpretation should not be thought an act of Kindness, there was another Decree made the same day, that the Prothonotary and the Consuls should be proceeded against, for ●…ing to Register and publish the first Decree, and enjoining the Chamber to allow 'em Commissioners.  
In Pursuance of this Decree there was an Information drawn up against the Parties accused: And when the Chamber met to consult upon it, the Three Parties presented two Petitions; the one in reference to what Yzarn had done, and the other relating to the Misdemeanour of the Consuls: And 
Vexation of some Officers at Castres'.  they desired they might be read, before they entered into Consultation. The Catholics were for throwing 'em aside without reading 'em, and arguing upon the Matter of Fact, were for committing 'em to Prison; and ordering 'em to appear at the Chamber, and to be heard at the Bar as Criminals; that they should be Ironed; only that in favour to 'em their Irons should be put on at the Chamber door, and knocked off again when they went out: And that this severity should be part of their Punishment. On the other side, the Reformed were for reading their Petitions which had not been imparted to the Reporter, because the Dispute was about the Refusal of Commissioners, and Cancelling the Informations: That it was but just to consider whether the Commissioners ought to be Judges: That only contumacious Persons were deprived of the Right of Refusal, and had their Mouths stopped till they submitted to Justice: That the Petition was according to law; nor did they insist upon it out of a Spirit of Contradiction, but as forejudged by the Commissioners themselves, who had not desired the Imprisonment of the Parties; as little designed by the Decree itself, which was couched in the mildest Terms that could be conceived in such a Case. Upon this, the Catholics not willing to submit, the Court continued still divided; and notice was sent of it to the Council, for them to decide the Matter. The Reformed deputed thither the Precedent Vignoles; but he was not well received; and the King wrote to the Reformed Counsellors, to let them understand, that their Deputation was no way pleasing to him: And to exhort 'em to appear more moderate for the future, when the Dispute was about putting in Execution the Decrees of his Council and his Commands.  
But for fear the Catholics had not gained a Victory complete enough, the 15th of April came forth another decree, which determining the Division of the Court, ordained that without taking notice of the Opinions of the Reformed, they should proceed to pass sentence upon the Parties accused; and forbid any Division of the Court upon that Instruction, upon Pain of being accounted Encouragers and Abettors of Disobedience. There could be nothing more unjust than this Prohibition, nor of which the Consequence could be more dangerous. For 'tis well known, that in Criminal Affairs, he that is master of the Instruction, is also Master of the Sentence which the Instruction prepares. So that the Reformed not daring to divide upon the Instruction, the Catholics had the Liberty to expound it how they pleased; and their Associates being no more than Spectators of the Proceeding, had indeed no voice to give, but only in the concern of a definitive Sentence. This and Time together produc`d odd Consequences; and gave the Parliament of Tholouse a great Occasion to Triumph in this particular, who thereby saw the Downfall of all the Power which the Reformed had in the Party Chamber. There was a Necessity therefore for the Consuls to buckle under the Authority of Caminade, the Catholic Precedent, who had commanded 'em to proclaim the Decree, when all the Authority of the Precedent Vignoles, who forbid 'em, was not sufficient to excuse 'em. In short, they were confin`d, amerc`d a hundred and fifty Livres, order`d to beg pardon for their Disobedience to Caminade, as having done it rashly and erroneously, to pay the Costs and Charges of the Trial, which the Court was to tax, to give a Declaration in writing to be register`d, and to be suspended from the Consulship for six Months, and they were forbid during that time to be present at the Town-House, or at any public Assemblies.  
This Affair which concern`d the Chamber, was attended by another no less vexatious to the Consistory; among whom it was a Custom to create Tithing-men, whose business it was to make up the Rolls of all the Inhabitants of 
Molestation of the Consistory of Castres'.  the City. These Rolls seru`d for several ends; either to know whether the Number of the Reformed or Catholics encreas`d or diminish`d; or to see by the Roll who were most proper to serve as Elders and Deacons, which were frequently chang`d in the Provinces; or to judge upon whom it was most proper to assess the Taxes, which were then rais`d by Authority of the Consuls, together with the Royal Money for the Payment of the Ministers, and for other Expenses of the Churches. But the Catholics believed, or at least feigned to believe, that there were greater Mysteries conealed under this Custom. This Year therefore the Consistory having given out certain Orders to the Tything-Men, they made up three Rolls, of which two contained the Names of the Reformed and Catholics both together; the Third, the Names of the Reformed only. Upon this, there was some disturbance made by the Catholics, who refused to tell the Tithing-men their Names, and complained of some hard usage upon their refusal. This petty Business, having thus made way for complaints, occasioned a great Hurly-Burly afterwards. There were great Inquisitions upon it, several persons were heard; the Tithing-men, the Informers, the Ministers, the Elders; and Monitories were also published in the Cathedral Church. But all that they could gather from this exact Enquiry was, that an Order had been given by the Informer to the Tithing-men to make up a Roll within their several Precincts, of such Persons as were capable of supplying the Place of Elders, because the Time appointed for a new Election drew near; that it was not usual to give such Commissions to the Tithing-men; that they were also entrusted with Distributing the leaden Tokens to such as were to be at the Communion; that whether they had misunderstood, or whether they had received any other Orders than what appeared, they had made use of the Name of the Consuls to oblige such as refused to tell their Names; that one of 'em being asked by some one of his Tything▪ whether the Roll were made up in order to any Guard which they were about to appoint, an answer was made, that Perhaps it might be so: That Silla's, a Gascoin Gentleman, who came to Castres', where he stayed five or six days, under pretence of some Orders from the King and the Prince of Condè, had lodged at the Beadle's House; that during his stay he had obtained a Capias against a Servant of his, who as he said, had robbed him in his Lodging. It might appear by that, that these Rolls concealed no dangerous Mysteries, in regard that all the Confessions were Unanimous and Ingenious. Nevertheless there came out a Decree of the last of August, which Condemned the Beadle and the Tithing-men to several Penalties; forbid the Consistory to make use of Tything-men in the Execution of their Discipline, only with allowance to employ such other Persons as they should think fitting; and not to meddle with any thing of Politic Affairs. As for the Nomination of the Tithing-men, it was reserved to the Consuls, who were ordered to appoint 'em Party-per-pale. And some there were among them who had been in that Employment for above Eighteen Years; which was a Demonstration that the Power of appointing those Officers had been a long time Vested in the Consistory. But the least pretence was sufficient to deprive the Reformed of their best Establshed Privileges.  
The Reformed had Schools at Couhè, which were Govern`d 
Exercises & Schools prohibited.  by two Regent's, Guillamet, otherwise call`d Torsat, and Champeraut. But upon the 28th. of February, came forth a Decree of the Council of State, which forbid the keeping of Schools in that Place, and which order`d the two Regent's to appear, as if they would have made a Crime of their Profession. Several Places also there were, where the Exercise of Religion was Prohibited. For Example, a decree of the 15th. of March, forbid the Continuance of it at Bessai, because it was a Catholic Lordship. And as for the Exercise that was kept at Marevil, it was order`d that Villemonteè, the Intendant, should inform himself by Deeds and Testimonies of the Time when it first began. Another of the 3d. of April, forbid the Reformed to assemble together at Mombaison, whither they had remou`d their Exercises, after they were thrust out of Taulignan; and the same Decree forbade Vulson de la Colombiere, to preach in any more than one Place. 'Tis Remarkable also that the Bi●●●● of Valence and Die, who was a perpetual Goad in the sides of the Reformed within his Diocese, set forth in the Pe●●tion upon which he obtained that Decree of Council, that within three leagues round Taulignan, there were no less than thirty four Places where the Reformed Religion was exercised. A great Honour for a Bishop, to have caused the surpression of the greatest Part. There was also a Decree at Paris, issued out of the Chamber of the Edict, where by, after the Business had hung nine Years together in suspense, Bournaizeau, was forbid to preach: For which the Pretence was, that the Lord was a Catholic, and Party to the Process. However, 'tis true, that the Decree reserved to the Reformed the Power to provide themselves of another Place without the Barony. But that was only a delusive clause which was added to their Decrees, to make People believe that they did Justice alike to both Paties: To the Lord, by freeing his Manor from the Exercise of a Religion which was contrary to his own; and to the Reformed, by allowing 'em the Choice of another Place. But these Prohibitions were equivalent to an absoute Interdiction; for that when the Reformed demanded another Place, either it was impossible to agree upon it; or else they wrangled 'em out of it, upon the score of their Right. And if they took possession of a new Place without ask leave, they were forbid to continue their Meetings, as not having any Power to assemble without permission. The same Chamber also, after several Cavils and Decrees, forbade Montaigu, ●● preach in the absence of the Lord. And this Decree came forth the 7th. of September.  
Burials also afforded a world of Matter for Trouble and Vexation. 
Burials  For the Reformed were wont to bury their Dead in ● certain Place of the Diocese of Noyon, near adjoining to Varennes. But the Bishop Pretended, that formerly there had stood a Chapel in that Place, and to prevent the Reformed from carrying their Dead thither, he erected a Cross upon the same Ground. But the Reformed being nothing terrified at that, the Bishop of his own Authority caused all the Bodies to be digged up again which had been interred since his Erecting the Cross. After which he bethought himself of getting a Decree upon a Petition to the Privy Council, which forbid any more Bury in that Place. And to render the pretence of their Prohibitions more Specious, the Bishop caused a Procession to be made in that Place upon the day which the Catholics call Corpus Christi day, and set up a Repository for the Sacrament.  
Blasphemies and Profanations were still another pretence 
Blasphemies and Profanations.  of several Vexations. For an Inhabitant of Nanterre, one Mangets, another of the same name besides the Person of whom I have already spoken, was accused to have uttered some Blasphemies. The Judge having understood his Duty by the Decree of the Chamber of the Edict, which had reversed his Sentence the Year before, pronounc`d another more moderate, and condemn`d the Criminal to make an atonement for his Fault, by kneeling with his Head bare before the Auditory of Nanterre, and three Years banishment out of the Jurisdiction. This Business being removed to Paris, by an Appeal of the Party condemn`d, the Advocate General was in an ill humour at that time, and moved to be admitted an Appellant as from a Punishment that was too slight. Upon which the Chamber of the Edict, by a Decree of the 11th. of May, enhansing the Penalty impos`d by the Sentence of the Judge of Nanterre, condemn`d Mangets to nine Years banishment out of the Provostship of Paris. Moreover, a certain private Person of Couhè, was condemn`d to a Fine by a Sentence of the Judge of those places, upon the 10th. of April, and the Fine was disposed of toward the maintaining a Light in the Parochial Church: And the pretence was the Profanation of the Churchyard, into which the same Person was accus`d for having carry`d some Dung, and to have set up Tenters to stretch his Serges. But all the Crime which he had Committed in that particular, without doubt was no more, then that being one of the Reformed, he had not obtained leave of the Curate by some present or some little Gratuity: In regard there is no Churchyard at this day, wherein the same Liberty is not to be had at the same Rate.  
The Proctors also were persecuted, under pretence that 
Offices.  they had not Patents for their practice, or because they were not of the same Religion which was therein expressed. For Example, there liu`d at St. Maixants, one of the Reformed whose name was Gascon, and who was of the same Profession. This man was envied by the Catholics that lived by the same employment: And that was a common thing, in all Places where there were any Reformed Officers; because they had generally more business than the others; whether it were that the old opinion of their Probity, caused 'em to be more confided in; or whether it were that to render themselves more considerable, they strove to be more exact than others. Which was the reason that the Reformed were more respected for their own sakes, then for the sake of their Employments. Upon this score Gascon received the Money due to the Corporation, which vexed the others, who thought there was something to be got by that Employment: So that they began to think of getting him out of his Office, that he might no longer be an Eye sore to 'em. To this purpose, Hardi, a Catholic Proctor in the same Court, maintained one day, in a Process, wherein he was Proctor for the same side, that he had no right to plead at the Bar, because he was not duly qualified. But this attempt not having the desired Effect, the Catholics combined together against the Reformed, and resolved to exclude 'em every one from those petty Employments. To which end, they thought it their best way to complain of 'em to the Governor, and to accuse all the Notaries, Sergeants and Proctors of the Religion of Frauds and foul Practice: And by agreement of the same Assemby where that Resolution was taken, they gave warning to Gascon not to meddle any more with the receipts of the Common Stock. Which affair, being at length, after several prosecutions removed to the privy Council, there came forth a Decree of the thirteenth of December which ordered the Parties accus`d to produce their Parents, and to justify their being duly qualified, and if they failed of so doing, to stand interdicted. Which was the shortest way to deprive 'em of their Employments; for a process upon an accusation of foul Practice, would have been redious, and where the Informer had at least been in as much danger as the Party prosecuted: But in regard that all Parents expressly mentioned the Profession of the Catholic Religion, the Binding the Reformed who had no Licences, to ●o produce 'em, was to strike a sure blow. The same Council also upon the 19th. of November, had made a decree of the same nature, against Garàemau, who was a Proctor in the Marshalsea of Poitiers.  
In like manner the Parliament of Rennes signalised their 
Priests and Monks changing their Religion.  Zeal against such Priests and Monks as changed their Religion, by a Decree of the 13th. of the same Month. It called 'em Apostates, as if they▪ had renounced their Christianity▪ and ordered that they should be sent back to their Bishops or their Superiors, to be punished according to the sacred Decretals, and in the mean while, it forbid the Ministers to marry 'em. The Decree of the Parliament of Paris was cited in this: a clear demonstration that in such Decrees passion frequently prevailed above Judgement and Honesty. And in one decree which made the Change of their Religion liable to Punishment in Priests and Monks, the Parliament cited another Decree, against which the Advocate General had maintainded that it was lawful for▪ 'em to change.  
Nor did the Troubles in the Kingdom during the year 
1642.  1642. nor the conspiracy of St. Mars, nor the lingering sickness of which the Cardinal died the 4th. of December, prevent 
The Ancient Church of Vitrè pulled down.  it from being very vexatious to the Reformed. For they had geat injustice done 'em in reference to their Privileges and Places of Exercise. They had a Church at Vitre, built upon a Piece of Ground which they had pnrchas`d themselves, and of which the possession was confirm`d to 'em by a peremptory Decree, in the Reign of Henry 4th. who had written to the Inhabitants by way of Exhortation, to Five at Peace and Unity one among another. But for all this, after the Duke of T●imvoille had changed his Religion, the Catholics revived their Old Grudges, and made new Efforts to pull down the Church, under pretence that it was too near their Mass-house. The Duke 'tis true, who left the sole Authority over his house to the Duchess his Wife, who was very Zealous for the Reformed Religion, and who had the Courage to bring up her Son according to her own Sentiments, would have no hand in the Process, in regard the Duchess openly protected the Reformed: But the Catholics to the end they might have the Better success, to the Affair of Religion joined certain Complaints of some Extravagancies which they pretended the Reformed had committed upon Christmass-day at Night. This same Misdemeanour was, that they had taken some pieces of the B●eacle, which the Catholics call Holy bread, and given it the Dogs to eat: To which they added other Requests upon several Articles; so that after long and troublesome Contentions the Privy Council made a Decree of the 24th. of January, which gave the Catholics full content. For they were ordered to allow the Reformed another place in the Suburbs, provided it were no Ecelesiastical Fief, at least three hundred foot from any Catholic Church or Chappel: That the Catholics should assign the Ground; but that the Reformed should build the Church like the other; and that when it was finished, and not before, they should resign their own to the Catholics, to be turned into a Townhouse, or for any other Convenient use. That the Catholics should be reimbursed their Advance-mony out of the common Stock; and that the perpetual Curate or Vicar should be the first in delivering his Opinion at all meetings of the Coporation, before any of the Laity; only after the Seneschal, the Seneschals Deputy, and the Lord High Justiciaries Proctor. As for the Complaints concerning the extravagancies, they were referred to the Parliament of Rennes; and the Appeal from the Sentence given by the Senes●hals Deputy, who had ordered the Tombstone to be taken away from the Grave where Mommartin was buried, was referred to the Chamber of the Edict of Paris.  
The 12th. of February, came forth a Decree of Council which forbid any more Preaching in the City of Gex. 
Exercises forbid at Gex.  Another of the 20th. of June, forbid as well Preaching as other Exercise, either public or private, in the City of Sancerre; 
At Sancerre.  which City had enjoyed an uninterrupted Exercise of their Religion ever since the Reign of Charles IX. It was famous for the long Siege and the Dreadful Famine which it had endured; and never was any Right or Privilege more notorious or better deserved than Her's. Nevertheless, the Prince of Conde, who had purchased the Signoru, put a higher value upon the refusal of his Consent to the Continuation of their Exercises: And that was sufficient to justify the Violation of a Privilege confirmed by so long a Possession. Alard Minister of the place, who was personally summoned, upon his appearance was sent back with a Bundle of Prohibitions: But this was nothing in Comparison of what was adjudged the 21st. of November, at the same Council, in reference to the Meeting place in Chauvigny. Free Exercise had been there Established according to the 19th. Article of the Edict of Nantes; nor did there want any thing of Evidence to prove it. Moreover this very Place was named in the Edict itself; and the Eighteenth Article contained these express words, the said Exercise shall be also continued in the said City of Chauvigny. Nevertheless the Council forbid any Exercises there for the Future; and the Pretence was, that Chauvigny was the first Barony belonging 
And at Chauvigny.  to the Bishop of Poiteer, and that that same pre-eminence of the Place had been concealed, when the forementioned Article was obtained: Tho' there be nothing more false. For there was a long Negotiation upon this Subject during the Treaty of the Edict; and the Question about particular Places, where the Reformed were desirous to preserve their Right of Exercise had given a fair Opportunity to make known at large all the Qualities and Immunities of this.  
Upon the 30th. of July also, the Chamber of the Edict of Paris, made a very singular Decree upon the Subject of the Right of Exercise. Baudovin, an Advocate in the Parliament of Paris, was Lord of Champrose, a small Manor in Brie. Thither he retired a Sundays to refresh himself after his weekly Toil at the Public Bar, and had a Sermon preach`d before him. But that Liberty would not be allow`d him, though▪ he declared that he never intended to settle any fix`d Exercise there. But because the express words of the Edict were, That a Lord abiding in one Place where he suffer`d preaching, might do the same in another of his Houses, while he stay`d there, Advocate General Talon found out a Cavil to render that Consideration fruitless to Baudovin; for he pretended that that Permission was of no force to those who were Housekeepers in a Town, for which there was a place of Exercise appointed: But only to those who living in the Country, where they had free Exercise in one of their Houses, went to live for some time in another; and as every thing was held for good Argument against the Reformed, this Evasion passed for such. Therefore because Baudovin was a Housekeeper at Paris, he was forbid to have any Preaching at Champrose, though, at the Time that he was there himself; and this at the Instigation of no body else but his Curate.  
The Parliament of Tholouse, by several Decrees, among 
Exercise forbid at Quercy.  which was one of the 12th. of September, forbid preaching at St. Cerè in Quercy, because it was a Manor belonging to the Duke of Bovillon, who was become a Catholic. Upon which we must observe, that many Times the Exercises were performed in the Signories of Lords, without any dependence upon the Lords, because the Right thereto was obtained by some Article of the Edict. But every thing was put into a General Confusion, that Occasions might not be wanting to molest the Reformed. The same Parliament went yet further at the beginning of the next Year, and not content to Suppress the Exercise, they dispossessed the Reformed of a Churchyard delivered to 'em by an Ordinance 
Cavil about a Churchyard.  of the Commissioners appointed to see the Edict perform`d. For which, the Pretence was, that having lost their Right of Exercise, they had no Right of Burial. And yet there were several Places where the Reformed never pretended to any Right of Preaching, where nevertheless they were allowed Church yards. The reason of which was, because the Church yards were allowed 'em, not as Places of Exercise by Virtue of any Possession, or some other Title, but only for Convenience or Necessity, when they lived in Places too remote from those where the Exercise was settled.  
They were also forbid to preach at St. Savin, and Antibe, because they were part of the Church Revenues: St. Savin, being comprehended in the Decree of Chauvigny, and 
At St. Savin and Antibe.  Antibe, being the subject of another that came forth the 16th. of December, upon the Petition of Godeau, Bishop of Grass and Valence. It was there also decreed that the Church yard belonging to the Reformed should lie at a distance from the Catholics, because the Bishop had set forth in his Petition the near Neighbourhood of those Places as a great Inconvenience, in regard that the Bones of the Faithful Christians, might happen to be intermixed with the 
Distance between Churchyard and Church-yard.  Bones of the Heretics. Which was a kind of nice Precaution at too great a distance from the last Day, at what time the Divine Judgement was to make the distinction. They were also forbid to expose their Corpse in Public, to use any Funeral Pomp, or bury 'em in the Daytime.  
There was one Ann Trouè, who had spent the greatest 
Sepulchre violated.  part of her Life in the Catholic Religion, tho' she had Married her Daughter to one of the Reformed, with whom she lived. This Woman sometime after she had received the Communion in the Roman Church, fell sick at her Son-in-Law's House, died without sending for the Curate or any other Ecclesiastic, and was buried in the Churchyard belonging to the Reformed at Chaunay. But the Catholics would needs have it thought that she persevered in their Religion till her Death, and that it was through the Fraud of her Son-in-law, and the rest of her Reformed Kindred, that she was deprived of their Prayers, and of a Catholic Burial. However, there was no other Proof than Presumption, inferred from her Receiving the Communion in her Parish before she fell sick. Nevertheless, the Son-in-Law was condemned to dig her up again, and carry her into the Catholic Churchyard at his own Charges: And because the Body did not seem to be putrified, tho' it had lain about two months in the Ground, they would needs make a Miracle of it; and to hinder the Miracle from being contested, some of the Kindred were brought before the Judge, to confess, that they smelled no ill Smell that came from the Corpse. Which was enough for Catholic Credulity: So that for Fear the Memory of this wonder should perish, the Forfeitures adjudged against those who had buried the Woman in the Churchyard belonging to the Reformed, was applied toward the making a Cross which was erected over her Grave, with an Inscription containing the whole Story. However, 'tis certain they never bethought themselves of informing the world of this Miracle till May▪ which was a long time after the thing happened. But that which is most observable is this, that in the Relation of this Accident, they allege for a most convincing proof of the wonder, that the two Months, during which time the Body lay in the earth, were the sharpest and most bitter cold Months in all the Winter: As if it were such a wonder that Frost and Cold should prevent Corruption; not to speak any thing now of certain cold Grounds where Bodies will not begin to putrify till after they have lain twenty years together.  
Tonnaiboutonne is a place within the Colloquy of St. John 
restor'd●● ●● Tonneboutonne.  ● ' Angeli, where Mass had not been sung for Fourscore and five years before. But this year the Parliament of Bourdeaux resettled it in that Place, by a Decree of the last of March. The Lords of that Manor had built up a Chapel, or as the Parliament call it, in their Decree, a Sepulchre, for themselves and their Family, upon the place where formerly had stood the principal Altar of the Catholic Church. That decree therefore commanded the pulling of it down, and took from the Lords whatever had belonged to the ecclesiastics. Nor did it forget to condemn 'em to dig up all the Bodies that had been buried in the Sepulchre; to the Restitution of the Church yard, the Bells, the Curates house and the Alms-house, and to rebuild the Church; obliging the Inhabitants to contribute two thirds of the Charge; and those that had a share in the Tithes, the other Third: For this was the way to involve the Reformed in the Penalty of the Condemnation, in regard that almost all the Inhabitants were of that Number. Besides, that the Edicts had forbid the reviving the Memory of any Acts of this Nature, and discharged the Reformed from all the Penalties upon demolishing of Churches before the Edict of Nantes. But the Parliament never looking upon that Edict as a Law to bind their Sentences, made it openly the May game of their Passion and their Cavils.  
The Reformed also who had got into small Employments, 
Offices.  were prosecuted this year, as in the Preceding; so that upon the 29th. of April, the privy Council fet forth a Decree like the rest against Sergeants, Notaries, Proctors and Commissioners of the Registry. In like manner the same Council set forth another decree upon the Eleventh of March, which confirmed all that had been enjoined by the Bishop of Poitiers about the distinction of Schools for Boys and 
Schools.  Girls; and the particular Order of the Judge of the Place, which enforced the Reformed to get a Licence from the Bishop, and to show it the King's Advocate, before they began to teach.  
Pretended Blasphemies and Irreverences were the Occasion 
Blasphemies and Profanations.  of a world of unjust Acts. Four young Men were accused of stealing the Pix upon New years-day, and of throwing the Consecrated Wafers about the Churchyard. For which they were committed to the Custody of the Provost, but they being desirous to decline his Jurisdiction, demanded a Removal of their indictment to some Chamber of the Edict. Couchè was the Place where the accident happened, which falling within the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Dijon, it was there to be determined, as being the most proper Judicature. Thereupon the the Parliament sent back the indictment to the Provosts, who gave Sentence of death upon all four. But in regard they were only condemned to be hanged, 'tis much to be questioned whether the Court had any good Proofs of the Crime. Otherwise had the same Sacrilege been committed by the Catholics themselves, they had been broken upon the Wheel, or burned alive. And indeed there is one Relation of the Death of those poor Creatures, which might give us some reason to believe that the Punishment was mitigated, because they changed their Religion. But the style of that Relation is so monkish, and it is interwoven with so many Characters of Falsehood, that the very reading of it is enough to persuade a man, that the whole business was otherwise carried. For the Monk that made it represents those poor Creatures invoking the Virgin Mary, before they had embraced the Roman Faith; and recounts a Miracle wrote in Favour of one of 'em, who seemed insensible during a very painful Torture of the Rack, which he attributes to some motions of Devotion which the young man had for that Blessed Saint. But there is a contrary Relation which attests that those poor Creatures were Innocent; that the Curate had forged the Crime by the foul motives of his impious Malice; that it was sworn how they got into the Church through a hole, which it was impossible for a man's body to pass through; that the Curate ●ade the hole himself, that he might have some ground for his Accusation; that he took away the Pix himself, and scattered the Wafers, whether consecrated or not, about the Churchyard: Of all which things there would have ●in sufficient proofs, would the Provost have admitted ●em; that the Parties accused never confessed any thing, or else what they did confess was extorted from 'em by the Violence of the Torment. That there was no Proof of the change of their Religion but the Testimony of the Monks, who beset 'em till their Execution: Or if any of 'em were so weak as to promise it, 'twas only out of hope to save his Life; that they were not seen at their death to do any thing that savoured of Catholic Devotion; nor to take any notice of their Crosses and Beads which they continually ●eld to their Lips. But the Monks are made up of such Calumnies; and it was their usual Course to brand the Reformed with suspicion of Sacrilege, on purpose to render 'em odious to the People, as will afterward appear by more than one Example.  
The Lord of Chaurai and his Wife were accused of setting their Coach cross the street where the procession was to pass upon Corpus Christi day. The Bishop of Poitiers turned Informer; but the Crime which they had endeavoured to aggravate by long Proceedings, and severe Informations, produced no more than a Decree of the 10th. of May, in the Chamber of the Edict, which condemned the Parties accused to pay the Bishop's charges, and summoned 'em to the Chamber, there to receive an admonition to behave themselves more modestly according to the Edicts. A Proctor's Servant Maid in Poitiers was accused of having uttered several Blasphemies in the Abbey of Montierneaf, against the Images of the Virgin and the Saints: That is to say, that the silly Maid had inconsiderately asserted that they were Idols. She was convicted of Contumacy, because she had avoided Imprisonment by Flight: And upon that, sentenced to undergo the Amende Honourable, to have her Tongue bored, and to perpetual Banishment out of the Province of Poit●●▪ which Sentence was excuted upon her in Effigy.  
The Bishop of Mompellier and Valence were Conservators of the Privileges of the Universities of both those Cites. The Bishop of Valence, after several Decrees, and a long Suit between him and the Members of the University, came to an agreement with 'em, in pursuance of which he drew up Regulations, of which the chiefest was to exclude the Reformed from all Dignities. The Purport of those Statutes was, that high Mass should be said every Sunday, at which the Rectors, Doctors, Regent's, Scholars, Undergraduates▪ and Strangers admitted into the Society should be present▪ that the Bishop, who is also Chancellor of the University▪ should preside at all the Acts: That the Vicechancellor and Rector should be Priests, or at least Clerks; and that they should take their Oaths Bore headed and upon their Knees.  
Books also had their share of Catholic Severity. For di● Moulin had published a small Piece entitled, The Capuchin. Wherein he ridiculed that Institution, which dazzled the Catholics with such an outside of Zeal. Thereupon with great Fervency they prosecuted the Condemnation of this Book: And the Chamber of Castres' being divided upon this Occasion, that Division was determined upon the third of April, and the Book was condemned to be burnt. The Parliament of Bourdeaux also ordered the same Execution the 3d. of May. This very Book was also burnt at Poitiers the 12th. of December, by order of the Seneschal, together with another Book, entitled The Capuchins Journal.  
I have already told ye, that the Prince of Conde purchased 
Books prosecuted.  Sancerre, and that he had suppressed the Exercise in that Place: But his Zeal stopped not at so small a thing. He caused a Decree of Council to be set forth, which forbid Burials in the Day time; all manner of Funeral Pomp; the Exposing of the Bodies before the Doors of their Houses; Nor to misuse the Catholics in word or deed, nor any of the New Converts, nor those who had a desire to change their Profession, under the penalty of corporal Punishment. It was fruther ordained, that no Soldiers should be quartered in Catholic Houses, till the Reformed had had their ●all share, and that the charges of such Quarter, and all other Municipal Expenses, should be levied upon the Reformed. That the Taxes should be rated by three Catholics and one Reform; but that they should be collected by three Reform and one Catholic; that the Reformed Assessor and Collectors should be chosen by the Reformed; and the Catholic, by the Catholics. So that every thing was so ordered, that the Catholics, who were not the tenth part of the Inhabitants, were the Masters of the Rest, and might at their Discretion command the Estates and Liberties of others: And 'tis thought that some Personal Resentments transported the Duke to these unjust Revenges.  
But the Cardinal's Death, and the crazy Condition of 
Death of the Cardinal.  the King caused a kind of Cessation of all manner of Business, the whole Government being intent upon the Change that was like to happen so suddenly in the Kingdom. For which reason the Reformed had a little Breathing time: For I find but one Peremptory Decree of the Privy Council of the 3d. of March, in Confirmation of another obtained by the Bishop of Luson upon a Petition the 20th of the Preceding May, which sentenced Gagemont, according to his own voluntary Offers, to make his Excuses to the Vicar of St. Hilaire de Melle, to consign sifty Franks into the Bishop's Hands, and pay him the Costs and Charges of the Suit for not alighting nor putting off his hat, upon his Meeting the Sacrament.  
Fuzil, Curate of St. Berthelemi at Paris, being retired to Geneva in 1614, was there married. His Children after his death, went into France, to sue for the Payment of a Sum of Money due to their Father for the Sale of an Inheritance six years before his Retirement. But their Kindred by the Father's side refusing to acknowledge 'em for lawful Heirs, tho' born in Wedlock, and in a Country where it was lawful for Priests to marry, the Advocate General undertook the cause of the Kindred, and in the Chamber of the Edict, upon the 25th. of February, obtained a Sentence, that the Children as Bastards in France could not have the Benefit of Succession.  
The fifth of March a Decree was issued out at Bourdeaux against the Privileges of the Party-Chamber. A certain Recollect of the Mission of Bergerac, went to Visit, at Sigoules, the Lady of Moulard, pretending he had been sent for by her Order, being at that time sick. In the nick of time, in comes Belloi, the Minister of the Place, and opposes the Monk's Design. Upon which the Monk complained, that Violence had been offered him, and obtained a Capias against the Minister, who applied himself to the Party Chamber. Now this was a cause purely within the verge of that Chamber. But the Advocate General interposed and caused the Parliament to send for the Cause, who gave him leave to pursue the Execution of the Decree.  
But the King's death, which happened in May, prevented him from any farther improving his powerful Zeal against the Reformed. But to show that he was still the same to his last Gasp, he could not die till he had exhorted with his own trembling Lips, the Marshals La Force and Chastillon to turn Catholics. However, he had the not Pleasure to see extinguished the Party which he had brought low: For Providence reserved that satisfaction for Lewis XIVth. who succeeded him.   
The End of the Second Volume.  

A COLLECTION OF EDICTS, DECLARATIONS, AND Other PIECES: Serving for Proofs of the Second Part of the History of the EDICT of NANTES.  

A Declaration of the King upon the Edict of Pacification, given at Paris, May 22. 1610. and verified the third of June the same Year.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr, to all to whom these Present Letters shall come, Greeting. Since the unfortunate and detestable Assassination of our thrice Honoured Lord and Father last Deceased, whom God Absolve, the Queen Regent, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother, tho' continually with Tears in her Eyes, and Grief in her Heart, nevertheless has not forborn with incessant Labour, and with great Magnanimity and Prudence, to prevent that fatal Accident from doing any Prejudice to our Person and Dignity, or to our Kingdom or Subjects, holding herself bound to this Duty, not only by the natural Affection which she bears us, but also because of her having been declared Regent, and under that Character being entrusted with the Care and Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom, by the Votes and Suffrages of the Princes of the Blood, and the rest of the Princes, Prelates, Peers, Principal Officers of the Crown, and Members of our Parliament Assembled therein, we keeping there our Throne of Justice, wherein her Pains proved so successful, and the Affection of our Subjects who were then about us, as also of the Inhabitants of our good City of Paris, was so great and sincere toward us, that we can desire nothing more from their Obedience, and Fidelity, nor from the good and prudent Conduct of the Queen Regent, our aforesaid thrice honoured Lady and Mother. Being also informed by Intelligence, that comes to us every day, that in all other Places and Parts of our Kingdom, all our Subjects as well Catholics, as of the pretended Reformed Religion, of all Qualities, make it their Business out of a laudable Emulation, to outvie each other in readiness to Obedience, in Actions and Behaviour which give some Testimony of their Fidelity and Duty; for which we have great occasion to bless God, and to hope that as he has been pleased to preserve this Kingdom from imminent Dangers, so as to make it flourish for so many Ages, so he will take into his Protection our youthful Years, and grant us leisure to grow up in Piety and Virtue, to the end we may one day employ the Grandeur, to which he has raised us, to his Honour and Glory. Which with all our Hearts we implore him to vouchsafe us, and to inspire us always with Councils requisite and necessary for the well governing our Subjects in his Fear, and causing them to live in Peace, Union, and Amity one with another; as being the true Foundation, upon which next after God, depends the Safety and Preservation of the Kingdom. Experience having taught the Kings our Predecessors, that the Fury and Violence of Arms had been always, not only of no effect to reduce their Subjects, who were gone astray, into the Bosom of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Church, but rather extremely prejudicial; which was the Reason that being swayed by more happy Councils they had recourse to Mildness, in granting them the Exercise of the pretended Reformed Religion, of which they made Profession. By whose Example led, the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, made the Edict of Nantes, for the Reconciling of all his Subjects together. The Observation of which Edict, together with the Regulations made in consequence of it, settled such an assured repose among 'em as has lasted ever since without Interruption. By means of which, although that Edict be perpetual and irrevocable, and consequently has no need of being confirmed by a New Declaration; nevertheless to the end our Subjects may be assured of our good Will, and that our Intention and pleasure is inviolably to observe that Edict, made for the good and repose of our Subjects, as well Catholics, as of the pretended Reformed Religion.  
Therefore we Declare, That this Affair having been debated in our Presence by the Queen Regent, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, we have by the Advice of Her, the Princes of our Blood, other Princes, Dukes, Peers, Officers of our Crown, and several eminent Persons of our Council, said and ordained, say and ordain, and it is our Will and Pleasure, That the said Edict of Nantes, in all the Points and Articles of it, together with the rest of the Articles to them granted, and the Regulations made, and Decrees set forth upon the Interpretation, or Execution of the said Edict, and in consequence of it, shall be inviolably upheld and observed, and the infringers shall be severely punished as Disturbers of the Public Tranquillity. To which Effect, we enjoin all our Officers to be sedulously assisting, under the Penalty of being responsible, and being punished for their Negligence with the same Rigour, as the Disobedience of those that shall offer to Violate it.  
In like manner, we command our Beloved and Trusty People holding our Court of Parliament in Paris, that these Presents may be Read, Published and Registered, and the Contents thereof to keep, maintain, and observe Point by Point, according to their Form and Tenor, without suffering or permitting any Breach thereof in any manner whatever: In Testimony whereof, we have caused our Seals to be affixed to these Presents.  
Given at Paris, May 22. in the Year of Grace, 1610. and of our Reign the First, Louis.  
And upon the Folding of the Paper. By the King, the Queen Regent being Present, De Lominie.  
Sealed with the great Seal of the said Lord, upon a double Label. Also written upon the side of the said Folding. Read, Published and Registered, heard by, and Consenting and Requesting the King's Advocate General. And Ordered that compared Copies shall be sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships, to be there also Read, Published and Registered, with all speed by the Advocate General's Substitutes, who are enjoined to Certify the Court of their doing it this Month. At Paris in Parliament, June 3. 1610. Signed, Tillet.   

A General Regulation, drawn up in the Assembly General of the Reformed Churches of France, held at Saumur, by the King's Permission in the Year, 1611.  
IN every Province there shall be a Council established, to Consult about the Affairs of the Church within the Province.  
Which Councils shall be continued and changed every two Years, either all or in part, at the Discretion of the Provincial Assembly: Which Assembly shall choose out of the Gentlemen, Pastors and third Estate, Persons well known to all the Province for their Piety, Probity, Capacity and Experience; the number of those that are to be employed, out of every one of the said Ranks or Degrees, being to remain at the Discretion of the Provinces.  
The Council shall Name the Place, and the Persons to whom Advices shall be directed, whether General Deputies, or of the Province.  
When a General Assembly is to be called, the Council shall give notice to all the Churches, either one by one, or by way of Colloquies, according to the Method observed in every one of the Provinces, to Assemble at a certain day, and send thither their Deputies, either by the Appointment of Churches or Colloquies.  
To which purpose the Elders of each Consistory, shall be careful to give notice to all the Principal Members of their Churches to meet upon a certain Sunday at Sermon; at the Conclusion of which the Ministers shall give notice to the Housekeepers to stay in Order to Consult about Affairs of the Church which concern 'em.  
By the Advice of which Housekeepers, such a number of Persons shall be deputed from every Church to meet in the Assembly of the Colloquy, according to the Method observed as above mentioned, a● shall be chosen by Blurality o● Voices, provided there be a mixture of Gentlemen, Ministers, and Men of the third Estate, as far a● is possible to be done.  
The said Provincial Assemblies shall Debate and Argue by Heads▪ unless any Church requires that they shall argue by Churches; o● that in Places, where the Assembly meets by Deputation of Colloquies, some Colloquy requires that Judgement should be given by Colloquies.  
No Man shall be admitted into the said Provincial Assemblies, unless he have a Call, or be employed in Messages.  
The King's Officers and other Magistrates may be present in the said Provincial Assemblies, when they shall be called by the Method above prescribed, and shall sit with the Nobility, or with the third Estate, according to their Quality, unless they shall be admitted to make an Order apart.  
The Precedents that are to pre●ide in the said Provincial Assemblies, shall be chosen out of the Nobility by Plurality of Voices.  
There shall not be above five Deputies at most, sent by the Provincial to the General Assembly, and three shall be the least; which shall be chosen, such as are the most able Persons in that Assembly, out of the Gentlemen, Ministers and third Estate, as far as may be done.  
The Councils composed as above, in every Province shall be entrusted with the following Functions, and oversight of Affairs.  
To disperse the Intelligence which they receive from the General Deputies at Court, or from the Provinces adjoining, or other Places, to all the Churches and Places of the Province, or to such a Governor, Captain, or other Person as need requires.  
Also if the Intelligence reach farther than the Province, whether it be the general concern of all, or the particular Business of some other neighbouring Province, to give notice by an express and without delay.  
And to the end, this Communication of Intelligence may not prove ineffectual for want of Diligence, the Contiguous Provinces shall take care respectively for the distributing the Intelligence from one to another, to the end they may be sent by the shortest way, from what part soever they come. To which purpose there shall be a Fund deposited in the Hands of one of the Council of every Province, amounting to about a hundred and fifty Livres, to defray the Expenses of the said Dispatches, and to reimburse those that shall have laid out any Money; and the Deputies of the said Contiguous Provinces shall conter together, to resolve what to do upon this Order before they depart.  
If the Intelligence received by the Council be such, that they can look after it alone, they shall do it speedily and without delay: If not, 'tis left to their Prudence and their Judgement to Consult the Advice of such Persons, as they shall think convenient, as the Case requires, to call to their Assistance.  
For Example, in Case of any, notable Breach of the Edict, Sedition, Tumult, attempt upon any Place, or such other Intelligence of Importance, the satisfaction for which was neglected, or required a more vigorous Prosecution, they may require such of the Neighbouring Counties, which they think most proper to assist 'em with three of their Counsellors at the least, who upon the first Summons shall be bound to Meet, in such a Place as the injured Province shall Assign, one or more of their Council to Consult together and find out all the good and lawful means to get Reparation for the said Breaches in the Province endamaged; and to make it their own Cause and Business, as much as the injured Province did. Which if they shall not be sufficient to go through withal, it shall be left to the Prudence of those Provinces, jointly with the Deputies of their Councils, to advise, whether it be needful to give notice to all the rest of the Provinces, and to Assign a place where to Meet the Deputies, in Order to the unanimous Prosecution of that Affair.  
All which is most conformable to the General Union of the Churches of the Kingdom, which obliges 'em to a mutual Resentment of their Grievances: So that one Province grievously injured may not have recourse of itself to violent Remedies, as it were by way of Reprisal, or to some other sort of Revenge, whereby they may be hurried, and consequently all the rest of the Churches, to extremities, but may partly be restrained by the Prudence of their Councils within the bounds of Moderation, and partly fortified by their support, for the obtaining of Justice, and Reparation of their wrongs.  
The same Method shall be observed, in Case that any one professing the Religion, shall attempt any thing rashly, and with a Call, to the prejudice of the public Tranquillity.  
The said Deputies of the Council of the Provinces shall have a regard to the King's Service and the Preservation of the Churches, that the Places committed to the Custody of those of the Religion may be kept in a good Condition, and that the Governors and Captains, with whom they are entrusted, do their Duty.  
And to that purpose the said Governors and Captains are admonished, not to take it ill, if the said Councils from time to time depute Personages capacitated among 'em or else out of the Province to vis●● the said Places and Garrisons, to the end they may give an account to the Province. In which Visitation they shall take care that al● their Soldiers, for Assurance o● that Fidelity, which is principally required from 'em, shall be well known to be of the Religion, a●● that they may not be listed out o● the Original Inhabitants of those Cities or Suburbs, till there be ● Necessity of new Reinforcements Which the aforesaid Governors and Captains are required to observe.  
And because great abuses have formerly been committed, by Reason of the great number of Soldiers, which might or aught to have been entertained in the said Places▪ which considering the incertainty of these times, might have brought upon us inconveniences past repair, the said Governors and Captains are required, for the Service of the King, the Peace of his Subjects of the Religion, the discharge of their Honour and Consciences, and the freeing themselves from that blame, which otherwise they may incur, to conform to that which follows.  
That is to say, that of the sum as well charged upon the Public Account as payable in ready Money, they take a third part clear, and disengaged from all charges, and that for the two other third parts, they consent to give the Acquittances into the hands of such Person as shall be appointed by the Council of the Province, who shall receive the Money and pay the Soldiers by Bill of Exchange, and satisfy all other charges; as well of the Garrison as of the Place.  
By the way, 'tis to be understood that out of the two thirds, there are to be paid the Governor's Lieutenant, if he have any, the Captains and Soldiers according to the Agreements ordered by the Governors and Captains, the Sergeant Major, the Drummers, the Cannoneers, and other necessary Officers; also for, Wood and Candles for the Corpse du Guard, where the Inhabitants of the Cities find none; Mats, Bedding, rugs, new Arms, repair of the Watch-Towers, Bridges, Barriers, Pallisado's, and new Carriages for the great Guns, when the Council of the Province think it convenient, and are able to do it without too much prejudice to the ordinary Garrison.  
And because it shall be the care of the said Council, or of those whom they shall appoint for that purpose, to make an estimate, as near the Truth as may be, of what the Annual Charges may amount to, to the end there may be a Fund still ready, and not to put upon the Governors and Captains more Men than they are able to bear: and of all that Administration there shall be an account given to the said Council, as also of the Charge that shall be laid upon the said two thirds in the presence of the Governor; nor shall the said extraordinary charges above mentioned exceed a third or fourth of the said two third parts for every Year.  
If any Fund be given by their Majesties for the Reparations and Fortifications of the said Places, the said Governor shall Order, how the Money shall be laid out, as having more interest in what it ought to be most properly employed, and best Judges of what is most necessary. Nevertheless the Commissioners of the Council shall have an Inspection into it, to the end the Disposals, Proclamations, Adjudications, and Abatements may be duly made, and without Monopolising, and that the Business may be done as they desire. Or if the Fund be otherwise raised for the said Reparations, it shall be managed by him whom the Council shall appoint, who in the Presence of the Governor shall give an Account to the Council.  
Where there shall be public Magazines they shall take care, that the Corn, Wine and other Provisions, without any prejudice to the King's Officers, be supplied in Time and Season, to the end they may not be empty. Also that the Powder, Match, and other perishable Ammunition may be dried, refreshed, and reground, with as much good Husbandry as may be. And in a Word, the Governors are exhorted not to take in ill part the care which the Deputies of the Council shall take, as to what concerns the Preservation of the said Places, and to give all Assistance and Encouragement to those that shall be sent by 'em.  
The said Deputies of the Council shall labour, in pursuance of the strict Union which ought to be between those of the Religion, by all amicable means, as far as in 'em lies, either by their own Pains, or the Mediation of proper Persons to prevent and reconcile all Suits, Quarrels, Animosities, that may arise upon any occasion whatever.  
If any of the Captains, or Governors of Places happen to die, they shall endeavour that the Regulation, which their Majesties have been pleased to grant their Subjects, may be exactly observed in all the Circumstances of it.  
The Provinces and their Councils shall hold a strict Correspondence with their Neighbours, and to the end they may be the better able to keep it up, they shall be careful to cause their Deputies to Meet at the Provincial Assemblies.  
And for the General Correspondence between the whole Body, they shall take and receive it from the General Assembly, so long as it shall sit by the King's Permission: but that, breaking up, they shall have recourse to the General Deputies, residing near their Majesties, in Order to the Church Affairs.  
And for the upholding a Necessary Union between all the Churches, they shall meet every Year at a certain Time and Place, and appoint one of the Council of every Province to be there exactly. To which purpose the Assembly, at their breaking up, shall appoint the Council that ought to nominate the Day and Place for the first Year: which shall take care to appoint the most commodious Time for the Meeting, with the least Noise and Bustle, and to render it the most Beneficial that may be to the Conjuncture of Affairs. Those few Days of Conference will solder their Union, revive the common Resentment of their Interests, and inform one another of their present Condition.  
Done, and Decreed at the General Assembly of the Reformed Churches of France, held at Saumur by the King's Permission, August 29. 1611.   

Answer to the Writing of the Assembly of Saumur, upon the 52. and 53. Article. Writing of the Aslembly of Saumur. 1611. THe Deceased King Henry having formerly declared his Will and Pleasure upon a demand of the same Nature in his Answer to the Writing, March 23. 1602. viz. That what had been altered in the ●nd Edict, and the Private Articles, which was but a very small matter, had been done for the general good, and to facilitate the Execution of it, and also with the Consent of the Principal of the said pretended Reform Religion, who were called to the Consultations about it: which was likewise accepted and executed at their Instances and Solicitation: Therefore the King at present Reigning, desiring ●●●form himself to the good and Pious Resolutions of the Deceased King ●●● Father, is pleased, and his meaning is, that they should be content with the Edict in the form, as it is verified in his Sovereign Courts, and as it has since been executed. I. THe Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France Assembled at Saumur by the King's Permission, continuing their most humble Remonstrances, Petitions and Supplications presented from Time to Time upon several occasions by the said Churches, since the Year 98. most humbly supplicate his Majesty, that they may fully enjoy the whole Contents of the Edict, which it pleased the Deceased King Henry the Great of blessed Memory, to Grant and Sign after a long and solemn Treaty, by the Advice of the Princes of the Blood, the rest of the Princes, and Officers of the Crown, and other great and eminent Persons in his Council of State; and in the same form as it was drawn up at Nantes, and accepted by their Deputies in the said Year 98. and Presented to the Court of Parliament of Paris, and not according to the Form, as it was verified by the said Court, as having been altered and pared in several Articles of great Importance, without the Consent of the said Churches; who several times since, but more especially by their Deputies sent to his Majesty at the City of Blois, in the Year 99 and by the Writings drawn up by the Assembly at saint Foi in 1601. and answered in March and August 1602. have declare that they cannot rest satisfied with the said verified Edict, and humbly therefore supplicate his Majesty to restore and establish that which was granted 'em before.  II. They likewise supplicate his Majesty, that they may enjoy the full Contents of the Particular Articles, granted together with their Edict of Nantes, as they were drawn up and dispatched in the Year 98. restoring the Retrenchments that were made at the Verification.  III. To cause the said Edict and Private Articles, to be verified and registered according to the Form above mentioned in all the Parliaments, Courts of Aid, Chambers of Accounts, and other Sovereign Courts of the Kingdom, to the end they may be afterwards registered in all Bailiwicks and Seneschalships. As to what shall be found not to have been executed, tho' set down in the Edict of Nantes, verified in the Sovereign Courts, Commissioners shall be Named by his Majesty to see that the said Execution be better performed: the one a Catholic, the other of the said Religion; and in Case the said Execution be left to the Bailiffs and Seneschals, or their Lieutenants, they shall take an Associate of the same Religion, according to the Answer given to the Writing answered in August 1602. IV. That for the Execution thereof, when it shall be necessary, and required by the said Religion, that two Commissioners be appointed by his Majesty out of every Province, the one a Catholic, the other to be nominated by those of the Province: if those of the Religion think it not more Convenient to leave the Execution of it to the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Deputies. Who according to the Answer returned to the second Article of the Writing answered in August 1602. shall be bound to take an Associate of the same Religion, who shall be nominated by those of the said Religion within the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships. Nothing may be altered in the VIIth. Article of the Edict of Nantes, which it is his Majesty's Meaning and Pleasure shall be observed. V. That according to the VIIth. Article of the Edict, which permits all Lords of High Jurisdiction to settle the Exercise of the said Religion, within the extent of their High Jurisdictions, it shall be lawful for the Communities of the said Churches to establish the said exercise within the Fiefs and High Jurisdictions that belong to 'em, or which they may hereafter purchase. The IX. and X. Article of the Edict shall be upheld and observed. VI That the said Exercise may be continued according to the IX. and X. Articles of the Edict, in all Places where it was in the Years 77. and 97. in such Manner as it was then observed, even by the Authority inherent in the Jurisdiction, tho' the Lord of the Manor may have afterwards changed his Religion; or that the Lordship may be fallen into the Possession of a Catholic, though an Ecclesiastic, and that it may be restored, where it has been taken away for those Reasons. The Commissioners, who shall be sent into the Provinces shall have Instructions to inform themselves, whether the Exercises of the said Religion, had been settled in the said Places for so many Years, and why they were not restored, that such course may be taken as shall be according to Reason. VII. And for as much as by Virtue of the X. Article the said Service ought to be restored in Reols, Port saint Marie Lauserte, Saint Basville, and others of the same Nature, where it was settled in September 1577. and for that because of the long Discontinuance, and other Inconveniences, it would be a difficult thing to restore it without some danger of a Sedition, therefore that his Majesty would be pleased instead of those Places to grant 'em others, to be appointed by the Synods and Colloquies of the Province, for the removal of their exercise thither. The King cannot allow the Petitioners to take any other Title upon 'em, then that which was given 'em by the Edicts: Therefore his Majesty Orders that in all Public Acts, they shall use the Terms expressed in the Edict of Nantes, as is set down in the Answer given to the II. Article of the Writing answered April 8. 1609. VIII. That they of the said Religion may not be constrained in any Acts either Public or Private, by Writing or otherwise, to style themselves of the pretended Reformed Religion. The Deceased King having declared by his Letters Patents, dated July 5. 1604. that the said Ministers should not be comprehended in Taxes or other Impositions upon their movable Goods, their Pensions and Salaries, but only for their proper Estates: 'Tis his Majesty's Pleasure, that they enjoy the Contents of the said Letters, Patents: and strictly forbids all Assessors of Parishes to rate 'em upon those Accounts; and in respect of their proper Goods not to surcharge 'em, as they will answer for it in their own proper Persons: of which the Elu's shall take Care under the same Penalties. IX. That the Ministers of the said Religion may enjoy, as to the Imposition of Taxes, Loans Aids, Duties upon Salt, and all other Subsidies, as well ordinary as extraordinary, the same Exemption which the ecclesiastics of the Kingdom enjoy. The XVI. Article shall be observed, and Orders are given to that Purpose to the Commissioners deputed to see that they of the said Religion enjoy the Benefit of it, by certifying the Loss of the Deeds and Possessions, which they held in those Places. X. That by the XV. Article of the Edict, all the Towns and Places, belonging to the Communities of those of the said Religion, as also those for the Interment of their Dead, may be restored 'em. And where they cannot by Authentic Titles, justify their Propriety to 'em, that the only Proof of having formerly enjoyed 'em may suffice for their being restored to the Possession of 'em, in regard the said Deeds were lost during and by Reason of the Troubles. The XVII. Article of the said Edict shall be exactly observed, and in pursuance of it, all Preachers, Readers, and others who speak in public, are enjoined not to use any Words or Discourses tending to excite the People to Sedition and Animosities one against the other, but to Curb and Behave themselves modestly, and to say nothing but what tends to the Instruction and Edification of their Hearers, and to preserve the public Repose and Tranquillity under the Penalties mentioned in the Edict. XI. That his Majesty would be pleased according to the XVII. Article of the Edict to inflict exemplary Punishment upon Preachers, Confessors and other ecclesiastics, who move the People to Sedition; Blaming and Forbidding all Society, Acquaintance and Communication with those of the said Religion, forbidding people to employ, assist, serve 'em, or nurse their little Children, by teaching that all who frequent their Company are damned: And where such Preachers and Confessors shall absent themselves before they can be impleaded, that the Bishops, Curates and others their Superiors, by whom they were introduced may be responsable for 'em: Enjoining the Advocate's General and their Substitutes to be assisting, upon pain of being answerable for it in their own Names and Persons, and upon Penalty of being deprived of their Offices. The XX. Article of the Edct shall it observed: And Enquiry shall be made after those that shall disobey, but by the Officers of Justice, wherein the Curates shall not presume to be Parties. XII. And for as much as the Multiplicity of Holy days, and the Observation of New ones occasion several disorders, therefore that in such places where those of the Religion shall require it, that there may be a certain Regulation made as to the Number of the said holidays, by the Commissioners executing the said Edict, and that the Curates may not be permitted to be accusers for the nonobservance of 'em, nor the Provost Marshals, their Lieutenants, Archers or other Officers of the Watch, nor the Sergeants without express warrant and command of the Judges of the Place. The XVII Article of the Edict shall be observed. XIII. That according to the XVII. Article of the Edict, none of those of the said Religion may be deprived of the Dignities and Employment of which they are in possession, whether they made profession of it before or after they were preferred: and where any of 'em were deprived without observing the Usual Forms, that they may be restored; more especially such as were provided of Governments, and Captains Places. The Church-Yards ordered 'em by the Commissioners, who have formerly executed the Edict shall remain in the Petitioners Possession; and if upon any Occasion they be taken from 'em, they shall be allowed others by the Commissioners ordained by his Majesty. XIV. That all Church-Yards, that have been enjoyed since the Verification of the last Edict, and the Execution of it, may remain in their Possession, and that they may not be taken from 'em upon any Occasion whatever. The Answer given to the XXII. Article of the Writing answered the last of August, 1602. shall be observed: And to that purpose his Majesty ordains, that convenient Burying-Places shall be allowed those of the Religion, by the Commissioners and Officers of those Quarters, in public Places belonging to his Majesty, or else to the Bodies of Cities, Burroughs and Villages or Communities; or for defect of such Places, the said Bodies and Communities shall be bound to purchase other, toward which those of the Religion shall contribute their Proportion like the Rest. XV. That in pursuance of the Regulations formerly made; more especially by the Answer to the XXII. Article of the Writing answered in August, 1602. all the Royal and Inferior Judges may be enjoined to allow a Convenient Place, for the Burial of their dead, to those of the Religion, in some public Place belonging to the King, or to the Communities of the said Cities, Burroughs and Villages: and where there are no such places, that they may be purchased at the Common Expenses of all the Inhabitants of the Parish, those of the Religion contributing proportionably to the Rest. Those Burials were ordered in the Night time to avoid Commotions and Tumults, and for the greater Security of those of the Religion who attended the Corpse. But if there be any Places where they can bury by Daylight, without disturbing the Peace of the Inhabitants, Orders shall be given to the Commissioners about it. XVI. That such Places where by particular Regulation they have been constrained to bury their dead at an inconvenient Hour, they may be Permitted to bury by daylight, if they think it fitting. The King cannot allow that the Gentlemen of the said Religion, and others who have Right of burying in Church's, shall be there interred; because the Canonical. Constitutions for●●●; and for that it would be a 〈…〉 contrary and prejudicial to ●● Catholic Apostolic Roman Religion, which his Majesty professes; for can it be done without giving great occasion of Scandal and Dis●●●ent to the Catholics. But his Majesty grants, that the Commissioners being upon the Place may advise with them, about the means of preserving the Temporal Right and Authority which they have as Lords and Patrons of the said Churches, so that no prejudice may be done either to them or their Successors. XVII. And for as much as in some Places the said Funerals cannot be solemnised without danger of Commotion and Sedition, and other Incocveniencies, especially in Places where the Lords, Gentlemen and others of the said Religion, have right of Burying in the Churches and Chapels of their Predecessors, and that Orders may be given to the Commissioners proceeding to the Execution of the Edict, to make so good a Regulation in reference to the said Enterments, so that no Inconvenience may happen: And in so doing to have a regard to the Satisfaction of the said Lords, Gentlemen and others, who have a Right and Property in the said Burying Places. The King grants the said petty Schools in Cities, within the Suburbs of which the Service of their Religion is permitted, and that, for one Master in each; and only for teaching to Write and Read: With Prohibitions to the said Masters to dogmatise, or to admit above ten or twelve Scholars in each School, of the Neighbourhood only, and no Foreigners. XVIII. That in pursuance of the Supplication addressed to his Majesty by the Writing answered in August, 1602. and according to the Hopes given by the Answer made to the sixth Article of the said Writing, it would please him by an Interpretation of the XXXVIII. of the particular Articles, to permit 'em petty Schools in all the Villages and Burroughs of the Kingdom, to teach them Children to read and write, a●● to instruct 'em in the first Rudiments of Grammar. The Edict permits 'em to erect Colleges in such Cities and Places where they have the Exercise of their Religion; to which his Majesty allows the same Privileges as to other Colleges, received and approved in this Kingdom. XIX. That in Conformity to the Answer returned to the Writing answered in March 1602. it would please him to vouchsafe the Academies of Saumur and Montauban, the same Immunities Privileges and Prerogatives, which other Academies of the Kingdom enjoy. The Choice of the said Precedents depends upon the King only; and such Care and Discretion has been used, and shall be for the Future, that those of the said Religion shall have no cause to Complain. XX. That the Precedents and ten Catholic Counsellors who are to serve in the Chamber of the Edict of the Parliament of Paris, with the ten Counsellors of the said Religion, be chosen out of the most equitable, peaceable and moderate Men, according to the XLVII. of the particular Articles; and to that purpose that it may be agreed upon with the Deputies of the said Churches; as also for that by the XLVII. Article of the said Edict, it is expressly said, that the said Precedents and Counsellors shall be continued as long as possible may be. The Number of the said Officers is already so great over all the Kingdom that there is no need of increasing it. But to the end there may be no want of Judges in the said Chamber because of the said Refusals, 'tis granted that they may judge to the Number of eight as in other Parliaments, whereas formerly they were restrained to ten. To which end all Patents requisite shall be dispatched. XXI. That at the request of the Chamber of Castres', which is composed of a Precedent and Eight Catholic Counsellors, and as many of the Religion, it would please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Counsellors, to serve in the Chamber of Nerac, where there are but six Counsellors of the same Religion. Which is the Cause that by reason of present Refusals, there is not a sufficient Number of Judges in the said Chamber: And for the said two Offices to provide two Persons gratis, at the Nomination of the Churches. The XXXI. Article of the Edict shall be observed: But nothing can be changed in the last Establishment of the said Chambers: And as to the Election and Nomination of those that are to serve, his Majesty will provide with such Consideration that they shall have no occasion to complain. XXII. And considering the great Animosities of the Parliament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux, which have chiefly appeared since the fatal Accident of the Death of the King deceased, by the great Number of Divisions of Voices that happen in the Chambers of Castres' and Nerac, which proceeds from hence, that the said Courts send to his Majesty the Nomination of the Catholic Counsellors which are to serve in the said Chambers, and Employ the most passionate in the said Courts, 'tis desired that each of the said Chambers may supply the Number of the Counsellors of the Grand Council, and the Surplusage of the said Courts of Parliaments of Tholouse and Bourdeaux, who may be chosen by your Majesty, upon the Register of the said Courts, as was practised upon the first establishment of the Chamber of Justice in Languedoc in 1579. and not upon the Nomination which is made by the said Parliaments. Satisfaction has been given to the Contents of this Article by the Answer to the IV. of the Articles presented by those of the Religion in the Dauphirate, in August last: and because the Parliament of Grenoble has refused to obey it, Letters of command shall be sent to cause 'em to verify it. XXIII. That in Conformity to what has been granted to the Chambers of the Edict in the Parliaments of Paris, Tholouse and Bourdeaux, it would please his Majesty to create de novo an Office of Substitute to the Advocate General of the Parliament of Grenoble, to serve in the Chamber, and take his Conclusions as well at the Hearing as in Process by writing; and to provide one of the Religion Gratis at the Nomination of the Churches under the Jurisdiction of the said Chamber. The Deceased King being engaged ●● Promise, not to make any new Creation, even in the said Province ●●ere is no Reason for granting the present Article. XXIV. And that all the Officers of the said Miparty Chamber, may be according to the Intention of the Edict, and practice of the other Chambers, may it please his Majesty to create de novo two Offices of Secretaries, and an Usher in the said. Parliament of Grenoble, to serve in the said Chamber, and to provide Persons of the said Religion Gratis, at the Nomination of the said Churches. Such course shall be taken that there shall be no occasion for Complaint. XXV. For the same Reason in regard the two Commissioners of the Registry of the Chamber of Castres' are Catholics, that upon the Death or Resignation of one of the said Officers, one of the said Religion may supply his Room. The XLVI. Article of the Edict shall be observed, and the Ushers and Sergeants shall be enjoined to execute all Decrees, Commissions and Orders issued out of the said Chambers of the Edict, and of Grenoble, in all places where need shall require, upon Pain of being suspended from their Employments, and forced to pay the Expenses, Damages and Interest of the Plaintiffs in the Suits. XXVI. And for as much as to the prejudice of the LXVII. Article of Particulars, and the Provision made in consequence of it, by Answers to several Writings, the Courts of Parliament in Provence, Burgundy and Brittany, make daily Decrees against the Ushers, who within their Jurisdictions execute the Decrees of the Chambers of the Edict of Paris and Grenoble; so that for that Reason the Royal Sergeants settled in the said Provinces, refuse to put the said Decrees in Execution, therefore may his Majesty be pleased to create de novo two Offices of Sergeants Royal in every Bailiwick and Seneschalship within the Jurisdiction of the said Provinces, to be supplied by Persons of the said Religion. The Catholics, and those of the Religion shall be indifferently received into the said Offices; and as to those places where there are none at present, command shall be sent to those that Officiate, to receive all Contracts, Wills and other Acts, which they shall be required to do, by those of the said Religion. XXVII. And for Remedy of the Inconvenience, which they of the Religion daily suffer both at Paris and other Places, where there are no Royal Notaries to receive Contracts, Wills, and other Voluntary Acts, may it please his Majesty to create de novo in every City two Offices of Royal Notaries, and to supply the Places with those of the said Religion. The Regulation made at Blois in 1599 shall be observed. XXVIII. That Attestations sent by the Ministers and Elders, to justify themselves in the Chambers of the Edict, shall not be opposed nor rejected, unless it be upon a challenge or exception against the Signing, tho' the said Attestations are not made before a Public Notary and Judges Royal. 'tis for the King in his Council to appoint Judges. Nevertheless his Majesty Grants that in Case of Division of Voices, the Chamber where the Process was divided shall Order the Parties to repair to the next Chamber, without Addressing to his Majesty. But his Pleasure is, that in other Things the Orders be observed. XXIX. And to obviate long and troublesome Suits, which the Parties are constrained to undergo through the Regulations of the Judges of his Majesty's Council in the Business of Parentage, Recusations, and things of the like Nature; that the Chambers of the Edict might send to the next Court, or where both Parties shall agree, the Processes, wherein the Precedents or Counselors in the Causes, or their Kindred, within the Degree and Number of the Ordinance, are either Principal Parties or Garanties; as also the Division of Voices, happening in the said Chambers, which ought to be referred to the next Chamber, according to the XLVII. of the Particular Articles. Granted for the time to come, and necessary Declarations shall be expedited for that Purpose. XXX. That in the Explanation of the LIX. Article of the Edict, the Chamber of the Edict of Normandy be enjoined to set forth by way of long Prescription, the Time elapsed from July 1585. till the Month of February 1599 as is practised in other Chambers of the Kingdom. The Regulation as to Six Months cannot be altered, nevertheless the Ecdesiasticks, who have changed their Religion, presenting their Petition to his Majesty, care shall be taken as Reason requires. XXXI. And because that instead of making a New Regulation between the Courts of Parliament and the Chambers, according to the LXIII. Article of the Edict, the said Chambers for the most part have observed several Regulations made in the Years 78. and 79. which allow not the Privilege of Appealing to the Chambers, but to those who six Months before made Profession of the Religion, that the said Limitation may be taken off from those Chambers where it is observed: and in causing all the Suits of those of the said Religion to be indifferently heard in the said Chambers, when they shall require it, more especially which shall embrace the said Religion de novo. 'Tis a Favour to grant it to the Heirs, after the Cause has been contested with the Decedsed, to whom they have sacceeded. But 'tis his Majesty's Pleasure and Command, that such an Alteration of the Judges may not be made fraudulently: and in respect of such as make over their Estates in Trust, who have no Right but by a particular Title, their Renouncers having voluntarily Contested the Point otherwhere, they shall not be admitted any more, to avoid Abuses and Frauds which may be committed by those who have a Mind to trouble and vex their Plaintiffs unjustly. XXXII. In like manner, that they of the said Religion who are Heirs, or having a right or cause of Suit with others, who would willingly have had it Contested in Parliament, may if they think it convenient, refer their Controverted Points and differences to the said Chambers of the Edict, notwithstanding the said Contest made by their Authors; as has been adjudged in several particular Cases by his Majesty's Council. Foreigners, who desire to enjoy this Privilege, shall be bound to Address themselves to the King, who will take Care as well of the Interest of his Subjects, as for the Gratification of Foreigners. XXXIII. That Foreigners Trading and Trafficking within the Kingdom, and Professing the said Religion, may enjoy the same Privileges, and cause their differences to be removed to the said Chambers, every one within their proper Jurisdiction. This Article is granted at to the Instruction, but not to allow a Definitive Voice to the Associates, what they are to Judge. XXXIV. That in all Informations and Instructions for criminal Processes and Inditements brought against those of the Religion, the Judge as well Royal as Inferior, if he be a Catholic, may be bound to take an Associate of the said Religion who has taken his Degrees, or at least a Pleader, to be present at all the Proceedings, and who shall have a Definitive Voice in the Judgement of the Process upon Pain of Nullity: and this throughout all Bailiwicks and Seneschalships in the Kingdom; and not particularly in those that are specified in the 66. Article of the Edict. Nothing can be altered from the Method established by the Edict of Names, to avoid great delays, trou●●● and expenses, to which the Parties could be constrained were they to have recourse to the Chambers, which are ●●●n very remote one from another: Besides that the same Equality ought to be showed to the Catholics, as to choose of the Religion in that particular: Unless in respect of those Provinces where the contrary has been allowed by special Privilege. XXXV. That what is granted by the LXVII. Article of the Edict to the Provinces of Guienne, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphinate, upon the Judgement of Competitions in the Chambers of the Edict, may for the same Reason be extended to all those of the other Provinces of the Kingdom. When Fathers and Mothers have provided, their Will and Judgement shall be observed: Otherwise the Law ●●d general Custom of the Kingdom: Nevertheless without acting any thing prejudicial or contrary to the Edict made in Favour of those of the Religion. XXXVI. That Children, whose Fathers and Mothers died in the said Religion, without having provided Tutors and Guardians, according to the LVIII. Article of Particulars, may be put into the Hands of Tutors to be bred up and instructed in the said Religion. His Majesty will not refuse this Favour to those of the said Religion for Offices, in Cases wherein he permits we some to his Catholic Officers, reserving always to himself only, the Choice and Nomination of the Persons. XXXVII. That it may please his Majesty not to admit the Resignations of Precedents and Counselors, upon whom Employments have been conferred Gratis at the Nomination of the Churches, to serve in the said Chambers, but in Favour of those who shall be named to 'em by the said Churches. 'Tis for the King alone to grant Letters of Reprisal, nor is it lawful for any of his Officers to give 'em. The Judges and Officers may draw up Verbal Reports to show the Justice of the Cause, for his Majesty afterwards to do as he shall think reasonable. XXXVIII. That the Agreements made between those of the Religion, and the Catholics of the County of Venisse, may be fulfilled according to their Form and Tenor; and that according to those, after the requisite Solemnities, the Officers of the Places may be permitted to give Right of Reprisal to those of the Religion, to whom Justice has been denied; more especially to the Lady of Drelandre, not withstanding the Derogatory affixed to the Ll. Article of Particulars, which they beseech his Majesty may be taken away and Cancelled. The Brevets of which the Confirmation is required shall be presented, and being seen his Majesty will do what is reasonable. XXXIX. And for as much as there are several Brevets granted to the Churches, as well in the Year 98. as afterwards, which his Majesty confirmed at his coming to the Crown, they humbly beseech him, that they may enjoy the Contents of the said Brevets by putting in Execution, what has not yet been done, and causing amends to be made for what has been done prejudicial to the said Brevets. Vacancy happening by Death shall be provided for according, and in Conformity to the said Brevet. XL. To these ends may it please his Majesty, according to the Brevet of the last of April 1598. to confer Gratis upon two Persons of the said Religion, two Offices of Masters of Requests of his Household, upon the Nomination of the Churches; and to this purpose to erect two Offices of a new Creation, upon the two first Vacancies happening by Death. His Majesty is not bound to increase the said Summ. Nevertheless he will consider, which way to gratify 'em, as far as the conveniency of his Affairs will permit. XLI. And for as much as the Sum of sevenscore and five thousand Livres, which the Deceased King granted for the payment of the Ministers, is nothing near sufficient for the payment of all the Ministers that are settled in the Churches of this Kingdom, may it please his Majesty to provide for the easing of the Churches, by Ordering a sufficient Fund for the Salaries of the said Ministers. But as to the Arrears for defect of value, there is no Reason for demanding 'em, seeing that all the Assigns, in those Years, for what cause soever it were, have suffered the same Inconveniance, without having since received any Reimbursement upon that occasion. XLII. And for as much as the said sevenscore and five thousand Livres were promised without any defect of value, which has been so ill observed, that there have been great abatements in the Assignations of every Year, may it please his Majesty that the said Churches may be reassigned the sums which those defects amount to, according to the allowances of the accounts received by the Receivers, and before the Commissioners deputed by his Majesty. The Places, which have been put into their Hands for their Security are Named and Comprehended in a Catalogue, dated May 14. 1598. Signed by the Deceased King, and underneath Neufville, with which his Majesty is Contented. And as a Testimony of his good Will toward 'em, has granted 'em the keeping of 'em for five Years longer to Commence from the day of the Date of the Brevet, which shall be given 'em. And as for those that are comprehended under the Name of Marriage, the Deceased King having never left 'em to be held under the Title and Quality of places of Security, His Majesty will not, neither is it his meaning, that they should be comprehended among the Places of Securtiy; but grants, after the Example of his Deceased Majesty, that the same Grace and Favour shall be showed 'em, as formerly has been, without any Innovation: and all those other Places, which they demand, the King cannot grant 'em. XLIII. They also beseech his Majesty to leave all those Places which they hold at present in the custody of those of the Religion; and this, for the time and space of ten Years, to commence from the day that the five Years formerly granted shall expire, and to cause a new Brief to be given 'em, ordaining that all the said Places may remain in their hands, as well those that are specified in the Roll of the Year 98. and those that were comprehended in others by form of Marriage, as those which belong to the Particulars, wherein Garrisons were kept, by the Particular Rolls drawn up by his Majesty. What was promised by the Deceased King shall be effectually made good, nor shall any thing be innovated or altered: Or if it were done, Order shall be taken by the Commissioners upon the Places, according to the Instructions which shall be given 'em for that purpose. XLIV. That it may be expressed in the said Writ, that in all other Places which they hold, and where there have been no Garrisons settled by the said Rolls, there shall be nothing innovated or altered, to the Prejudice of those of the said Religion; and that where any Innovation or Alteration has been made since the Year 1568. that there may be full satisfaction given for it. The Deceased King declared his Will several times to those of the said Religion, in reference to Caumont and Montandrè, from which his Majesty cannot depart: and as for Tartas, and Mont de Marsan, they shall be provided with Persons of the said Religion, according to the Deceased Kings Brevet. XLV. That the Towns of Caumont, Tartas, Mont de Marsan, Montandré, and others, which have been taken from 'em since 98. and which they shall specify more particularly, may be restored to 'em. The Sum contained in the Roll of the Deceased King, for the payment of the said Garrisons, with which those of the Religion have been hitherto contented, shall be paid for the Future, and assigned upon the clearest Money in the Receipts, to the end they may receive it without Abatements: But his Majesty cannot augment it: the Sum of 54000. Livers having been abated, ever since the Decensed King lessened the Garrisons, which were in the Places held by the Catholics. His Majesty thinking it necessary so to do, to stop the just complaints that might have been made, when all the Garrisons in the Catholics Cities were lessened, by Reason of the Peace which the Kingdom happily enjoyed, there should have been left in the Cities held by those of the Religion, as numerous as they were in the time of War, and that the Subjects lived in distrust one of another: nor there being no Reason to demand the Arrears for what was past, seeing that the Cities and Places for the Preservation of which that Money was given have been so well guarded, that nothing has fallen out amiss: add to this, that the Deceased King▪ for the same Reason had always rejected ●●●● Demand. And as to the Pensione, his Majesty will Order it, as al●●●● has been done, to gratify those of the said Religion, who shall deserve i● by their Services and Fidelity; in●●ding also to augment 'em, to show his Afection and good Will, as he shall give 'em to understand. XLVI. That from hence forward, they may have their Assignations every Year, upon the first and least encumbered Money of the Receipts of every Province, where the said Garrisons are settled, or from neighbouring Town to neighbouring Town, according to the Brevet of the last of April 98. for the entire sum of 540. thousand Livers, which was promised 'em by the said Brevet; and to this purpose, that the Money substracted from the said sum, to be laid out in Pensions, may be remitted in the entire sum, and distribution made of it, according to the Rolls Decreed by his Majesty, as they shall be presented to him by the Churches; and this without any abatement, or being employed to any other use. XLVII. And for as much as there have not been any entire Assignments of the said sum of 540. thousand Livres a Year, and for that at the same time that they were assigned, they still fell very short to the prejudice of the said Brevet, may it please his Majesty to cause the abatements, and what fell short of the entire sum, from the Year 98. till this day be assigned in full. The Answer to the two preceding Articles may suffice for this. XLVIII. In like manner, to cause an Assignation for the Garrisons of the Dauphinate, of the entire sum, which was assigned by the Roll drawn up in the said Year, 1589. in pursuance of the said Brevet; and to cause a Reassignation of the Retrenchments and of what fell short since the Year 1589. The City and Castle of Orange have been restored to the Prince of Orange, ●● whom they belong, by Virtue of the Peace of Veruins. True it is, that the Majesty obliged him, upon the sur●●●●ing back of those Places, to declare in Favour of those of the said Religion, as he has done, with which they of the said Religion in the said City were well content. XLIX. That according to the Assurances, which were given by his Majesty at the Assembly of Charellerand in the Year 1605. that the Castle of Orange should remain in the hands of a Governor of the said Religion, his Majesty would be pleased to interpose his Authority with the Prince of Orange, that the said Castle may be put in the hands of a Governor of the said Religion. Provision was made for this by the Brevet of April 1598. and what is specified in the Edict and Secret Articles, has been always observed, and shall be. L. That it may please his Majesty to grant that the Governors of the Cities left in their Custody, may not surrender 'em up, but by the Consent of the Churches of the Province. And that when there is a Vacancy by Death, it may be supplied by his Majesty at the Nomination of the General Deputies residing with his Majesty. The King will take care as he shall find most convenient for the good of his Service. LI. That he would be pleased not to dispose of the Commands of Lieutenants to Governors, of Captains, of Companies without the Consent of the Governor of the Place. 'Tis the King's Pleasure, that the Edict of Nantes, and what has been done and ordained in pursuance of it, may be observed and executed, throughout the Kingdom; and if any breach happen, the Commissioners shall take care to see it amended. LII. That in all the said Places the exercise of the said Religion, may be permitted with all Freedom, without any Interruption▪ and that it may be restored in such Places, where it has been molested or expelled. No College of Jesuits can be erected within this Kingdom, but by his Majesty's Permission, who will take such care in that Matter, that there shall be no cause of complaint. LIII. That the Jesuits may not be permitted to erect any College, Seminary, or House of Habitation; nor to Preach, Teach, or Confess, in any of the said Places held by those of the said Religion; and that his Majesty would please to confine the said Jesuits to those Places to which they were confined by their re-establishment in 1603. Care shall be taken about this by the Commissioners, after they have advised with the Governors, and Lieutenant Generals of the Provinces. LIV. That there may be Provision made against the Inconveniences that may happen by Processions, which are accompanied with great Trains of People to the Churches and Chapels enclosed within the Castles, left in the hands of the Religion, and Guarded with very slender Garrisons: And that the Governors of the said Castles may not be obliged to let those Processions enter, unless they will restrain themselves to such a number as may be no prejudice to the Security of those Castles: or else that the exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion, which is performed in some of the said Castles may be removed into the Cities. The Gates and Walls of the Cities and Places left in their Hands for Security shall be repaired at the charges of their respective Inhabitants, as is usually done in other Cities of the Kingdom; and for the Levies and Impositions necessary for that purpose, they shall Address themselves to the Council for the obtaining Letters of Permission. And if there be urgent Necessity for any of the said Places, upon a Petition to his Majesty, care shall be taken to do what is ●itting. LV. That his Majesty would be pleased according to the XLIX. Article of the Writing of Gergeau to allow necessary Provisions, for the repair and keeping in repair and securing the Gates, Walls, Fortifications and other outworks of the said Places left in their hands, which by time and other Accidents are fallen to decay. The Inventories of the Guns and Ammunition, etc. which were in the said Places, in 1598. and which are there at present, shall be viewed and reported, for Orders to be made upon 'em; it being his Majesty's Intention, nevertheless to leave 'em as many as they stand in need of, for the Defence and Preservation of the said Places. LVI. That the Artillery, Arms and other Warlike Ammunition, which are in the said Places held by those of the said Religion, either garrisoned or otherwise, shall not be drawn out and removed to another place; that what has been taken away may be restored, and when the Yearly Distribution of the said Arms and Ammunition is made, they may have their Proportion as well as other Cities of the Kingdom. His Will is to allow those of the said Religion to hold the said Assemblies, when he shall think it proper for his Service; or that they stand in need of 'em; and they shall be bound to appoint six Deputies, as was ordained by the Deceased King. LVII. And for as much as the Necessity of having General Deputies near his Majesty is notoriously known, as well to acquaint the Churches with his Majesty's command, as to present him their Petitions, and prosecute their necessary Affairs, and for that the said Deputies cannot be made, but by a General Assembly of the said Churches; may it please his Majesty to permit 'em to hold the said General Assembly every two Years, in such Cities which are in their hands, as they shall think most Commodious; to the end that the Assembly being by that means become common, may be the less liable to giv● occasion of Jealousy and Suspicion: That the Employment an● Commission of the said General Deputies may hold for two year● and no longer; and that the tw● which shall be appointed by th● said Assemblies for general Deputies, may be accepted and admitted by his Majesty, to reside nea● his Person, as formerly has bee● practised, upon their first Institution in the Assembly of S te. Foi, and after that, in the Synod of Gap without being constrained to nominate six, as since has been done. As to the LVIII. and the following Articles concerning the Churches of Bearn: His Majesty not having allowed, or approved the Union of the pretended Reformed Churches of Bearn with those of France, neither can the King allow it now: but upon presenting their Petitions by their General Deputies separately to the King, he will take care as Reason shall require. Done and Decreed by the King, being in Council, the Queen Regent being present, and assisted by the Princes of the Blood, other Princes, Dukes, Peers and Officers of the Crown, and Principal Members, of his said Council, at Paris, July 23. 1611.  
Signed Phelipeaux.   

A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of hi● Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming th● Edict of Nantes, and Particular Articles. At Paris, Apri● 24. 1612. Registered in Parliament, May 25. of the sam● Year.  
LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr, to our Beloved and Faithful Counselors holding our Court of Parliament at Paris, Greeting. So soon as it pleased God to call us to this Crown, we resolved to follow the Method and Form of Government, as we found it settled by the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God Absolve; judging well, that we could not more safely preserve the Kingdom, which he had left us, then by imitating his Example, who had raised it from extreme Desolation to the Highest Pitch of Splendour. Wherein we have so happily succeeded, that no occasion of complaint has presented itself to us, for which we have not provided, as well to the Content of our Subjects, as it was possible for us to do, and particularly those of the pretended Reformed Religion, as well by the Answers which we have ordered to be given to their Remonstrances which they have presented to us, as by sending Persons of Quality into all the Provinces of this Kingdom, with Commission and Power to see executed the Edict of Nantes, the Private Articles, Regulations, and other Concessions granted during the Reign of our Deceased Lord and Father, ●s to whatever yet remained farther to be executed. And by this means to remove all Apprehensions, under pretence of which any of our said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, were Licenc'd to hold extraordinary Assemblies without our Permission, which would have raised Fears and Jealousies in others: against which we are willing to provide, for the maintaining of Peace, Union, and a right Understanding, happily settled among 'em, and preserved by the said Edict and the exact Observation thereof, with the Advice, and in the Presence of the Queen Regent, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes of the Blood, other Princes and Officers of the Crown, being fully informed and assured of the good in general of our said Subjects, their Zeal and Fidelity in their Obedience towards us; and desiring also that they should be favourably used, have of our special Grace and Favour, full Power and Royal Authority remitted and abolished, and by these Presents do remit and abolish the Offence by them committed, who called and were present at the same Assemblies, held without our Permission in any of the Provinces of this our Kingom; as also whatever passed before and since: We will that they be wholly and fully discharged of the same, and we expressly forbid our Advocate General or his Substitutes, to make any Inquisition or Prosecution after the same. Nevertheless, to the end we may take care that no Assemblies for the Future be so licentiously called, as being expressly prohibited by our Edicts, and the Regulations upon these Matters by the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, to which it is ou● Pleasure, that all our said Subjects should conform themselves, according to the 82d. Article of the Edict of Nantes, and the ordinary Article of the 16. of March 1606. together with the Answer made the 19 of August ensuing, to the Paper presented by the General Deputies of those of the said Religion, the extracts of which are hereunto annexed under the Seal of our Chancery, have made and do make Inhibitions and Prohibitions to all our Subjects of the said Religion for the Future, to summon any Congregations or Assemblies, to Consult or Treat therein of any Politic Affairs without express leave first from us obtained, upon Pain of being punished as breakers of the Edicts, and disturbers of the Public Peace: Granting 'em nevertheless full Liberty to call and hold Provincial and National Colloquies and Synods, according to what has been formerly granted 'em: yet so as not to admit into 'em any other Persons than the Ministers and Elders, there to Treat of their Doctrine and Ecclesiastical Discipline only, upon Pain of Forfeiting the Privileges of holding those Assemblies, and answering for it by their Moderators in their proper Persons and Names. So we send to you that you cause these Presents to be Read and Registered, and that all our said Subjects may enjoy the Benefit of what is contained therein; and farther that you cause these our said Present Letters, to be exactly performed and observed through the full extent of your Jurisdictions; without permitting or suffering any Breach or Infringement thereof. Farther we command and enjoin the Governors, and our Lieutenant Generals, particular Governors and Lieutenants in the Government of the Provinces and Cities within the extent of your Jurisdiction, their Mayors, Jurats, Sheriffs and Consuls, to take special care of the same. And to the first of our faithful and beloved Counselors, the Master of the ordinary Requests of our Household, Counselors of our said Court of Parliament, residing upon the Places, and others our Justices and Officers with the soon to inform and give us notice of all the said Breaches, and in the mean time to proceed against the Offenders, by the usual Ways, and according to the Tenor of the Edicts and Ordinances. For such is our Will and Pleasure.  
Given at Paris, April 24. 1612. and in the second Year of our Reigns. LOVIS.  
And lower, by the King being in Council. De Lomenie.  
Sealed with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax, upon a single Label. Registered, Herd, and the King's Advocate moving for it: without the Approbation of the Cognisance attributed to the Masters of the Requests of the Household, that are not within the Terms of the Ordinances. At Paris in Parliament, May 25. 1612. Signed Voisin.   

A Declaration of the King in Favour of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming the Preceding Declaration of April 24. Given at Paris, July 11. 1612. and veri●ia August 8.  
LEWIS by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, to all our Beloved and Faithful Counselors, holding our Court of Parliament at Paris, Greeting.  
Thoô we have sufficiently made known by our Letters Patents of the 13th. of April last passed, what our Intention was toward the generality of our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, of whose Affection and Fidelity we have always had an entire Assurance: And though the Pardon and Amnesty contained in our said Letters, Patents, were not sent, but at the Instance and Supplication of some particular Persons of the said Religion, who feared to be prosecuted, for that contrary to the Edicts and Ordinances, they met in Assemblies held contrary to our Permission, and other Acts since committed, and among others, the Listing of Soldiers without our Authority; to free 'em from Suspicion and the Trouble they were in upon that occasion, there being some amongst 'em against whom Informations have been exhibited in some Chambers of the Edict; nevertheless we are given to understand, that this Favour has been taken by some of the Religion, for a desire to lay some blemish upon the Generality of 'em, and not for a Gracious Remedy ordained for particular Persons, who prudently Judged how much they stood in need of it.  
For these Reasons, with the Advice of the Queen Regent, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes of our Blood, other Peers and Officers of the Crown, and Principal Members of our Council, being desirous to take away all pretence from all Persons whatever, who may have any evil Intention, and to satisfy our good Subjects of the Reformed Religion, who adding to their Zeal for their Religion, that Obedience which is due to us, have no other aim or design then to enjoy in ●eare and Quiet, the Benefit of the Edicts made in their behalf. In which number, far the greater, are comprehended those who have more Power and Authority to be assisting in upholding the Public Tranquillity.  
We have said and declared, and once more do say and declare by these Presents, by way of Explanation of what is contained in our said Letters Patents of April last, that we are very well satisfied and contented with our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion in General: And upon that Consideration, we have altogether buried in Oblivion the Offences which the said particular Persons might have committed contrary and to the prejudice of our Edicts: Nor will we that any thing be imputed to 'em, nor that upon this occasion any Blame or Blemish be fastened upon 'em for the Future, provided they continue hence forward within the Bounds of their Duty, Obedience and Fidelity toward us; and prove as exact observers of the Laws, Edicts and Ordinances made to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace, Repose and Amity one with another. So we Will and Command, that you cause these Presents to be Read, Published and Registered in your Registers, that our said Subjects of the said Religion may fully, peaceably and without any Molestation or Impeachment enjoy the Benefit of the Contents. For such is our Will and Pleasure.  
Given at Paris, July 11. 1612. and the third of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
By the King, the Queen Regent his Mother being present. De Lomenie.  
And Sealed with Yellow Wax upon a single Label. Registered, after being heard, and upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General. At Paris in Parliament, August 8. 1612.   

A Declaration of the King, and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes, given at Paris, December 15. 1612. and verified January 2. 16●3.  
LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. The extreme desire we have had ever since our coming to the Crown, for which we continually implore the Blessing of God, and for which the Queen Regent our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, has always most sedulously laboured, has been to take care to maintain and preserve all our Subjects in Peace, Tranquillity and Repose, and in good Friendship, Union and Concord one with another, as being the Principal Foundation of the welfare of this Kingdom. To this purpose from the Time that it pleased God to visit us with the fatal Accident that befell us, through the Death of the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, of glorious Memory, we resolved to imitate and follow the same Methods which he took, to attain the same ends: and having observed, that after he had by his Valour restored this Kingdom to its Ancient Splendour, he with a great deal of care, Labour and Prudence, and for a Foundation of an assured Repose, and an entire Reconciliation between all his Subjects; as also to remove from those who professed the pretended Reformed Religion, all occasion of Fear and Distrust for the Liberty of their Persons, Consciences, Honour and Families, made and ordained what is comprised in his Edict given at Nantes in April 1598. by the Observation of which, and of the Secret Articles he had happily ruled and governed his People in Peace till his Decease, therefore one of our first Actions, which we were willing to do in this Kingdom, has been to set forth our Letters of Declaration of the 22. of May, 1610. containing a Confirmation of the said Edict, and of the Secret Articles, Regulations and Decrees set forth by way of Explanation, and for the putting the same in Execution, which we sent at the same instant to all our Parliaments to be there verified: and sometime after we resolved to send into all the Provinces of our Kingdom, some of the Principal Members of our Council, and other Persons well qualified, chosen by ourselves as well Catholics as of the pretended Reformed Religion, to cement and corroborate the Establishment and Execution of the said Edict, and favours granted in pursuance of it, having ever since continued to give that Assistance toward it that could be expected from our Care and Authority. But it has so fallen out, that our good Intentions have not had that successful Effect, that we could have desired among all our Subjects: Some of whom, and of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, through Suspicions too lightly conceived of adverse Occurrences, are entered into Jealousies and Mistrusts one of another. Whence it has followed, that they have begun to double their Guards, make Provision of Arms, Levy Soldiers, hold Assemblies and Councils, and to do other things quite contrary to the Tenor and Observation of the said Edict. To which, however we are willing to believe 'em to have been induced by some ●ears, which they have conceived of themselves, and upon ●●l●e Suspicions and Pretences, though rot out of any ill Will or bad Intentions: Having always found the Generality of those of the Reformed Religion, extremely well affected to the good of our Service, and firm and constant in that reverence, Fidelity and Respect which they owe to us. But in regard this Mischief may draw after it dangerous Consequences, we thought it necessary to provide against it, to re-establish the good Friendship, Correspondence and Society, which ought to be alike among all our said Subjects; for the maintaining of their common Repose, which cannot be done more assuredly then by an exact Observation of the said Edict, Secret Articles, Briefs, and other Acts made in pursuance of it: As also by giving new Assurances to all our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform Religion, of our good Intentions in their behalf, and of our Intentions to preserve, maintain, protect 'em, and cause 'em to enjoy all the Favours and Concessions, which have been decreed 'em, as well by the Edict, as since that time, as they did in the Life-time of the Deceased King till his Death.  
For these Reasons, and others Us moving, after we had caused this Matter to be debated in Council, where was the Queen Regent, with the Princes of our Blood, and other Princes, several Officers of the Crown, and Principal Counselors of our Council, with the Advice of them, we have said and declared, and we say and declare, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that the abovesaid Edict of Names, together with our Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. with the Private Articles, Regulations, Decrees, and other Letters set forth in pursuance of them, either by way of Explanation, or for the better Execution of the same, may be read de novo, and published in all our Courts of Parliament, and Seats of Judicature under their Jurisdiction, having to that end, and as much as need requires confirmed 'em, as we do again Confirm 'em by these presents Signed with our hand. We Will and Ordain, that the whole may be fulfilled, and inviolably observed, without any Breach o● Infringement whatsoever, in any manner whatever. Also for as much as the Breaches which have been made by some of our Subjects, have proceeded rather from Suspicions and Distrusts too slightly listened to, then from any want of Affection, Fidelity or Allegiance, which they have all along made apparent upon all occasions that have offered themselves. Hoping also that for the Time to come, they will keep themselves within the bounds of Duty, under the Observation of the Edicts and Ordinances, therefore we Will, and it is our Meaning, and our Pleasure, that all Decrees, Procedures, Acts, and other Letters that have been granted and set forth against 'em, as well in general as particular, upon any occasion whatever, shall be null and void, as if they had never been extant; so that upon occasion, and in pursuance thereof they shall not either in general or particular, inour any Blame, danger or damage, nor be disturbed or prosecuted for the Future. And to this purpose, we impose Silence upon all our Advocate's General, their Substitutes and all others; as we also expressly forbid all our said Subjects, in Conformity to the 77. and 82. Articles of the Edict, to hold any Communications of Assemblies, to settle or hold Provicinal Councils, or to make any Levies, Provisions of Arms, or Musters of Soldiers, or to commit any other Acts directly or indirectly contrary to our Edicts and Declarations, upon pain of Disobedience, and of being punished as disturbers of the Public Peace.  
To this purpose, we command our Beloved and Faithful Counselors, holding our Court of Parliament and Chambers of the Edict, settled within the Kingdom, that the abovementioned Edict, the Edict of Pacification, Secret Articles, Brevets, Declarations, and other Letters Patents to them sent in pursuance of the same, be ●or●nwith read and published in the usual Places, and that the Contents thereof be inviolably fulfilled and observed; ceasing and causing to surcease all Troubles and Impeachments to the contrary.  
We further enjoin our said Attorney Generals to be aiding and assisting thereto; and if any Infringements happen after this, to prosecute the Authors with Severity; to the end, that Examples of Punishment may deter others. For such is our Will and Pleasure. In Witness whereof we have caused our Seal to be affixed to these Presents.  
Given at Paris, December 15. 1612. and the thirteenth of our Reign. Signed Lewis. And upon the Folding of the Paper, By the King, being in Council, the Queen Regent his Mother present. De Lomenie.  
Extract out of the Registers of Parliament. This day, the Court, the Grand-Chambers, the Parlamental Court of Criminal Causes, having seen the Letters Patents in form of Charters of the 15th. of December last, concerning the Observation of the Edict of Names, and other Letters and Articles in pursuance of it, the Conclusions of the Advocate General, and the Matter brought into debate, have Decreed that the said Letters be Read, and Published, upon the Hearing and Motion of the King's Advocate General, and Copies sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships to be there Read and Published.  
Done in Parliament January 2. 1613. Signed Guyet.   

A Declaration of the King's Majority, containing a Confirmation of the Edicts of Pacification, and Prohibitions of Duels. Dated at Paris, October 1. 1614 Verified the second of the said Month and Year.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. It having pleased God to bless our Reign with so many Favours and Successes, and to bring the course of our Years to the Age of Majority, to which we have now attained, as we have at all times all the Reason in the World to commend and be thankful for the happy Adminstration of our Kingdom, during our Minority under the Regency and Prudent Conduct of the Queen our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, we are willing to seek all ways, possible and agreeable to the Duty of a most Christian Prince, jealous of God's Glory, and who desires to maintain the Public Peace and Tranquillity, for the welfare, repose and ease of his Subjects, whether in causing an exact Observation of the Good and Holy Laws made by the Kings our Predecessors of most praise worthy Memory, or by new Laws, which we shall deem proper to make as occasion offers, and upon such Advice as may be given in the next Assembly of the State's General of our Kingdom, which we shall cause to be summoned; for the attaining of which, and to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace, Union, and Right Understanding in the fear of God, Obedience of his Commands, and Observation of our Ordinances; so that the public repose and tranquillity, which we desire to preserve among 'em, may not be interrupted or violated,  
We have with the Advice and Counsel of our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes of our Blood, other Princes and Lords, principal Officers of our Crown, and most remarkable Persons of our Council, said, declared and ordained, and we say, declare and ordain, and it is our Will and Pleasure, in Conformity to what we have already formerly ordained, That the Edict of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, given at Nantes in April 1598. in favour of those of the pretended Reformed Religion, in all the Heads and Articles of it, together with all the other Articles to them granted, and Regulations made, Decrees given either by way of Explanation, or for the Execution of the said Edict, or in pursuance of it, may be fulfilled and inviolably kept and observed, as has been ordained and performed by our said Deceased Lord and Father, and that the Infringers may be severely punished as disturbers of the Public Repose.  
And the more to secure the Public Peace and Tranquillity under our Authority and Obedience, we prohibit all our said Subjects from holding any particular and private Intelligences, Leagues or Associations, as well within as without our Kingdom; nor without our Permission to send to any Foreign Princes, whether Friends or Enemies upon any occasion whatever: And we enjoin all our Officers to look carefully after it, and to be assisting as need shall require, upon pain of being responsible, and of being punished for their Negligence, with the same Severity as the Disobedience of the Offenders.  
We also forbid all our said Subjects, of what Estate, Condition or Quality soever, who receive Estates, Pay or Pensions from us, not to take, accept or receive any Estate, Pay or Pension from any Prince or Lord whatever; nor to follow, be present with or accompany any other than ourselves, upon pain of being deprived of the said Salaries, Estates and Pensions.  
And for as much as for want of due Execution of the Edict made by the Deceased King our Lord and Father, concerning Duels, Combats and Encounters, and afterwards by ourselves, and for that they have not been obeyed by several of our Subjects, in Contempt of our Authority, great Disorders and Confusions have from thence arose, which greatly offend God, and may provoke him to send the Scourges of his Wrath among us, and upon our Kingdom, if we should not provide against so great a Mischief; it is our Pleasure, and we ordain, that all the said Edicts, Ordinances and Declarations made by the Deceased King, and by ourselves, upon occasion of the said Duels, Combats and Encounters, shall be inviolably observed for the Future, and fulfilled and observed according to their Form and Tenor, nor shall they who shall presume to infringe our Commands hereafter, so much as hope or expect from us any Favour or Pardon, upon any excuse, pretence, occasion or consideration whatever. And we enjoin all our Officers to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour of our Laws, without any Exception of Persons: And our Advocate Generals, and their Substitutes, to make all necessary Prosecutions against such Malefactors.  
Considering also, that the Divine Majesty is greatly offended with Oaths and execrable Blasphemies, which are uttered daily by several Persons, against the Edicts and Ordinances made by the Kings our Predecessors, We have ordained and do ordain, that the said Edicts and Ordinances shall be Published de novo, that no Body may pretend Ignorance. And we enjoin all our Judges and Officers, within their several Jurisdictions, upon pain of losing their Offices, to proceed against the Offenders with the utmost Rigour contained in the same; with which thy shall not dispense upon any Cause whatever, upon Pain of being responsible to us in their own Names and Persons. Farther we Command our Advocate's General, and their Substitutes, to use all requisite Diligence in the Execution of these Presents.  
Given at Paris, October 1. 1614 and the Fifth of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
By the King in Council. De Lomenie.  
The King with all his Court, repairing to his Palace, sitting in his Throne of Justice, all the Court of Parliament assembled in their Scarlet Robes, the Speeches made, the Chancellor pronounced the Decree of Verification, which was transcribed afterwards upon the folding of the Letters. Read, Published and Registered, upon the Hearing and Motion of the King's Advocate General. At Paris in Parliament, the King there sitting, October 2. 1614   

A Declaration of the King, purporting the renewing all the Edicts of Pacification, Articles granted, Regulations and Decrees depending upon 'em. Published in Parliament, the last of April 1615.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Immediately after our coming to the Crown, the Queen, our Thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, then Regent of the Kingdom during our Minority, prudently judged that there was nothing which aught to be more dear to her, than the Preservation of the Public Peace, and that for the Enjoyment of this Happiness, and to cause our Subjects to live in Amity one with another, it was necessary to confirm the Edicts, Declarations, and all other Writings and Dispatches granted by the King Deceased, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God Absolve, to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, on purpose to let 'em know, that she was desirous to follow the Example and Conduct of a Prince, who had so happily ruled and governed his Kingdom, and advanced so high the Grandeur and Reputation of it, by his Wisdom and Matchless Valour, that she knew not how to take a better course or more wholesome Counsel, then that which he made use of. Which she did by a Declaration Published in all the Parliaments, and in other Places where it was necessary, taking the same care also to see it Published. And when she received any complaint of Breaches, that were pretended to be made to the Prejudice of the same, did all that lay within the Verge of her Power and Authority to cause amends to be made. This Conduct which she used in all her Actions, and Deportment in the Government of the Kingdom, having been the true Cause, next to God's Assistance, to keep all our Subjects united in Affection, Fidelity and Obedience toward us and in Friendship one among another. Which has also moved us, after the Declaration of our Majority, to beseech her, that she would be pleased to continue with the same Affection and Vigilance, to assist us with Her good Counsels, in the same manner and with the same Authority, as if the Administration of the Government were still in Her hands. In pursuance whereof, by Her Advice, as soon as we entered into our Majority, we set forth a Declaration, in favour of our Subjects of the Religion, the same in Substance with the former, to let 'em always see, that our Intention and Desire, was to promote Friendship and Peace among our Subjects, and inviolably to observe our Edicts. And being very sorry for the Contention and Dispute that happened between the Catholic Deputies of the Chamber of the Nobility, and some others of the said Religion, assembled in the General States held in our good City of Paris, upon this occasion, that the said Catholic Deputies had put the Question, and came to a Resolution, that we should be Petitioned to preserve the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion, according to the Oath, which we took at our Coronation; a needless Proposal, or rather altogether unprofitable, considering that we ourselves profess it with an unshaken Constancy and Resolution to live and die in it. So that we must believe, that the Proposal was not made by them, but only to testify their Zeal and Affection for the Catholic Religion, and not to give offence to any Body, as first they separately declared to us, and afterwards all together, protesting that they desired the Observation of the Peace, as Established by the Edicts: And that we would be pleased to await, and expect from Divine Goodness, the Reunion of all our Subjects to the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, by the means most usual and customary in the Church. Being fully persuaded by experience of what is past, that violent Remedies have only served to increase the number of those that are departed from the Church, instead of teaching 'em the way to return to it: Therefore to take away all evil Impressions out of the Minds of our good Subjects, of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, who profess it with a Zeal no less Pure and Innocent, then remote from all Faction and Evil Design: As also all Pretences from whosoever seeks 'em to disturb the Repose of the Kingdom, we thought it our Duty upon this, to declare what is our Will and Pleasure. For these Reasons, we make known, that having considered of this matter in our Council, where were present the Queen, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes of our Blood, etc. We have with their Advice said, declared and ordained, say, declare and ordain, and it is our Will and Pleasure, by these Presents, that all the Edicts, Declarations, and Private Articles, ordained in Favour of t●●se of the Pretended Reformed Religion, as well by our Deceased Lord and Father, as by ourselves, together with the Regulations and other Letters or Decrees, given in their Favour by way of Explanation, and for the Execution of the Edict of Nantes, and in pursuance of i●, shall be inviolably kept and observed, and the Offenders punished with the utmost Rigour of the Laws, as Disturbers of the Public Peace. To this purpose, we enjoin all our Officers to be carefully assisting, upon Pain of being answerable, and punished for their Negligence or Connivance, with the same Severity as the Offenders. The same Injunctions and Commands we lay upon our Beloved and Faithful Counsellors, etc. to see that these presents be Read, and Published, etc. For such is our Will and Pleasure. In Testimony whereof, we have caused our Seal to be affixed.  
Given at Paris, March 5. 1615. and fifth of our Reign. Signed, Lewis.  
By the King. De Lomenie.  
Sealed with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax upon a double Label. Read, Published, and Registered, upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General, and Ordered to be sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschal ships, to be there Published and Registered, and carefully observed by the Advocate General's Substitutes, who shall certify the Court of their Sedulity within a Month, upon Pain of answering in their own Names. At Paris in the Parliament, April the last, 1615. Signed Voisin.   

A Declaration of the King, upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in Favour of those of the Religion. Given at Bourdeaux, November 10. 1615. and Published at Paris in Parliament, December 7. the same Year.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. The Declarations set forth and reiterated by us since our coming to the Crown, in Confirmation of the Edicts, Declarations, Brevets, Decrees and Regulations made in favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, during the Reign of the Deceased King Henry the Great, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God Absolve, have been sufficient to make it known, that it has been always our Intention and Desire to cause them to be inviolably observed, as being Laws requisite to preserve our Subjects in Peace and Friendship one with another, and in their Obedience and Duty toward ourselves. Which being well and prudently considered by the Queen, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, she, during her Regency, took great care to see 'em observed, and that the Breaches and Infringements thereof should be repaired so soon as she received the Complaints. We have also since our Majority followed the same Counsels, and in Imitation of Her have accumulated New Gratifications and Favours; many times also connived at Extravagancies and Violences committed by some of 'em, though they deserved very great and severe Punishment, out of an Intention always to assure 'em of our good Will and favour, and by that means, to render 'em more inclinable, and more studious to keep themselves within the bounds of their Duty. To which, would they but have added the remembrance of the kind and favourable Usage, which they received at the hands of the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, to whose Memory they owe the Confirmation of their Liberty and the Exercise of their Religion, which they enjoy with all Security, they would out of a praiseworthy Gratitude, and the Duty of an entire Obedience and Fidelity, have acknowledged to ourselves all those Obligations, at a time especially when the Innocence and weakness of our Infant Years ought to have excited the Virtue, Courage and Fidelity of all our good Subjects to defend and preserve the Authority which God has put into our Hands, upon which alone depends the Public Security, and the particular Safety of every Private Person. Nevertheless, this Conduct, though full of Goodness and Mildness, has proved no way beneficial to us, several having betaken themselves to Arms against us, to favour the Commotion began by our Cousin the Prince of Condè. Among whom there are some who make use of Religion, as a specious Pretence to cover and Cloak their Ambition, and furious desire of advancing themselves upon the Disorders and Ruins of the Kingdom; others have been misled and deceived by false Impressions and vain Fears, which the former have infused into 'em, that they were in danger of Persecution, if they did not speedily join Arms with 'em for their own Preservation; making them believe, the better to surprise their simplicity, that upon the Marriages with Spain, secret Articles were made, and a Conspiracy entered into, to expel 'em out of the Kingdom. To which they too easily giving Credit, have precipitated themselves into this enterprise, believing themselves to be constrained thereto for their just and necessary defence; which renders their fault ●●e more excusable, and rather meriting Compassion then Punishment. But they had not run themselves into this inconvenience, had they better considered, that this ●ame Impudent and Malicious Lie, was without any appearance of Truth; there being no Body so void of Sense and Judgement, that believe, since the Alliances were sought by honourable ways on both sides, as has been accustomed among great Princes, that Conditions should have been requested or desired by us, which could not be fulfilled without plunging the Kingdom into Fire and Sword, and laying it waste with Depopulation: As questionless it would have fallen out by breaking the Edicts of Pacification, and so severe and unjust a usage of our Subjects of the Religion, as they give out by a lie Artificially invented, and with a very wicked design: For nothing has been done privately in the pursuit, and resolving upon those Alliances, but every thing has been Public, seen, imparted, concluded and decreed with our Deceased Cousin, the Count of Soissons, a wise Prince and of solid Years, and great Experience, with our Cousin the Prince of Condè, and other Princes, Lords, Officers of the Crown, and most eminent Persons of our Council then about us. Among whom our Cousin the Marshal de Bovillon was always present, having altogether unanimously approved these Alliances, without the least Opposition of any one, every one being free to think and speak what he thought in his Conscience most profitable for the good of the Kingdom, without fear of offending us, or incurring our displeasure; forasmuch as neither the Queen, than Regent, nor we ourselves had the least prejudice in our Minds, but only a desire to be satisfied, what was most expedient to be done in a debate of that Importance. All Sovereigns, who think it their Interest to preserve the Ancient Reputation and Grandeur of this Kingdom, having likewise acknowledged th●se Alliances never to have been made with any evil design, have had no suspicion or distrust of 'em, after they were informed that our Intention was, to make 'em serviceable as much as in us lay, toward the securing of the peace of Christendom, not for any enterprise or Invasion of the Countries or Kingdoms of any Princes or Sovereign's whatever, much less to interrupt the Peace and Repose which all our Subjects happily enjoyed before this Commotion began. Nevertheless they of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who have taken Arms, forbear not to report and publish, that there is a private Correspondence between France and Spain, to attempt their Ruin; being desirous to make all our Subjects believe, that we have so little Consideration in us, as to approve and consent that France should be the Theatre wherein to play this Bloody Tragedy, in which the differences in Religion are to be decided by Arms; tho' we are far remote from any such Counsel, and rather to believe that the Decision of that Contest aught to be left to God alone, who knows in his own time, for his own Glory and our Security, to make use of the most proper, and convenient means to be adored and worshipped by all Christians, according to the Purity of his Doctrine, and by the True Church, which we believe to be the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman, of which we make Profession, an● in which by his Grace we intent to Live and Die. But these Artifices invented, to disguise and cover their Rebellion, have no way deceived or misled the wiser sort, who being People of worth, profess the same Religion, only by the Dictates of Conscience, as believing to find their Salvation therein, and not o●t of any proneness to Faction; who being very numerous, as well Lords, Gentlemen, Cities, Communities, and other Private Persons of all Qualities, both blame and detest the Malice and Rashness of their Attempt, and have publicly declared as well by word of Mouth as by writing, that it ought to be looked upon as real and flat Rebellion, and not for any Quarrel about Religion: They having also upon this occasion offered us, like good, true and loyal Subjects, all Assistance of their Lives and Fortunes, if they refuse to return to their Duty. To which purpose they admonish 'em every day, and threaten 'em to join with us, in the Prosecution of their Ruin, provided we would be pleased to let 'em enjoy the Benefit of the Edicts, and only deprive them of that Favour who have rendered themselves incapable of it. But these Remonstrances and Menaces have wrought no more upon 'em, than those of the Inhabitants of the greatest part of the Cities and Places, which have been left in their hands, who have done as much, and publicly protested also, that they would not adhere to 'em in their Rebellion. For instead of quitting their wicked Design, they have insolently given out, that those of their Religion, who have not hitherto followed 'em, shall at length be constrained to do it; for fear that in suffering them to be ruined and destroyed, they do not weaken and endanger themselves. A Condition and Servitude too hard for Men of worth, to be constrained to do evil against their Wills, their Conscience and their Duty, in compliance with those who are only governed by their Ambition, and Private Interest. However we hope better things from their Virtue and Fidelity, and that they will remain so firm and constant in their Affection to our Service, that their Resistance, and the continuance of their Loyalty will have force sufficient to constrain others to desist from their attempt, though to justify and corroborate it, they suppose Resolutions and Decrees of General Assemblies that never were; but only certain Conventicles, and unlawful Meetings of particular Persons chosen and suborned by 'em, who without any Employment or Authority, and many times against the express Will and Declarations, contained in the Procurations and Injunctions of those by whom they were deputed, adhere to the Proposals of the Factious, who desire to make use of 'em to the great damage and prejudice of honest Men of their Religion. Therefore, it not being any Intention of ours to impute to all the faults of some particular Persons, We, with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes, etc. and of our full Power and Royal Authority, have said, declared and ordained, and do say, declare and ordain, and it is our Will and Pleasure, in Conformity to what we have already formerly and several times ordained, that the Edict of Nantes, verified in all our Parliaments, made in favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion by the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, together with the rest of the Articles, Declarations and Regulations made, and Decrees set forth either by way of Explanation, or for the better Execution, and in pursuance of the said Edict, by him, and during his Reign, or by Us since his Decease, be inviolably fulfilled, kept and observed, as has been done and ordained to this present Time. And that i● in any parts of the Kingdom, there have been Infringements, they may be absolutely repaired, and satisfaction given for 'em; so that nothing more may be desired on our Part. Moreover it is our Pleasure, in Consideration of the Fidelity, which an infinite number of our good Subjects of the same Religion have made known and observed toward us, among whom are the most Principal, and Men of greatest Quality, who Merit a singular Testimony of our good Will, that in despite of the wrongs, which have been done us by those of the said Religion, who have taken Arms against us, or have assisted and favoured 'em in any manner whatever, they may in like manner enjoy the Benefit of our Edicts, and be partakers of that Favour, as well as those who have persisted in their Duty, provided that within one Month after Publication of these Presents in every one of our Parliaments, they declare to the Register of the Bailiwick or Seneschalship, under whose Jurisdiction they live, that they have desisted and quitted the said enterprise to do us Service, according to their Duty, without any longer adhering to, assisting or favouring in any manner of way, those who persist in their Rebellion; and that they surrender back those places which they possess, in the same Condition as they were before the Insurrection. Which being done, without any new breach of their Duty, we have taken and put 'em, and do take and put 'em under our Protection. And we prohibit and forbid all our Subjects of what quality soever to revile and offend 'em, either in Word or Deed for any thing Past, as also our Advocate's General, to issue forth any Prosecutions against 'em; desiring that what is past may be buried in Oblivion and Cancelled, and we forget and cancel the same by these Presents. But if after the space of the said Month elapsed, they continue in their Rebellion, either by bearing Arms, or assisting in any manner those that are in Arms, it is our Pleasure that they be prosecuted and punished as Criminals and Guilty of High Treason, and Disturbers of the Public Peace; and that the Cities and Communities which adhere to 'em, be declared to have forfeited all Favours, Privileges and Immunities which they enjoyed, by virtue of any Charters granted 'em by the Kings our Predecessors, or by ourselves, as having rendered themselves unworthy of 'em. And we command our Advocate Generals to prosecute 'em with all Diligence, and our Parliaments to proceed against 'em with their utmost Care and Affection; and our Governors and Lieutenant Generals to be strenuously assisting in the Execution of such Decrees and Judgements, as shall be pronounced against 'em: not suffering 'em to enjoy any Favour or Privilege, granted 'em by the Edicts, made in Favour of our Subjects of the said Religion; of which they have rendered themselves unworthy by this Pernicious Rebellion.  
So we command our well Beloved and Faithful Counselors, holding Courts of Parliament, Chambers of the Edict, Bailiffs, Seneschals, etc. that these our present Letters of Declaration, be Published and Registered, and the Contents of 'em punctually observed, according to their Form and Tenor, etc. Commanding also our Advocate's General, and their substitutes to be assisting, etc. For such is our Will and Pleasure. In Witness whereof, etc.  
Given at Bourdeaux, November 10. 1615. and sixth of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
And below, by the King. De Lomenie.  
Sealed with the great Seal in Yellow Wax upon a double Label. Read, Published, and Registered, upon the Motion of the Attorney General; and ordered that Copies be sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships, etc. to be there Published and Registered with all speed by the Substitutes, etc. At Paris in Parliament, December 7. 1615. Signed De Tillet.   

Extract of the King's Edict, for the Pacifying of the Troubles of his Kingdom; given at Blois, May 1616. and verified, June 13. the same Year.  
Article XLV.  
OUr Pleasure and Meaning is, that the Edicts of Pacification, Declarations, and secret Articles, verified in our Courts of Parliament, as also the Brevets, and Answers to the Papers, made by the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, in Favour of the Pretended Reformed Religion be observed and executed, and that they may enjoy 'em according to their Form and Tenor.  
XV. And whereas M. Peter Berger, Counsellor in our Court of Parliament in Paris, who had one of the six Offices, which by XXX. Article of the said Edict were appointed for those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, has made Profession since of the Catholic, we have created and erected, and do create and erect, de novo, an Office and Counsellor in our said Court of Parliament at Paris, with the same Salary, Rights, Privileges, Authority and Functions equal to any of the Rest. Which Office now by Us created, we appropriate to those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, instead of that which Berger held, and for which we will provide a Person of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, of ability and sufficiency, according to the Form expressed in the L. of the Private Articles granted at Nantes to those of the said Religion.  
XVI. It is our Pleasure and Meaning, that the Exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, shall be restored and settled in Places, where it has been discontinued or interrupted, since the said first of July, by Reason of the Present Commotions, in the same Manner and Form as before.  
XVII. And to the end there may be no Question of the sincere Intention of our Dear Cousin the Prince of Condè, and those who are joined with him, we declare that we repute and hold our said Cousin the Prince of Condè, for our good Kinsman, and faithful Subject and Servant, as also the rest of the Princes, Dukes, Peers, Officers of the Crown, Lords, Gentlemen, Cities, Communities and others, as well Catholics as of the Pretended Reformed Religion, of what Quality or Condition soever they be, who assisted him, or joined or united with him, as well before as after the suspension of Arms, comprehending also the Deputies of the said Pretended Reformed Religion; tho' assembled at Nimes, and present at Rochel, for our good Subjects and Servants. And after we read the Declaration set forth to us, by our said Cousin the Prince of Condè, we believe and deem, that what was done by him and the abovenamed, was done out of a good end and Intention, and for our Service.  
LIII. The Secret Articles which have been granted by us, and which will be found inserted in the present Edict shall be punctually and inviolably fulfilled and observed, and upon an Extract of the said Articles, Signed by one of our Secretaries of State, all necessary Letters shall be forthwith given out.   

Private Articles granted in the King's Name by his Deputies, sent to the Conference at Loudun to the Prince of Condè, and others joined with him, to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles; after that, seen, approved and ratified by his Majesty.  
I. 'TIs the King's Pleasure and meaning after the Example of the Kings his Predecessors, that the Gallican Church be preserved in her Rights, Franchises, Liberties, and Prerogatives.  
II. What has been done by the Clergy upon the Publication of the Council Trent, has not been approved by his Majesty; and consequently nothing has come of it: Nor will he permit that any thing be done hereafter without or contrary to his Authority.  
III. Although that in the Edict it be expressed, that all places which have been taken on either side during these Toubles, shall be restored, to the same Hands, and resettled in the same Condition as they were before; Nevertheless, it is agreed, that the Castle of Leitoure, shall be put into the Hands of an Exempt of the Guards of the King's Body, or some other of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall be made Choice of by his Majesty to keep it till the Contest between the Sieurs de Fontrailles and Angelin, about the Captainship of the said Castle, be adjusted by his Majesty.  
IV. That the XXVII. Article of▪ the Edict of Nantes about the Pacification of the Troubles, concerning the admitting promiscuously those who do or shall profess the Pretended Reformed Religion, to all Estates, Dignities, Public Offices or Employments, Royal, Signioral, or City Magistrates, shall be followed and observed; and by virtue of this the Sieurs Villemerea●, Counsellor in the Court of Parliament, and Le Maistre, Master in the Chamber of Accounts, shall be admitted to the Exercise of their Employments as they were before they professed the said Pretended Reformed Religigion.  
V. The Ministers of the Pretended Reformed Religion, shall enjoy the favour and Exemptions to them Vousafed by the King's Letters Patents of December 15. 1612.  
VI The Sieurs Durant, Lovis and Gausin, shall be resettled in the City of Metz, as formerly they were.  
VII. The Inhabitants of the City of Millau, and of the Cities, Boroughs and Communities of the County of Foix, who were at the Taking of the Castle of Camera●e, as also some particular Persons of the City of Nimes, shall enjoy the Benefit of the Amnesties, which were formerly granted 'em, for some Crimes and Extravagancies therein mentioned, without needing any other Verification than the Registering of these present Articles, nor shall the said Registering be any Prejudice to the Civil Interests of the Parties, for which there shall be provision made according to reason. And as for the City of Millau, the Catholics, as well ecclesiastics as others, may make their abodes there, and securely continue Divine Worship, the King protecting 'em from those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall be responsible.  
VIII. The Lady Dandoux, and the Sieur de St. Foy, together with those who assisted 'em, shall be wholly discharged from all that may be laid to their charge by reason of what was done at Belestat, in 1615. Which shall be extinguished, cancelled and abolished; nor shall they be bound to put themselves into a Condition, for the allowance of the Favour or discharge which has been or shall be expedited for 'em; from which they shall be totally acquitted and Exonerated at the Charge also of the civil Interest, if it so fall out: And that the Inhabitants who profess the Pretended Reformed Religion, may abide there with all saftly and freedom, and enjoy the Exercise of their Religion as is permitted 'em by the Edicts, which shall remain in the Custody of the Catholics.  
IX. The Sieur d' Ardon, shall be restored to the Government of the City of Vennes, which Re-establishment shall be made good by the Governor and Lieutenant General of the Province.  
X. The Declaration which has been set forth in favour of the Sieur de Borne, to the prejudice of the Employment of the Grand Master of the Artillery, shall be revoked, and the said Employment restored back, with the same Authority and Functions as the Grand Masters enjoyed who Exercised it formerly.  
XI. The Sieurs Marquis of Bonuiver and Friaise, shall be released and set at Liberty, and all Informations and Proceedings against 'em, by reason of the present Troubles, shall be made Null and of no Effect.  
XII. M. Nicolas Cugnois, Provincial Receiver of the Tithes of Burgundy, in Burgundy, shall be discharged, together with his Bail, and his Ensurers, of the Sum of 21000 Livers, which he was constrained to pay to the Duke of Mayenne, being as well the Money of the said Receipt of Tithes, as of the Consignation which he was forced to pay to the Chatelet of Paris, for the purchase of the said Office, or the Remainder of the Years during which it was to be enjoyed. Nor shall the said Cugnois be bond to report any Verbal Process of the said Constraint with which he is dispensed, according to the Declaration which the Duke of Maine set forth, acknowledging the Receipt of the said 21000 Livers from the said Cugnois, and its being laid out in the Affairs of the War; and of which the said Cugnois shall be absolutely acquitted and cleared as to the Receiver General of the Clergy of France; as also of the Consignations of the said Chatelet, and all other Sums, by virtue of the said Duke of Mayennes Acquittance for the Sum of 21000 Livers, which shall serve for a Discharge to the said Receivers.  
XIII. The Commission for the razing the Castle of Tigny, in Anjou, shall be revoked, if it be not done already.  
XIV. The Duke of Vendosm, with all his Domestic Servants, those of his Troop of Gensdarms, and of the Troop of light Horse, called the Duke of Mercoeur his Son's Troop, commanded by the Sieur de la Vacre Chiuray; together with the Sieurs Duission, d' Arabon, Baron de Quernevan, Baron de Vieux Chasteau, and the Widows and Children of the Sieurs d' Oervaux, and the Sieur de Cammores, shall have an Appeal for all Processes and suits as well Criminal as Civil, which they may have as defendants in the Court of Parliament of Rennes, and the said Processes shall be removed to the Grand Council, and that for a Year; to which purpose requisite Letters of Appeal shall be expedited: Under the Counter Seal of which shall be affixed the Cases both of the said Domestics and Companies.  
XV. The King grants to M. the Prince of Condè, as well for himself, as for all other Princes and Lords, as well Catholic as of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who joined and united with him, the sum of 1500 Thousand Livers as well for the Payment of the Levies, keeping afoot and disbanding the Soldiers, as for the Charges and Expenses of the said War.  
Done and Decreed by the King in his Council, the Queen Mother Present, May 16. 1616. Signed LEWIS. And lower under the Counter-Seal of the Edict, Pothier.   

A Declaration of the King upon the Edicts of Pacification; given at Paris, July 20. 1616. and verified August 4. the same Year  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Tho' that since our coming to this Crown we have clearly enough made known our continual care to preserve all our Subjects in Amity, Union and Concord one with another, as also those who profess the Pretended Reformed Religion, with all the safety and freedom that they can desire, as well for their Consciences as for their Persons, Estates, Offices and Dignities, under the Observance of the Edicts of Pacification, secret Articles, Declarations, Brevets, and other Favours and Concessions granted 'em by the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God absolve, and since by ourselves confirmed: To which purpose we caused to be expedited in their favour several Declarations in express terms, as well at our coming to the Crown, and our entrance into our Majority, as upon several other Occasions; upon which we judged that they might desire to be satisfied of our good and sincere Intentions in that particular: Nevertheless, considering what has been represented to us, that some among 'em remain under some suspicion and jealousy, for that since the General Estates of our Kingdom were last convoked, and assembled in our good City of Paris, it was set afoot and resolved, that we should be petitioned to, that we would be pleased to preserve the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, according to the Oath which we took at our Coronation, tho' they that were there as Deputies, have since sufficiently given us to understand, that what was done proceeded rather out of the abundance of their Affection for the said Catholic Religions, than out of any ill Will which they bear to those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, We acknowledge at the same time, how necessary a thing it is to observe the Edicts of Pacification made in their Favour, and how requisite it is for the Welfare and Tranquillity of the Kingdom; desiring therefore a fresh, to satisfy our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, of our good will in that Particular, and to the end we may not leave any Scruple unremoved upon the said proposals in the Assembly of State's General; For these Reasons, and other Considerations, us thereunto moving, with the advice of the Queen Mother, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes, Officers of the Crown, and principal Members of our Council, about our person, we have said and declared, say and declare, That we never had any thoughts, by the Oath which we took at our Coronation, to comprehend therein our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, living in our Kingdom under the benefits of our said Edicts, Articles and Delarations made in their favour, which it is our pleasure shall be always inviolably followed and observed, without the least infringement, and which as occasion requires we have all along confirmed and by these Presents confirm. Enjoining all our Officers to prosecute and punish the Infringers thereof, as refractory Persons, and Disturbers of the public Peace. Thus we command all our beloved and faithful Counsellors, holding our Courts of Parliament, Bailiffs, Seneschals, etc. that they cause these our present Letters Declaratory to be read, published and registered, etc. and that the Contents thereof be inviolably kept and preserved. In Testimony whereof we have caused our Seal to be affixed.  
Given at Paris, July 20. 1616. in the 7th. Year of our Reign. Signed LEWIS.  
By the King in Council. De Lomenie.  
Sealed with the Great Seal, in Yellow wax, upon a double Label. Read, published and registered upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General, and Copies ordered to be sent to all the Bailiwicks, and Seneschalships, to be there published and registered, etc. At Paris in Parliament, August 4. 1616. Signed Voisin.   

A Declaration of the King, containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Loudun, and the Private Articles of it. Given at Paris the last of September, 1616. and verified October 25. the same Year.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr, to all etc. As it has been an extraordinary Grief to us, when we were constrained upon just cause and consideration, concerning our own and the security of our Kingdom, to order our Cousin the Prince of Condè to be seized, and on the other side were extremely overjoyed and contented when we understood that the Princes, Dukes, Peers, Officers of the Crown and others who withdrew from our Court upon that Accident, all desired the Peace and Tranquillity of our Kingdom, and to satisfy us with their Actions; of which having duly informed us, and of the Occasion of their absence, and being convinced of the reasons that might lessen the confidence which we had in 'em, We remained so well satisfied, that there was not the least ill Opinion left in our minds of their deportment: Nevertheless ' forasmuch as by our Letters Patents Declaratory upon the Decree for the seizing our said Cousin, by reason of the General and particular Expressions, and Circumstances therein mentioned, it might be otherwise judged of their Intentions, as also that their Absence and withdrawing from our Person, might have rendered 'em suspected of things not consisting with their Duty and the Quality of that allegiance which they owe us; for these Reasons, being desirous to preserve their Honour and their Reputation entire, we make known of our own proper motion, full Power and Royal Authority, and with the Advice of the Queen, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother, Princes of our blood, other Princes, etc. and We have declared, and do declare, that neither by our said Declaration, nor by any terms, or general or special Word therein contained, we either meant or do mean to comprehend the said Princes, Dukes, Peers, Officers of the Crown, Lords, Officers of our Sovereign Courts, or others of what Quality or Condition soever they be, suspected, and departing from Paris, upon the day of the Seizure and Detention of our said Cousin, and since the abovementioned Accident, who have made us sensible of the sincerity of their Intentions, and their Resolutions still to continue in their Obedience to us, whom we hold and look upon as our Good, Faithful, and Affectionate Subjects and Servants, no way consenting nor partakers of the Facts contained in the said Declaration; and it is our Pleasure that they enjoy our Graces, Favours, Benefits, Honours and Governments, and that they exercise their Employments and Offices as they did before, and as belongs to their abovementioned Preferments, notwithstanding all the Interdictions and Letters which might have been set forth to the contrary. Moreover, it is our Pleasure, that the Edict not long since made at Loudun, be maintained, with all the Articles as well General, as particular and private, granted in pursuance of the said Edict, and that our Subjects may enjoy the benefit of 'em. To that end we command our faithful and beloved Counsellors, etc. That they cause these presents to be verified and registered, fulfilled and observed according to their form and Tenor, for such is our Pleasure.  
Given at Paris, September, the last, 1616. and 7th. of our Reign Siigned LEWIS. And below, by the King. Mangot. Sealed with the Great Seal of Yellow wax upon a double Label. Read, Published and Registered, upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General; and Copies ordered to be sent to the Bailywicks and Seneschalships etc. To be there also published and registered etc. At Paris in Parliament, October 25. 1616. Signed Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King against the Unlawful Assemblies of any of the Pretended Reformed Religion at Castle Jaloux and Bearn. Given at Paris, May 21. 1618. Verified May 25.  
LEwis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Upon Information given us the last Month of April, that some of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion took upon 'em contrary and in contempt of the Edicts of Pacification, and several Declarations by us set forth, to summon and hold unlawful Assemblies, and such as were by us prohibited, and also that they had appointed one of several Provinces to be held in the City of Chatel-Jaloux in our Country of Guyenne, we took an Occasion to expedite our Letters Patents dated April 20th. by which we declared all Assemblies that should be summoned by our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform Religion, other than such as were permitted by our Edicts, and for which they had express leave from us, to be unlawful, and contrary to our Authority and Service, and as such we forbid 'em, upon pain of Disobedience; ordering Prosecution against the Authors of the same, and all those that should go thither and be present there, as Infringers of our Edicts, and disturbers of the public Peace. Which our said Letters having been published and registered in our Court of Parliament at Bourdeaux, and Chamber of Edict at Nerac, our Officers of the said Societies had taken such care for the observance of 'em, that the Governor and Consuls of the said City of Chatel-Jaloux and they who were entrusted with the command of several other Cities of the said Province held by those of the pretended Reformed Religion, had obstructed and refused the holding of the said Assembly, and for that reason would have enforced those that were deputed thither to have departed. But we have been informed within these few days, that the more factious among 'em, finding that by reason of our said Declaration, they could not with freedom and safety hold the said Assembly, which they had contrived to be such as they desired to have it, resolved to call it without the Jurisdiction of the Parliament, in our Country of Bearn, or some other Part, whither they had invited several of our Subjects from divers Provinces to meet. Which being directly prejudicial to our authority, and the good of our Service, the Peace and Tranquillity of our Subjects, and contrary to our Edicts of Pacification, and several Declarations set forth upon that Subject, desirous of an Occasion to provide against it, and to punish those who carry themselves with so much disobedience and unbridled Licence, we have said and declared, and do say and declare, that it is our Pleasure and Intention, that at the Prosecution and Solicitation of our Advocate's General and their Substitutes, our Judges and Officers of the Places, shall proceed against all those who have been the Authors, and shall be found present at the said Assembly by them newly summoned in our said Province of Bearn, or in any other unlawful Assemblies, and such as are forbid by our Edicts and Declarations, as Violators of our Edicts, and disturbers of the public Peace: And to this Effect we will and require that they be apprehended and taken into Custody where ere they shall be found hereafter, to the end their Prosecutions may be brought to a Conclusion. And where they cannot be taken, that they may be proceeded against for Contumacy, Seizure and Inventories made of their Goods, according to the Forms in such Cases customary. So we command our beloved and faithful Counsellors, holding our Court of Parliament at Paris, that they give Order that these presents be read, published and registered, etc. For such is our pleasure. In Testimony, etc.  
Given at Paris May 21st. 1618. And Ninth of our Reign. Signed LEWIS.  
By the King, De Lomenie.  
Sealed, etc. Read, Published and Registered, at the Motion of the King's Advocate General, and authentic Copies ordered to be sent, etc. To the end they may be read, published, Registered and Executed within their several Jurisdictions, etc. At Paris in Parliament May 25th. 1618. Signed Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King, confirming the Edicts of Pacification, and the Assemblies of Castle-Jaloux, and others approved. Given at Amboise, May 24. and verified July 5.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, to all, etc. It has been always our Intention carefully to maintain and cause to be observed toward our Subjects professing the pretended Reformed Religion, the Favours, Concessions and Advantages which the Deceased King our thrice honoured Lord and Father granted 'em by the Edict of Nantes, and by the Brevets and Declarations which ensued upon it, and which have since by us been confirmed. On the other side, we have desired that on their part they would confine themselves to the Observance of the same Edict, and live under the Protection of it, with the same Fidelity as the Rest of our Subjects. And when they have given themselves the Liberty to do any thing contrary to their duty, we have been obliged to let 'em understand our Resentment, and for that reason to set forth Declarations and other Letters Patents, such as we ourselves thought necessary, upon the Occasion which presented themselves. As we did in April the last year, being informed that some among 'em took upon 'em, contrary and in contempt of our said Edicts and Declarations, to summon and hold unlawful Assemblies, and such as were by us prohibited, as also that they had appointed one at Castle-Jaloux in Guyenne. We therefore expedited our Letters Patents of the 20th. of the said Month, by which we declared the said Assembly and all others that were held by 'em, other than those that were permitted by us, to be unlawful, and contrary to our Authority and Service, and as such we forbid 'em under the Penalty of disobedience. Since that, we have been informed, that they themselves who had contrived to hold the said Assembly at Casteljaloux, finding that they were obstructed by reason of our said Declaration, were resolved to call another without the Jurisdiction of our Parliament of Bourdeaux, and to appoint it at Orthes in Bearn, to the end they might hold it there with more freedom. Upon that we set forth a Declaration dated the 21st. of May ensuing: By which we declared it to be our pleasure, that upon the Prosecution and Solicitation of our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes, the Judges and other Officers of the places should rigorously proceed against such as should be the Authors, or should be found present in the said Assemby which was said to be called in Bearn, or in any other unlawful Assemblies forbid by our Edicts, as Violators of our Edicts, and Disturbers of the public Peace. Which nevertheless did not prevent the holding of the said Assembly, nor the Removal of it afterwards to our City of Rody; at which we have just Reason to be offended, were it not but that upon this last Motion, they who met at the said Assembly, acknowledging that some of our Subjects, desirous to make use of the Name of the Queen, our thrice honoured Lady and Mother, to trouble the Peace of our Kingdom, sought their Advantages, to the Prejudice of our Authority and the good of our Service, and that if they had done amiss in meeting to the prejudice of our Prohibitions, they had no Intention however to disserve us; having sent their Deputies to us upon this Occasion, to protest and assure us of their Fidelity, Obedience and Duty to our Service, and to beseech us to honour 'em with our commands. Which being well understood and considered, we resolved to hear their Deputies mildly and favourably, and to forget the Offence which they had committed by reason of that Assembly. Which being desirous effectually to do, for these causes, after the Affair was set afoot and debated in our Council, where were present several Princes, etc. With their Advice, and of our own certain knowledge, full Power and Royal Authority, we say and declare, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that our said Subjects who met in the said Assemblies, held in the said Cities of Orthes and Rody, together with those that were deputed thither, shall not be disturbed, molested or prosecuted upon that Occasion; but that they be absolutely discharged, and that they may return home with freedom and safety to their own Houses and Places of abode; notwithstanding the Declarations above mentioned, and all Decrees and Judgements that might be issued forth against 'em. It is our pleasure also that if any of 'em have been taken and imprisoned, or have had their Goods seized upon the said Occasion, their Persons shall be acquitted, and their Goods restored; as having upon the said Considerations, extinguished and buried in Oblivion the Miscarriage which was committed upon that Occasion. And we impose perpetual silence upon our Advocate's General, their Substitutes and others, whom we charge and command however to he assisting in the Execution and Observance of our Edicts and Declarations aforesaid. So we command our faithful and beloved Counsellors, etc. That these presents may be read published and registered, etc. And that our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, may enjoy the Benefit of the Contents fully and peaceably, without suffering the least Injury, Trouble or Impeachment to be offered 'em. For such is our Pleasure. In Witness, etc.  
Given at Amboise, May 24th. 1619. and 10th. of our Reign. Signed LEWIS.  
And below, By the King, De Lomenie,  
Sealed etc. Registered upon the Motion of the King's Attorney General. At Paris in Parliament, July 15th. 1619. Signed, Gallart   

A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun, together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edicts of Pacification. Given at Paris, February 26. 1620. and Published in Parliament, February 27. the said Year.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. As we have always held it for an assured Foundation of the public Tranquillity of this Kingdom, to maintain and preserve our Subjects, as well the Catholics as those of the pretended Reformed Religion in good Peace, Union and Concord one with another, under the Benefit of the Edicts and Declarations made and set forth to that purpose by the Deceased King our thrice honoured Lord and Father, whom God absolve: So we have had a particular care, in causing 'em to be exactly observed; and that they of the said Religion may enjoy the Favours and Concessions which were granted 'em by the same. Which also we have not only maintained and preserved, but also out of our special Grace and Favour have much augmented and enlarged. And to be the more particularly satisfied of any Faileurs in the Observance of the said Edicts and Declarations, which might be committed, and to give out said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion the means to inform us of 'em, in imitation of the Deceased King our thrice honoured Lord and Father, we have agreed that they shall have near o●● Person, and in our Train, certain Deputies who may inform us of 'em, and exhibit their Remonstrances to us and our Council, as they shall judge requisite to be provided against and remedied at their Instance and Solicitation, and to the end those Deputies may be made choice of and appointed, when they have a design to change 'em, we have for that reason given 'em leave to hold Provincial and General Assemblies, when they shall give us to understand that they have occasion for 'em. And altho' the Principal cause for which we have given 'em leave to hold those Assemblies, has been for the Choice and Nomination of the said Deputies; we have nevertheless thought good, that the Complaints which our Subjects of the said Religion of every Province may make of the said Breaches and Violations, shall be exhibited to the said Assemblies, for them to send their Deputies to present their Papers and Remonstrances to us. For this reason it is, and upon this only Consideration, that we permitted our Subjects of the said pretended Reform Religion, by our Brevet, May 23th. to hold a General Assembly the 26th. of September ensuing, in our City of Loudun, in which we were in hopes that according to what is expressed by the said Brevet, they would have begun to have proceeded to the Choice and Nomination of Deputies, which they would have had to succeed to those that resided in our Train, in whose hands they would have entrusted the Papers of Complaints and Remonstrances which they had to present to us, to the end they might solicit our Answer, and take care of putting in Execution what should be by us ordained. But instead of so doing, they would needs send to us, certain of their Number with a first Paper, containing some principal Heads, to which they besought our answer, and to cause to be executed what we thought convenient, till they had compiled their other Papers, which as they said they were preparing to exhibit to us. Upon which we gave 'em to understand, that when all their demands should be reduced into one Paper, and that they should present 'em to us all at once, and according to the usual Method and Forms, we would receive 'em, and give a favourable Answer, and in such sort, that they should find by the Effects, our good will towards 'em, And tho' they were also obliged to cause the said Paper to be presented to us by such as should be made choice of among them to reside near our Person, and then to break up, as it was the Practice, while the deceased King lived, of the Assemblies of Chatellerant and Gergeau, and that it is still observed by all the Assemblies of what Quality soever they be, that are held in this Kingdom: Nevertheless, we were willing to do 'em that favour for once, not to draw it into Precedent, as to receive the said Papers from the hands of those who did present 'em to us on their behalf. Which being reported to the said Assembly, after several Contests and Delays, at length they sent us other Deputies, with the General Papers of their Complaints and Remonstrances, whom we kindly received, giving 'em assurance that we would labour to return 'em a speedy answer, and by which they should not only receive the Justice which they demanded, but also as much as they could expect from our Grace and Favour. Which we gave 'em in charge to report back to their said Assembly, being also farther commanded to tell them in our Name, that since they had presented all their Papers, and that their longer sitting together was to no purpose, but was prejudicial to our authority, and gave scandal to our Subjects, our Pleasure was, that they should proceed with the soon, to the Nomination of their Deputies, that were to reside near our Person, and then break up. Which done, we promised to deliver into the hands of the said Deputies, the Answers which we should make to the said Papers, and within a Month after to proceed to the Execution of those things that should be agreed upon. But instead of receiving this with that respect and reverence which is due to us, they replied that the said Assembly was resolved to sit still, and not to stir, till they had the Answer that was to be made to their Papers, and that they saw the performance of it. For which tho' we had just occasion to be offended, as being an Answer far remote from the Duty which Subjects owe their King: Nevertheless we contented ourselves with laying before 'em the Fault which they committed, and exhorting them to demean themselves with that Obedience which became became. And however, to the end the said Assembly might be expressly informed of our Intentions, we resolved to send to 'em, the Sieurs Le Maine, Counsellor in our Council of State, and Gentleman of our Chamber, and Marescot, one of our Secretaries, to the end that after they had confirmed to 'em the Assurances of our good will toward 'em in that particular, they might lay upon 'em the same Command which we had enjoined their said Envoys to carry to 'em in our Names; which was, to proceed forthwith to the Nomination of the Deputies that were to reside near our Person, and then to break up in fifteen Days after, and return home into their Provinces: Which was pronounced the 10th. of January last. To which they made no other Answer, only that they would depute Commissioners to us, to reiterate their humble Supplications to us, as they did, in sending to us afterwards some others of their Society, who repeated the same Instances which others before had done. That is to say, that we would be pleased to agree to the Sitting of the Assembly, till their Papers were answered, and that they saw the performance of those things that should be promised 'em; upon which not having any thing else to Answer, but what already we had given 'em to understand; and considering of what Importance it was, that they should rely upon the Assurances which we had given 'em of our good Intentions to do what should be to their Content, and that the usual methods in such Cases should be followed and observed: Considering also that they had sat near five Months, which might breed both Suspicion and Jealousy in our other Subjects, We ordered 'em once more to obey what we had given 'em to understand to be our Will and Pleasure. To which we ordered 'em, after that, to be particularly exhorted, by several Persons well qualified, and well informed of our Sentiments of these Affairs, who assured 'em of our good Intentions, to give 'em content. Having also sent 'em word in our Name, that tho' they had exceeded above a Month of the Time wherein we prefixed 'em to separate, yet we granted 'em eight Days more for their Return to Loudun, and eight Days after to Name their Deputies, and then retire: In which if they failed to give us Satisfaction, we should take care so to provide as should be most for the good of our Service. But finding that instead of obeying our commands, they still continued together, covering their Disobedience with the Pretences of new Envoys which they sent to us, to reiterate their Importunities and Supplications: Yet being well informed that there are several persons in the said Assembly ill affected to the Good of our Service, and the Peace of this Kingdom, who labour to inveigle others into their wicked Designs, Therefore being no longer able to suffer this contempt of our Authority, without testifying our Resentment toward those that are Guilty, and letting every one know what our Will and Pleasure is upon this Subject: We declare, that we have had this Matter debated in Council, where were present some Princes of the Blood, other Princes, etc. With whose advice, and of our certain knowledge, full Power, and Royal Authority, we have said, declared and ordained as follows, that is to say, That to testify our good Inclinations in their behalf to our said Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, we have again ordered our said Deputies assembled at Loudun, a Respite of three weeks after notice shall be given 'em by these presents, to break up the said Assembly, and to go home to their Houses, During which time they may also Nominate their Deputies, according to the Number and Method accustomed, for two to be made Choice of by us, to reside near our Person, and upon their neglect to break up and Retire after that time expired, We have from hence forward, as then, declared the said Assembly unlawful and opposite to our Service and Authority: And all those who shall stay to continue it, either in the City of Loudun, or in any other Place, guilty of High Treason, and as such excluded from the Benefit of our Edicts, and other Favours by us granted to those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, as also of the Appeals which they may pretend to, to our Chambers of the Edict. We likewise will, and it is our Pleasure, that they be proceeded against with the utmost Rigour of our Laws and Ordinances, as well by our Ordinary Judges, as our Parliaments, as disobedient Subjects, Rebels and disturbers of the Public Peace; as also all such as shall side with 'em in their Practices, Negotiations and Correspodencies. And as for those among 'em who shall obey our present command, and withdraw from the said Assembly within the time above mentioned, as also all others of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall continue in their Obedience and Duty toward us, our Will and Pleasure is, that they live with all freedom under our Protection, and enjoy the Benefit of our Edicts, Declarations and other Favours by us granted in their behalf. And if they of the Assembly who shall obey our present Commands, whatever their Nunber be, before they quit it, nominate the Deputies that are to reside in our Train, our Intention is to admit their said Nomination, and to permit those whom we shall make choice of, to do the Duty of their Functions near our persons as is usual. So we command our beloved and Faithful Counselors, holding our Courts of Parliament and Chambers of the Edict, our Bailiffs, etc. We also enjoin all our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes, etc. And to the end the said Assembly may have sufficient Notice of our present Command, and may have no cause to pretend Ignorance, our Pleasure is, that our Advocate General, or his Substitutes, give speedy notice thereof to the said City of Loudun, or other Places where such Assemblies shall be held by the chief of our Ushers, or Sergeants. We also command our Governors and Lieutenant Generals in our Provinces, to be aiding and assisting in the Execution of such Decrees and Judgements as shall be given against the Violators of these Presents. For this is our Will and Pleasure. In Testimony whereof, etc.  
Given at Paris, Feb. 26. 1620. in the Tenth of our Reign. Signed Lewis,  
And below, By the King, Phelippeaux.  
Registered upon the Motion of the King's Attorney General; and sent to all Bailiwicks and Seneschalships to be there Registered, etc. At Paris in Parliament, February 27. 1620. Signed De Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience. Dated at Fontain-bleau, April 24. 1621. Registered the 27th.  
LEwis by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Since we took in hand to govern the Affairs of our Kingdom, We have found that one of the most necessary Things to keep our Subjects in Peace and Tranquillity, is carefully to observe the Edicts of Pacification, and Declarations made in favour of our Subjects, who profess the Pretended Reformed Religion, for which Reason we have all along laboured it as much as it was possible; and also, to the end they might have so much the more Reason to contain themselves in their Duty, and to rejoice in our goodness, We have often dissembled, and laid asleep their Disobedience and Oppositions that many among 'em have been guilty of. Or else we have endeavoured to turn 'em aside from the Miscarriages to which they were inclinable, by Admonitions and Declarations, which we have set forth and sent, where they were convenient, to let 'em understand their Duty. Which was that which more particularly we were desirous to put in Practice in October last, upon Advice that was given us, that our said Subjects were preparing to call and hold an Assembly, without our Permission, in the City of Rochel. Upon which we put forth a Declaration to forbid the said Assembly, and to prohibit all that should be deputed to travel thither, and those of the said City of Rochel to admit 'em, upon Penalties therein contained. But as it frequently happens, that they who have the best Intentions, have not always the greatest Faith among 'em, our Declaration was so far from working any good effect, that in contempt of it, several among 'em forbore not to hold the said Assembly, and after that to call and hold others in several parts of the Kingdom, under various Names and Pretences; some of which made Decrees and Orders, as if they had had Sovereign Authority, published Ordinances for keeping the Field in Arms, committing Acts of Hostility, and taking our Subjects by way of Reprisals, elected and appointed Chieftains, as well for the Field as for the Cities, and took other Resolutions so pernicious, that very great Licentiousness, Excesses and Disorders ensued in a good number of the Places which they held; having caused extraordinary Fortifications to be raised about 'em, raised Money and Men, Listed Soldiers, cast great Guns, purchased Arms, held unlawful Assemblies, and committed other Acts altogether Opposite and Prejudicial to our Authority, and the Obedience which is due to us. For which we had all just Reason to be offended, nevertheless we were willing to be patient for several Months, and to consider whether of themselves they would return to the acknowledgement of their faults, and seek to us for that Favour which they stood in need of: Nor were we weary all the while of providing Remedies upon several Articles, for which the Deputies that reside near our Person, on the behalf of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion made Supplication to us. But considering now that the farther things go, the more Licentiousness and Disobedience augment among the greatest part of 'em, and that their Audaciousness may increase by our being at a distance, We have taken a Resolution to make a Progress into Tourain and Poictou, and farther onward, to visit the other Provinces of our Kingdom, to the end that being so much nearer the Mischief, we may be the better able to provide against it, with that Intention which we always preserve, to maintain the Public Peace, and carefully to observe, in respect of those of the said Religion, who shall keep themselves within the Bounds of their Obedience, the Edicts and Declarations that have been made in their Favour, and to promote their Enjoyment of those Favours and Concessions which have been granted in their behalf: As also to punish the Refractory and Disobedient. And to the end that our Intentions may be known to every one, and that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who abide in the observance of the Edicts, may have no other cause then to rely upon 'em, We with the Advice of some Princes of the Blood, etc. Have said and declared, and do say and declare by these Presents, and it is our Will, Meaning and Pleasure, that the Edicts and Declarations made by the Deceased King, our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God Absolve, and by ourselves, as well for Security and Liberty of Conscience, and exercise of those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, as for the Enjoyment of the Favours and Concessions, which have been allowed 'em by Virtue of the same, may be inviolably and punctually observed and kept, according to their Form and Tenor, toward those of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who remain and shall abide in their Duty and Obedience; whom together with their Families and Estates, we have taken and put, and do take and put under our Protection and special safeguard. Therefore we command our Governors and Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces, and expressly command all Captains and Governors in our Cities, and strong Holds, Judges, Bailiffs, etc. to see that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, may enjoy the Benefit of our said Edicts, and of our Present Declaration, and to take care of their Safety and Preservation. As we also give command to those who have Authority and command in the Cities, which are in the Custody of those of the said Religion, to take the same Care of our Catholic Subjects, who are settled therein, under Pain, both the one and the other, of being answerable for their neglect in their proper Names and Persons. It being our Will and Pleasure, that all Transgressors shall be prosecuted, and punished, as Disturbers of the Public Peace, according to the utmost Severity of our Ordinances; enjoining all our Advocate's General and their Substitutes, to issue forth all Requisite Writs to the same purpose. So we command our Beloved and Faithful Counselors, holding our Courts of Parliament and Chambers of the Edict, etc.  
Given at Fountain-Bleau, April 24. 1621. and of our Reign the eleventh. Signed Lewis. And below, by the King. De Lomenie. Sealed, etc. Read, Published, and Registered upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General, etc. At Paris in Parliament, April 27. 1621. Signed Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King, by which all the Inhabitants at present in the Cities of Rochel and St. John d' Angeli, and all their Adherents, are declared Guilty of High Treason. With an Injunction to all his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, to enter into a Protestation not to adhere to any Assembly at Rochel, nor any others that are held without his Majesty's express leave. Published in Parliament, June 7. 1621.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. Our continual Desire to preserve the Public Peace and Tranquillity among our Subjects, so to prevent the Mischiefs and Desolations that usually attend the raising of Armies, and the Oppressions and Calamities which the People thereby groan under, has caused us to suffer and endure for several Months last passed, the Miscarriages, Disobedience and Rebellious Acts committed in several Cities of our Kingdom, by some of our Subjects professing the Pretended Reformed Religion; even in those of Rochel, Montauban, and others, where unlawful Assemblies are still held, who rather make it their Business to form Popular States and Republics, then to Confine themselves to that Obedience which they mutually owe to us: Having also engraved a Seal, under which and the Signatures of the Principal Heads of the said Assemblies, they have set forth several Ordinances, Decrees, Commands and Commissions, giving Power to particular Persons to command in Provinces and Cities, seize upon the Money of our Chequer and Receipts, Levy Men, raise Money, buy Arms, cast great Guns, send to Foreign Provinces and Kingdoms, with other high Misdemeanours of the same Nature, the evident Marks of an absolute Rebellion, and open Insurrection against our Authority; of which having had some Knowledge in April last, and knowing that they took for the Pretence that hurried 'em to these disorders, the little Security they had for their Persons, and the Liberty of their Consciences, We were willing by our Declaration of the twenty fourth of the said Month of April; to give them all Assurance of our good Intentions in respect of those that continued in their Duty, and by taking them into our particular Safeguard and Protection, to let 'em know, that our March into those Parts for which we were preparing, was rather by our approach near those Places, where those Disorders were committed, to show and strengthen our Authority, to the Confusion of those that were guilty, then to make use of any other more violent Rigour, or of the Power which God has put into our Hands for the Punishment of such Insolences. But so far was this from opening their Eyes, in Order to the bringing of 'em back to their Duty, that the greatest part of 'em continuing in their Duty, are openly broke out into Rebellion, and commit all manner of Hostilities against those that will not take their part; giving out that they acknowledge no other Chieftain, than the Assembly at Rochel, which has now sent for several Soldiers, to St. John de Angeli, raised under their Commissions, who make as if they intended to oppose our Passage into the said City, and hinder our Entrance by force of Arms; which obliges us, seeing the same Disorders are crept into several other Cities of our Kingdom, to put ourselves into a Condition, to chastise the Authors according to their Demerits; and to make use of for that purpose, together with the Ordinary ways of Justice, the means which God has put into our Hands for the Maintenance of our Authority. And to the end that all our Subjects, especially those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, may not be deceived by the false pretences of that Assembly, to draw off from their Duty, and that both the One and the Other may be informed of our Pleasure and Intentions upon this occasion, We with the Advice, etc. have said and declared, and do say and declare, That in Confirmation of our said Letters Patents of the 24th. of April last, we have taken and put, and do take and put under our special Protection and Safeguard, all our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, of what Quality or Condition soever, that shall abide and contain themselves in our Obedience, and under the observance of our Edicts. But seeing the Manifest Acts of Rebellion, committed in our said City of Rochel, as well by the Assembly, which is still sitting contrary to our express Prohibitions, as by the Body of the City, both Burgesses and Inhabitants; as also what is done in our City of St. John d' Angeli, and the Acts of Hostility which they daily commit against our proper Person, We have declared, and declare all the Inhabitants and other Persons of what Quality soever, who are now Residing within it, Refugees, or withdrawn into Rochel and St. John d' Angeli, and all others who directly or indirectly adhere to 'em, or hold Intelligence, Association, or Correspondence with 'em, or who in any manner whatever, own the said Assembly of Rochel, or any other Assemblies, Circles or Councils of Provinces, or other Congregations, which hold Correspondence with that of Rochel, and which are held without our Permission, Relapsed, Refractory, and guilty of High Treason in the highest Degree, and as such, their Estates to be Forfeit and Confiscate to us. It is our Pleasure also, that they be proceeded against with the utmost Rigour of the Law, by seizure of their Persons, taking Inventories of their Goods, and by other accustomed and usual ways in such Cases. Declaring also our said Cities of St. John d' Angeli, Rochel, and all others that adhere to 'em, deprived of, and to have forfeited their Rights, Privileges, Franchises, and other Favours, granted 'em by the Kings our Predecessors, or by ourselves. And to the end we may discern and distinguish the Good from the Bad, It is our Pleasure, that our said Subjects professing the said Pretended Reformed Religion, as well Gentlemen as others, as also the Cities and Corporations of the said Religion, shall openly make a Declaration in the Presidial Courts, Bailiwicks and Seneschalships within their Jurisdiction, of their good Intentions to our Service; and renounce, disavow and protest against any Adherence to the said Assembly of Rochel, or any other Councils of Provinces, Circles or other Places, which are held and sit without our Permission; and that they will oppose themselves in our behalf and jointly with Us against all the Resolutions that shall be there taken, for which they shall have Acts necessary for their Discharge. We also expressly forbid all Gentlemen and others to permit their Children, Servants, or any others depending upon 'em, to go to the said Cities, or to give 'em any Aid or Assistance whatever, nor to afford Lodging or shelter in their Houses to those that shall go and converse there in any manner whatever, under pain of being held guilty of the same Crime. Expressly commanding all Bailiffs, etc. to proceed exactly and carefully against the Persons and Estates of those who shall have incurred the said Penalties: As also all our Advocate Generals, etc. to do their Duties without any regard to Passports, which might be obtained from Us, by false Misinformation, unless under the Great Seal.  
So we give Command to our well Beloved and faithful Counselors, etc.  
Given at Noyon, May 27. 1621. and of our Reign the twelfth. Signed, Lewis.  
By the King, De Lomenie. Sealed, etc.  
Read, Published, and Registered, upon the Motion of the King's Advocate General; and compared Copies, etc. At Paris in Parliament, June 7. 1621.   

A Declaration of the King, containing Prohibitions to all his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, remaining in Obedience, to stir from their Houses, either in City or Country, under the Penalties expressed. Given at Beziers, July 25. 1622.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Upon Advice that those of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who persist in their Rebellion against the Commands of God, and their natural Duty toward Us, have so far forgot themselves, as to solicit and treat with Foreigners to invade our Kingdom. With whom they are not only desirous to join themselves, but also by threats and menaces, to force other our good Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who have all along preserved themselves in their Duty under our Obedience, and the Benefit of our Edicts and Declarations, to take up Arms, and join with them and the said Foreigners, the more to strengthen themselves in their Designs and Enterprises, and to subdue and dispose of our Kingdom in pursuance of their Resolutions taken in their Assembly of Rochel, We deemed it most necessary to apply a Remedy to it, and to make use of all means that God has pleased to put into our Hand. For these Reasons, with the Advice of our Council, and of our full Power and Royal Authority, We have prohibited and forbid, and do prohibit and forbid expressly by these Presents, signed with our own Hand, all our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, of what Quality or Condition soever they be, who remain in their Duty under our Obedience and the Benefit of our Edicts and Declarations, to depart from, quit, forsake or abandon their Houses, whether in our Cities or in the Country where their Habitations, are, to join with those who are in Arms, or with the said Foreigners, or to afford any Shelter, Favour, Succour, or Assistance whatever, upon Pain of Forfeiting our Favours, of being declared Guilty of High Treason, Deserters of the Kingdom, and Disturbers of the Public Peace; and as such to be Proceeded against with the utmost Rigour of the Laws and Ordinances of our Kingdom. Promising also, that while they continue in their Duty under our Obedience, and the Benefit of our Edicts and Declarations, we will maintain and preserve 'em as our Good and Faithful Subjects, and preserve 'em from all Violence and Oppression. So we Command and Ordain, etc.  
Given at Beziers, July 25. 1622. and thirteenth of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
By the King, De Lomenie. Sealed, etc.  
Read, Published and registered, etc. At the Parliament in Paris, August 5. 1622.   

A Declaration of the King upon the Peace which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming the proceeding Edicts of Pacification. Given at the Camp before Mompellier October 19 1622. and Published in Parliament November 21.  
LLWIS King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. As every Christian Prince that fears God, aught to have in abhorrence the Effusion of the blood of Mankind, created after the Image of the Almighty, so also is he bound and obliged not only to avoid the Occasions of Civil and Domestic Wars, but also to seek and embrace all honourable and lawful means to reunite and cause his Subjects to live under the Laws of the Kingdom in good Concord and Obedience. And the same Divine Goodness that has known our heart ever since it has pleased him to call us to the Government of the French Monarchy, is the Judge of our inward Thoughts, and every body knows that our Arms have been no less Just then constrained and necessary for the support and defence of our Authority: Whether against those, who from the Beginning, under divers borrowed Pretences, have raised up Troubles during our Minority; or after that, against our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, abused and surprised by the Artifices of some among 'em, who thought to make their advantages as well of their Simplicity, as of the public Division of our Kingdom; whereas our Intentions never have been other, after the laudable Example of our Predecessors of happy Memory, then to keep 'em all in good Peace and Union, in that Duty and Obedience which is due to us, under the benefit of our Edicts; and to use 'em as our good and faithful Subjects, when they contain themselves within the Bounds of Respect and Submission which are due to a Sovereign: Not having spared any duty of Remonstrance and Diligence to prevent the Mischief which it was easy to foresee, before we came to force and violence, to our great Sorrow, for the preservation of our Royal Dignity, and the Power which God has put into our hands; to remove all Jealousies and mistrusts of our Sincerity which have been infused into 'em with artifice and design, tho' we were never worse than our words to any person, to prevent the Misfortunes and Accidents that have ensued; and to let 'em understand together with the Principal Authors and Fomenters of this public Disorder, the real ground of our upright and Sincere Intentions to Cherish and preserve all in peace, and in the free and quiet Enjoyment of what is granted and ordained by our said Edicts. And seeing it is so, that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, have been since inspired with better thoughts, and acknowledging their Errors and this Truth, have had recourse to our Clemency and Goodness by most humble Supplications, which they have sent us by their Deputies on purpose, beseeching us that we would vouchsafe 'em our Pardon, and abolish the Memory of what is past; we always inclining rather to mildness and mercy, then to push forward the Rigour and Justice of our Arms, tho' they have gained us signal advantages, sufficient for us to ground the hopes of a prosperous Conclusion, and being desirous out of respect to their Submissions and duties, to restore Peace to the Kingdom, and to reunite our Subjects in amity and concord one among another, and in a general and Unanimous Obedience toward ourselves; and for other important Reasons and Considerations, us thereunto moving, with the Advice of the Princes, Dukes, etc. We have said, ordained and declared, and do say, ordain and declare, by these Presents, Signed with our Hand, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that the Edict of Nantes, the Declarations and secret Articles registered in our Courts of Parliament, shall be faithfully fulfilled to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, in all their Parts and Clauses, and as they were well and duly enjoyed in the Reign of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, and since our coming to the Crown, before the last Commotions: That the Exercise of the Religion, Catholic, Apostolic and Roman, shall be restored and resettled in all parts of the Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience where it has been interrupted, to be there freely and Peaceably continued without any Molestation; forbidding expressly all Persons of what Quality or Condition soever, upon pain of being punished as disturbers of the Public Peace, to molest or disturb the ecclesiastics in the Celebration of Divine Service, enjoyment or collecting the Tithes, Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices, and all other Rights and Duties to them appertaining. In like manner the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion, shall be established in such Places, as we shall think good and proper, after we have heard the Remonstrances of the Deputies of our Province of Guienne. It is our Pleasure also, that all the new Fortifications of the Cities, Towns, Castles, Forts and Fortresses, held by our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion, more especially those raised in the Islands of Re and Oleron, shall be demolished and levelled with the Ground, the ancient Walls, Towers, Gates, Motes and Counterscarps still standing in the same Condition, with Prohibitions to the said Cities to Fortify 'em anew, and for the more faithful Execution of the said De●●mishments, hostages of the Principal Inhabitants shall be put into the hands of those whom we shall please to Nominate, to the end the Officers of our Crown, or other deputed Commissioners, may execute the Contents abovemention'd according to the Instructions that shall be given 'em. And our meaning is, that all the Cities of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, which in 15. days after Publication of these Presents, shall submit to our Obedience, and willingly open their Gates to us, shall enjoy the Contents of this Declaration. And we expressly forbid all our said Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, to hold any General or Provincial Assemblies, Circles, abridged Synods, or any others of what quality or Title they be, under pain of High Treason, unless they have permission from us: Only Assemblies of Consistories, Colloquies and Synods, merely about Ecclesiastical Affairs, are permitted 'em. Also our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, shall ●●and discharged from all Acts of Hostility, and from all Assemblies General and Provincial Circles, abridged and others, and from all other things whatever, generally contained in the 76th. and 77th. Articles of our Edict of Nantes, from the first of January, 1621. till this present Time; comprehending under this Title, the execrable Cases, such as are specified and declared by the fourscore and sixteenth Article of the said Edict, into which search may be made before the Judges who have Cognizance of it. And as for what happened at Privas, we will have a particular Amnesty of it expedited for the Inhabitants of that Place, as also for the Sieur de Brisson. And for the Accomptables and other Officers, as to what concerns the Trusts of their Management, the 78th. and 79th. of the said Edict of Nantes shall be faithfully kept and observed. In like manner, for the Judgements, Decrees and Sentences given against those of the Religion who have born Arms, our Pleasure is that they shall be discharged of 'em, according to the 58th. 59th. and 60th. Articles of the said Edict. Also we have Corroborated and confirmed, and by these Presents do Corroborate and confirm the Judgements given by the Established Judges and Counselors, by the Chief Commanders in the Provinces, whether in Civil or Criminal matters and Executions happened between those of their Party; and the said Judges and Counselors are discharged from all pursuits in that regard, imposing perpetual Silence upon our Advocate Generals, their Substitutes and all others pretending claim or Interest therein. In like manner our Pleasure is, that all Prisoners on both sides that have not paid their Ransoms, shall be released and set at Liberty without paying any thing, and all Promises made in reference to Ransoms not fulfilled upon the Day or Date of these Presents, are declared Null and of no Effect. In like manner all Persons of what Quality and Condition soever they be, shall be restored to their Estates, Debts, Titles, Accounts and Actions, Employments, Honours and Dignities, which they were deprived of during the present Troubles, notwithstanding any Donations or Confiscations; excepting Military Employments, the care of which we will reserve to ourselves. We also order that this Declaration be observed and kept by all our Subjects, according to the Form prescribed by the 82d. Article of our Edict of Nantes; and that Catholic and Pretended Reformed Commissioners, shall be sent into all the Provinces to look after the Execution of it according to our said Edict. So we Command our faithful and well beloved, etc. In Testimony, etc.  
Given in the Camp before Mompellier, October 19 1622. of our Reign the 13th. Signed LEWIS.  
By the King. De Lomemie.  
Read, published and registered etc. At Paris in Parliament November 21. 1622. Signed Du Tillet   

A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers.  
TO THE KING.  
SIR, your most Humble and Obedient Servants of the Religion, being fully informed of your Majesty's Royal inclinations, for restoring the Ruins of his poor People, have laden the Deputies which your Majesty has been pleased to appoint 'em, with infinite Acclamations, Vows and good Wishes, for the Establishment and sacred Benedictions of this Peace that is so much desired, to the end, that forasmuch as they find themselves pierced with this Celestial Benefit, they may seek the Continuance of it, by the constancy of their submission, and render those Eminent Testimonies by their only Recourse to your Clemency and Justice, that they aspire to no Security or Refuge which they value more highly, against the Violence of those that trouble 'em, and withstand the Power of your Laws, then that of challenging by their humble Petitions and Supplications the steadfastness of your Inviolable word, and the Observance of your so authentic Briefs. For seeing that the wrongs which are done 'em, directly dash against the Reverence of your Protection and divide that which the Peace and their Obedience ought to rejoin under the Felicity of your Commands, they most humbly beseech your Majesty to weigh their most humble Remonstrances in that Balance of Equity, which renders your Sceptre Just and Formidable, and that it would please you to cut off the Violent Breaches of your favourable Concessions with the Sword that God has put into your Hands; to the end that in true Confidence and Assurance of Preservation, reposing upon the Wisdom and Goodness of your Sacred Administration, they may be always retained in their Fidelity and real Obligations to your pure and entire Service.   

THe King has deputed and sent away Commissioners, as well Catholics as of the Pretended Reformed Religion, to go from Province to Province, where it shall be judged convenient for the Execution of his Majesty's Declaration of the twentieth of October last. I. FOr this Reason it is, that for the enjoyment of an absolute Effect of your Justice, they humbly beseech your Majesty to send with the soon into your Provinces, Persons both of the one and the other Religion, endued with that Affection for Peace which is requisite, to the end they may be the better enabled to put in Execution your Edicts, Briefs and Declarations. After Satisfaction shall be given, to what is ordained by the Declaration of the twentieth of October, His Majesty will take Care as to the Contents of this present Article. II. And in imparting your Compassion and Clemency to that of your Cities, which has paid you such Obedience, that you have therefore vouchsafed it Peace: Your Majesty is most humbly supplicated to Order, that the Garrison, which for so many Months, has been so numerous at Mompelier, may be withdrawn according to your Royal Promises, considering the Misery and Mortality which is in the City. The Election of the Marine Consulship, having been made by a Decree peremptorily set forth in the Chamber of the Edict at Castres', there can 〈…〉 nothing changed or altered. As to the Election of the other Consuls of the said City, His Majesty means that it shall be made according to the usual Forms, and as the Franchises and Liberties of the City require. III. That in Conformity to the Private Brief, which it pleased your Majesty to grant that City, that there may be no Innovation introduced into your said City of Mompelier, more especially in that which concerns the Consulships ● Consequently that Reparation may be made for the Innovation in the Marine Consulship, considering the Obedience that has been paid your Majesty in demolishing the Fortifications, for the Effect of which the Inhabitants are continually at Work with great Cost, Care and Diligence. After his Majesty has heard the Report of the Commissioners sent to the said City of Rochel, he will consider of the Contents of this Present Article. IV. Also, Sir, for the removing all cause of Distrust and Fear, your Subjects of the Religion, having fulfilled your Majesty's Pleasure touching the Levelling of the Forts of Oleron and Ré, may it please your Majesty to Order, that the Fort built before your City of Rochel may be demolished, as your Majesty was pleased to Promise. The King will order the Prisoners of War, at present detained in his Galleys, to be released: And for those that are accused of particular Crimes, let 'em provide for themselves by the Methods of Justice. V. And as Mercy is all from God, whose Image, Sir, you are, may it please your Majesty, ●●●ou are plentifully endued with that Virtue, to grant your Compassion to a great number of Persons of all Ages, detained either by the late Wars, or for the sake of Religion, in your Galleys, Naked, and under insupportable Severity and hard Usage, to that purpose ordering 'em their Pardon and their Liberty; as also to those other Prisoners for Accusations and Prosecutions, occasion'● by the late Times and Commotions, whether Condemned or not. Which Favour, Pardon and Liberty is granted 'em by the— and seventy third Article of the Edict, which you were pleased to confirm to us. To the sixth and seventh Articles, the King's Affairs not permitting him to provide for the Petitioners for what is past, His Majesty for the Future will deliver to the said Candal good and valuable Assignations for the Relief and Payment of the said Ministers: As also for payment of the Pensions contained in a small Roll, which he will cause to be drawn up. VI Your Majesty, by your Letters Declaratory, April 24. 1621. were willing that your Subjects, who continued in their Obedience should enjoy the Favours and Concessions to them granted, as well by your Majesty, as by the Deceased K. Henry the Great of Glorious Memory; nevertheless in the last year, 1622. they were utterly deprived of the Money, which you were accustomed every year to distribute among 'em by the Sieur du Candal, Commissionated for that purpose. By which means particularly their Poor Churches are so necessitated, that they are constrained to have recourse to your Majesty, and to supplicate, as they do most humbly, that you will be pleased to order Funds to the said Candal for the said Year; at least for the Payment of the Ministers of the Province who remained in their Obedience, and who are forced to borrow Money to buy Victuals, and supply their other Necessities.  VII. In like manner we most humbly implore your Majesty, that as you have been pleased to grant to all your said Subjects, it may please you to ordain that the said Candal may be supplied with good and valuable Assignations for the Payment and Relief of their Ministers, during the present Year, as likewise for the Parties of the Petty Rolls, which he shall be pleased to draw up; and for Payment of the Places, which you were pleased to leave in their Custody, which Assignations may be paid without Deductions, as it has pleased his said Majesty and the Deceased King to grant 'em, by the Briefs which formerly were dispatched in their behalf. The said Candal presenting a Petition to the Council shall be taken care of. VIII. And for as much as out of the Assignations, that have been ordered the said Candal for the Years, 1620. and 1621. there are still due very great and considerable Sums, which the Receivers and Farmers, upon which the said Assignations are charged, detain in their Hands, your Majesty is most humbly supplicated to ordain, that all necessary Injunctions may be delivered him, to the end the Residue may be paid. The King will provide for the Future, for the Contents of this Article, according as is above said. IX. The Churches of the Bailiwick of Gex, having enjoyed the Salary of the Ministers upon the Ecclesiastical Revenues of the said Bailiwick, as upon the Money of the Princes that possessed it, till the Year, 1601. and after that for several Years, under the Deceased King Henry the Great; till it pleased your Majesty by a decree of your Council, dated December 5. 1612. upon his depriving 'em of the said Ecclesiastical Fund, to ordain 'em the sum of 3600. Liures in lieu of the said Revenues, and to charge the said sum of 3600. Liures upon the 45000. Liures of Augmentation granted to those of the Religion; which Money was paid 'em by the said Candal till October 1621. May it please your Majesty to let 'em enjoy the Effect of the said Order and Reassignation; and to that purpose to grant necessary Assignations to the said Candal, as well for Payment of the Arrears, as of what shall become due for the Future. His Majesty refers the Restoration of their Church to the Care and Diligence of the Petitioners. X. May it please your Majesty to show your Liberality, and to provide a Fund sufficient for your Subjects: professing the Religion in your City of Paris, toward the Repair and resettling of their Church, and other structures in the place of their Exercise, burnt, demolished, and the Materials for the most part carried away; and all this by a Popular Tumult that happened in the Year, 1621. notwithstanding that your Subjects remained in their Obedience, and were consequently under your Majesty's Protection and Safeguard. The Deputies Commissionated for the Province of Tourain shall provide the Petitioners a Convenient Place, for the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion. As for the Re-establishment, and Repair of their Church, his Majesty refers it to the Care and Industry of the Petitioners. XI. And dealing in the same manner with your Subjects of the said Profession in your City of Tours, may it please your Majesty to supply 'em with the sums which your Majesty had granted 'em for the same Reason, and for the Repair of their Church, the Place and Room of which 'tis hoped your Majesty will continue to 'em, as having been adjudged to 'em by the Commissioners, after a Hearing between them, and the Bodies of the Clergy, the Court of Justice and the Town House. As also for that the said Place and Ground, was purchased, built, and Peaceably enjoyed, till the Commotion in 1621. maintained in the said Possession, not only by the Edict of 1598. but also by those of 1610. and 1612. and more especially by your last Declaration. Besides which Right, the approach of your Castle of Plessis, usually granted to the People of Tours, would be a Security to 'em. The Commissioners sent into Bress shall take care of this Article, so far as shall be agreeable to Reason. XII. The same Supplication is made to your Majesty, for the Repair of the Church of Burgh, upon the Ruins and Place, where those of the Religion possessed it, by the Sentence and Decrees of the Commissioners, in the enjoyment of which they are now disturbed. To the XIII. XIV. XV. Articles, the Commissioners are enjoined to take care of the Petitioners demands, according to the Tenor of the Edicts, and the said Declaration. XIII. It is remonstrated to your Majesty, that the Inhabitants professing the Religion in the City of Villemur, are molested in the Liberty of their Consciences, deprived of all Exercises of Piety, refused Public Employments, and very much overburthen'd by the Garrison. Those of Fontenai Le Comte expelled, interdicted Preaching and Prayers, their Pastor not being permitted to re-enter; nor can they have their Church restored 'em, though almost ruined, not so much as for the Burial of their dead; suffering on the other side all Excesses of Charges and Free Quarters, upon the complaints sent to your Council. Therefore, Sir, may it please Ye to deliver 'em from their Oppressions, and by permitting 'em to enjoy the Fruits of the Peace, to order the Re-establishment of their Religion, their Churches and Ministers, the Security of their Burials, and whatever Relief your Justice can afford their Grievances.  XIV. That you would likewise be pleased to order the Restoration of their Exercise at Lusson, where it is denied to those of the said Religion, contrary to the Publication of your Declaration, though they carried themselves obediently, and that the said Exercise has been continued there for these fifty Years together, even during all the time of the late Wars, and Government of des Roches Baritault. XV. Those of the Religion are likewise hindered their said Exercise at Talmont, the Canon having been levelled against 'em, while assembled to hear the Word of God. As also at Surgeres, the Lady of the Place forbidding any Preaching there, tho' it had been allowed 'em during all the late Troubles. Also at Baignols, at St. Giles' in Languedoc, at Figeac in Quercy, Puymirols, and at Vic in Armagnac; from whence Mr. Testas the Minister is fled, not daring to return, nor being able to abide in safety in the Place. Whereby your Declaration being violated, may it please your Majesty to command the Restoration of the said Places, and the said Testas. As also for the Church of Quilleboeuf, and the Pastor of it, pursuant to the Re-establishment of it a long time since. The XVI. Article shall be communicated to the Mayor and Sheriffs of Poitiers, to be by them heard and taken care of. XVI. And for as much as the Catholics of your City of Poitiers have imposed upon those of the Religion the Sum of 1200. Liures, for the Guard that had been maintained during these Troubles, into which they would not admit any of those of the Reformed Religion; may it please your Majesty, that they may be discharged from it, as from an unreasonable Imposition. The King will carefully accomplish and observe, what has, been granted ●● those of the Pretended Reformed Religion of Bearn, by the said Bnief ●● October the last. XVII. They likewise supplicate your Majesty, that the Edict of Compensation touching the Churches of your Royalty of Bearn may be punctually effected, as you were pleased to grant by your Brevet given at Mompelier. And that the Exercise of the Religion, and the Minister, may be restored in your City of Navarreins. That in Consideration of the Resignation of other Churches, they of the Religion may be maintained in the Possession of the Churches, Bells and Churchyards, which were granted 'em by the Commissioners, or by the Parliament upon their Report. And that the Colleges and Academies may be restored, and payment made of the Salaries that belong to 'em. His Majesty intends that the Chamber of the Edict of Languedoc, which remains only to be resettled, shall speedily be restored to Castres', according to the said Declaration. XVIII. And because Justice is that which most imports your Authority, and the Preservation of the Peace, may it please your Majesty to Order a speedy Restoration of the Party Chambers in Places and Cities where they were wont to be. And in the mean time, may the Courts of Parliament be forbid to take Cognizance, and Judge of the Causes of those of the said Religion: and that the Appeals by them brought before the Judges, Prothonotaries, or the Commissioners executing Decrees and Sentences, may have the same Effect, as if they were removed by Letters Royal, according to the XLIII. Article of the Edict, and VI of the Conference of Nerac. Granted. XIX. By the sixth Article of the Edict, and II. of Particulars, and other Answers made to our Papers, they of the Religion find themselves justly discharged from Contributing toward the Repairing and Building of Churches, and their Dependencies, as things contrary to their Conscience. Nevertheless, the Catholic Inhabitants of Arnai le Duc, solicit in your Council a Permission, to impose in general upon the Corporation, and as well upon themselves as upon those of the Religion the Sum of six thousand Livres to build a Church for the Capuchins, which would neither be reasonable nor conformable to the Edicts. Therefore may it please your Majesty to declare Acquit and Exempted all your Subjects of the Religion from Payments and Contributions of the like Nature, and that the abovenamed II. Article of Particulars may be put in Execution. The said Deputed Commissioners in the said Places are enjoined to take care of the Contents of this Article. XX. 'Tis notorious, that during these last Troubles, they of the Religion have suffered many Violences through the Insolence of the People their Adversaries: As in the City of Romorantin, where they twice burned the Meetinghouse wherein they performed their Exercise in the Suburbs of the said City. But what is more strange, that since the Peace which it has pleased your Majesty to grant your said Subjects, the Church which was long since built in your City of Gergeau, has been quite thrown to the Ground, and the Ruins of it removed, by which means they of the Religion have been deprived of their Exercise. Wherefore, they most humbly beseech your Majesty, that amends may be made for this Notorious Breach of your Edicts and Declarations; and to order that the said Church may be rebuilt, and the Exercise resettled at Gergeau; as also that of Romorantin. His Majesty will write to the Duke of Espernon, Governor and Lieutenant General of Guyenne, to see that the Inhabitants of the said Cities of Bergerac, and St. Foy be eased, and favourably used upon all occasions; and that the Soldiers live under such Discipline, that they may do no wrong. XXI. Your Cities of S ●●. Foy, and Bergerac, most humbly Beseech ye, Sir, that you would be pleased out of your singular Goodness, to discharge 'em of the Oppressions, which they have suffered so long and so excessive, letting your said City of Bergerac fully enjoy your inviolable Promises, by hindering so many Innovations, and the building of the Citadel intended, notwithstanding that your Subjects of the Religion have kept themselves within the Bounds of a most humble Subjection and Obedience to your Majesty, out of a desire to Merit in some measure the Effect of your said Royal Promises, their Liberty, and the Peaceable Exercise of their Religion. The King will take such Order as shall be most proper for his Service. XXII. And by your Mildness and Gentleness to ease your People of the Religion, to bring 'em back to a firm Confidence, and to Corroborate as much as may be the Peace which you vouchsafe 'em, may it please your Majesty to obliterate all Marks that are contrary to it. And to these ends, to disband the Soldiers that are quartered in Lower Languedoc, Cevennes, and other Provinces, by this Means kept in continual Fears and Apprehensions of your Displeasure; and beseech your Majesty to hasten the said Disbanding, to the end that the Effects of their Obedience, which they desire and aught to pay you, as well in demolishing the Fortifications of the Places, as in all other things, which you shall be pleased to command 'em, may not be delayed. Signed, Montmartin Deputy General, Maniald Deputy General. Done and Answered by the King in his Council, at Paris, March 4. 1623. Signed Lewis. And lower. Phelipeaux. Compared with the Original, by Me Notary, Counsellor and King's Secretary. Du Candal.   

A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches.  
GEntlemen, We doubt not but you have expected our Letters with Impatience, and that you did not take it amiss, that we did not send you what passed concerning the Duke of Rohan. You ought to believe that nothing has so much hindered us from that, as our fear of putting you to no purpose in uncertain Hopes or Apprehensions. Now that it may be thought, that we ought to see a little more clearly, after the Release of the said Duke, we shall tell you that altho' the Report of a War, and particularly of the Siege of Rochel be very hot in this Place, and that from hence it spreads over all the Rest of France, nevertheless we see no Preparation for open and present War. On the contrary, we have nothing from the King's Mouth, and his Principal Ministers of State, but Words of Peace, and Promises of putting in Execution what has been agreed. As to the Affairs, which we have managed hitherto, you must know, that having presented to the King a Paper, containing the Principal Complaints of our Churches, and other things of which we have the Cognizance and Memoirs in our Hands, we have obtained Answers, such as you will see by the Printed Paper, which we send you enclosed; which though they be dated the fourth of this Month, nevertheless were not delivered us till the twenty second. At present we solicit the Performance of the Answers, which are favourable, continuing to demand satisfaction upon those which are otherwise. Nor shall we fail to give you Advice of the Success, as also of all that we shall judge proper to come to your Knowledge. As for News of the Particular Affairs of the Provinces and Churches, of whose Deputies we have a great number here, we have given satisfaction by particular Letters to all Occurrences. It remains that you second our Labours with your Prayers to God, as we earnestly desire you, considering the need we have in such a difficult time as this. And for our parts, we shall also beseech him to accumulate his most Sacred Benedictions upon yourselves. We are  
Your most humble and Affectionate Servants, the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France, near his Majesty.  
Paris, March 30. 1623. Montmartin▪ Maniald.   

The King's Declaration, by which it is provided, that in the Assemblies which shall be beld by the Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of their said Religion, no other Affairs be propounded or treated of, than such as are permitted by the Edicts. Given at Fontain-Bleau, April 17th. 1623. And verified in Parliament, May 22.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. Although by our Edicts of Pacification, and the Private Articles granted to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, in the Year, 1598. they were allowed to hold Assemblies concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion pretendedly Reform, and Places where the Exercise was settled with our Permission first obtained, and that by several answers made to their Papers, they have been always forbid to admit into the said Assemblies, other than the Ministers and Elders, and to treat of other Affairs, than those which concern the Regulations of their said Religion, upon Pain of Forfeiting this Favour. Nevertheless we have found, that for some time since, and particularly of late Years under the Toleration of the said Assemblies, our said Subjects have taken the Liberty to introduce Persons of all Conditions, as also to treat of Politic Affairs, from whence have ensued several Resolutions, contrary to the Sentiments and Intentions of the Generality, and most considerable of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, and to the Public Tranquillity; To which there being a necessity of providing a Remedy, and to prevent for the future the consequences of such abuses, prejudicial to our Authority, and the Peace of our Subjects, We declare, that for these Causes and other Considerations Us thereunto moving, with the Advice of the Princes of our Blood, etc. We have said and declared, and do say and declare by these Presents, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that in all Assemblies that shall be held by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion, there shall be by us, or by our Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces, a certain Person commissioned and appointed, one of our Officers of the said Pretended Reformed Relgion, to be present in the said Assemblies, to see and consider, whether any other Affairs are proposed and handled then are permitted by our Edicts; and to give a faithful account thereof to Us. And to the end that our Intention may be exactly followed, We ordain▪ that for the time to come no Assemblies shall meet or be held, unless the said Officer be before appointed, who shall be admitted into 'em without any or Let or Scruple. So we command our Beloved and Faithful, etc. we also command our Governors, etc. In Testimony, etc.  
Given at Fountain-Bleau, April. 17. 1623. and 13th. of our Reign. Signed LEWIS.  
And below, By the King. De Lomenie.  
Read, Published and Registered, etc. At Paris in Parliament May, 22. 1623. Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King's good Will toward his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Verified in Parliament November 27. 1623.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God, King of France, and Navarr, To all, etc. Tho' it has always been our Intention, as still it is, to cause an Exact observance of our Edicts of Pacification, and Declarations last made in Favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, that for this purpose we have Commissionated and deputed Commissioners in the several Provinces of our Kingdom to repair and re-establish the Breaches which the Wars and last Troubles had produced, having omitted no care nor Sedulity to make the lives of our Subjects easy in good Peace, Amity and Concord; Nevertheless we have been Informed that some of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, Enemies of the Public Repose, and such as desire to make their advantage of Trouble, pretending to belong to our Cousins the Dukes of Rohan and Soubize, (which we can hardly believe, by reason of the assurances which our said Cousins have given us of their Fidelity and Affection to our service, and observance of our Peace,) have some time since made several Journeys, and into several of our Provinces; also to some Assemblies held by virtue of our Edicts by our Subjects of the Religion, with Letters of Credence, under false Pretences to stir up our said Subjects, to infuse into 'em Fears, Jealousies and ●eigned Distrusts, and to instigate to raise Money, Fortify the Places which they hold in their hands, purchase Arms and make their Preparations contrary to the Public Peace: And tho' we are unwilling to believe that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, considering the singular Favours which they have so lately received from our Clemency, are any way inclined or disposed to hearken to any such pernicious Propositions, much less to deviate from their Fidelty and Obedience to which they are obliged, Nevertheless, being desirous to stop the Course of such Proceedings, and the dangerous Consequences that may attend 'em; to hinder our Subjects from being abused by these evil Practices, and not to leave any one in doubt and uncertainty of our good and sincere Intentions toward 'em, with the advice of our Council, where were present the Queen Mother, our Thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes, etc. We have said and declared, and do say and declare, that it is our Will and Intention to maintain the Public Peace, Repose and Tranquillity, and to employ our Authority, and our accustomed Care and Vigilancy, to cause our Subjects as well Catholics as of the Pretended Reformed Religion, to live in good Union and Concord under their Obedience to us. And to this purpose we Will and Ordain, that our Edicts of Pacification, and last Declarations in Favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, be inviolably kept, observed and maintained, and that the Commissioners deputed in our several Provinces, abide and reside there, till they be perfectly and absolutely fulfilled. As we also make strict Prohibitions to all Persons, of what Condition or quality soever, to speak, write, suggest or persuade, give ear or listen to any thing contrary to this our good and upright Intention, and to the Tranquillity of our subjects, nor to travel or send into our Provinces, or to any Cities or Assemblies that shall be held by those of the Pretended Reformed Religion to that Effect, nor to raise Money, bear or buy Arms, Furniture or preparations for War, under pain of Disobedience, and being punished as Disturbers of the Peace. It is our Pleasure also, that the Offenders be informed against, and prosecuted with the utmost Rigour of the Law. So we command our faithful and well beloved Counselors, etc. For such is our Pleasure. In Testimony, etc.  
Given at Paris, November 10. 1623. and 14th. of our Reign. Signed Lovis.  
And below, by the King. De Lomenie.  
Read, published and registered, etc. At Paris in Palament, November. 7. 1623.   

A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and his Adherents, containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who remain in their Duty and Obedience. Given at Paris, January 25. 1626. and verified the 18. of February.  
LEWIS by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. Every one knows the Favour and Clemency which we have extended to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, that formerly rose in Arms against our Authority, and how when our Arms had all the Advantages over 'em, we spread open our Arms to receive those that came as well in general as Particular, to implore our Mercy, and turned the just Resentments of our Indignation into a Benignity natural to a King, the Father of his People, toward Subjects submissive and penitent, being desirous by our Declaratory Letters of October 20. 1622. to forget and forgive their past Faults, and vouchsafe 'em Peace with the continuance of the Benefit of the Edict of Nantes and other Declarations. In pursuance of which we sent Commissioners into several Provinces of our Kingdom, to reunite the Affections of our Subjects, as well Catholics as of the Pretended Reformed Religion, divided by reason of the preceding Troubles, and to re establish what the Fury of War might have interrupted in the observance of our Laws and Edicts, wherein by the Benignity of Heaven our careful Toil so happily succeeded, that our Kingdom for these last two Years, enjoyed a most profound Peace, our Subjects in general Extolling the Divine Goodness of the Almighty, for that after so many past Calamities and Tempests, they rested in a Tranquillity so serenely Calm, and so assured under our Authority and Obedience. But when we thought this Peace most solidly secure, and that good Order re-established in our Kingdom had given us leisure to apply all our Cares to the assistance of our Neighbours, and to readvance the Ancient Reputation of the French Name in Foreign Coutries, and that we were (as we are still) upon the point of reaping the Fruits and notable Advantages of it, for the Glory of this Crown, the Comfort of our said Confederates, and the Public Benefit, we have received several Informations of the Practices and Contrivances, which are weaving in several of our Provinces, to withdraw our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, from that Obedience and Fidelity which they owe us, and to persuade 'em, in the present Conjuncture of Affairs to rise against our Authority, while we are busied out of our Kingdom in the Protection of our Allies, and Trouble the Tranquillity of the State. Now being fully informed of the Designs and contrivances that are forming against our Cities and strong Holds, the Peparations that are making to raise Soldiers without our Commission, the sitting out of Ships, as well in the Ports and Havens of our Kingdom, as in other Places, without our leave, or the Orders of our Admiral, in contempt of our Laws, and the secret Practices and Correspondencies held with Foreigners. To all which we have been much troubled to give Credit, considering the good and favourable usage our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed received. And when we understood that the Sieur de Soubise, we the Head of his Faction; he who has tried the Force of our Authority, and the softness of our Clemency upon several occasions; this was the reason that we were willing to wink at his first Practices and Proceedings, in hopes that by our Patience we might reduce him to his Duty. But our goodness and forbearance having augmented the Audaciousness of the said Soubise, we understand that within these few days he has put to Sea with some Vessels having Soldiers aboard; that he has robbed our Merchant's Ships, made attempts upon some of our Islands and principal Places, and upon the Vessels that were in the Roads and Harbours belonging to 'em, and in these Actions committed several Enormities, Violences and Acts of Hostility against our Subjects. Now in regard that all these Erterprises and Attempts of the said Soubise, discover (to our great sorrow) an evident and manifest Rebellion against our Authority, and a design laid betwixt him and some particular Adherents to disturb the general Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom, without any lawful reason or cause: on the other side we are extremely well satisfied to understand from our dear and well beloved Cousin the Duke of Tremoville, and the Sieurs de la Force and Chatillon, and other Persons of Quality, as also from the General Deputies of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion refiding near our Person, as also by the Deputies of the Pretended Relion at Charenton, and those of our Cities of Rockele, Nimes, Vsez; as also to see by an Act in writing which the said general Deputies have presented us, with express injuctions from our dear and wellbeloved Inhabitants of our City of Moniaban, how much they renounce and disown his Actions, as unworthy of that Fidelity and Affection which true Frenchmen owe their Sovereign; considering they can tend to nothing else but the subversion of this State and their own Ruin. Whereupon, being desirous to make known what our good Intentions are, the Protection which we are willing to grant to the Faithful and Obedient, and the Rigour which we intent to use toward Rebels, if they persevere in their Contumacy, We make known, that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations us thereunto moving, with the Advice of the Queen, etc. and of our certain knowledge, full Power and Royal Authority, we have said and declared, and say and declare, by these Presents, Signed with our hand, and it is our Will and Pleasure, that all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall continue in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us, without adhering to any Factions and Conspiracies against the Kingdom, shall fully and Peaceably enjoy in freedom and safety, the Exercise of their Religion, together with all the Favours to them granted by the Edicts and Declarations made in their Favour, as well by the Deceased King, etc. as by ourselves, which we resolve to have inviolably kept and observed, according to their Form and Tenor; putting all our said Subjects, together with their Goods and Families, under our special Protection and Favour. And as for the said Soubise and others, who are entered into open Rebellion against us, having attempted to disturb the Tranqaility of our Kingdom, we have hereby declared, and declare all those that shall adhere to and Favour him, directly or indirectly, of what Quality or condition soever they be, and who shall hold Intelligence, Association or Corespondence with 'em, both disobedient and Guilty of High Treason: As also we declare the Inhabitants of our Cities that shall Countenance or adhere to the Rebellion and Disobedience of the above named, or shall give 'em any Harbour, Retreat, or Quarter among 'em, or shall suffer 'em, or assist 'em in any sort or manner whatever, guilty of the same Crimes, and to have forfeited all their Rights, Franchises, Immunities and Privileges granted either by the King our Predecessors or by ourselves: And for that our Intention is always to prefer Clemency before the Rigour of Justice, and to afford 'em the Means and Leisure to acknowledge their Faults, before they althogether plunge themselves in Faction and revolt, we say and declare, that if within one Month from the day of the publication of these presents in Parliament, the said Soubise, or any others who have been guilty of the Actions above expressed, shall return to their Duty, lay down their Arms, disband their Soldiers which they have mustered together, and submit themselves entirely to the Obedience which they owe us, we have, and shall from this present Time and for the Future, forgiven, pardoned and obliterated, forgive, pardon and obliterate, by these Presents, all Acts and attempts which they may have made or designed in this last Insurrection, and taking of Arms, contrary to our Authority and Service, without any inquiries or prosecutions either now or hereafter, in any sort or manner whatever; as having pardoned and restored 'em to their former Condition, and to all Honours, Privileges and Immunities which were granted 'em, by Us or our Predecessors, under the Exact Observation of our Edicts. But if after that time expired, they persist in their Rebellion and Disobedience, our Pleasure is, that they be proceeded against with all the Rigour of our Laws, by Imprisonment of their Persons, Seizure of their Estates, demolishing their Houses, and other usual Courses in such Cases; and that they lose the Benefit of our Edicts and Appeals to the Chambers. So we command, etc. In Testimony, &c  
Given at Paris, January 25. 1625 and fifteenth of our Reign. Signed LEWIS.  
And Below, by the King. De Lomenie.  
Read, Published and Registered, etc. At Paris in Parliament, February 18. 1625. Du Tillet.   

A Writing given by the English Ambassadors to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of Great Britain Guarranty of the Peace, in 1626.  
WE Henry Rich, Baron of Kensington, Earl of Holland, Captain of the King of Great Brittan's Guards, Knight of the Order of the Garter, and one of his Majesty's Privy Council: And Dudley Charlton Knight, one of his Majesty's Privy Council, and Vice Chamberlain of the Household, To all, etc. Whereas the Sieurs de-Mommartin, and the Maniald, General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France, and other Particular Deputies from the Dukes of Soubise and Rohan, as also others from several Cities and Provinces, which joined in Arms with the said Lords, have made a Peace with the most Christian King, by our Advice and Intercessions, agreed and consented to by the King their Sovereign, and for that the said Deputies have released many things which they thought of great Moment for their security, and altogether Conformable to their Edicts and Briefs, which they were expressly charged to get by the Treaty of Peace, and upon which they would have insisted more earnestly, but in deference and respect to the express Requests and desires of the most Serene King of Great Britain, our Master, in whose name we advised and exhorted 'em to condescend to the Conditions offered by the abov-named Peace, for the good of this Kingdom, and the Satisfaction and succour of all Christendom; For these Causes, we declare and certify, That in the words which were agreed upon between us, in order to the accomplishment of the said Treaty, and which were uttered in the presence of his most Christian Majesty, by the Chancellor, upon the Acceptance of the Peace, to this purpose, that by long services and continued Obedience they might expect from the King's Goodness, what they could never obtain by any other Treaty, in things which they esteemed most necessary, as to which in time convenient their Supplications might be heard, supposing 'em to be presented with respect and humility, there was a clearer Interpretation on his Majesties and his Ministers Part, of which the sense and meaning was, That they were meant of Fort Lewis before Rochel, and to give assurance of the Demolishing of that Place in time convenient, and in the mean time of ease and relief in other things, which by the said Treaty of Peace continue prejudicial to the said City of Rochel: Without which assurance, of the demolishing the Fort and withdrawing the Garrison, the said Deputies protested to us, that they would never have consented to the letting that Fort stand; being enjoined and resolved to have maintained their Right to demolish it, as they do by the present Declaration; with assurance that the King of Great Britain, will labour by his Intercessions in Conjunction with their humble Supplication, to shorten the time appointed for demolishing the said Fort; for which we have given 'em all the Royal words and Promises they can desire, having assured 'em that they ought and might rest satisfied and contented. For the Faithful performance of which, and of what is abovmentioned, we have Signed and Sealed these Presents, and caused it to be under-signed by one of our Secretaries.  
Given at Paris the 11th. day of February, 1626. Signed 

Holland.  
D. Carlton.    
And below, Augier.   

An Edict of the King upon the Peace which his Majesty pleased to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Given at Paris, March 1626. and Published in Parliament April 16.  
LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, To all, etc. In regard that Sovereign Authority is no less Illustrious in Acts of Grace and Clemency, then in of those Justice and Arms, and for that to know how to vanquish and pardon, are the highest Marks of Grandeur, for the same reason we ought to esteem that Prince most worthy of Honour and Glory, who having letn loose the fury of his Arms against those that drew his Provocations upon 'em, and subdued 'em to their duty, is contented to exercise his Clemency toward 'em, and to let 'em reap the public Fruits of it, by restoring 'em to Peace; whence it comes to pass that God is called upon and served in all Places, that the Royal Authority is reverenced and acknowledged by all, that the Laws are religiously observed, the People eased from their Oppressions, and that the Body of the State uniting Forces together becomes more puissant for their own Preservation, and for the Succour and Protection of their Confederates; These considerations which we have always had before our Eyes, have been the reason that we have used so much Moderation, to lay asleep and extinguish the Commotions that have so many times, like so many Convulsions shaken this Kingdom, making use of Favour toward those who had over inconsiderately engaged themselves, as we have exerted our Vigour, resolution and diligence, in suppressing and chastizing, when we have been thereto constrained. As to the present Affairs, our Conduct has been such, as having employed both Threats and Punishment, in Places that openly stood out in their Disobedience; and Mildness, Patience and Remonstrances, toward others that continued in their Duty; so that we have restrained the bursting forth of that Trouble with which this Kingdom was menaced by reason of a Civil War, and preserved the best and greatest part of the Religion, in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us. Who have no less clearly seen and understood, that our Intentions have always been, as still they are, to maintain 'em in Peace, Concord and Tranquillity, and to cause 'em inviolably to enjoy the Favours bestowed upon 'em by our Edicts and Declarations. All which they who ' have taken Arms, and the Cities which sided with 'em, having lately well considered, and having understood the Nature of their Crime, the Public Indignation, the Ruin and just Punishment which they drew upon themselves, by continuing to Trouble the repose of the Kingdom, they had recourse to our Goodness, as their only safety and Refuge; and by their Deputies have several times besought us with all the submission that Subjects could pay to their Soveragn, to pardon 'em, to bury things passed in Oblivion, and to afford 'em Peace. Upon which, We inclining rather to Mildness and Clemency, then to the Ruin and Desolation of our own Subjects; having also a regard to their most humble Supplications, in the Name of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who have remained within the Bounds of their Duty, since we had accepted the submissions of the rest, to pardon them for their sakes, and to reunite 'em all in Peace and Concord under that Obedience which they owe us, protesting and assuring us, that they will never swerve again from the same upon any pretence, occasion or cause whatever, We make known that for these Causes, and for other great and weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving, with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, the Princes, etc. We have said and declared, and do say and declare by these Presents, Signed with our Hand, and it is our Will and Pleasure:  
I. That the Edict of Nantes, the Declarations, and secret Articles, Published and Registered in our Courts of Parliament, shall be inviolably kept and observed, to be enjoyed by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, as they were well and duly observed in the Time of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father, whom God Absolve, and since our coming to the Crown, before these last Commotions.  
II. That the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, shall be restored and re-established in all Parts and Places of our Kingdom, and Countries under our Obedience, where it has been interrupted during these last Commotions, to be fully, peaceably and freely exercised. And we expressly forbid all Persons of whatever Quality or Condition soever, upon Pain of being punished as Disturbers of the Public Peace, not to trouble, molest or disquiet the ecclesiastics in the Celebration of Divine Service, and other Functions of the Catholic Religion, enjoyment and Collecting the Tenths, Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices, and all other Rights and Duties that belong to 'em; and that all those who during the said last Commotions, had made themselves Masters of the Goods and Revenues of the Churches belonging to the said ecclesiastics, shall deliver up to 'em full Possession, free and peaceable enjoyment of the same, according to the III. Article of the Edict of Names, and restore 'em such Goods as shall be found in specie.  
III. That the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion shall be re-established in Places where it was settled, according to our Edicts and Declarations in the Year 1620. And our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion shall be restored to the said Places, as also to their Churchyards in Places which have been allowed 'em, or others, such as the Commissioners who shall be by us deputed, or Officers of the Cities shall judge most convenient. And where it shall happen, that for any Reason of great Importance, the Churchyards cannot be restored in such Places, which they possessed in the Year, 1620, others as convenient shall be allowed 'em at the expenses of those who shall require the change.  
IU. And to give a Public Testimony of the value which we have for our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who abide in that Fidelity and Obedience, which they owe Us; and for the remarkable Proofs, which some among 'em have given us of both, in those employments which they have had in our Armies, as well within as without our Kingdom, We have at their most humble Suit, having also a regard to the Submissions of others who have swerved from their Duty, and of our special Grace, full Power and Royal Authority, acquitted, forgiven and Pardoned, and do by these Presents acquit, pardon and forgive all raising of Arms, erterprises and acts of Hostility, committed by our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, of what Condition or Quality soever they be, as by the Cities that have sided with 'em, and the Inhabitants of the same, both by Sea and Land, since the first of January, 1625. and the Commotions preceding, till the day of the Publication of these Presents, comprehending and including whatever might have happened in the interval, between the Signing of the Declaration of October 20. 1622. and the Publication of this in our Courts of Parliament, from which they shall be fully and perfectly discharged; as also from all General and Provincial Assemblies, Circles, Insurrections, Popular Commotions, Excesses, Violences, Breaches of Letters of Protection, and all other things in general whatever, comprehended in the LXXVI. and LXXVII. Articles of the said Edict of Nantes, altho' they are not here particularly expressed and declared; without any Inquisitions, Prosecutions or Molestations hereafter for the Future to be made or offered, except in reserved Cases, such as are specified and declared in the LXXXVI. and LXXXVII. Articles of the said Edict of Nantes, after which Inquisition may be made before the Judges, who have Cognizance of those causes.  
V. As for the Money that shall be imposed, levied and taken upon our Subjects, or our Receipts, Managements or Administration of the same, and discharges of the Persons accountable, together with what concerns the Commonalties on both sides, as to Debts by them created and not paid, the LXXIV. LXXV. LXXVIII. and LXXIX. Articles of the Edict of Nantes, shall be observed and kept.  
VI To this purpose, all the Seats of Justice, Audits of Receipts and Offices of the Finances, that may have been removed by Reason of the Present Commotions, since January of the last Year, and more especially the Office of the Court of Election at Rochel, shall be restored in the same Condition as they were; in like manner the Cities which remain in the Hands of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, shall enjoy the same Privileges, Franchises, Immunities, Fairs and Markets which they formerly did. The Election of Consuls, shall be after the accustomed Form; and in Case of Appeal, the cause shall be removed to our Chambers of the Edict.  
VII. It is likewise our Pleasure, that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, shall be absolutely discharged from all Judgements, Sentences, and Decrees given against 'em, upon occasion of the Present Commotions, according to the LVIII. LIX. and LX. Articles of the said Edict, imposing as to the whole, perpetual Silence upon our Advocate's General, and all others concerned to take care of such Prosecutions.  
VIII. We ordain that all Prisoners of War, detained on both sides, that have not paid their Ransoms, shall be released and set at Liberty without paying any thing; declaring all Promises made or caused upon Ransoms, not discharged before the Date of these Presents, null and void; yet so as that the Ransoms already paid, shall not be repaid again, tho' demanded. Also all our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion, seized by warrant of Justice, detained in our Prisons, or in our Galleys, by Reason of the last or preceding Commotions, even those that were taken at the enterprise of Port Lewis, shall be enlarged and set at Liberty, immediately after the Publication of these Presents, without any let or delay.  
IX. In like manner it is our meaning, that the XXVII. Article of the said Edict of Nantes, concerning the Admission and Receiving of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion into Offices and Employments, shall be observed and kept; and that all those of the said Religion of what Quality or Condition soever they be, who by Reason of the present Commotions may have been deprived of their Offices, Employments, Dignities, Houses, and Habitations, since the first day of January 1625. shall be restored and resettled therein: As also to their Goods, Titles, Accounts, and Actions, seized as well during the Preceding as the late Troubles, notwithstanding any Patents for Offices, Grants, Consiscations, Reprisals, Payments and Acquittances. Permitting the Creditors to take out Execution for their Principal Stock, notwithstanding all Sentences and Decrees, unless upon a definitive Decree in our Council, or in our Chambers of the Edict, or that the Particular Persons have been other where reimbursed.  
X. Our Pleasure is, that these our Present Letters Declaratory, be observed and kept by all our Subjects, according to the Form prescribed by the LXXXII. Article of the Edict of Nantes; and Commissioners shall be sent into all parts where occasion shall require, to see that the Contents thereof be executed.  
XI. In regard, that our said Subjects professing the said Pretended Reformed Religion, may not for the Future hold any General or particular Assemblies, Circles, Councils, Abridgements, or any other of what Name or Quality soever, without express Permission by Letters, or a Brief particularly Signed by Us, and subscribed by one of our Secretaries of State, yet the Assemblies of Consistories, Colloquies and Synods are permitted 'em for Affairs that Purely concern the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, conformable to our Letters Declaratory of April 17. 1623. set forth upon the Holding of Synods and Colloquies, with express Prohibitions to treat of Politic Affairs. Nor shall they for the Future raise any Fortifications of what sort soever they be, to enclose our Cities, without our express Permission by our Letters Patents. Nor shall they raise any Money upon our Subjects, upon any occasion whatever, without a Commission under our Great Seal. All this, under the Penalty of High Treason, and forfeiture of our Present Favours.  
XII. It is our farther meaning also, that the Articles by Us decreed, which concern the City of Rochel, the Islands and Country of Aulnix, be observed and put in Execution without delay; and that the Cities and Castles which shall have been taken by those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, since the present Troubles, shall be surrendered up into our Hands within fifteen days after the Publication of these Presents: Declaring all such of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall scruple to submit themselves to this our Will and Pleasure, deprived, by just Forfeiture, of the Benefit of this our present Favour.  
So we command, etc. And to the end that this may be for ever firm and stable, we have affixed, etc.  
Given at Paris in March, 1626. and 17th. of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
And below, De Lomenie.  
Registered, April 13. 1626. Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King against the Sieur De Soubise, and other Adherents to the Party of the English. Confirming the Edicts of Pacification, in favour of those who should continue in their Duty and Allegiance. Given at Villeroy, August 5. 1627. and Published in Parliament the twelfth of the same Month.  
LEwis, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr. To all, etc. Since it has pleased God to call us to the Government of this State, our Conduct has made it manifest, with how much Care we have laboured to preserve the Public Peace and Tranquillity, either in observing and preserving a sound Amity, good understanding and correspondence between this Kingdom and Foreign Princes, either by employing, as we have done several times in divers parts, and upon various occasions, our Royal Mediation to lay asleep and extinguish the Contentions and Differences arisen between the said Princes; or by giving Assistance and Protection to our Ancient Confederates, when we thought it necessary to re-establish or maintain 'em in those Rights and Properties that appertained to 'em, in order by that means to stop the ill Consequences of those Troubles which the Innovations happening in their Dominions might produce. Wherein if our Intentions were looked upon as good and sincere, we also judge, those which we have had, being grounded upon the same Considerations of the Public Tranquillity, and of the Establishment of the Repose of our Kingdom, in contracting several Great Alliances by the Marriage of our dearest Sisters, are worthy of a higher applause. But we cannot but observe, without a most just Resentment, that the last which we have made with England, has not hitherto had that good success, which we expected from it: But that instead of knitting faster, as we promised to ourselves, the knot of that ancient Amity, which has long continued between the two Crowns, it should so fall out, that the notorious Breaches on the Part of England, of the Articles of Marriage of our Dearest Sister with the King of Great Britain, the English should come to invade us, and Land in the Isle of Re with a numerous Fleet and Army without any cause, any Ground, any Pretence or Declaration. And in regard we see, that in order to second their unjust Designs, they have already treated with some of our Subjects, have sent the Sieur De Soubise into our City of Rochel, to persuade the Inhabitants to join with their Party, and that they continue the same Artifices and Practices with others of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, to draw and engage 'em under several. Pretences and vain Hopes to unite their Arms with theirs (tho' we are willing to believe, that our said Subjects will have so much Constancy and Judgement, as not to suffer themselves to be deceived by such sort of Artifices; and for that considering that they peacefully enjoy the full Liberty of the Exercise of their Religion, the Benefit of our Edicts, and whatever else has been promised by Us, they will conclude that this enterprise of the English, has no aim or end, that really tends to the good of their Religion, but that it is a voluntary Invasion of our Dominions, in Enmity to our Crown, and the Honour of the Nation▪ in the Defence of which, all true French Men, as well Catholics as those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, are equally obliged to venture their Lives and Fortunes;) Nevertheless, that our said Subjects may be rightly informed of our Intentions upon the present Occurrences, and that they may not be circumvented by the Artifices that are made use of to withdraw 'em from their natural Duty, We declare that for these Causes, and other weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving, We have with the Advice of the Queen, our thrice Honoured Lady and Mother, our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleans, the Princes, etc. said and declared, and do say and declare, by these Presents, the Sieur de Soubise, and those of our Subjects, of what Quality or Condition soever they be, who shall adhere to or join with the English, or shall favour or assist 'em directly or indirectly, or that shall keep Intelligence, Association, and Correspondence with 'em in any sort or manner whatever, or shall otherwise depart from that Obedience which they owe us, Rebels, Traitors, and Perfidious to their King, Desertors of their Country, Guilty of High Treason in the highest Degree: And as such we declare their Goods, as well Movable as immovable, their Offices and Employments, Forfeited and Confiscated to ourselves; and all the Inhabitants of our Cities, who shall adhere to the Erterprises, Rebellion and Disobedience of the above named, or who shall afford 'em Entrance, Passage, Retreat or Quartering, or shall aid 'em with Arms, Victuals, Ammunition, or any other necessaries, guilty of the same Crimes, and under the Forfeiture of all Decrees, Honours, Privileges, Franchises, Immunities and Rights, which may have been granted to 'em, either by the Kings our Predecessors, or by ourselves, past all Hopes of being ever regained. It being our Will and Pleasure, that they be proceeded against, with the utmost Severity of the Law, by Imprisonment of their Person, Seizure of their Estates, Demolishing their Houses, Cutting down their Woods, and that they shall lose the Benefit of our Edicts, and of all Appeals to our Chambers, created by the same; Unless within eight days after the Publication of this Declaration upon the Coasts of Poitou, Saintonge and Aunix, they do quit their Rebellion, and make their Appearance before our Officers of the Cities of Saintes Niort, Fontenay, Brovage, and others more remote, with the usual Submissions, and that the Cities make their Declarations such as are required in the like Cases at the same time. And whereas we have found, during the late Troubles, that some of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion, siding with the Rebels, were wont to send their Children, or else permit 'em to go and bear Arms together with 'em, they themselves staying at home to avoid the Rigour of our Prosecutions; 'Tis our Pleasure, that for the Remedy of such abuses, that the Fathers or Masters of Houses and Families, shall be held and reputed to adhere to the Enemy's Party, and that they shall suffer Corporal Punishment, together with all the Penalties mentioned in these presents, if their Children or other Relations, usually abiding in their Houses, and having no other habitation then that of their Fathers, or Kindred, shall be found siding with the Enemy, in actual Arms. Unless the said Parents or Masters of Houses or Families, actually serve us in our Armies or other where, and make it so much their endeavour to regain their Children or Kindred out of the Enemy's service, as to convince us that 'twas no Fault of theirs. And as for all our other Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, that shall continue in their Obedience and Fidelity to us, without adhering to the Enemy's Designs, and other Practices, Factions and Conspiracies against us, our Authority, Service and Repose of this Kingdom, our Pleasure is, that they shall freely enjoy the Liberty of their Exercise, and all Favours and Concessions to them granted by the Deceased King and ourselves; which it is our full meaning and Intent to preserve inviolably; putting all our said Subjects of our said Pretended Reformed Religion, their Families and Estates, so long as they remain within the Bounds of their Duty, under our special saseguard and Protection. So we command, etc. In Testimony whereof, etc.  
Given at Villeroy, August 5. 1627. and 18th. of our Reign. Signed Lewis,  
And below, By the King. De Lomenie.  
Read, Published and Registered, etc. At Paris, in Parliament, August 12. 1627. Du Tillet.   

A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel, to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Given at Paris, December 15. 1628. and verified in Parliament January 15. 1629.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all etc. We have by several Preceding Declarations exhorted our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, to forsake and desist from the Factions and Rebellions wherein they were engaged against our service, promising 'em all that could be expected from our Favour, in case that within the time prescribed they returned to their Duty, and subscribed such Declarations as were requisite before our Judges. Which several having done, have experienced our Good Will, lived peaceably and at Liberty, in the enjoyment of their Estates, and Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Several Cities also and Paticular Men, led away by the Artifices of Factious and seditious Spirits, have still continued in the same Rebelion, into which their Engagement with the Inhabitants of the City of Rochel had participated 'em. For which reason, now that it has pleased God to reduce that City under our Obedience, and to take from 'em that Pretence, we are willing to hope that they will the more readily return to their Duty, by new Exhortations, and freeing 'em from the Fear of being Liable to the Penalties mentioned in our Preceding Declarations. And being desirous to let 'em see our Paternal Affection toward 'em, and to excite 'em out of a Consideration of their own good and Preservation, more or less to their Benefit, as they shall continue more or less Obstinate in returning to their Obedience; And which is that which we are willing so much the rather to hope, that now that by the Reduction of our said City of Rochel under our Obedience, they have manifestly understood our singular Goodness toward the Inhabitants of that Place, whom we received upon their Surrendering to us with the assurance of their Lives, Estates, and Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion, and of the integrity of which agreement they enjoy so religious a performance, that all their Fears are turned into Consolation, and have proved a sufficient Convincement that the Apprehensions which the Factious Boutefeaux of Rebellion infused into 'em, were but Artifices without any Foundation, to hinder 'em from seeking in our Obedience that true Tranquillity and Liberty which they now enjoy; For these causes we make known, that upon mature debate of this Business in Council, of our full knowledge, full Power, special Grace, and Royal Authority, We have enjoined, and by these Presents do enjoin all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, of what quality or Condition soever they be, who shall now be found engaged in the Rebellion and bearing Arms, or holding out Towns and Cities against our service, and contrary to that Obedience which they owe us, or adhering to those that hold 'em out and enjoy 'em, that they forthwith lay down their Arms, return to their Duty, and Subscribe such Declarations as are usually requisite, before our Courts of Parliament or Presidial Seats, within 15 days after Publication of these Presents. And as for the Cities, that they send their Deputies to us, to receive our Gracious Will and Pleasure, in pursuance of their Submissions. Which doing, we will receive 'em into our Favour, and maintain 'em in the Enjoment of all their Goods and Estates, and free Exercise of the said Reform Religion, and look upon 'em as good Subjects, worthy to partake of our benefits and Favours, no less than the rest who have continued in the Fidelity which they owe us. All which we promise upon the Faith and Word of a King to keep, observe and fulfil inviolably. But in case that continuing in the obstinacy of their Rebellion they scorn the Favour which we offer to 'em, and do not satisfy the Contents of these Presents within that time, We have, and do declare 'em from this time forward to have incurred the Penalties mentioned in our Preceding Declarations, and guilty of High Treason in the Highest degree, and unworthy of all Grace and Mercy. In which case, after the time prefixed is once past, our Pleasure is that they be proceeded against in their Persons, Goods, Houses, Inheritances, and whatever else belongs to 'em, with the utmost Rigour of the Law. So we command, etc. In Testimony, etc.  
Given at Paris, December 15. 1628. and 19th. of our Reign. Signed Lewis.  
Below, by the King. De Lomenie.  
Read, Published and Registered, At Paris in Parliament etc. January 15. 1629. Du Tillet.   

An Edict of the King upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize, as to his Rebellious Subjects of the Cities, Flat Countries, Castles and Strong Holds, of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Languedoc, Cevennes, Gevaudan, Guyenne, Foix, etc. with the Articles. Given at Nimes, in July 1629. and verified in the Parliament of Tholouse, August 27. 1629.  
LEWIS, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarr, To all, etc. The Love which we bear our Subjects, and our Compassion of he Miseries which they have sustained, by reason of the Wars, and Divisions wherewith this Kingdom has been so long afflicted, has touched us so deeply, that laying aside all Considerations of our Health, and the Inconveniences of the weather, we ●●ve made use of all means to reduce under our Obedience, those who having thrown it off, had been the Occasion of all their Calamities. We were in hopes that the Cities which surrendered to our Obedience, in the Years 1620. 21. and 22. would have moved 'em to the same acknowledgement of our Authority. But finding that either Obstinacy would not permit 'em, or that the Violence and Artifice of the Faction retained 'em, we invited 'em by our Declarations to return to their Duty, by all the most favourable persuasions that the cause would bear. We also raised Great and Powerful Armies to reduce by force, those whom their Obstinacy in Rebellion rendered deaf and blind to all the Reasons and Occasions of their Duty: wherein it has pleased God so far to bless our Endeavours, that the City of Rochel has had the first Trial of our Puissance, as is mentioned in the Edict which we set forth upon the Reducing of that Place. The City of Privas au Vivarets, which trusting to her Situation, rugged and inaccessible as she thought, in her Fortifications, and her Stores of Provision and Ammunition, puffed up with long Prosperity, adventured to withstand the Batteries of our Cannon and the Efforts of our Arms, and contemning the gentle Exhortations of our Goodness, the hatred of her Inhabitants was such, that they rather chose to abandon their Habitations and their Goods, then to seek for Preservation in our Clemency which was assured 'em: They deprived themselves of the Hopes of receiving it, and could not prevent the Conflagration and the fury of the Sword which God sent among 'em: And therefore in reference to them we have otherwise provided by our Declaratory Letters set forth apart; nor are they comprehended in these presents. But this Punishment making others wiser, has been the reason that nor only all the Upper and Lower Vivarets, but also several other Cities and Fortresses are returned to their Duty, have Sworn to us the Oath of Allegiance, while we on the other side have pardoned their Rebellion, and ordained 'em our Letters of Oblivion, only causing their Walls and Fortifications to be demolished. Which serving as assurances to others, brought upon them all the Miseries they have suffered. Several Gentlemen also smitten with the Happiness which they met with in our Clemency, sought and received it, and quitted their Rebellion. The City of Alets, extremely strong by Situation, by Fortifications, and whatever human Invention has studied, to make Bulwarks and Ramparts of Earth serviceable to Nature, made as if she would have stopped the Career of our Progresses. But finding herself begirt with our Army, and our mounted Canon ready to make a Breach, durst not expect the first shot, but submitted to the Laws of War that are usually practised in the like Cases, threw herself at our feet, and implored our mercy, which she obtained. And as we were ready to carry our Victories yet farther, the Duke of Rohan, the Inhabitants of Anduse, Sauve, Levigan, Florac, Mervez, and all the rest of the Strong Holds in Cevennes, Nimes, Aymargues, Vsez, Milhau, Cornus, St. Frique, St. Felix, St. Rome de Taon, Pont Camarez, Viane, Castres', Rogue, Courbe, Revel, Montauban, Caussade, Mazeres, Saverdun, Carlat, Le Mas d' Azil, and generally all the strong Holds and Places in the Upper and Lower Languedoc, Cevenes, Gevaudan, Guyenne, and Foix, the Gentlemen and others, who held out against our Service, sent their Deputies to testify their Repentance for having fallen into that Rebellion, promising to pay us for the future, that Obedience and Fidelity, which all good and Loyal Subjects owe their Prince; beseeching Us to pardon 'em, and to grant 'em an Amnesty of their Rebellion, and of all things that happened by Reason of it; offering to dismantle all the Fortifications of the said Cities, to the end they might neither give any distrust of their Fidelity, nor serve as a Temptation for any Body else to swerve from it; and for farther Assurances to give us such Hostages out of the said Cities, and in such number, as we should demand. To which we were so much the more readily inclined, because we were desirous by so rare an Example of Clemency, after so many Relapses, the most advantageously that might be to gain the Hearts of our Subjects, to spare the shedding of Blood, the Desolation of the Province, and all other Disorders and Calamities of War; moved to it by our sole Compassion of their Miseries, and Love of their Welfare. Which puts us in Hopes, that so manifest an Experience of the mere goodness, that opens our Breasts to our Subjects, will cause their return to be more sincere, and serve for a perpetual Cement, to keep 'em for ever inseparably united to our Obedience; till the Grace and Mercy of God touching their Hearts, and enlightening their Minds, shall restore 'em all to the Bosom of the Church, and dry up the Fountain of our fatal Divisions. For these causes, after we had received Hostages from the said Cities, and disposed of 'em in Places ordained for that purpose, till the Fortifications of the said Cities were effectually and completely demolished; as being desirous to provide for disorders past, and to prevent any for the Future, We make known, that upon mature debate of these things in Council, with the Advice of the same, and of our certain Knowledge, special Grace and Royal Authority, by this our perpetual and irrevocable Edict, signed with our hand, We have said, Decreed and Ordained, say Decree and Ordain, and our Will and Pleasure is,  
I. That the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Religion, shall be restored and resettled in all the Cities and Places of those Countries, from whence it had been expelled; and all the Ecclesiastic Churches, Goods, and Houses, within the said Provinces, shall be restored to those to whom they belonged, without any Prosecution for the Revenues received or taken. In which Churches, and in all the said Places, the Exercise of the said Religion, shall be freely and peaceably Performed, without Let or Molestation. Nevertheless we ordain, that in all the Monasteries within the said Cities returned to our Obedience, there shall not be put in or settled any other Monks, than such as live exactly in the observance of their Order, according to the Letters which they shall receive from us.  
II. And desiring nothing more than a perpetual Union between our Subjects, as we are desirous, and as it is our Intention, to maintain those who profess the Pretended Reformed Religion, in the free and Peaceable Exercise of it, we cannot but desire also their Conversion, for which we continually offer up our Prayers to God. For which Reason, we exhort all our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to lay aside all Passion, that they may be capable of receiving the Light of Heaven, and be fitted to return to the Bosom of the Church, in which for these eleven hundred Years together, the Kings our Predecessors have lived without Change or Interruption: Not being able in any thing whatever to give them a greater Testimony of our Paternal Affection, then to admonish them to observe the same way to Salvation, which we observe and follow ourselves.  
III. We ordain, that all the Parishes of the said Country be provided with good, sufficient and capable Curates, by those to whom the Patronage of the same belongs, and that things be so ordered, that they have all a sufficient revenue to maintain 'em with Reputation in the Discharge of their Functions, as is set down in our Ordinances of January last; or other means more commodious, as shall be adjudged proper by the Commissioners, by Us deputed to that end.  
IV. We have forgiven, pardoned and buried in Oblivion, and do forgive, pardon and bury in Oblivion to the said Duke of Rohan, and to all the Inhabitants of the said Cities and Places, as also to those of the Flat Countries, who adhered to 'em, all things passed from July 21. 1627. to the Day of the Publication, in every Seneschalship, of the Articles of Grace, which we granted 'em the 27th▪ of June last. We have discharged 'em, and do discharge 'em of all Acts of Hostility, raising of Arms, hiring of Soldiers, enterprises as well by Sea as Land, General and Particular Assemblies, more especially the Assembly of Nimes, seizure of Ecclesiastical Rents, Royal or Private Money, Coining of Money of what Alloy or Stamp soever, Printed Libels, Popular Tumults and Commotions, Riots, Violences, Erterprises upon the two Cities of St. Amant, and Chasteaux du Seigneur; the taking of Chasteau, St. Stephen, Va● Franchesque, and Florac: Also the Murders and other Accidents, i●ppening at the taking of St. Ger●●ter, and Castres', in January las●. Also the Inhabitants of Vsez, for the Murder of the Sieur du Flos: And the Consuls of the said Place, for the Decrees put forth against 'em by the Parliament of Tholouse, and Chamber of the Edict at Beziers: Also the Sieurs Da●bais, Jaques Genvier, Paul Saucier, and Andrew Pelissier. For the Nomination and Designation made of their Persons, to be Consuls of Nimes, in 1627. and their executing the Office during that Year: Together with all the Consuls and Political Counselors, and the Prothonotary of the Consular House, for the Prosecution against 'em by reason of the said Consulship of Nimes, as well in our Council, as in the said Court of Parliament, Chamber of the Edict, and Court of Aids at Mompellier: Also the Inhabitants of Anduze, for the Murder of the Sieur de Mantaille, and the Condemnations of the said Consuls, and particular Inhabitants of the said City during these Troubles. The Inhabitants of Millaud, for what was done against the Sieur de Roquefavas, and discharge 'em of the Restitution of 4000 Livers taken from the Jacobins. The Sieur de 〈◊〉, for encouraging the Inhabitants of Alets in their Breach of 〈◊〉 Conducts, Impositions and raising of Money, establishment of Courts of Justice, Officers and Counselors through the Provinces, and executing of Sentences passed in those Courts, in Matters Civil and Criminal, and Regulations of Municipal Constitutions, and their executing their Offices in the said Cities when they were in Rebellion; together with the Advocates, that practised in their Employments, before the said Judges, Officers, and Counselors set up in the said Cities: Also those who had no permission from Us, to reside and practise in the said Cities during the said Time. All Voyages to, and Intelligences, Negotiations, Treaties, Contracts, held and made with the English by the said Cities and Inhabitants; and by the said Duke of Rohan, and Sieur de Soubize, as well with the said English, as with the King of Spain, and Duke of Savoy, and Letters written to the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland: Also the Sieurs Clausel and Du Cross, who were employed thither: Sales of movable Goods, whether Ecclesiastical or others, cutting down of high Trees, Demesne Woods or others. Taking of Booties, Ransoms, or any other sort of Money by them taken by reason of the said Troubles, melting of Artillery, seizing of Ammunition, Dismantling and Demolishing of Cities, Castles and Towns: Also the taking of Mervez Aymargues, and other Burnings of Churches and Houses by Order and Authority of the said Duke of Rohan; and from all Criminal Prosecutions by Reason of the same; not being prejudicial to the Civil Interests of the said Religious ecclesiastics, in respect of which they shall apply themselves for Justice to the Chamber of the Edict. We discharge 'em also from all Leases and Farms, of all Ecclesiastical Benefices and Estates, of which the said ecclesiastics were deprived by the Chieftains, who had the General Command. Our Pleasure in like manner is, that they enjoy the full Contents of the Preceding Amnesties, and of all that has been acted and negotiated since the abovementioned Time, notwithstanding all Proceedings at Law, Decrees and Sentences issued out against 'em in the mean time; even the Decrees themselves of the Parliament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux, and Chamber of Beziers and others, against the said Duke of Rohan, to whom we will, that all his Honours and Dignities which he enjoyed before shall be preserved, prohibiting all Prosecutions in the Cases aforesaid. In respect of which, we impose perpetual silence upon all our Advocate's General and their Substitutes; excepting always those execrable Cases reserved and excepted by the Edict of Nantes, and others subsequent, of the Civil Interest, by Reason of the Fact committed at Vozenobre and Tournac, and of the moveables which shall be found in specie taken from those who were under Obedience to the King.  
V. And in pursuance of our Intentions, to maintain all our Subjects professing the Pretended Reformed Religion in the free Exercise of the said Religion, and in the Enjoyment of the Edicts to them granted, Our farther Pleasure is, that they enjoy the Benefits of the said Edict of Nantes and other Edicts, Articles and Declarations registered in our Parliaments, and that in pursuance of the same they have the free Exercise of the said Religion in all Places where it has been allowed 'em.  
VI That all Churches and Churchyards, that have been taken from 'em or demolished, shall be restored 'em, with Liberty to repair 'em, if there be any necessity, and that they deem it convenient.  
VII. We ordain, that all the Fortifications of the said Cities, shall be razed and demolished, only the enclosure of the Walls, within the space of three Months, by the sedulity of the Inhabitants: In whom we more especially confiding, forbear to secure the said Cities either with Garrisons or Citadels. The said Cities also shall be demolished by the Management and Orders of the Commissioners by Us deputed, and according to the Orders and Instructions which we shall give 'em: And in the mean while, for the greater Security, the Hostages sent by the said City, shall remain in such Places as we shall appoint, till the said Fortifications shall be fully demolished.  
VIII. Our farther Will and Pleasure is, that all the aforesaid Professors, etc. shall be restored and resettled in all their Estates and Goods, Movable and immovable, Accounts and Actions, notwithstanding all Condemnations, Grants, Confiscations and Reprisals made or decreed, excepting the Fruits and Revenues of their Goods, the moveables which shall not be found in specie, Woods cut down, and Debts which have been received till this present time, actually and without fraud, after judicial Prosecutions and Constraints. Nevertheless our Pleasure is, that the Preceding Declarations given upon the Fact of the said Reprisals, till the present Commotions, Peremptory Decrees, and Proceedings and Agreements made upon them, shall take place, and be executed, notwithstanding all Decrees to the contrary. Our Will also is, that the Heirs of the Deceased Sieur de Mormoirac shall be restored to their Goods.  
IX. We permit the Professors, etc. to re-enter their Houses, and to rebaild 'em if there be occasion; and as being our good and faithful Subjects, we permit 'em to reside and inhabit in such Cities and Places of our Kingdom, as they shall see convenient, except in the Islands of Ré, and Oleron, Rochel and Privas. We also permit the Inhabitants of Pamiers, who were not in the said City at the Time when it was taken, to return and enjoy all their Goods, after they have submitted themselves, and taken the Oath of Fidelity before such Persons whom we shall appoint.  
X. Our Officers residing in the said City, who have not paid the Annual Duty, shall be admitted to pay it within two Months, as well for what is passed as for the present Years. And as for such as are Deceased, having paid the said Annual Right, the Offices which they held shall be preserved to their Widows and Heirs. And as for those Officers whose Offices we have supplied by Reason of the Troubles, they shallbe continued in their said Offices, notwithstanding the Patents given to others, and their being settled therein. Our Pleasure also is, that the Officers of particular Lords, who were admitted upon dear Purchases, and put out by Reason of the said Troubles, shall be restored to their Employments.  
XI. All the abovementioned shall be discharged, and we hereby discharge 'em of all Contributions, Quartering of Soldiers, as well in the preceding, as present troubles. Also the said Communities and particular Members thereof are discharged from all Obligations to indemnify and save harmless all Reparations of Damages, which may be pretended against 'em, by Reason of Imprisonments, Executions and Expulsions out of the said Cities, by order of the said Duke of Rohan, or the Councils of the said Cities, or any others by him set up as well during the present as preceding Troubles. And as for Taxes and other Money laid upon the Country, in Case the Sums fall short, for want of Payment by the abovementioned, the Receivers of the said Countries shall not prosecute the abovementioned: Reserving nevertheless a Power to prosecute the Syndic of the Country, to the end the Abatement may be laid upon the Generality of the Province.  
XII. In like manner, we discharge the Consuls and Private Persons, who obliged themselves during the troubles of the Years, 1621. 1622. and 1626. and in the present Commotions, for the Affairs of the City, to pay the said Obligations, notwithstanding all Clauses inserted in the Agreements: Saving to the Creditors, the Power of prosecuting the Consuls of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall be in Office, who shall be liable to Condemnation, and to pay their shares of the Sums.  
XIII. They shall be also discharged from prosecuting the Catholic Inhabitants and others, for the remainders from them due for the rates of the preceding Years, notwithstanding the discharges they had obtained by our Letters Patents, as by the Decrees of the Court of Aids at Mompellier: As also from all that remains to be paid of Taxes and Impositions, assessed upon any of 'em, the Catholics being exempted by the Orders of the Governors of the Provinces, or others our Commanders in Chief, during the preceding and present Troubles.  
XIV. The Inhabitants of Castres' also shall be discharged from Restitution of whatever they took by force of Arms in Opposition to our Service.  
XV. The charges which shall be laid upon the said Cities, shall be equally born by all the Inhabitants of the same, according to the Custom at all times usual. Only that the Debts contracted by the Catholic Inhabitants, shall be born by themselves alone; and those contracted by those of the Pretended Reformed Religion by themselves.  
XVI. Sentences past by those who have been Commissioned for the Administration of Justice in the said Cities, whether in Civil or Criminal Matters, shall take place, excepting Appeals to the said Chambers, in Cases which have not been adjudged by the Provosts, or at a Council of War.  
XVII. The Order observed in the said Cities, as well touching the C●●s●●ship as the Municipal Government, and the Meeting of the said Consuls and City Councils, shall be kept and observed, as before the Troubles.  
XVIII. The Assemblies of State in the Country of Foix, shall be held after the accustomed Manner, and all the Cities shall be summoned that were usually present.  
XIX. The Consuls, Receivers, Collectors and Commissaries, that managed the Public Money during the Preceding and Present Troubles, shall be acquitted and discharged, they bringing into the Chambers the Accounts which they have given of it; nor shall the Chambers pretend to any Fees, nor to require a review of the said Accounts. And as for the Inhabitants of Nimes, who pretend themselves not obliged to carry in their Accounts into the said Chambers, our Will is, that the ancient Custom shall be observed.  
XX. The Seats of Judicature, Audits of Receipts, and other Offices, removed by Reason of the present Troubles, shall be restored and settl▪ d in the Places where they were before: Also the Election newly created to be settled at Montauban, but removed to the City of Moissac by reason of the Troubles, shall be returned to Montauban, after the Fortifications are demolished.  
XXI. Also the Chamber of the Edict, now sitting at Beziers, shall be restored to the City of Castres', after the Fortifications are demolished; and shall remain in the said City, according to the Edict of Nantes, notwithstanding our Ordinance of January last, and the Decree of the Parliament of Tholouse, upon the 111th. Article thereof: Which Chamber his Majesty will have maintained in all things allowed it by the Edicts and Regulations.  
XXII. All these Graces and Concessions, it is our Will and Pleasure, that the abovemention'd enjoy, that were in Arms upon the twenty seventh of June last. And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day, they shall particularly enjoy the things contained in the Letters Patents, which have ordered 'em for that purpose.  
So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counselors, in the Parliament of Tholouse, etc. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents, etc.  
Given at Nimes, in July 1629. and twentieth of our Reign. Signed, Lewis.  
And below, by the King. Phelipeaux.  
Read, Published and Registered, etc. At Tholouse in Parliament, August, 27. 1629. Signed, De Malenfant.   
The End of the second Volume.   

A TABLE OF THE MATTERS.  

A.  
ACcusations odious, 521. For violating the Edicts, Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm, 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things, 525.  
Acts of Injustice at Vitre, Dijon, Taulignan, 424, 370, 465. Particular Acts of Injustice, 465.  
Affairs, Foreign of France, in what Condition, 314.  
Aggravation venomous, 524.  
Air Bishop of, his violent Speech, 249.  
Albert de Luines, his Original, 260, 261. His Confidents, their Character, 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan, 264. He Fools the Queen, and the Duke of Rohan, 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres, 382. More of the same, 384, 385. Made Constable, 388.  
Alets reduced, 459.  
Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden, 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on, 17.  
Ambrune Bishop of, his Speech to the King, 339.  
Amelot, Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge, 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty, 384.  
d' Ancre Marquis of, hated by the Princes of France, 153. They unite against him, 154, etc. His Death, 263.  
St. Angeli Besieged and Reduced, 309. The Privileges of the City abolished, 310. An attempt upon it, 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan, 123.  
Annexes the occasion of great Injustice, 469, 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate, 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em, 498. New Vexations about 'em, 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em, 516.  
St. Antonin taken by Assault, 334.  
Apology of the General Assembly, 424.  
Arminians favoured by the Court, 372.  
Arnoux, the Jesuit, invective against him, 301. His Dilemma, 302. Banished the Court, 319. He succeeds Cotton, 272.  
Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed, 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur, 53. Artifices against Chamier, 66.  
Assemblies, why they refused to break up before their Papers were answered, 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris, removed to Poitiers, thence to Bourdeaux, 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris, 406. Of Notables, 433. Assembly at Anduse, translated to Nimes, 459. Of the Clergy at Paris, 464. Assembly of the Clergy, 521. Assembly general allowed for Chastelleraud, 22. Removed to Saumur, 23. Assembly at Saumur, and the Quality of the Deputies, 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King, 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court, 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies, 52. In which they persist, 53. Nominates Commissioners, 60. The Assembly resolves to break up, 65. They draw up Regulations, 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux, 92. Assembly at Rochel, 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble, 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris, 183. Assembly at Grenoble, 201. Sends a Deputation to the King, 203. Removes to Nimes, 212. They mistrusts the Lords, 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace, 232, etc. Removed to Rochel, 235. They send Deputies to Loudun, 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King, 264. And receive an Order to break up, 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris, 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux, and Tonneins, repair to Orthez in Bearn, and are proscribed, 308, 309. Assembly of Orthez, removed to Rochel and breaks up, 322. Another Assembly at Loudun, Ibid. etc. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois, 330, etc. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun, 335. Assembly at Anduse, 357. Assembly at Gergeau, 358, etc. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy, 360, etc. General Assembly at Milhau, 361, etc. Assembly at Rochel declared unlawful, 365. Assembly at Rochel, 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up, 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel, 393, etc. Defends itself in Writing, 410. Replied to by the Jesuits, 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em, 417. The State of it, 428.  
Assignations ill paid, 375.  
Attempts upon the Cities of Security, 300.   

B.  
BAilliages established with little exactness, 270.  
Basnage the Reformed Minister, 482.  
Bearn forced Conversions there, 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately, 47. Articles in favour of Bearn, 85. The State of Bearn falsely represented, 276. Reunion of it to the Crown, 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it, 280, etc. Answer to it, 285. The Edict of the Reunion published, 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow, 289. The State of Religion in Bearn, 290. Their Writings answered, 297. Their extreme despair, 307. More of the Bearnois, 313. The whole form of the Government altered, 346, etc. Violences committed there after the King's Departure, 348. The Affair of Bearn crossed a thousand ways by different Artifices, 351. All manner of Succours refused to their Deputies, 352. Bearn subdued, 405.  
Bellujon censured by the Assembly, 56.  
Beraud, Minister of Montauban, 481.  
Berger a Reformed Counsellor at Paris turns Roman Catholic, 162.  
Breticheres, his Politic design, 328.  
Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans, 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion, 493. Bishop of Orleans' Speech to the King, 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech, 529. Bishop of Mompellier, his Rights over the University, 152.  
Blasphemies pretended, 427, 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts, 448, 450.  
Bodies of the Reformed digged up again, 402.  
Books prosecuted, 451. Books that made a noise, 85, 87.  
Bovillon Marshal, his Letter, 313. He treats with Count Mansfield, 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it, 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed, 417.  
Bovillon Duke of, the Son changes his Religion, 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady, Ibid.  
Bovillon the Father soon gained at Court, 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde, 17. Gained by the Queen, 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship, 28. Discontented, seems reconciled to the Duke of Sulli, and Interests himself for Senevieres, 30, 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him, 55. His strange Advice, 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly, but refuses it, 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan, 118. Reconciled, 150. He seeks to be revenged upon the Queen, 180. He labours with the Reformed to join with the Reformed, 182. Writes to the King, 412. He refuses the Place of General, 416.  
Buckingham Duke, jealousies between him and the Cardinal, 416. He completes the Ruin of the Reformed, 418.  
Burials disturbed, 439. The Right of Burial violated, 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches, 431.   

C.  
COcherat, Minister of Quilleboeuf, 513.  
Candal Duke of, embraces the Reformed Religion, 215.  
Castres', Vexation of Officers there, 435. The Consistory molested there, 437. Refuses to admit the Duke of Rohans' Deputies, 429. The Counselors of the Chamber there forbid to wear red Robes, 504.  
Catharinots murder du Cross, 335. Sedition against the Catholics by them raised, Ibid.  
Catholics, their erterprises at Rochel, 387. Of the Queen of England's Household indiscreet, 417. They Triumph at Campredons' Death, 423. They endeavour to involve the Ministers in the Duke of Rohans' treaty with Spain, 424. Great rejoicing among 'em, 450. Their Cruelties and Insulting, Ibid.  
Cavils upon the Right of Donations and Legacies, 393. A shameful Cavil, 495.  
Chalas, Commissioner in Poitou and Saintonge, 383. His Compliance, 386.  
Chambers of the Edict, their Severity, 115. At Paris reverse a Sentence of the Judge of Orleans, 152.  
Character of the Reformed, 31.  
Charenton, the Church there burnt, 325. Exercise of Religion confirmed there, 10.  
Charles, Prince of Wales designed to Marry the Infanta of Spain, 389. Courted by Richlieu for a Daughter of Henry IU. 390. The Match concluded, 391. His Complance for the Catholic Religion, 392.  
Chatillon, dismissed by the Circle of Lower Languedoc, 327. The Reasons why, 328. Surrenders Aiguemortes to the King, and is made a Marshal of France, 346. Engaged in the Interests of the Court, 214. Deals under hand with Montmorency, 378.  
Chatillon the City, dishonest Proposals to surprise it, 329, 330.  
Children forced away, 305. Two Examples of it, Ibid. 409. More of the same, 370.  
Churches of the County of Foix reduced to Misery, 268. And those of Provence ill used, 269.  
Churchyards, Catholics dispensed with allowing 'em at their own Charges, 307. Churchyard at Blois, 425. Cavil about one, 445. Distance between Reformed and Catholic Churchyards, 446.  
City's Catholic, several take, Arms, 42. Cities of Security yield to the King, 158.  
Clairac Besieged and taken, 315. Cruelties used to the Garrison, 316.  
Clergy grant Money with an ill will, 407. The Clergies Papers, and the King's answer, 529. Their Prevarication, 172. Their Paper presented to the King, 173, 174, etc.  
Colleges, all Huguenots impartyed, 501. College of Loudun taken from the Reformed, 515. College at Charenton, the Erection of it opposed by the Catholics, 329.  
Condè joins with Car. de Retz, etc. 329. His Cruelties to the Reformed, 345. Quits the Court and retires into Italy, 353. His unjust dealings at Sancerre, 451. Affronted at Poitiers, 157. His unequal Temper, 173. Condè loses his Authority by the Prevarication of the Clergy, 180. He begins new Intrigues, 181. He prepares to hinder the Match with Spain, 184. He invites the Assembly of Grenoble to join with him, 201. Proclaimed a Rebel, 231. His Condition when Peace was propounded, 232. He Signs the Treaty, 237. He makes two new demands, after all the rest were granted him, which much perplex the Queen, 248. Imprisoned by the Queen, 249. Set at Liberty, 321. He deceives the Reformed, 334. His wholesome Advice, 341. He and others fail in their Garranty to the Reformed, 361. The King's Declaration against the Cities of Rochel, and St. John d' Angeli, and the effect of it, 422.  
Consistory at Beglè continues the Public Exercise of their Religion, 223. Opposed by two Advocates, 224. They cite the Advocates, who appeal to the Parliament, 225. And the proceedings thereupon, 226, etc.  
Constable his Death causes great Alterations at Court, 329.  
Consuls, indirectly chosen, 491. Consulships of Alets, 495.  
Conversions forced at Aubenas, 433. and St. Amands, 434. Pretended of a Person that died of a Fever, 452. Of Soldiers taken Prisoners, 456.  
Cornulier Bishop of Rennes, his passionate Speech, 320.  
Corpse of a Reformed Gentleman digged up again, 116.  
Cotton the Jesuit disgraced, 272.  
Councils Provincial, their Functions, 70.  
Court recover their Affairs, 406. The Answers given by the Court to the Papers of the Reformed, satisfy no Body, 64. Makes use of the Doctrine of Patience, 120. The wiles and injustices of it, 121. Has no regard for the People, 184. Disingenuity of the Court, upon Sulli's account, 237. Break their Words with Lescun, 280. Dilatory and Delusive, 303. Craft of the Court in reference to Renards' ill success in Bearn, 310.  
Croakers, 425.  
Cruelties of the King's Army at Foix, 401. At Privas, 455.  
Cupis Francis, his Conversion, 538.   

D.  
DAille's Books, 526. His dispute with Muis, 527.  
Deagean, a signal wile of his, 386. etc.  
Declaration against Rohan and Soubise, 396. The King's Declaration upon Soubise's taking Arms, 397. Declaration confirming the Edict of Nantes, 8. And remarkable Expressions in it, 9 Declaration of the twenty fourth of April, opposed by the Deputies General, 97, 98. New Declaration, July 11. 112. Of the fifteenth of December, and remarks upon it, 141. Declaration of the Marriages resolved upon with Spain, 144. Of the King's Majority, 167. Declaration of the King upon the Nobilities proposing to Petition him to maintain the Catholic Religion, according to his Coronation Oath, 179. Declaration of the Court upon Conde's treating with the Assembly of Nimes, 218. New Declaration of the King, Ibid.  
Decree about meeting the Sacrament; 434. Decrees upon several occasions, 503. A troublesome Decree about meeting the Sacrament, 509. For demolishing the Church of St. Maixant, 510. Forbidding public Exercise at Paroi, and containing several other things, 515. Other Decrees against the Reformed, 533. And to the Prejudice of Paternal Authority, Ibid. A Vexatious Decree of the Privy Council upon several occasions, 534. A Decree touching Patents for Offices, 535. He will not allow the Ministers to make a separate Body in Councils, 73. A Decree authorising the Jesuits to preach in Mompellier, 277. For restoring confiscated Estates, confiscated in Bearn, 278.  
Deputies General nominated, 487. Obtain favourable answers to their Papers, 18. Their Power limited, 49. Well received and flattered at Court, 50. Afterwards deceived, 51. Threatened, 52. New Deputies General appointed, 60. Deputies of the Provinces, at Patis, sent back with disgrace, 96.  
Dominic de Jesus Maria, his Story, 322.  
Dort, Imposture put upon the Synod there, 374.   

E.  
ecclesiastics seized upon at Montauban, 371.  
Edict new, confirming all the rest, 414. Edict of Grace, 460. Contents of the Edict, 461. Against Blasphemers, 528. The Consequences of it, Ibid. Edict of Blois, 238.  
Ambassadors English importunate for the Peace of the Religion, 411. They sign an Act ill drawn up, 413.  
England declares against France, 438. English Land in the Isle of Re, 439. Defeated, 442. Set forth two Fleets more, 443. England makes a Peace with France, Ibid. 457.  
Espernon Duke of, Mortally hates the Reformed, 216. Makes War against Rochel, 252. His pretence to take Arms, 253, etc. Espernon Duke of, sent into Bearn, 402.  
Examples of Injuries done the Reformed, 306.  
Exercise forbid at Puigenier and Beaulieu, 425. Out of the usual Places, 431. At St. Sabin and Antibe, 446. Prohibited, 438. At Gex, Sancerre, and Chauvigny, 444. At Quercy, 445. The Right to 'em cavilled at, 468. Forbid, 490, 495. Forbid, 500 Forbid at Paroi, 515. At Villiers le Bel, 531. At Corbigni, Ibid. At St. Silvia, 533. In other Places, Ibid. At Clay, 536. Forbid in several Places, 301.  
Exorcisms, the ridiculous ●ss●cls of 'em, 505.   

F.  
Favas' Interest, 365.  
Favourites new Intreignes against 'em, 337.  
Fenovilles' Bishop of, violent against the Reformed, 335. Remarks upon his Speech, 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully, yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed, 152.  
Ferrand the Minister flatters the King, 410.  
Ferrier retires, 67. Heavy Accusations against him, 102. Quits the Ministry, and is received a Counsellor at Nimes, 146. More of him, 148, etc. His end, 150.  
Flatteries excessive, 362.  
Foix, Desolation of the Church there, 338.  
Fontrailles put out of Leitoure, 364.  
La Force corrupted by the King, leaves the Reformed, 333.  
La Force Governor of Bearn, 279. His unequal temper, and the effects of it, 292.  
France Plays foul play with the Confederates, 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina, 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe, set forth by a Sorbon Doctor, 502.   

G.  
GAland Augustus a Commissioner, 371. Admitted into the Synod, 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan, 442. In vain opposes the Union of the Churches of Bearn, 483.  
Gex, the Bailliage how used, 534. Commissioners sent thither, 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion, 107.  
Governors of the Towns of Security basely self-interested, 423.  
Grand Assizes, several of their Decrees against the Reformed, 512.  
Grievances a large Memoir of 'em, 430.  
Gustavus King of Sweden his Death, 497.   

H.  
HArdy put in Marrialds' Room, 427.  
House of Charity forbid at Paris, 536. House of the Propagation of Faith, and a remarkable piece of Injustice, 537.  
Huguenots, whether to be admitted in the King's Army, 441.  
Hust, the Original of the Word, 349.   

I.  
JAcobins turned out of Mompellier, 275.  
James I. of England, his Compliance for the Catholic Religion, 390, 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate, 391.  
Jeannin. his remarkable writing, 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bovillon, 181.  
Jesuits receive a great Mortification, 93.  
Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton, 13.  
Inclinations of the Great Men, 314.  
Independency of Kings from the Pope maintained, 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy, and why, 170.  
Injustice, extraordinary against the Reformed, 435.  
Instructions of the Commissioners, 421. Answered by Chauve the Moderator, 422. For the Provincial Assembly, 23. Continuations of the Instructions, 26.  
Invectives against the Synod of Aletz, 357.  
Joseph a Capuchin, his draught of the Reunion, 474.   

K.  
KIng of England in what sense Garrantee for the Protestants, 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace, 234. Refused by the Council of France, Ibid.  
Knight of Malta Married, 432.   

L.  
LAnguedoc, Lower, in Confusion, 328. Continue unquiet, 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel, 376.  
League powerful against Spain, 410.  
Legacies perverted, 432.  
Lescun Counsellor in the Sovereign Council of Bearn, 279. His Remonstrance, 290.  
Lesdiguieres, pretends to the Constable's Sword, and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants, 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes, 212. Engaged in the Interest of the Court, 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel, 381. His small Affection for Religion, Ibid. etc. Will not hearken to his Friends, 386. He remains at Court, 388.  
Lessius put to Death, 354.  
Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders, 29. A Letter from Court Authorising the Inferior number against the greater, 56. Letter supposed to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name, 366.  
Lewis XIII. Marches into Guyenne, 314. Returns to Paris, 330. Leaves Paris, 332. His success in Poitou, Ibid. And Guyenne, where he treats with La Force, 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville, and seizes Tulleburg, Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc, 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations, 339. He makes use of Foreign Catholic Soldiers, 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary, 413. Returns to Paris, 358. His particular infidelity to the Rochellers, 363. His Death, 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace, 463. The Court surprised at the King's Death, 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided, 14. His Temper, 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn, 343. He arrives at Pau, and takes in Navarreins, returns to Pau, and takes the Oath to the States, 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris, and removeth the Offices of the Receipts, 401.  
Lewis XIII. born, 419.  
Lion, an unfortunate accideent there, 326. A new Sedition there, 451.  
Loudun, Assembly there justified, 301. which produced several Complaints and Apologies, 302. Answered by the King, 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace, 235.  
Luson Bishop of, made a Cardinal, 360. His Character, Ibid. His Speech to the King, 173. He withdraws from the Queen, 272. He writes against the Ministers, 274. His ill Counsel, 341, etc.   

M.  
MAcon the Bishop of, his Speech to the King, 274. Proves ineffectual, 277. Remarks upon it, 317.  
Mage, the Judge, 422.  
Main Duke of, his Death, 322.  
Mandamus Final to the Sovereign Council of Bearn, 311. Attended by Decrees of Council, 312.  
Maniald dies, 427.  
Mansfield Count, treats with the Reformed, 340. Gained by the Court, 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations, Ibid.  
Marans Count, of his Hostilities against Sancerre, 268.  
Marets, Minister of Alets, put to Death, 494.  
Marriage of Converted Priests, 431.  
Masuyer's false dealing, 423. His Character, 373. He writes to the King, 374. More of him, Ibid. etc.  
Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville, ruined by Favas, 389.  
Metz, the Reformed forbid to erect a College there, 517.  
Milletiere, a writing of his, 373. His Project about Reunion of the Protestants and Papists, 477. Refuted by Daille, 478 Turns Catholic through Necessity, Ibid.  
Ministers Foreign, a Declaration against 'em, 436. Decrees against 'em, 503. Minister's Pensioners, 121. Allowed to assist at Political Assemblies, 270. Ministers of Charentons' Answer, 273. The Treachery of some punished, 354.  
Miron, President, his Character, 172.  
Missions and Missionaries, 467.  
Mombazon Duke of, his care of the Reformed, 324, 325.  
Mompellier besieged, 344. Holds out stoutly, 352. The King's Infidelity to Her, 358. A Citadel built there contrary to the Treaty, 377. The building of it opposed by Maniald, Ibid. Innovations there, 436. The Foundation of it by whom, Ibid.  
Monks converted, their Rogueries, 271.  
Monsanglard Minister his Process, 532.  
Montauban defended by La Force, 318. The Siege raised, 319. Reduced, 463.  
Moulin in danger of being secured, 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries, 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him, 392.  
Mucedorus Marquis of, condemned by the Parliament of Rennes, 355.   

N.  
NErac a Presidial Court erected there, 416.  
Negrepelisse taken by Assault, and great Cruelties there exercised, 334.  
Nomination of General Deputies permitted, 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it, Ibid.   

O.  
OAth of Union, 377. Renewed by the Assembly of Tonneins, 165.  
Offices, 441. The Catholics combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em, Ibid. 448.  
Omer Talon's manner of Pleading, 510. His Distinction between the Right of Exercise and the Right of the Church, 511.  
Oppression continued, 501.  
Orleans Duke of, commences a Civil War, 492.   

P.  
PAmiers City of, goes to Law with Bishop, 392.  
Papers of the Reformed General, 366. Answers to 'em, 367. Of the Clergy of Saintes, 385. Full of Malice, 386. Calmly answered by the Court, 402, 404. Papers answered by the Court, 113. General Paper of the Assembly of Grenoble, 207. Answered, 208. Papers of the Clergy favourably answered, 291.  
Parliaments encroach upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers, 114. The Parliament ordains the continuance of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion, 224. Their Acts of Injustice, 302.  
Parpailler, the Original of the Word, 347.  
Pau, the Parliament there forbid the Exercises, 425.  
Payment of Ministers, 406.  
Peace, Proposals of it renewed, 342, The Court would have the King grant it to have a Lord and Master, Ibid. Three several Persons give their Opinions upon it, 343. Peace agreed before Mompellier, 352, 353. Honourable for the Duke of Rohan, 355. All the Cities accept it, 357. Ill observed by the Court, Ibid. Peace discoursed of, 401. Concluded between the King and the Reformed, 411. Peace made with the Reformed, 459.  
Perron Cardinal, his Harangue to the third Estate, 171.  
Petit's Project about the Reunion, 476.  
Du Plessis, his Death, 379. Elected Precedent of the Assembly of Saumur, 30. He fortifies Saumur, 44. His wise Counsel, 58. Trick put upon him to get Saumur out of his hands, 421.  
Politics Bloody, of the Catholic Clergy in France, 315.  
Pons, Regulations there against the Reformed, 539.  
Pope, his Brief to Lewis XIII, 316.  
Precautions to prevent disorder, 4.  
Precedency adjudged to the Catholics, 434. To the Catholic Counselors of the Chamber of Guienne, 503. To the Catholic Counselors of the Chamber of Castres', 514.  
Priests and Monks changing their Religion, 442. Priest converted his Children, 452. A Priest put to Death for bewitching his Nuns, 505.  
Privas Besieged and Betrayed, 454. The King's Declaration upon the taking of it, 457. re-established, 498. The Castle retaken, 377.  
Puimirol, laughed at for his Loyalty, 314.  
Puisieux a new Favourite, Adviser of Horse proceeding against the Reformed, 359. His Favour short, 360. His Promise to the Nuncio, 363.   

Q.  
QUeen Mother hates Cardinal Richlieu, 460. Withdraws into Flanders, 471.  
Queen Regent, Characters of Her, 30. Offended with the Duke of Rohan, 124. She Consents to the removal of Rochebeaucour, 137. The Princes discontented with Her Regency, 153. She prepares to Assemble the General Estates, 166. She takes a Progress with the King, 203. She escapes from Blois, 319. Her scruples, 339. She forms a powerful Party, 340. Her Forces defeated procure a Peace, 343.  
Question to ensnare the People, 526.   

R.  
REconciliation of the great ones Projected, 132.  
Regency given to the Queen, 5.  
Reformed unfortunate every where, 315. Quit their Habitations, 326. Accused of Piring the Bridges of Paris, Ibid. Of Firing the Gaol of Lion, 327. They reassume fresh Courage, 332. Disarmed, 350. The exercise of their Religion forbid, 368. A singular Artifice used to oblige 'em to call themselves Pretended Reformed, 369. Their Condition impaired by the Commissioners at Gergeau, Remorentin, and Tours, 382. The Reformed dissatisfied with the King's answers, 405. They send Deputies to the King, 427. Who remonstrate, Ibid. And return with the Kings Answer, 427. In great Consternation, Ibid. Feared at Court, 488. Faithful to the King, 493. The Condition of the Reformed, 5. Who are dreaded and yet afraid, Ibid. They fall into a fond Opinion of safety, deceived by the Court Artifices, 10. They take part with the House of Guise in a Quarrel, 94. They abhor the Name of Pretended Reformed, 109. Their Strength in the County of Avignon, 110. They obtain Gergau instead of Grenoble, but dissatisfied desire Grenoble again, 182, 183. Reformed disarmed at Bourdeaux, 223. Inclined to the Queen Mother's Service, 328. Their faults and the cause, 344. Begun to be used as Rebels, 366. All manner of Justice refused 'em, 377. To be destroyed root and branch, 397, etc. The Peaceable Reformed disarmed, 419, etc.  
Regulations for Villiers le Bel, and the Dauphinate, 420. Regulations of Union, 72.  
Relapsers, remarkable Orders against 'em, 415.  
De Retz Cardinal, 329.  
Reunion projected, 472. Inclinations of the Ministers towards it, 475. And of the People, 476. Difficulties that obstructed it, Ibid. The issue of it, 479. The Truth of it, Ibid.  
Richelieu Cardinal, his Maxims, 388. His designs, of which he is forced to delay the Execution, 410. Jealousies between him and Buckingham, 416. His backside, 417. Conspiracies against him, 419. He takes a Journey into Italy with the King, 453. His Project of Reunion, 473. He oppresses the Public Liberty, 491. Much a do to guard himself from Conspiracies, 497. His Death, 451.  
Rieuperieux summoned by the Council, 422.  
Rochechovard, particular acts of Injustice there, 423, 468.  
Rochel hard pressed by Land and Sea, 351. The Privileges of it disputed, 400. Excepted by the King out of the Peace, 408. The ruin of it sworn, and the King strives to put particular Laws upon it, 408, 409. Accepts the Conditions somewhat mollified, 411. The Condition of it, 420. Still blocked up, 437. The Irresolution of the Inhabitants, 440. They intercept a Packet of Court Letters, Ibid. Rochel Resolves and Publishes a Manifesto, 441. Surrendered, 443. Refuses to submit to the English, 444. How the Inhabitants were dealt by, 446. General Assembly convened at Rochel, 255. The Circle of Rochel sends Deputies to the King, 257.  
Rohan Duke of, 317. Detained Prisoner at Mompellier, 363. Released, 364. He advises the Reformed Cities what to do, 366. Meditates great designs, 395. Enterprise of Rohan and Soubife, Ibid. His Politic Devotions, 398. Seconded by his Wife, 399. He Publishes a Manifesto, 441. Personal Enmity, between him and the Prince of Condè, 451. Decrees and Declarations against him, 453. He treats with Spain, 457. He retires out of the Kingdom, 463. Accused of the ruin of the Churches, 467, Serves the King in Italy, 494. Breaks with the Duke of Bovillon, 118. Differences between him and Rochebeaucour, 131 His high Pretensions, 136. Reconciled to the Duke of Bovillon, 150. Engages in the Queen's Party, 338. His Death, 413.  
Royan surrendered to the King, 332.   

S.  
Sacrilege pretended, 428.  
Sancerre seized by the Reformed, 250.  
Saumur, an Attempt of the Sheriffs of that Place, 151.  
Scholars of the Academy of Saumur run themselves into a Praemunire, 496. Forbidden, 534.  
Schomberg Marshal, 329.  
Schools, forbid at Roven, 426. At St. Foi, Ibid. Ordered distinct, Ibid. 448.  
Sedition at Paris, 324. At Orleans, 347. At Lion, Ibid. The Violence of it, 349. At Paris, 89. At Rochel, 133. At Milhau, 173. At Belestar, 174. Sedition at Pau, against Renard the King's Commissioner, 309. At Tours, 406, etc.  
Sessions, Grand Sessions in Poitou, 507. They put the Churches into great affrights, Ibid. And make an important Decree, Ibid.  
Sick People tormented by the Monks, 416, 417. Visited by the Priests, 452.  
Soubife defeated, 332. Solicits for succour in England, 351. His succour cast away in the Harbour, 352. Meditates great designs, 395. Betrayed by Novailles, 396. He disingages himself, 397. His success altars the face of Affairs, 398. His Manifesto, 399. Answered, 400. He prospers, 402.  
Spanish Fleet before Rochel, 444.  
State's General of France meet, 168. The third Estate oppressed▪ by the Nobility and Clergy, Ibid.  
St. Mark, Commissioner in the Synod of Alenson, 401.  
Substance of the General Cahier of the Assembly of Saumur, and of the Answers to it, 73, etc.  
Sulli Duke of, made a Marshal of France, 502. He takes false measures, 6. He is advised to look to himself, 7. His disgrace, 19 Removed from the Exchequer and Government of the Bastille, 20. He writes to the Queen, 21. His Affair examined, 25. An anonimous Answer to his Discourse, 27. His Speech to the Assembly, 48.  
Synod at Alenson, 401. The Commissioners Speech there, Ibid. And his Instructions, 402. The Moderators Answer, 404. Their Deputation to the King, 407. The Deputies how treated at Court, 410. Nomination of General Deputies, 411. They make particular Deputies, 412. They condemn Militieres' Projects, 412. And approve Daille's writings, Ibid. They appease the Dispute about universal Grace, Ibid. Synod National at Charenton, 370. Send Commissioners to the King, 372. Their Obedience, 375. Proposals made there by Galand, Ibid. They send a new Deputation to the King, 376. Synod National, 420. Synod of Realmont, 422. An Article drawn up in that Synod for discovery of all such as had a hand in the Spanish Treaty— it offends the Churches— and is disowned by the National Synod, 425. The National Synod names General Deputies, 428, 429. And come to divers Resolutions, 429. National Synod at Charenton, 480. The Commissioners Speech, Ibid. Answered, 482. They send Deputies to the King, 485. Their Papers, Ibid. The Deputies favourably received, 487. Important Resolutions taken by the Synod, 488. Synod National at Alenson, 540. Synod at Blois, 90. Synod National of Privas, 99 Complaints of the Synod of Blois, 103. Care of the Synods for the Reconciliation of the Grandees, 105. National Synod at Tonneins, 158. Synod National at Vitre, 266, etc. Synod National at Aletz, 349, etc.   

T.  
TIerache, the Reformed Inhabitants there treated favourably, 117.  
Titenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel, 308. He answers Milletiere, 373.  
Tonneboutonne Mass resettled there, 447.  
Tonneins derided for her Civility, 314.  
Treatise entitled, The Eucharist of the Ancient Church, 500  
Tremoville Duke of, submits, 313.  
Troubles in France renew'ed, 394, 129. Troubles end, 143. Troubles of Privas, 354, etc. At Nimes occasioned by a Jesuit, 376. New Troubles in Bearn, 402.   

V.  
VAlence's Credit, 365.  
Valence Bishop of, persecutes the Foreign Ministers, 469.  
Vatan, the Lord of it dies, 94.  
Vendosm Duke of, foiled before Britesse, 346.  
De Vic, 329.  
Vieville, his ingratitude and ill success, 388.  
Villarte a Monk sent to Foix, and his Behaviour there, 338. Attestations given him, Ibid. His Triumph but a Chimaera, 402.  
Vitrè, the Church there pulled down, 443.  
Union signed and sworn, 100 Treated of between the Prince of Condè and the Assembly of Nimes, 216.  
United Provinces send succour to France, 438.  
University of Poitiers, the Statutes revived, 421. University regulated, 450.  
Voices and Opinions divided in the Court of Castres' and the Issue of it, 429.  
Ursulin's of Loudon, the Farce acted upon 'em, 504.   

W.  
WAtons besieged & taken, 379. Retaken and restored, 380.  
War against the Reformed, the Reasons for it prevail, 332. The success of it in many Places, 346. Civil War, new Seeds of it, 470.  
War new in France, the Presages of it, 378.  
William de Hugues, his Negotiations in England, 390.    

A TABLE of the Edicts, Declarations, etc. Serving for Proofs to the Second Part of this Work.  

THe King's Declaration upon the Edict of Pacification, May 22. Page 455.  
General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly of Saumur, August 29. 1611. 458.  
Writing of the Assembly at Saumur, Anno 1611. and Answer. 462.  
A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming the Edict of Nantes and the Particular Articles. At Paris, April 24. 1612. Registered in Parliament May 25. of the same Year. 482.  
A Declaration of the King, in favour of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming the Preceding Declaration of April 24. Given at Paris, July 11. 1612. and verified August 8. 484.  
A Declaration of the King, and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes, given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verified, Jan. 2. 1613. 486.  
A Declaration of the King's Majority, containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Pacification, and Prohibiting Duels. At Paris, Octob. 1. 1614 Verified the 2. of the same Month and Year. 489.  
A Declaration of the King touching the renewing of all the Edicts of Pacification, Articles agreed, Regulations and Decrees in pursuance of the same. Published in Parliament the last of April, 1615. 491.  
A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in favour of those of the said Religion. Given at Bourdeaux, Novemb. 10. 1615. 494.  
An Extract of the King's Edict for the Pacifying the Troubles of his Kingdom; given at Blois May 1616. Verified June 13. the same Year. 499.  
Private Articles granted in the King's Name by his Deputies sent to the Conference at Loudon, to the Prince of Condè, to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles; after that, seen, approved, and ratified by his Majesty, 500  
A Declaration about the Edicts of Pacification, given at Paris, July 20. 1616. And verified August 4. the same Year. 503.  
A Declaration of the King containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Loudun, and the Private Articles of it. Given at Paris the last of September 1616. and verified Octob. 25. 504.  
A Declaration of the King against unlawful Assemblies of any of the Pretended Reformed Religion at Casteljaloux and Bearn; given at Paris May 21. 1618. and verified May 25. 506.  
A Declaration of the King, confirming the Edicts of Pacification, and the Assemblies of Casteljaloux, and Orthes approved, dated May 24. 1619. 508.  
A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun, together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edict of Pacification. Dated Feb. 26. 1620. 510.  
A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience, dated April 24. 1621. 514.  
A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants and other Persons within the Cities of St. Angeli and Rochel are declared guilty of High Treason. Published June 7. 1621. 517.  
A Declaration of the King containing Prohibitions to all his Loving Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion remaining in their Obedience, to stir from their Houses either in the City or Country, under the Penalties therein expressed, dated July 25. 1622. 520.  
A Declaration of the King upon the Peace, which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion, confirming the Preceding Edicts of Pacification. Dated October 19 1622. 521.  
A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers, 524.  
A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches, 535.  
The King's Declaration providing against the Propounding or Treating of any Affairs in the Assemblies of the Pretended Reformed Religion, but such as are permitted by the Edicts. Dated April 17. 1623. 536.  
A Declaration of the King's good Will to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Verified in Parliament, November 27. 1623. 537.  
A Declaration of the King against the Duke of Soubize and his Adherents. Given at Paris, Jan. 25. 1626. 539.  
A writing given by the English Ambassadors to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of England Garranty of the Peace in 1626. 542.  
An Edict of the King, upon the Peace which it pleased his Majesty to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Dated March 1626. 543.  
A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and other Adherents to the Party of the English, etc. Given at Villeroy, August 5. 1627. 548.  
A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion. Given at Paris, December 15. 1628. 551.  
The King's Edict upon the Grace and Pardon granted, as well to the Duke of Rohan, and the Sieur de Soubize, and to all his other Rebellious Subjects of the Cities, etc. Given at Nimes in July 1629. 553.    
FINIS.