Clavi Trabales; OR, NAILS FASTENED by some Great MASTERS of ASSEMBLIES. Confirming 

The KING'S SUPREMACY.  
The SUBJECT'S Duty.  
Church Government by BISHOPS.   The Particulars of which are as followeth 

I. Two Speeches of the late LORD PRIMATE USHERS. 

The one of the King's Supremacy,  
The other of the Duty of Subjects to supply the King's Necessities.    
II. His Judgement and Practice in Point of Loyalty, Episcopacy, Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England,  
III. Mr. hooker's Judgement of the King's Power in matters of Religion, advancement of Bishops etc.  
IV. Bishop ANDREWS of Church-Government etc. both confirmed and enlarged by the said PRIMATE.  
V. A Letter of Dr HADRIANUS SARAVIA of the like Subjects.   Unto which is added a Sermon of REGAL POWER, and the Novelty of the DOCTRINE of RESISTANCE, Also a Preface by the Right Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of LINCOLN.  
Published by Nicholas Bernard, Doctor of Divinity, and Rector of Whit-church in Shropshire.  
Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret, ut quid quam moliret adversus Regiam Majestatem, ego tamen Deum 〈◊〉 & ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem.  Bern. Ep. 170. ad Ludovicem Regem. An. 11●0 
London, Printed by R. Hodkginson, and are to be sold by R. Marriot, at his Shop in St. Dunstan's Churchyard in Fleetstreet. 1661.   

THE PREFACE.  
THese two learned Speeches of the late Lord Primate Ʋsher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together. The one, Of the King's Supremacy, may not only be instructive to those of the Church of Rome, but to some of our own Communion, who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgement of it. The other, Of the duty of Subjects to supply the King's necessities, was occasioned by the slowness in Ireland of contributing to the King, for the maintenance of the Army, continued there for their own defence, the great imprudence of which parsimony, we felt, to our own loss not many years after; wherein that distinction in point of Loyalty, made between those descended of the ancient English race (though differing from us in point of Religion) and those of the mere Irish (which is there much enlarged) may be now worthy of observation. The whole Speech is full of Loyalty, Prudence and Learning, for which, as he had his late Majesties (of Blessed Memory) gracious thanks, so he had as little from others, who were then as backward in assenting to the like Propositions here, conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point.  
Both these Speeches thus tending to the defence of Regal Power, and the duty of Subjects, hath (in submission to the judgements of those whom I much reverence) occasioned the putting forth a Sermon of mine upon the like Subject, which I have the rather adventured so near this eminent Primate, as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at Dublin, anno 1642. when it was first delivered; of which more is said in an Advertisement before it.  
Hereupon I have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent Prelate not only of His Judgement in this Subject, but in point of Episcopacy, Liturgy, and Constitutions of the Church of England, from the various misapprehensions of such, who being of different opinions, the great respect given him by the one, hath been a scandal to the other: But by this impartial relation of his Judgement and Practice in each, it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfied as to unite in the exemplary observance of that Piety, Loyalty, Conformity, and Humility found in him.  
And whereas some do much appeal to that Accommodation of his in relation to Episcopacy (wherein he was not single) proposed Anno 1640. (which then they did not hearken unto) they are herein remembered what was that which caused it, even the pressing violence of those times, threatening the destruction of the whole, with the sole end of it, a pacification, whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own Interest then, for the tranquillity of the Church (like Ionas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the Tempest) would be worthy of all our Imitations now. The appeal here is from that Storm, unto what his practice was in calm and peaceable times, which if followed, would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us.  
The Fruit expected to be reaped from this declaration (besides the satisfaction of mine own mind, which was not at rest without it) is the due honour of him, for whose I am obliged to sacrifice mine own. That as he is admired abroad, so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home. And as the peace and unity of the Church was studied by him in his life time, so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death. And surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy, would but now upon the sight of this, writ after him the Ark of our Church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition, and immediately rest upon firm ground.  
Heretofore, having an occasion to vindicate this most Learned Primate in point of Doctrine (so unhappy often are persons of his eminency, as after their deaths to be challenged Patrons to contrary parties) I had An. 1658. a Letter of Thanks from the late Reverend Bishop of Durham (Bishop Morton) in these words, viz. I acknowledge hereby my obligation of Thankfulness to you, not only for the book itself, but especially for your pains, in vindicating that admirable Saint of God, and Star, primae magnitudinis, in the Church of God, the Primate of Armagh, etc. In which high esteem of the Primate, the now Reverend Bish. of Durham succeeds him, who hath often signified it, in divers of his Letters which I received from Paris to that purpose.  
Hereunto two other Treatises have been thought fit to be added (mentioned in the foresaid vindication (but then not intended to be published) which the Eminent Primate had a hand in. The one, Mr. hooker's Judgement of Regal Power, in Matters of Religion, the advancement of Bishops, and the King's Exemption from censure etc. Left out of the common copies enlarged and confirmed by the Primate, all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the Fathers, being under his own hand, are noted with this mark*  
The other a Treatise of the Form of Church Government before and after Christ, etc. The main aim of it is to show, that the Government of the Christian Church established by the Apostles under the New Testament was according to the pattern of that in the Old, than which scarce any book in so little, speaks so much, for the preeminency of Episcopacy. It first appeared Anno 1641. under the Title of the rude draughts of Bishop Andrews, (which though I was in doubt of, by the contrary opinion of an eminent person, (heretofore near unto him) yet I am confirmed in it by what I find written by that Learned Bishop in answer to Peter de Moulin, wherein is found not only the substance, but the very words that are used both within this Treatise, and the Emendations. vid. resp. ad 3. epist. p. 193. 194. Vis arcessam adhuc altius, vol è veteri Testamento, atque ipsâ adeò lege divinâ? Facit Hieronymus, & ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex veteri Testamento, quod Aaron, & filii ejus, atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt, hoc sibi Episcopi, Presbyteri, atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesiâ▪ Facit Ambrose, utrobique, in 1. Co. 12. & 4. add Ephes, de Judaeis loquens; Quorum, inquit, traditio ad nos tranfitum fecit, Aaronem mitto ne quasi Christi typum rejicias. Filiis ejus sacer dotibus nonne in singulis familiis suus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est Praelatus, sive ut alibi dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Episcopus? Gersonitis, Num. 3. 24. Kaathitis v. 30. Meraritis, v. 30? Nun vivente adhuc patre suo, Eleazar ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Praelatus Praelatorum v. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Archiepiscopus, sunt ergo in lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Evangelio Apostoli, septuaginta duo, septem illi, Act. 6. In Apostolorum praxi de duohus illis sumpta, Episcopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi.  
Again it hath been assured me by a Reverend Bishop, that the abovesaid Rude Draught was wrote by the hand of Bishop Andrews own Secretary, and that the said Bishop did deliver it himself to the Primate, Anno 1640. who, though it came in that imperfect condition, yet finding so many excellent observations wrought out with very great industry, he judged it forth with, as it was, worthy of the Press: But afterwards upon a further review, he added his strength to the perfecting of it, which I found amongst his papers done throughout with his own hand, and with it a Manuscript of the same, corrected accordingly by him. And in the conclusion of that, a very learned hand had contributed to it also, signifying by marks referring to several Pages, what he would have added, altered, or further enquired into, Now whether the Author of that be Bishop Andrews, or some other learned person, I shall not determine, only seeing it was his custom in what he published (as I am assured) first to write a rough draught, then after some distance of time to take a review, and a third before it passed his hand, this might be the second, and the third supplied by the Lord Primate, wherein the last desire of the Author hath been satisfied, he not only enquiring into, but clearing those difficulties in Chorography and Chronology, which I have in their due places inserted, with the learned additions before mentioned. So that whether the whole be the labour of those two eminent Prelates (the one laying the Foundation, the other building upon it) or be a three fold cord, it is here faithfully presented without any dimunition or addition, even where there seemed to be some small imperfection which in a few places do occur, all which some years agone Doctor Brounrigg the late Bishop of Exeter, upon the view of gave me his judgement for the publishing of them.  
I have only this to add, That for every particular passage in the whole, I have no warrant to entitle the Primates judgement to it. Only it is apparent by his great pains in the double correction, and supply made by himself in some Specialties, he had a very great value of it. The Primates Annotations are noted with this marke*. And the supposed Authors additions and changes are noted with this mark [] though in some omitted.  
Lastly, finding among the said Primates papers a Letter of D. HADRIANUS de SARAVIA to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsey, (which I cannot hear was ever published.) I have thought fit to add also, the Subject being so near a kin to the former, concerning both the KING'S POWER, EPISCOPACY, and the CONSTITUTIONS of the Church of England, whose advice to them many years agone, may be of good use to others now.  
I have no more, but to wish that the Judgement of these eminent Authors may be so prevalent with others, much inferior to them, that they may be moved accordingly to study quietness, and seek those ways of peace, which of latter years we have not known.   

The Bishop of Lincoln's Preface to the Reader.  
Courteous Reader,  
THe Four Authors of these scattered (and some of them imperfect) pieces, by the care and diligence of the learned Publisher gathered up, preserved from perishing, and presented to the World here altogether in one view, were all of them men famous in their times, and of so high esteem, that common opinion had set them up (which is not always the Lot of Worth and Virtue) above the reach of Calumny and Envy, even whilst they were yet living, much reverence every where paid, not to their Persons only, but to their very Names: Their writings carried Authority with them, as well as Weight; and the evidence of Truth (which hath a marvellous strength to cast down every imagination that exalteth itself there against) shining forth in their Works, subdued all men (that had not to serve Interests laid aside their Reason) to their Judgements, insomuch as the Adverse Party finding themselves not so well able to stand upon their own bottom, nor likely to hold up the reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle, have been sometimes put to the pitiful shift of setting forth Suppositious Pamphlets in favour of their cause, under the counterfeit names of other men of known Piety and Parts, whose former writings having been entertained with general approbation abroad in the world, their very names (they thought) would give some countenance to any cause which they could seem in any degree to own. So sometimes poor men's Bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them; only because it is known they are well able to maintain them.  
This is one of their Piae frauds or Godly Cheats, a practice common to them with the Jesuits, as many other of their practices (eye and of their Doctrines too) are. Such an unhappy fatal coincidence, not seldom there is of Extremes. Thus dealt they with the Reverend Primate of Armagh, printing in his name, and that in his life time too, (such was their modesty and tenderness of Conscience) two several Pamphlets, the one called Vox Hiberniae, and the other, A Direction to the Parliament, etc. See pag. 151. And sure, if they had the forehead to make thus bold with him, when he was alive, able to complain of the injury done him, and to protest against it: We cannot doubt but that if need were, they would make at least as bold with him and his name after he was dead, when they might do it with greater security and less fear of control. See pag. 60. They that betake themselves to these un worthy arts, though they may please themselves for a while with an imagination, that by this means the people will fall to them apace, and thereout they shall suck no small advantage to their Cause and Party; yet as it mostly cometh to pass, such their rejoicing is but short: For the imposture once discovered (nor is it often long before that be done; for a lying tongue is but for a moment) the Impostors are forced to lie down in sorrow, and that (if they could be found out) with shame enough. For, such discovery once made, wisemen fall off faster from them, than ever fools came on; concluding the Cause to be desperately crazy, that must be beholding to such weak props as these to shore it up, and support it.  
How they that are guilty of such foul play will be able to make answer for their insincerity before the tribunal of the great Judge at that his day (if yet they that do such things can really believe there is any such thing as a day of Judgement to come) I leave to their own Judgements in this their day to consider. As for us qui leges colimus severiores, as we profess our utter abhorrency of all forgery and other like un worthy & unchristian attempts in any person of whatsoever persuasion he be, or for what soever end it be done, so we hold ourselves religiously obliged to use all faithfulness and sincerity in the publishing of other men's works; by suffering every Author to speak his own sense in his own words, nor taking the boldness to change a phrase or syllable therein, at least not without giving the Reader, both notice where, and some good account also why we have so done. Such faithfulness and ingenuity the learned publisher of these Treatises professeth himself to have used, in setting them forth, neither better nor worse, but just as he found them in the Reverend Primate's Paper, some perfect, and some imperfect, according as they were, and still are in the Copies which are in his custody, and which he is ready upon all occasions to show, if need shall require.  
The Primates two Speeches, and Dr. Saravia's Letter, are set forth perfect, according as they are in the Original Copies to be seen. The Treatise of the Form of Church-Government heretofore published, and (very probably) supposed to have been some Collections of the most Learned and Reverend Bishop Andrews, but whereunto the Author had not put to his last hand, is a piece though little in bulk, yet of huge industry, and such as neither could the materials thereof have been gathered without very frequent reading, and attended observing of the sacred Text, nor being gathered could they have been easily contrived or digested into any handsome Form so compendiously without the help of a methodical and mature judgement; which doubtless had the Author polished and finished according to his own mind, abilities, and exactness in other things, would have given very much satisfaction to the impartial Reader, and done good service to the Church of God. Yet rather than a Tract of so much usefulness should not be publicly known to the World, the Publisher in order to the public good, thought fit (notwithstanding whatsoever defects it may have for want of the Authors last hand thereunto) to join it with the rest in this Edition, especially the Learned Primate having had it under his File, as by the Notes and other Additions written with the Primates own hand (which I have seen and can testify) doth plainly appear. The same also is to be said of the three pieces of the renowned Hooker, and of what is written with the same hand in the Margin of the Manuscript Copy, whereof some account is given, pag. 47.  
Great pity it is, if it could be holpen, that any thing which fell from the Pen of any of these Four Worthies should be lost. But where the entire Work cannot be retrived; it is pity but (as in a Shipwreck at Sea, or Scath-fire by land) so much of it should be saved as can be saved, be it more or less. Those men have been always thought to have deserved well of the Commonwealth of Learning, that have bestowed their pains in collecting out of the Scholiasts, Grammarians, Lexicons, and other ancient Authors, the Fragments of Ennius, Lucilius, Cicero, the Dramatike Poets, and of other learned, though but Heathen Writers, whether Greek or Latin. How much more than ought the very imperfest Fragments and Relics (so they be genuine) of such excellent persons, that tend so much to the advancement, not of the knowledge only, but of the Power also of Christianity, and of Godliness as well as Truth, be acceptable to all those that are true Lovers of either? Of Gold quaevis bracteola, the very smallest filings are precious, and our Blessed Saviour, when there was no want of provision, yet gave it in charge to his Disciples, the off-fall should not be lost. The more commendable therefore is, and the more acceptable to the men of this Generation should be, the care of the Reverend Preserver and Publisher of these small but precious Relics of so many eminent persons, men of exquisite learning, sober understandings, and of exemplary piety and gravity, all concurring in the same judgement, as concerning those points (Factious Spirits in these latter times so much opposed) of Regal Sovereignty, Episcopal Government, and Obedience in ceremonials.  
What the Reverend Doctor hath added of his own, as touching the Learned Primates Judgement in the Premises, and confirmed the same by instancing in sundry particulars under those three General Heads; and that, from his own personal knowledge, and long experience (having for divers years lived under or near him) is in the general very well known to myself and many others, who have sundry times heard him, as occasion was given, deliver his opinion clearly in every of the aforesaid points, which were then grown to be the whole Subject (in a manner) of the common discourse of the times. But one particular I shall mention, which above the rest I perfectly remember, as taking more special notice of it when it was spoken then of the rest, because I had never heard it observed by any before, and having myself oftentimes since spoken of it to others upon several occasions; which for that it hath given satisfaction to some, I think it my duty to make it known to as many others as I can, by acquainting the Reader with it, and it concerneth the Ceremony of the Cross after Baptism, as it is enjoined by Law, and practised in the Church of England.  
The use of this Ceremony had been so fully declared, and (as to the point of Superstition where with some had charged it) so abundantly vindicated, both in the Canons of the Church, and other writings of Learned men, that before the beginning of the Long Parliament, and the unhappy Divisions that followed thereupon, there were very few in the whole Nation (scarce here and there one) either of the Ministers that made scruple to use it, or of the People that took offence at it. But after that some leading men of the House of Commons in that Parliament, for the better driving on the design they had upon the King, had let all loose in the Church, whilst some few stood fast to their honest Principles (and were most of them undone by it) the greatest part of the Clergy (to their shame be it spoken) many for fear of losing their own, more in hope to get other men's livings, and some possibly out of their simplicity beguiled with the specious name of Reformation, in a short space became either such perfect Time-Servers as to cry down, or such tame Complyers with the stronger Side, as to lay down ere they needed, the use of the whole Liturgy, and of all the Rites and Ceremonies therein prescribed. But among them ail none in the whole bunch so bitterly inveighed against, nor with such severity anathematised, as this of the Cross, as smelling ranker of Popery & Superstition then any of the rest, as it is even at this day by the Managers of the Presbyterian Interest represented as of all other, the greatest Stone of offence to tender Consciences, and the removal of it more insisted upon, then of all the other Ceremonies, by such men, as having engaged to plead in the behalf of other men's tender Consciences, do wisely consider withal, that it will not be so much for their own Credit, now to become Time-Servers with the Laws, as it was some years passed for their profit to become Time-Servers against the Laws.  
These out-cries against a poor Ceremony, to us (who were not able to discern in it any thing of harm or Superstition, worthy of so much noise) afforded sometimes, when two or three of us chanced to meet together, matter of discourse. It happened upon a time, that falling occasionally upon this Theme, the Learned Primate among other things said to us that were then casually present with him, that in his opinion the Sign of the Cross after Baptism, as it is appointed in the Service-Book, and taken together with the words used there withal, was so far from being a Relic of Popery, that he verily believed the same to have been retained in the Church of England at the Reformation, of purpose to show that the custom used in the Church of Rome, of giving the Chrism to Infants immediately after their Baptism, was in their Judgements neither necessary to be continued in all Churches, nor expedient to be observed in ours. Which his opinion, as it is most certainly true in the former, so to me it seemeth very probable in the latter branch thereof.  
For first, how can that be with any truth affirmed, or but with the least colour of reason suspected to be a Popish Custom, or a Rag or Relic of Rome, that hath been for above a hundred years used (and that use by Law established) in the Protestant Church of England, but is not at all used, nor (for aught I can learn) ever was used by the Papists in their Churches, nor is it by any Order or Authority of the Church of Rome enjoined to be used in any Church in the world that professeth subjection thereunto. True it is, that in the Office of Baptism, according to the Roman Ritual, the sign of the Cross is very often used, from first to last, at least twenty times (viz. in the Benediction of the Salt, in the Exorcisms, in the formal words of Administration, and otherwise) yet as luck would have it, that sign is not made, nor by the Ritual appointed to be made upon the Child's Forehead, as with us is used: Nor are those very words therewithal used, nor other words to the like purpose by the said Ritual appointed to be so used (showing what the intent, meaning and signification of that Sign is) as in our Service Book is done. And true it is also (for I will not, as I think jought not dissemble any thing that I can imagine might be advantageously objected by an Adversary) that according to the Roman Order the Minister as soon as he hath finished the Baptism (Ego baptizo te etc.) is in the next place to anoint the Infant crosswise, with a certain Prayer (or Benediction rather) to be said at the same time, as by the Ritual printed at Antwerp, An. Dom. MDCLII. pag. 23. may appear. But so far distant is that Rite of theirs from this of ours in many respects, as may also by comparing their Ritual with our Service Book appear; that ours cannot with any congruity be thought to have been drawn by that pattern, or to have been borrowed or taken from their practice. For first,  
1. Theirs is actus immanens, a material anointing and so leaveth a real effect behind it, the visible Form or Figure of a Cross, to be seen upon the Child's head, after the act is done. But ours is a mere transient act, an immaterial sign of a Cross made in the air, without any sensible either impression or expression remaining when the act is over.  
2. Theirs is done upon the Top or Crown of the head (in summitate capitis. Ritual p. 23.) which is else where expressed by Vertex (see pag. 49. & 51. & 56.) which sure must needs have some other signification, if it have any, than ours hath. Which is done upon the Child's Forehead, the proper seat (by the common judgement of the world, and according to the grounds of Physiognomy) of shamefacedness and boldness, and so holdeth a perfect analogy with that which the Church intended to signify by it in token that he shall not be ashamed etc.  
3. Their Cross belongeth precisely to the anointing with the Chrism, whereunto it relateth, and hath such a dependence thereupon, that supposing there were no such Chrism used in the Church of Rome, there would be no place left for the Cross in all that part of the Office that followeth after the formal words of Baptism, as from the frame and order of their Ritual is most evident. It cannot therefore be the same with the Cross used in our Church, where the Chrism is not at all used, but thought fit rather at the Reformation to be (I dare not say condemned as unlawful and superstitious, but) laid aside, as at least unnecessary and useless, as many other Ceremonies (still retained in the Church of Rome) were, because, though some of them were guiltless, yet they were grown so burdensome by reason of their multitude, that it was fit the number of them should be abated.  
And yet secondly there might be, and (in the Primates judgement) probably there was a more peculiar Reason why after Baptism our Church did substitute the sign of the Cross with the words thereto appertaining, in stead of the Chrism and the Cross attending it, used in the Church of Rome. The Ceremony of giving the chrism to Infants in all likelihood came into the church about the same time, when (through the misunderstanding of a passage in John 6. 53.) the opinion of the necessity of administering the Lords Supper to Infants had obtained in the christian church. And that (as it seemeth) to supply in some sort the want of confirmation wherein the like Ceremony of anointing with the chrism was used) of which young children were not capable, and which yet was in all reason to precede the receiving of the Lords Supper. That opinion in time vanished as an Error, and with it the practice of communicating Infants ceased. But still the custom of giving them the chrism continued, as a kind of initial confirmation (if I may so call it) as if by it were conferred some degree of that grace, which in their account) is the proper effect of the Sacrament of confirmation, to wit, the grace of Spiritual Strength, to fight against the Spiritual Enemy of the Soul, the flesh, the world and the Devil: Now to prevent the imagination of any such efficacious virtue in the chrism, and to show that by Baptism alone (which is sacramentum militare) without the addition of the chrism, the person baptised receiveth all that benefit of grace and strength, whatsoever it be, which he should do, if the chrism were joined with it (for by Baptism he is not only received into the church as a Member of Christ, but matriculated also into the Militia as a Soldier of Christ) it might very well be thought convenient, laying aside the anointing with the chrism (per modum crucis) crosswise, that the Minister as soon as he hath baptised the child, should in express words signify to the Congregation, that he is now become the Soldier of Jesus Christ, as well as a Member of his Church, with the sign of the cross also used there withal as a significant ceremony in token that the person so baptised being now the Soldier of Christ, should not be ashamed of his profession, nor behave himself cowardly therein.  
This is the substance of what the Learned Primate declared to us to be his Judgement concerning the use of this Ceremony, and the place it hath in our Liturgy. In the setting down whereof, if for the Readers fuller satisfaction I have allowed myself a good liberty of enlargement, either for the farther confirming, or the better clearing of ●is opinion: I hope none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it, having gone all along upon his grounds, and perfectly to his sense. This Story, of what discourse we had with the Primate at that time (as I had to others heretofore, so) I told very lately to the Reverend Doctor, the Publisher of these Treatises, who told me back again, that himself had also heard him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid, and remembreth particularly (which I here publish, having the Doctors Warrant so to do) that he so declared it in a public Speech (mentioned pag. 63.) before a great Auditory at Drogheda in Ireland, when he first confirmed children there.  
I am unwilling, having gone thus far already to weary the Reader or my Self with proceeding any farther, nor indeed is it needful I should. For (since only by pride cometh contention, Prov. 13. 10. if all men that pretend to be wise and honest would be humble (and truly he that is not so, is neither honest nor wise) and make that their business which is certainly their Duty: That is to say, if they would study quietness more, and Parties less, bear a just reverence to Antiquity and to their betters, allow as favourable a construction to things established as they are capable of, suspect their own judgement, wherein it differeth from the public, submit to reason, and yield when they are convinced, obey cheerfully where they may, and where they dare not, suffer without noise, a little saying and writing would serve the turn. But when men are once grown to this, to make it their Glory to head or hold up a Party; To study ways how to evade when they are called to obey; To resolve to err, because they have erred, and to hold their conclusion in despite of all Premises; To prefer their private opinions before wiser men's judgements, and their reputation with the vulgar before Obedience to Superiors; In a word, to suffer themselves to be swayed with Passions, Parties, or Interests; all the writing and saying in the World, as to such men (until it shall please God to put their hearts into another Frame) is to no more purpose, then if a man should go about to fill a Seive with Water, or to wash a Blackamoor white.  
When we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can, we shall in the end find the best expedient for Peace, and the best Service we can do the Church, ourselves, and our Brethren, to be our constant and instant Prayers to Almighty God (with our subservient Endeavours) that he would give to every one of us, a discerning judgement to see the Truth, and a willing mind to embrace it, conscience to do what we ought, and Patience to suffer what we must, Humility to acknowledge our own, and Charity to bear with other men's infirmities, that so we may keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace, and fulfil the Law of Christ, which is the unfeigned hearty Wish of  
London Aug. 10. MDCLXI. The unworthy Servant of JESUS CHRIST Ro. Lincoln.   

The Contents of each Treatise.  

I. Of the Oath of Supremacy.  

THe distinct Power of the Sword and Keys.  
That the Sword is not restrained to Temporal Causes only.  
That there is a Civil Government in Causes Spiritual, and a Spiritual Government in Causes Civil.  
The Right Sense of the Oath.  
Four Arguments against the Bishop of Rome's Title, to an universal Supremaey.  
King James His gracious Thanks to the Primate for it.    

II. Of the Duty of Subjects to supply the King's Necessities.  

The Pretensions of Spain to the Kingdom of Ireland.  
The Distinction in point of Loyalty between those of the ancient English Race, and the mere Irish.  
The hatred shown by the latter to the former in the Colleges abroad.  
The moderating and answering Objections on both sides, for and against the Contribution propounded.  
Divers Records produced as precedents for it  
His judgement, as a Divine, in the ●ase, not to be an Arbitrary Act, but a matter of Duty and Conscience.  
That the denying of the King what is necessary for the support of his Kingdom, is no less a Robery of him then a Subtracting of Tithes and Oblations is called a Robbery of God by the Prophet.    

III. Of the late Lord Primate Ushers Judgement and Practice.  

1. In point of Loyalty. 

The Occasion of his writing of that book of the Power of the Prince, etc.  
His joy or sorrow, according to the success of his Majesty's affairs.  
His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty.    
2. In point of Episcopacy. 

His writing for it. Exercise of the jurisdiction of it.  
The occasion and end of those Proposals concerning it, An. 1641.  
His censure upon the Omission of the form of words used by the Bishop in the Ordination of the Church of England.  
His sufferings for it.  
The right sense of that gradual superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter.  
His confirmation of Books tending to the Preeminency of Episcopacy.    
3. Of the Liturgy. 

His daily observing of the Book of Common-prayer.  
At Drogheda the Service sung upon Sundays before him, as in Cathedrais of England.  
His observing of the Ceremonies and causing them so to be.  
His pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous.  
His Constancy in the abovementioned to the last.  
The falsehood of some Pamphlets since his death.  
Some specialties observed in him as to decency and Reverence in the Church at public prayer, etc.    
4. The Constitutions and Canons, etc. 

His subscription to the 3. Articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the Canons of England.  
The severity, put in with his own hand, in the first Canon of Ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the Articles of England, Observation of the annual Festivals, Good-Friday, etc.  
Confirmation of Children, Church Catechism.  
Canonical decency of Apparel in the Clergy.  
Consecration of Churches, etc.      

IV. Mr. hooker's Judgement confirmed by the Primate.  

1. The King's power in matters of Religion.  
2. Of his Power in advancement of Bishops to their Rooms of Prelacy.  
3. The King exempt from Censure and other judicial power.    

V. Bishop Andrews Judgement, (as it is conceived) of Church Government before and after Christ, etc. confirmed and enlarged by the Primate.  

In the Old Testament.  
1. Before the Law.  
2. Under Moses.  
3. Among the Priests.  
4. Under Joshua,  
5. Under David (where is much added by the Primate.)  
6. Under Nehemiah.   
A Recapitulation of the whole, etc. with some new enlargements by the supposed Author, answering the objections made against having the like government now, and giving reasons why it may be now.  

In the New Testament.  
1. In the time of our Sáviour.  
2. In the days of the Apostles and after. 

Of Deacons, Evangelists, Priests and Bishops.  
Of the persons executing those Offices.  
Of the promiscuous use of their names.  
The use of the Bishop's office, and the charge committed to him.  
The choice of persons to their Callings.      

VI A Letter of Dr. Hadrianus de Saravia to the Island of Garnzay.  

Of the first Reformation in the Island.  
Subjection to Episcopal jurisdiction.  
Difference in the Case, between them and France and the Low-Countries.  
Their Synodical meetings not justifiable.  
The King's Power in making of a Law.  
Of Ordination otherwise then by Bishops.  
Of the Scotch Reformation.  
D. Hadr. Saravia with other learned men's Subscriptions to the Articles, and Liturgy of the Church of England.  
A Pamphlet printed under the name of the late Archbishop of Armagh concerning the Liturgy and Church Government, declared to be none of his. As he hath been also injured and is still by another Book entitled, a Method of Meditation, or a Manual of Divine Duties, which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. I did in his name declare, to be none of 
☞  his, but falsely put upon him, and have done so twice since his death, yet is still reprinted, and sold up and down as his, to the great injury of him.  
The late Lord Primate Ushers judgement of the sign of the Cross in Baptism, confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface.    

VII. The Contents of the Sermon  

Regal Power of God's Ordination  
That of 1 Pet. 2. 13. Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of man etc. Answered, Saul's Election not by the People: Difference in Religion quits not the due of Obedience.  


The Novelty of the Doctrine of Resistance.  
The pharisees the first among the jews  
The Arguments for it, taken out of Bellarmine and the Jesuits, which many other Writers of the Church of Rome do contradict.    


The Ancient Father's Loyalty to the worst of Emperors  
1. Constantly praying for them Tertullian, etc.  
2. Not giving the least Offence in word or writing, St. Hillary Nazianzen etc.  
3. Not stirring up the people in their own defence. 

St. Augustine's Commendation of the Christians under Julian, Tertullias under Severus.  
St. Ambrose, Athanasius and others.  
That Evasion viz. That the Christians than wanted Power to resist, cleared out of Eusebius, Tertullian, St. Ambross, Theodoret.      


Rebellion always found the Ruin of the Actors.  
The Speech of Rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up Arms against the Emperor.  
A Conclusive Application.       

An Animadvertisement.  
SUch of the Bishops and Clergy as by God's Mercy escaped with their Lives to Dublin, in that Bloody Rebellion in Ireland Anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great, though sad meeting, to have somewhat like a Commencement in that University. The Doctor's part (pro gradu) was the Concio ad clerum. The Text Rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the Epistle appointed for the day, being the Tuesday after the Fourth Sunday after the Epiphany. The day (according to that account) of the late Kings (of Blessed Memory) murder. The Doctrine delivered, was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed, that he was forced to send a Copy to the L. Primate Usher, who gave his approbation of it. And upon the Thirtieth of january last, 1660. (the day of Humiliation for the abovesaid Murder) it was preached in English at the Honourable Society of Grayes-Inn London. The Intention was to have published it in that Language it had its first being, but by the Printers Experiment of the slowness of the Sale in that, as the better suiting with these other Tracts, and that the Profit intended would be of a farther extent, the latter was resolved of.   

ERRATA.  
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REcensui Librum cui Titulus, CLAVI TRABALES.  
Imprimatur  
Tertio Nonas Sext. 1661. MA. FRANK. S. T. P. Reverendo in Christo Patri Episcopo Londinesi à Sacris Domesticis.   

A SPEECH Delivered in the CASTLE-CHAMBER at DUBLIN. 22. of November, Anno 1622. At the Censuring of some Officers who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy.  By the late Lord Primate Usher then Bishop of Meath. 
WHat the danger of the Law is for refusing this Oath hath been sufficiently opened by my Lords the Judges, and the quality and quantity of that Offence hath been aggravated to the full, by those that have spoken after them. The part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the Conscience, touching the Truth and Equity of the matters contained in the Oath; which I also have made choice the rather to insist upon, because both the form of the Oath itself requireth herein a full resolution of the Conscience (as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof; I do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience etc.) And the Persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence, but only the simple Plea of Ignorance.  
That this point therefore may be cleared, and all needless Scruples removed out of men's minds: Two main Branches there be of this Oath which require special Consideration. The one Positive, acknowledging the Supremacy of the Government of these Realms in all Causes whatsoever, to rest in the the King's Highness only; the other Negative, renouncing all Jurisdictions and Authorities of any Foreign Prince or Prelate within His Majesty's Dominions.  
For the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that Exhortation of St. Peter, Submit yourselves unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake, whether it be unto 
1 Pet. 2. 13, 14.  the King, as having the Pre-eminence, or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. By this we are taught to respect the King, not as the only Gove nor of his Dominions Simply (for we see there be other Governors placed under him) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as him that excelleth, and hath the pre-eminence over the rest, that is to say (according to the Tenure of the Oath) as him that is the only Supreme Governor of his Realms. Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion, that whatsoever Power is inetdent unto the King by virtue of his place, must be acknowledged to be in him Supreme, there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Sovereignty, as to have another Superior power to overrule it.  Qui Rexest, Regem (Maxim) non habeat. 
In the second place we are to consider, that God for the better settling of Piety and Honesty among men, and the repressing of Profaneness and other Vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth, the one of the Keys committed to the Church, the other of the Sword committed to the Civil Magistrate, That of the Keys is ordained to work upon the Inner man, having immediate Relation to the remitting or retaining of sins. That of the Sword is 
John 20. 23.  appointed to work upon the outward man, yielding Protection to the obedient, and inflicting external punishment upon the Rebellious and Disobedient. By the former the spiritual Officers of the Church of Christ are enabled to govern well, to speak, and exhort, and rebuke with 
1 Tim. 5. 17. Tit. 2. 15. Mat. 16. 19 & 18. 18  all authority, to lose such as are penitent, to commit others unto the Lord's Prison until their amendment, or to bind them over unto the Judgement of the great Day) if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacy. By the other, Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them, for the defence of such as do well, and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil, whether by death or banishment, or confiscation of Goods or Imprisonment, 
Rom. 13. 4: Ezra 7. 26.  according to the quality of the offence.  
When St. Peter that had the Keys committed unto him, made bold to draw the Sword, he was commanded to put it up, as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withal; 
Math. 20. 52.  and on the other side, when Uzziah the King would venture upon the Execution of the Priest's office; it was said unto him It pertaineth not unto thee Uzziah to 
2 Chron 26 18  burn incense unto the Lord, but to the Priests the Sons of Aaron, that are consecrated to burn Incense. Let this therefore be our second conclusion, that the Power of the Sword and of the Keys are two distinct ordinances of God, and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priest's function, than the Priest hath to intrude upon an● part of the office of the Prince.  
In the third place we are to observe that the power of the Civil Sword, (the Supreme managing whereof, belongeth to the King alone) is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only, but is by God's ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Things and Causes; That as the Spiritual Rulers of the Church do exercise their kind of Government in bringing men unto obedience, not of the duties of the first Table alone, (which concerneth Piety and the Religious Service which man is bound to perform unto his Creator) But also of the second (which respecteth moral honesty, and the Offices that man doth owe unto man: So the Civil Magistrate is to use his Authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table, as well as against the Second, that is to say as well in punishing of an Heretic or an Idolater or a Blasphemer, as of a Thief, or a Murderer, or a Traitor, and in providing by all good means, that such as live under his Government may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all Piety and Honesty.  
And how soever by this means we make both Prince and 
1 Tim. 2. 2.  Priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque Tabulae. Keepers of both God's Tables, yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their Offices together; for though the matter wherein their government is exercised, may be the same, yet is the form and manner of governing them always different, the one reaching to the outward man only, the other to the Inward; the one binding or losing the soul, the other laying hold on the body, and the things belonging thereunto: The one having special reference to the Judgement of the world to come, the other respecting the present, retaining or losing of some of the comforts of this Life.  
That there is such a 
* As on the other side, that a Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Government is exercised in Causes Civil or Temporal: For is not Excommunication a main part of Ecclesiastical Government, and Forest Laws a special branch of causes temporal, yet we see in sententiâ, lat● super Chartas, An. 12 R. H. 3. that the Bishops of England pronounce a solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Infringers of the liberties contained in Chartâ de forestâ.  Civil Government as this in Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiastical no man of Judgement can deny; For must not Heresy (for example) be acknowledged to be a Cause merely Spiritual or Ecclesiastical? and yet by what power is an Heretic put to death: The Officers of the Church have no authority to take away the life of any man, it must be done therefore per brachium seculare, and consequently it must be yielded without contradiction, that the Tempor all Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his Civil Government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature Spiritual or Ecclesiastical.  
But here it will be said, the words of the Oath being general that the King is the only supreme Governor of this Realm, and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries. How may it appear, that the power of the Civil Sword is only meant by that Government, and that the power of the Keys is not comprebended therein? I answer, First that where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be the Governor of his own Dominions and Countries; by common intendment this must needs be understood of a Civil-Government, and may in no reason be extended to that which is merely of another kind. Secondly, I say, That where an Ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an Oath, it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministered. Now in the case, it hath been sufficiently declared by public authority, that no other thing is meant by the Government here mentioned but that of the Civil Sword only.  
For in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Archbishop and Bishops, and the whole Clergy in the Convocaetion holden at London▪ Anno 1562. Thus we read. Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the Chief Government (by which Titles we understand the minds of some standrous folks to be offended) we give not to our Princes the Ministering either of God's word or of the Sacraments (the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen, doth most plainly testify) but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself, that is, that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their Charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubbornand evil doers.  
If it be here objected, that the Authority of the Convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the Exposition of that which was enacted in Parliament: I answer that these Articles stand confirmed, not only by the Royal assent of the Prince (for the establishing of whose Supremacy, the Oath was framed) but also by a special Act of Parliament, which is to be found among the Statutes, in the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth, Cap. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the Law have full authority to expound the Law, and they have sufficiently manifested, that by the Supreme Government given to the Prince, they understand that kind of Government only which is exercised with the Civil Sword: I conclude that nothing can be more plain than this, that without all scruple of conscience the King's Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only Supreme Governor of all his Highness Dominions and Countries, as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes, as temporal, and so have I cleared the first main branch of the Oath.  
I come now unto the Second which is propounded negatively: That no foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate hath or aught to have any Jurisdiction Power, Superiority, Pre-eminence or Authority, Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm. The Foreigner that challengeth this Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction over us is the Bishop of Rome: And the Title whereby he claimeth the Power over us, is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world, because he is St. Peter's Successor for sooth. And indeed if St. Peter himself had been now alive, I should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual Authority, and Superiority within this Kingdom, But so would I say also if St. Andrew, St. Bartholomew, St. Thomas, or any of the other Apostles had been alive, for I know that their Commission was very large, to go into all the world, and to preach the Gospel unto every Creature. So that in what part of the 
Mark 16. 15.  world soever they lived, they could not be said to be out of their charge, their Apostleship being a kind of an Universal Bishopric. If therefore the Bishop of Rome, can prove himself to be one of this Rank, the Oath must be amended; and we must acknowledge that he hath Ecclesiastical Authority within this Realm.  
True it is that our Lawyers in their yearly Books, by the name of the Apostle do usually design the Pope. But if they had examined his Title to that Apostleship, as they would try an Ordinary man's Title to a Piece of Land, they might easily have found a number of Flaws and main defects therein; for first it would be enquired, whether the Apostleship was not ordained by our Saviour Christ, as a special Commission, which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first Apostles. For howsoever at their first entry into the Execution of this Commission, 
Acts 1. 25, 26.  we find that Mathias was admitted to the Apostleship in the Room of Judas; yet afterwards when James the Brother of John was slain by Herod, we do not read that any other was substituted in his place. Nay we know that the Apostles generally left no Successors in this kind: Neither did any of the Bishops (he of Rome only excepted) that sat in those famous Churches wherein the Apostles exercised their Ministry, challenge an Apostleship or an Universal Bishopric by virtue of that succession.  
It would Secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce, to show that one of the Company was to hold the Apostleship, as it were in Fee, for him and his Successors for ever, and that the other Eleven should hold the same for Term of life only. Thirdly, if this State of perpetuity was to be cast upon one, how came it to fall upon St. Peter, rather than upon St. John, who outlived all the rest of his Fellows, and so as a Surviving Feoffee, had the fairest Right to retain the same in himself and his Successors for ever; Fourthly if that State were wholly settled upon St. Peter, seeing the Romanists themselves acknowledge, that he was Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome; We require them to show, why so great an Inheritance as this, should descend unto the younger Brother (as it were by Borough-English) rather than to the Elder (according to the ordinary manner of descents) especially seeing Rome hath little else to allege for this preferment, but only that St. Peter was crucified in it, which was a slender reason to move the Apostle so to respect it. Seeing therefore the grounds of this great claim of the Bishop of Rome appear to be so vain and frivolous, I may safely conclude that he ought to have no Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Authority within this Realm, which is the principal point contained in the Second part of the Oath.  
King JAMES His Gracious Letter of Thanks to the Primate for his Speech.  
JAMES R.  
RIght Reverend Father in God, and Right Trusty and well beloved Counsellor We greet you well,  
you have not deceived Our expectation, nor the gracious opinion We ever conceived both of Your Abilities in learning, and of your Faithfulness to Us and Our Service; Whereof as We have received sundry Testimonies both from Our precedent Deputies, as likewise from Our Right Trusty and wellbeloved Cousin and Counsellor the Viscount Falkland, Our present Deputy of that Realm, so have We now of late in one particular had a farther Evidence of your Duty and Affection well expressed by your late carriage in Our Castle-Chamber there, at the censure of those disobedient Magistrates, who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy, wherein your zeal to the maintenance of Our just and lawful Power, defended with so much Learning and Reason, deserves Our Princely and Gracious Thanks, which We do by this Our Letter unto you, and so bid you farewel,  
Given under Our Signet at Our Court at White-Hall the Eleventh of January 1622. In the Twentieth Year of Our Reign of Great Britain, France and Ireland. To the Right Reverend Father in God, and Our Right Trusty and wellbeloved Councillor The Bishop of Meath.   

A SPEECH delivered by the Lord PRIMATE USHER before the Lord Deputy and the great Assembly at His Majesty's Castle in DUBLIN, April the last 1627.  
MY LORD,  
THe Resolution of these Gentlemen in denying to contribute unto the supplying of the Army sent hither for their defence, doth put me in mind of the Philosopher's observation, That such as have respect unto a few things, are easily misled; the present pressure which they sustain, by the imposition of the Soldiers, and the desire they have to be eased of that Burden, doth so wholly possess their minds, that they have only an eye to the freeing of themselves from that Encumbrance, without looking at all to the Desolations that are like to come upon them by a long and heavy War, which the having of an Army in readiness might be a means to have prevented. The lamentable effects of our last Wars in this Kingdom, doth yet freshly stick in our Memories. Neither can we so soon forget the depopulation of our land, when besides the Combustions of War, the extremity of Famine grew so great, that the very women in some places by the way side, have surprised the men that road by to feed themselves with the flesh of the horse or the rider; and that now again here is a storm towards wheresoever it will light, every wise man will easily foresee, which if we be not careful to meet with in time, our State may prove irrecoverable, when it will be too late to think of. Had I wift.  
The dangers that now threaten us are partly from abroad, and partly from home; Abroad, we are now at odds with two of the most Potent Princes in Christendom, and to both which, in former times the discontented persons in this Country have had recourse, proffering the Kingdom itself unto them, if they would undertake the conquest of it. For it is not unknown unto them that look into the search of those things, that in the days of King Henry the Eighth, the Earl of Desmond made such an offer of this Kingdom to the French King, (the instrument whereof yet remains upon record in the Court at Paris) and the Bishop of Rome afterwards transferred the Title of all our Kingdoms unto Charles the Fifth, which by new Grants was confirmed unto his Son Philip, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, with a resolution to settle this Crown upon the Spanish Infanta; which Donations of the Popes, howsoever in themselves, they are of no value, yet will they serve for a fair colour to a potent Pretender, who is able to supply by the Power of the Sword whatsoever therein may be thought defective. Hereunto may we add that of late in Spain, at the very same time when the Treaty of the Match was in hand. there was a Book published, with great approbation there, by one of this Country Birth Philip O Sullevan, wherein the Spaniard is taught, that the ready way to establish his Monarchy (for that is the only thing he mainly aimeth at, and is plainly there confessed) is first to set upon Ireland, which being quikcly obtained, the Conquest of Scotland first, of England next, then of the Low-countrieses, is foretold with great facility will follow after.  
Neither have we more cause in this Regard to be afraid of a Foreign Invasion, than to be jealous of a Domestic Rebellion, where lest I be mistaken, as your Lordships have been lately, I must of necessity put a difference betwixt the Inhabitants of this Nation; some of them are descended of the Race of the ancient English, or otherwise hold their Estates from the Crown, and have possessions of their own to stick unto, who easily may be trusted against a Foreign Invader, although they differ from the State in matter of Religion; for proof of which fidelity in this kind, I need go no further than the late Wars in the time of the Earl of Tyrone wherein they were assaulted with as powerful temptations to move them from their Loyalty as possibly hereafter can be presented unto them for at that time, not only the King of Spain did confederate himself with the Rebels, and landed his forces here for their assistance, but the Bishop of Rome also with his Breves and Bulls, solicited our Nobility and Gentry to revolt from their obedience to the Queen; Declaring that the English did fight against the Catholic Religion, and aught to be oppugned as much as the Turks, imparting the same Favours to such as should set upon them, that he doth unto such as fight against the Turk, and finally promising unto them that the God of peace would tread down their enemies under their feet speedily; and yet for all the Pope's Promises and threatenings which were also seconded by a Declaratian of the Divines of Salamanca and Valledolid, not only the Lords and Gentlemen did constantly continue their Allegiance unto the Queen, but also were encouraged so to do, by the Priests of the Pale, that were of the Popish Profession who were therefore vehemently taxed by the Traitor O Sullevan, for exhorting them to follow the Queen's side, which he is pleased to term Insanam & venenosam Doctrinam & Tartareum dogma, A 
O Sullevan Hist. Cathol. Hib. sol. 20. & 2●3.  mad and venomous Doctrine, and a hellish opinion; but besides these, there are a great number of Irish, who either bear a secret grudge against the English planted among them, or having nothing at all to lose upon the first occasion, are apt to join with any Foreign Invader, for we have not used that policy in our Plantations, that wise States have used in former times. They when they settled new Colonies in any place, did commonly translate the ancient Inhabitants to other dwellings; We have brought new Planters into the land, and have left the old Inhabitants to shift for themselves, who being strong in body, and daily increasing in number, and seeing themselves deprived of their means and maintenance, which they and their Ancestors have formerly enjoyed, will undoubtedly be ready when any occasion is offered to disturb our quiet, whether then we cast our eyes abroad, or look at home, we see our danger is very great.  
Neither may you, My Lords and Gentlemen, that differ from us in point of Religion, imagine that the Community of profession, will exempt you more than us from the danger of a Common-Enemy; Whatsoever you may expect from a Foreigner you may conjecture by the Answer which the Duke of Medina Sidonia gave in this Case in 88 That his Sword knew no difference between a Catholic and a Heretic, but that he came to make way for his Master; and what kindness you may look for from the Countrymen that join with them, you may judge as well by the carriage which they ordinarily use towards you and yours, both in the Court, and in the Colleges abroad, as by the advice not long since presented by them unto the Council of Spain, wherein they would not have so much as the Irish Priests and Jesuits that are descended of English blood to be trusted, but would have you and all yours to be accounted enemies to the designs of Spain. In the Declaration published about the beginning of the Insurrection of James Fitz-Morice in the South, the Rebels professed it was no part of their meaning to subvert, honorabile Anglorum solium. Their Quarrel was only against the Person of Queen Elizabeth, and her Government; but now the case is otherwise, the translating of the Throne of the English to the power of a Foreigner, is the thing that mainly is intended, and the re-establishing of the Irish in their ancient possessions, which by the valour of our Ancestors were gained from them.  
This you may assure yourself, Manet alta ment repostum, and makes you more to be hated of them than any other of the English Nation whatsoever. The danger therefore being thus common to us all, it stands us upon to join our best helps for the avoiding of it, only the manner how this may be effected is in question. It was wont to be said, Iniquum petas ut aequum feras, and such perhaps might be the intent of the Project, the other day propounded unto you; but now I observe the distaste you have conceived against that, hath so far possossed you, that you can hardly be drawn to listen to any equal motion. The Exceptions taken against the Project, are partly general, made by all; partly special that toucheth only some particulars, of the former there are two, the quantity of the sum demanded, and the indefiniteness of the time, which is unlimited; for the proportion required for the maintenance of Five thousand Foot and Five hundred horse you allege to be so great, and your means so small, that in undertaking that which you are no ways able to perform, you should but delude His Majesty, and disappoint the Army of their expected pay. And although the sum required were far less, and for a time able to be borne by you, yet are you fearful that the payment being continued for some number of years, may afterwards be continued, as a constant revenue to His Majesty's Exchequer with which perpetual burden you are unwilling to charge your Posterity.  
The Exceptions of the second kind are taken against the grants annexed unto the former demands, the granting whereof seemed rather to hinder then further the Service, as not so agreeing with the Rules of Equity; for first some have the full benefits of the grants, and have their charge little augmented, as the Countries which pay composition Rents, which by those grants during the time of the New payments are suspended. Secondly, others that have the charge of the payment imposed upon them to the full, are not Partakers at all of the benefit of the grants, as the British planted in the six escheated Counties of Ulster. Thirdly such as are most forward to further His Majesty's Service, and to contribute with the Most, are troubled in Conscience for yielding thereto upon the Terms proposed, especially for that Condition whereby the Execution of the Statute against Recusants is offered to be forborn.  
Wherein if some of my brethren the Bishops have been thought to have showed themselves more forward than wise in preaching publicly against this kind of Toleration; I hope the great charge laid upon them by yourselves in Parliament, wherein that Statute was enacted will plead their excuse. For there the Lords Temporal, and all the Commons do in God's name earnestly require and 
Stat. Hyb. 20. Eliz.  charge all Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other ordinaries, that they shall endeavour themselves to the utmost of their knowledge, that the due and true execution of this Statute may be had throughout their Dioceses, and charged as they will answer it before God, for such Evils and Plagues as Almighty God might justly punish his people for neglecting those good and wholesome Laws, So that if in this case they had holden their tongues, they might have been censured little better than Atheists, and made themselves accessary to the drawing down of God's heavy vengeance upon the people.  
But if for these and such like Causes the former Project will not be admitted, we must not therefore think ourselves discharged from taking further care to provide for our safeties. Other consultations must be had, and other courses thought upon which need not to be trable to the like Exceptions; where the but then is borne in common, and the aid required to be given to the Prince by his Subjects that are of different Judgements in Religion, it stands not with the ground of common Reason, that such a condition, should be annexed unto the Gift, as must of necessity de●er the one party from gi●ing at all, upon such Terms as are repugnam to their Consciences. As therefore on the one side, if we desire that the Recusants should join with us in granting of a common aid, we should not put in the condition of executing the Statute, which we are sure they would not yield unto; so on the other side, if they will have us to join with them in the like contribution they should not require the condition of suspending the Statute to be added, which we in conscience cannot yield unto. The way will be then freely to grant unto his Majesty what we give, without all manner of condition that may seem unequal unto any side, and to refer unto his own sacred breast how fat he will be pleased to extend or abridge his Favours, of whose Lenity in forbearing the executing of the Statute, our Recusants have found such experience, that they cannot expect a greater liberty, by giving any thing that is demanded, then now already they do freely enjoy.  
As for the fear that this voluntary contribution may in time be made a matter of Necessity, and imposed as a perpetual charge upon posterity, it may easily be holpen, with such a clause as we find added in the grant of an aid made by the Pope's Council An 11. H. 3. out of the Ecclesiastical 
Pat. An. 11. Hen. 3. 10. Tu●r. Lond.  Profits of this Land, Quod non debet trahi in confuetudinem, of which kinds of Grants, many other Examples of later memory might be produced, and as for the proportion of the sum which you thought to be so great in the former proposition, it is my Lords desire that you should signify unto him, what you think you are well able to bear, and what yourselves will be content voluntarily to proffer. To allege as you have done, that you are not able to bear so great a charge, as was demanded may stand with some reason, but to plead an unability to give any thing at all, is neither agreeable to reason or duty.  
You say you are ready to serve the King as your Ancestors did heretofore with your bodies and lives, as if the supply of the King's wants with moneys, were a thing unknown to our Forefathers. But if you will search the Pipe-Rolls you shall find the names of those who contributed to King Henry the third for a matter that did less concern the 
Pat. An. 3. Hen. 3. Membran. 9  Subjects of this Kingdom, than the help that is now demanded, namely for the marrying of his Sister to the Emperor.  
In the Records of the same King kept in England, we find his Letters Patents directed hither into Ireland, for levying of money to help to pay his debts unto Lewis the Son of the King of France. In the Rolls of Gasconie we 
Pat. Gascony in 18 Edw. 2. m●mbr. 25. indo. s.  find the like Letter directed by King Edward the Second unto the Gentlemen and Merchants of Ireland, of whose names there is a List there set down, to give him aid in his Expedition into Aquitain, and for defence of his Land (which is now the thing in question.) We find an Ordinance likewise made in the time of Edward the 
Pat an. 44. Edw. 3. ●n Arch ●● Tu●r. Lond.  Third, for the personal taking of them that lived in England, and held Lands and Tenements in Ireland.  
Nay in this Case you must give me leave as a Divine to tell you plainly, that to supply the King with means for the necessary defence of your Country, is not a thing left to your own discretion, either to do or not to do, but a matter of duty, which in conscience you stand bound to perform.  
The Apostle Rom. 13. having affirmed that we must be subject to the higher powers, not only for wrath but for Conscience sake; adds this as a reason to confirm it, for, for this cause you pay Tribute also, as if the denying of such payment, could not stand with conscionable Subjection; thereupon he inferrres this conclusion. Render therefore unto all their due; tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom is due. Agreeable to that known lesson which he had learned of our Saviour Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and 
Math. 22, 21.  unto God the things which are Gods: Where you may observe that as to withhold from God the things which are Gods, man is said to be a Robber of God: whereof he himself thus complaineth in case of subtracting of Tithes 
Mal. 3. 8.  & Oblations: So to deny a supply to Caesar of such means as are necessary for the support of his Kingdom, can be accounted no less than a Robbing of him, of that which is his due, which I wish you seriously to ponder, and to think better of yielding something to this present Necessity, that we may not return from you an undutiful answer, which may justly be displeasing to his Majesty.  
ROME 13. 2. Whosoever resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves Damnation. 
THe former Chapter may be called the Apostles Ethics; this his Politics; in the former he had taught them their duties one to another, in this, towards the Magistrate. And for this subject, De officio subditorum both St. Peter, and this our Apostle are very often and copious upon, not only in this Epistle, but in divers others, inculcating it as his last words to Timothy and Titus, chargeing them to teach it to the generation 
Plurima tune tempor is circumserebatur sama traducens Apostolos veluti seditiosos rerumque novatores, etc.  succeeding, 1 Tim. 2. 1. & 3. 1. And (a) some Expositors conceive one Cause to be the Rumour then falsely raised upon the Apostles, as if they had been Seditious Innovators of the Roman Laws, and the Kingdom of Christ preached by them, tended to the absolving Subjects from their obedience to any other. Whose mouths he here stops in showing that the laws of Christ were not induced for the overturning the Civil, but confirming; not abolishing, but establishing and making them the more sacred. Abhorring those tumultuous spirits who under pretext of Religion and Christian liberty, run into Rebellion as if there could be no perfect service of Christ, nisi excusso terrenae potestatis jugo, without casting off the yoke of earthly power.  
In the text itself he exhorts to a Loyal subjection from these two principal Arguments. First from the Original of Regal Power, ordained of God; Secondly the Penalty of resisting it, threatened as from God himself; They shall receive to themselves damnation.  
Every word in the Text hath its Emphosis.  
Whosoever] See how he commands a subjection without exception as in the former verse, Let every Soul; Omnis Anima, si Apostolus sis, si Evangelista, si Prepheta, sive quisquis tandem fueris (as S. Chrysostom upon the place.)  
Resisteth] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which implies how all preparative Ordering of forces & Risings to that end (as the Syriack renders it qui insurgit) are condemned, as a violation of God's Ordinance; not only an actual resistance by open force in the field, commonly called Rebellion (like that of Absolom against David, Jeroboam against Rehoboam) but all secret undermining of a Prince by fraud and falsehood tending to it.  
The Power] 'Tis observable the Apostle rather mentions the power then the person armed with it, to teach us we should not so much mind the worth of the person as the authority itself he bears. We acknowledge that sacred Apothegme of the Apostle (Acts 5. 29.) 'tis better to obey God then man: but both may be at once obeyed: God actively, and the Magistrate passively, as the Apostles themselves than did.  
The Ordinance of God] As if Rebellion were Giantlike, 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Rom. ●om. 23.  a waging of war with God himself, as St. chrysostom hath it, which fully checks that proud conceit of some (viz.) that being made heirs of God, they are no longer to be made subject to man.  
Receive to themselves damnation.] As the Rebellion is against God, so from God the penalty is threatened, and that not 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Rom. 〈◊〉. 23.  a common one, but exceeding heavy, as St. Chrysostom upon it. The Vulgar Latin reads it, Ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt, implying the vanity & madness of it, Nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit, Men that run their heads against a Rock, hurt themselves, not it: and so in conclusion Rebels seek their own ruin, and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 Pet. 2.  
By this short Paraphrase upon the words, these two observations may be deduced: First, that Regal power is derived from God: Secondly, that it is not lawful for Subjects to take up Arms in the resistance of it without being fighters against God, and in peril of damnation.  
The first is so apparent that I need not insist upon it: 'Tis acknowledged even by heathens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. You see it de facto in the old Testament Moses (who was ● King in Jeshurun) was appointed 
(d) Deut. 33. 5.  of God, and Joshua succeeding him, the Judges as Elective Kings were raised by him also: Saul, David, etc. 'Tis the complaint of God (Hoseae the 8.) fecerunt reges, sed non ex me; They have made themselves Kings, but not by me. God, who is the God of Order, and not of Confusion, was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive Monarchy; The firstborn was his own establishment in his specch to Cain (though a bad, and his Brother Abel a righteous person) only by right of his primogeniture (Gen 4. 9) his desire shall be subject to thee, and thou shalt rule over him, from whence it succeeded in jacob's family (Gen. 49 28) Reuben thou art my first born, the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honour and authority▪ (ay, e.) the supremacy of both, and when he with simeon and Levy for their several crimes were disinherited by their father, and the primogeniture fallen to Judah; to him it was said, thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour, thy Father's children shall bow down unto thee (ver. 10.) to whom the Sceptre was given, and the gathering or Assemblies of the People. That as in the creation in the Natural government of the world God made one ruler of the day, the Sun, the sole fountain of Light (for the Moon and Stars are but as a Vice Roy of subordinate Governors, deriving theirs from him:) so was it in the Civil Government also.  
As God by whom King's reign, and who have the Title of God given them, I have said ye are Gods) is one; so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly, and in the Text ordained by him.  
Object. 1 There is a place which the adversaries of this doctrine much insist upon, 'tis out of S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a Magistrate an Ordinance of man: Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of man (as we render it) for the Lord's sake, whether to the King as supreme, or Governors sent by him, etc.  
The Answer is ready, that this is no ways a contradiction to St. Paul in this Text; for,  
1. By an humane Ordinance he doth not mean an humane Invention, but quia inter homines institutam, because it was ordained or appointed among or over men, called humane, respectu termiiii sive subjecti, but yet divine, respectu authoris primarii.  
The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we render Ordinance (being, as 
e In Decalog. Praer. 5. Nome● creaturae, (sio enim malim vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reddere, quam per ordinationem, cum nullibi in Scriptura tali sensu reperiatur usurpata) accipi potest pro eminentia ut sensus sit, subjecti esto●e eis qui inter homines eminent, sicut immedtate ●●idit sive Regi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi explicare volu sset ambiguam vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Rivetus observeth) never so taken throughout the Scripture were better rendered Creature (which it properly signifies) as the vulgar Latin doth it, omni humanae creaturae, to every humane creature. Now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent, as if the sense were, submit yourselves to all that do excel, or are eminent amongst or over men, according to the next words, whether to the King, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that excelleth: and the Hebrews do sometimes by a Creation imply a Rare and Eminent thing, Num. 16. 30. Si creationem creaverit deus. i e. if the Lord make a new or rare thing, To which agrees that of our Saviour in his last words to his Apostles, Mark 16. 15. Preach the Gospel to every Creature, i. e. man: Because of his excellency above all sublunary Creatures. 
f Sic quid n● á Petro hic per excellenti●m Rex dicitur, humana Creatura q●ia inter reliquos homines eminet. ibidem.  And thus why may not the King for the same cause, be so called here. So that St. Peter is so far from denying Regal Power to be ordained of God, that he rather confirms it. 
g Ibid. quia d●catur Creatura ideo actus Creatoris & humana per excellentiam, ideo a Deo originem traxisse qui origo est omnis excellentiae, quod sequentia etiam confirmant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 propter dominum. i e. quia cum instituit dominus.  A Creature, therefore the act of the Creator, and by way of excellency, therefore of God the sole original of it, and for the Lords sake, i. e. who hath so ordained him, or whom herepresents.  
Object. 2 For that objection of Saul's being elected by the people; the contrary appears (1 Sam. 12. 8. 5.) where Samuel saith thus to them, Answer. Dominus constituit regem super vos, and they to Samuel as a Delegate from God, Constitue nobis Regem, who in the name of God proposed to them jus Regis. And though Saul was elected by a Sacred Lot, yet ye have not the like again after him in David, Solomon, or any other, but they succeeded jure hereditario.  
Object. 3 But have evil Kings their power from God, Answer. Indeed as evil, they are not of him, because no evil can descend from him, from whom every good and perfect gift doth, (though for the sins of people, God may justly permit such) but we must sever their personal stains as men, from their lawful Authority received of God, which looseth not its essence by such an accession, 'tis no true maxim, Dominium fundatur in gratia, St. Paul applies that of Exod 22. to Ananias, Acts 23, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people, though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten. Pilate condemning Innocency itself, our Saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above, thou couldst not have any power over me, Nisi tibi data esset desuper. Claudius or Nero (whom elsewhere St. Paul calls a Lion) reigned when he writ this Epistle, and is doubtless included in the verse before the Text: the powers that be (i. e. now in being) are ordained of God, and exhorts to pay unto him as the Minister of God the due of Tribute, Custom, Fear, Honour, etc. Daniel acknowledgeth Nebuchadnezars dominion and Kingdom to have been given him of God, which copy the Fathers of the Primitive Church under Christianity we find to have wrote after.  
Constantius was an Arrian, and had exiled many of the Orthodox Bishops, yet 
* Apol. ad Constant. Tibi Deus Imperium commisi qui tuum imperium malignis occulis carpit contradicit ordinationi divinae.  Athanasius in his Apology to them saith thus, God hath given the Empire to him, whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it, doth contrary to God's Ordinance.  

h Apolog. Necesse est ut suspiciamus eum quim Dominus noster elegit, & merito dixerim, noster est magis Caesar ut a nostro deo constitutus.  Tertullian faith thus to the Emperor Severus in his Apology for the Christians, We must needs have him in great honour whom our Lord hath chosen, that I may truly say Caesar is rather ours then yours, as being constituted by our God, acknowledging him next to God, and less than God only, according to that known speech of Optatus * Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem: There is none above the Emperor but God only, who made him Emperor. And surely in the Text St. Paul can mean no other by the Powers, but the Roman Empire and Heathens, for none 
ay Colimus Imperatorem ut bominem a deo secundum, & solo deo minorem. ad scapul.  that were Christians had then any dominion. And so much for the first, that Kings and their Royal Power are of God's ordination.  
This supposed, the second point necessarily follows (which we shall a little longer insist upon) viz. that it is not lawful for Subjects to take up Arms. against their lawful Prince without being fighters against God, and running the hazard of damnation, according to the Text, They that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation.  
The 
k Pharisaei ●●nus hominum astutum, arrogans, de scrupu ofitate paternae legis gloriantes, & spectem p●etatis simulantes, Caesari (etsi cunct● gens Ju laica, jurejurando jurasset) sidelitatem ju are recusaverunt, imo, qui numero erant supra sex millia, Regibus adeo in●e●●i suerunt ut eos aperte opp●gnare ausi fuerint Josephus. Antiq 17. cap. 3.  Pharisees (as Josephus tells us) a subtle kind of men, proud, scrupulous about the Law, wherein they placed their Religion having a seeming show of piety, took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction, and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon, stiffly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance to Caesar, (and indeed were the first we read of that did so, for the whole Nation of the Jews had done it) and were great opposites to Regal power. There are too many who of late years have trod in their steps, one writes a seditious book, as an Anonymus, another puts a feigned name to it, by which dissimulation they show what is to be thought of the thing itself: Nam ●ui luce indigna tract at, lucem fugit, some of whom being of the vulgar, (and each are most apt to advance their own Order) have so promoted the pretended right of the people, that not being satisfied in quitting of Subjects from their obedience to their King, they have also (subverting the very course of Nature) given the people power over their King, And I wish the Jesuits only had given their votes to these paradoxes, but (which is the more to be lamented) there are some of our own, at least bearing the name, who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties, or drawn to it like Baalam for the wages of unrighteousness, have to the Scandal of our profession) delivered the same opinion with the Jesuits, and have taken their arguments out of them.  

l Principem esse propter populum princ●p● tum esse ex lege & au h●r●tate humana. Populum nunquam ita suam ●otestatem in regem transfer, quin illam sibi in habitu retineat, & in Cer●●●●si●a, etiam a ●u recipire possit l. 5. de Pontif. c. 8. quod lib. c. 8. Confirmat exemplis Oziae & Athalia, qui o●e populi, a solio sue●unt dejecti.  Bellarmine in his first book de pontifice Romano cap. 8. affirms, That the Prince was made for the People, That Principality is from humane Law and Authority, That the People can never so far transfer their Power over to a King, but they retain the habit of it still within themselves, and in some cases may actually reassume it; which he confirms (in his 5. book cap. 8.) by the Examples of Ozia and Athalia, who were deposed by the people; These have been the Assertions of some of our own, urged in the same sense and manner.  
Who hath not heard of these Maxims 
m Si princeps promissa servet, & no● servabimus: Bene im●erant●, been obtemperandun: Ad quem per●n●● institutio ad eundem destitutio.  So long as a King keeps his obligation, the people are obliged to theirs; he that governs as he ought, may expect to be accordingly obeyed. They that constitute may depose, etc. But are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed Writers.  
It was the speech of the 
* Helmold in Chron. Slau.  Bishop of Ments when the Emperor Henry the fourth's deposing was agitated. Quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum devestiamus, i. e. Him while well meriting we invested with the Empire, why may not we for his unworthiness disinvest again; 
n Avent. 5. annal.  Gregory the seventh (vulgarly Hildebrand) the Patron of Rebellious subjects endeavoured to draw them away from the Emperor, Quemadmodum militem ignavem imperator, etc. i. e. as the Emperor may Cashier a sluggish Soldier that neglects his duty in the Camp: So may the soldiery put off or desert an unfit King or Emperor. The Obligations of Subjects 
Si ab articulis recedant princip●s non debet obligatiatio nocere subtis, ibid.  are quitted if Princes recede from theirs. Thus much to show how near of kin such are to the Sea of Rome, which is a professed Adversary to Regal power, according to St. Paul's description of that man of sin, 2 Thes. 2. 10. Who opposeth himself against all that is called God, i. e. King's so called in Psalms.  
But now leaving these Parallels, let us come to the matter itself, and prove what we have asserted, both out of holy Writ, the ancient Fathers, and Practice of the Primitive Church, who we shall find have not limited their loyalty within that narrow compass, viz. the King's defence of the true Relogion, but continued it under their opposition to it.  
First, That those who have or shall presume thus to resist, do tread under feet the holy Scriptures; appears by the whole current of them.  
Suppose an unjust, cruel, bloody act in a King. Was not David in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murder of Uriah, after his Adultery with his wife Bathsheba: And for my part I see not wherein that of Ahab in the Murder of Naboth doth exceed it, both unjustly caused a Subject to be slain; Ahab only out of a desire to his Vinyard, but David to his wife. Did not Solomon Apostatise when to please his wives and concubines (whom he married out of the Nations whereof God had given him a charge to the contrary) he tolerated the worshipping of Idols, in building houses for each of them, and went after them also himself. Asa oppressed the people, cast the Prophet into 
2 Chron. 16.  prison that came with a message of God unto him.  
Yet we never read that God gave any Commission to the People, either for these or any other (far more degenerating) any liberty to disturb them in their Regal government: For David, God punished him in his son Absalon. Solomon was disturbed by Hadad the Edomite, and Rezon a Servant of Hadadazer King of Zobah. Against Asa God sent some foreign Kings; Against 
2 Chron. 16. 2 Chron 28. 2 Chron. 22. Oap 33.  Ahaz came the Kings of Ass●ria: Hezekiah's pride was punished by Sennacherib, Manass●s Idolatry & bloodshed by the Babylonians, Ahab slain at Ramoth Gilcad by the King of Syriah: but for the People, either some or the whole, ye find not an instance where power was given them, to the offering any violence to them.  
Who was ever worse and more obstinate than Ahab to all Rapine, Murder and Idolotry, who gave himself to work wickedness; but were ever the People exhorted by any Prophet to withdraw their obedience from him, or gather head against him? For his posterity God indeed extraordinarily gives a special Commission by Elisha to John to destroy it, but ye do not find the 
Kin. 9 & 10.  people of themselves here, or elsewhere so much as attempting it, or encouraged by the Prophets persecuted by them so to do; which if it had been in their power, we should have found some precedent or other for it.  
What was the cause David was so careful that his hand might not be upon Saul, though doubtless he had the hearts of the better, if not the greatest part of the people, and sometimes Saul was, as from God himself given up into his hands: And he was not altogether a private Subject; but was heir of the Crown after him, being already anointed to it, and none could have a better pretence: Saul was now seeking his life, and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud, yet he would not lay his hands upon him; what can be imagined to be the Cause, but that it was against the doctrine then received.  
Who knows not, that Saul was become an absolute Tyrant (which some think to be the sense of 1 Sam. 13. Saul reigned two years; etc. i. e. Quasi biennium tantum ut Rex reliquum temporis ut Tyrannus.) rejected by Samuel: The Kingdom rend from him given to David, yet ye never read of Samuel moving David to get possession by force of Arms; he mourned for Saul, but never stirred up any disturbance in the Kingdom against him, but patiently expected God's determination.  

o Lib. 2. advers. Parmen. David. inimicum habebat in manibus in cautum & securum adversarium, sine labore potuti jugulare, & sine sanguine, multorum bellu mutare in caedem, preri ejus & opportui●as suadebant ad victoriam, etc. sed obstabat plena divino●ū memoria mandatorum: repressit cum gladio manum, & dum timu● oleum servav●t inimicum, etc. & cum comple ret observantiam, vindicavit occisum.  Optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it, David had Saul his enemy in his hands, might have securely slain him, without the blood of any others, his servants and the opportunity moved him to it, but the full remembrance of God's commands to the contrary withheld him, he drew back his hand and sword, and whilst he reverenced the ointment he spared his enemy, and when he had completed his loyalty, revenged his death (i. e.) in the Amalekite.)  
We do not say men are bound to do whatever the Prince shall command against the Law of God and Nature, but yet neither do we say, we may by force take up Arms against him: he said well Scutum dandum est subditis, non gladius: The three children refused to obey the command of Nabuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden Image; and Daniel Darius his Edict in praying for thirty days to none but to him, (as a new erected Numen) but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and call●d to suffer for it. Elias withdrew himself from jezebel and Ahabs bloody fury, yet ye do not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in Samaria, by any secret Machinations against him, but were all patiently passive, and committed themselves to God that judgeth righteously: When Peter drew his Sword against the present power, though under the best defensive pretence, yet was bid to put it up, with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrel, qui accipit gladium gladio peribit. Rossaeus a Romanist hath indeed published a Book, De justa Reipublicae in Principem haereticum potestate, not blushing to (a) aver the contrary to what we have asserted, viz. 
(*) Cap. 9 Ju●ae●, sepecon●ra proprios Reg●s, e●●am á Davidica stirpe, approbant● Deo ●s●rrexisse ●le-gumur.  That the Israelites did often make insurrections against their Kings, even of the stock of David, and with God's approbation, but instanceth in none to any purpose.  
'Tis true (as he saith) Atheliah was deposed, but 'twas from her usurpation. Hezekiah shook off the yoke of the King of Assyria, to the service of whom he had no just obligation. The Judges before samuel's time did the like in delivering themselves and the Israelites from their several servitudes. Absalon was suppressed by the same way of Force, he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his Father's Crown, but what are these instances to a lawful Prince, or to such as are Subjects. Some I find thus endeavouring to evade the Text, by distinguishing between the Power and the Person; as if this and the like were to be understood, only the potestatein abstracto. But certainly St. Peter applies it 
1 Pet. 2. 13.  clearly in co●creto, to the Person of the King: Regi quasi praecellenti & Magistratibus ab eo missis, as in the next, Fear God, honour the King. Neither 
1 Sam. 24. 6.  can that Speech of Davids be otherwise meant then of the Person of Saul. God forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords anointed, to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the anointed of the Lord; 'Tis not the Power that is anointed; but the Person who by it is resigned to the Power.  
Again 'tis very probable, that St. Paul writing to the Romans, in this expression here of Powers, conformed himself to their Style. Who as Berclaius observes 
Lib. 3. cap. 10.  out of Pliny, Suetonius and Tertullian, do very frequently take, the Abstract, for the Concrete, i. e. the Power for the Person armed with it.  
There is another argumentation still in the mouths of many, viz. That Princes receive their power from the people, and so may be abridged accordingly by them.  
But first let such know from whence they had this, even from the Jesuits, or the like (for many other Authors of the Church of Rome are against it.) Alphonsus de Castro (de potestate Leg. Paen. lib. 1.) and Vasques (lib. 1. controvers. cap. 47.) aver it, and call all power Tyrannical, that comes not by the people. It was that which Pope Zachariah suggested to the French for deposing of Childerick their King. 
b Avent. lib. 3. Annal. Regem cum piebs constituit, eunden. & deslituere potell. Prince S●op●lo, cujus beneficio posst. ●. obnoxius est.  That the people who constituted him may as well depose him; the Prince is obnoxious to the people, by whom he possesseth that Honor. Unto which agrees that of 
c De potestate Eccles. q. 22. Art. 3. Imperatorem à Papa posse depo●i●jui● ibit infic as, ejus en●m est 〈…〉 cujus e●t constituere.  Augustinus Triumphus de Anchona, (who by the Sea of Rome hath the Title of Beatus given him.) That th' Pope may depose the Emperor who can deny it, for he that constitutes can depose, whose practice in story hath been accordingly, Henry the Fourth the Emperor, and 
d Trithem. lib 1. compend. Annal. de 〈◊〉. Reg & Gent. Franc.  Childerick the Third, the French King, were by Pope Gregory the Seventh, the latter of which was deposed, as the Historian saith, non pro suis iniquitatibus, sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati, as 
e Platina in Stepb. 6. Princeps qui alias suit Christianissimus deum timens, Ecclesiasticis sanct o●ibu● devous●ame parens in Else. mo●ynts largus Nationibus in desiu●nter 〈◊〉 &. ●● tamen cum his tot, & tantis virtutibus non effugit Carolus notam Tyranni & deposit us ●u●ta subditis.  Carolus Crassus, the Germans and Italians withdrew their obedience from him, by the Papal approbation, only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem, though otherwise a most pious, devout and virtuous Prince, according to which is the Argument and Application of 
f In Recognit. lib. 3. q. de latcis.  Brllarmine, Constituens est prius constituto; subditi vero constituunt Reges● Principes sunt propter populum, ergo populus est nobilior.  
But secondly 'tis of no force in itself. The Pastor is for the good of the Flock. The master of the family is for the welfare of it: forma est propter actionem, is therefore actio nobilior formâ? Again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a Master, and after a manner constitutes him over him, What? can he at pleasure withdraw himself again.  
Again these men consider not of the Oath of God taken of Subjects to their King, which Solomon mentions, Eccles. 8, 2. I council thee to keep the King's commandments, and that because of that Oath of God.  
They have likewise but little esteem of St. Paul's Judgement in the Text, viz. that the powers are of God, and ordained of God; That they bear the sword of the Lord, and are his ministers. And indeed few Kings have originally come to their Crowns by the people, but most frequently as one observes, invitis subdi●is, Belli jure (si hoc jus sit dicendum) prima regnandi fecisse fundamenta: but after an Oath of an Allegiance the bonds are deposited in God's hand; so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational, and rejected by us as the Doctrine of some Romanists, which such as are so afraid to come near them in any thing else, should be as much deterred in this.  
In a word, as Kings receive their power from God: so are we to leave them only unto God, if they shall abuse it, not but that they may and aught to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties (for which we have the example of the Primitive Fathers & Bishops to the Emperors, Constantius, Constans, and others, introducing Arianism) but yet without lifting up our hands against them in the least resistance of them, which is the Judgement also of most of our Modern Orthodox Divines and even divers of the Writers of the Church of Rome, who have stiffey contradicted the Jesuits assertions of the contrary, one of each shall suffice.  
1. For those of ours, 
g De. Translat. imp. lib. 1 c 2. Omnes injuria● a Mgist ata po tius serunt boni, quam atrocissimus, quam ut in eum invehunt, sermone, scr●p●c; opere, ad ordinis & pacis public per▪ turbationem.  Franciscus Junius thus determines: All good men should bear even the most cruel injury from the magistrate, rather than inveigh against him by word, pen, or action, to the disturbance of order and the public peace, according to which see Luther (lob. de offic. magistr. Tom. 2.) Brentius (Hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. Sam.) Melanthon, Bucer, Musculus, Mathesius Erasmus, and others.  
2. For those of the Church of Rome 
h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quam polluendae manus per rebellioonem; non caret Deus modis quibus possit, quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere, vel emendare: Malum si sit Imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus, eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu●ire, sed potius patienter serendo iram Dei tmolliere, qui corda Regum suâ gubernat. manu, etc. lib. 26. derepub. c. 5.  Gregorius Tholosanus: Governors (saith he) are rather to be left to the Judgement of God then to defile our hands by a Rebellion against them. God wants not means whereby he can (when he pleaseth) remove or amend them. If there be an evil Government, far be it from us to revenge it by an evil obedience, or to punish the sins of the King by our own sins, but rather by a patient bearing, to mollify the wrath of God, who governs the hearts of Kings with his own hands, etc.  
And surely if it be a 
h potius relinquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quam polluendae manus per rebellioonem; non caret Deus modis quibus possit, quando voluerit hujusmodi malos principes tollere, vel emendare: Malum si sit Imperium non est quod male obedienda ulcisci debeamus, eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu●ire, sed potius patienter serendo iram Dei tmolliere, qui corda Regum suâ gubernat. manu, etc. lib. 26. derepub. c. 5.  terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living God, much more is it to them, who are only accountable to him, and the Justice of God hath been often notoriously manifested upon them, in sacred story. Abimelec, Jeroboam, Baasa, Ahab, both the Herod's. In Ecclesiastical story. Anastasius, Julian, Valens, and others. So much for holy writ.  
Now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the 
ay Heb. 10. 31.  antient-fathers', and practise of the Primitive Church in these three things.  
1. After the example of Jeremiah and Daniel for Nabuchadnezzar, and St. Paul for Nero. 1 Tim. 2. We find the ancient Fathers praying for the Emperors (though of a different Religion, and persecutors of the true) Now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their government, are inconsistent.  

i Lib. ad scapul. Nos prosalute Imperatorum Deum invocamus, etc.  Tertulliau who lived under Severus the Emperor, saith this in the name of the Christians, we pray daily for the health of the Emperors, etc. That of Marcus Aurelius distress in his expedition into Germany, when by the prayers of the Christian Legion (as it was acknowledged by the heathen) Rain was obtained in a great Drought, and consequently a victory is sufficiently known: They called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his Army, according to that advice of Sanders the Jesuit, in the like case (lib. 2. cap. 4. the visib. Monarch.) but for water to refresh both.  
The Letters of the Fathers Synodi Ariminensis written to Constantius an Arrian are observable, who ask him leave to return to their several Dioceses, give this for their reason, 
* Sozom lib. 4. cap. 17. ut oremus sedulo pro tua salute Imperio & race quam Deus tibi sempiternam benignus largiatur.  That we may diligently pray for thy health, Empire, and peace, which the merciful God everlastingly bestow upon thee.  
And in their second Letters, ask the same request of him: they say thus: 
* Theodor. lib. 2. cap. 20. Rursumte, Gloriosissime Imperator obsecramus ut ante hyemis asperitatem jubeas nos ad Ecclesias nostras redire, ut omnipotenti Deo, pro statu potentiae tuae una cum porulo, quemadmodum serimus & sacimus magno s●udio supplicare possemus.  Again most glorious Emperor, we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the Winter, thou wouldst command our return to our Churches, that we may, as we have done and do earnestly pray unto the Almighty God for the state of thy might with thy people.  
How are they then to be abhorred who to a Christian, pious, Orthodox King stained neither with Vice nor Heresy, temperate, meek, prudent, gracious, instead of prayers have returned menacies, for a dutiful subjection, Arrogant language, if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands.  
You shall not find the ancient Fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the Emperors, though Heretics. St. Hillary wrote two books against Constantius the Arrian, yet styles him Gloriosissimum, Beatissimum; nay Sanctum i. e. Ratione Imperii, Non Religionis etc.  

k Orat 8 18. 22. 24. 25. 27.  Nazianzen is found of the like temper in his Orations against Valens and Valentinian, which are written throughout with all the Reverence and subjection that can be ezpected from a Subject to a Prince; and yet Valens burned fourscore Orthodox Bishops and Presbyters together in a ship, and did other horrid Acts, which 
l Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13  Socrates tells us.  
Oh the distance between the spirits of some men now days and those of the ancient Church, even as as far those excelled these, in sanctimony of life, integrity of Conversation, piety and truth of Doctrine.  
You shall ever find them exemplary in their obedience and subjection to the Emperors, never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny, but appeasing them.  
Excellently is that of St. Augustine 
m In Psalm. 124. julianus, infidelis Imperator, Apostata in qus, milites fideles servie●unt Impe atori infideli quando d●ceat, producite aciem ite contra illam 〈◊〉, statim obtem●eraba●t, ●●●ting●ebant, Dem●n●m ●●ernuon a Domino temporali, & tamen sui diti erant propter Dominum aeternam, etiam Domino temporali.  of the Christians under Julian; An Infidel Emperor, a wicked Apostate. The Faithful soldiers served a faithless Emperor; when it came to the Cause of Christ, than they acknowledged no other than him that sits in heaven; but in Military affairs, when he said unto them, bring forth your forces into the field go against such a Nation presently they obeyed, they distinguished the Lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporal, and yet were subject to the temporal Lord for his sake who is eternal.  

n Ad Sca●●. ●n●a Majestatem Imperatora insamamur tamea nunquam t●ter Alb●anos, Niga●os, vel Cassianos nos in venire potu●runt.  Tertullian affirms it as a high honour to Christianity, that they could never find a Christian in any seditious conspiracy: We are (saith he) defamed in relation to his Imperial Majesty, but yet they could never find any of us among the Albiniani, Nigriani, or Cassiani (who had been some seditious parties against the Emperor.  
That 
o In orat, de busilic, non tradend. Volens nunquam deseram coastus repugnare non novi. Fleire epot●ro, l●●b●ymae m●ae mea armi sunt, al●ter nec deb●o, nec possum resisse●e.  of St. Ambrose was both becoming a good Bishop and a Loyal Subject, when he was commanded (by the means of Justina the Empress, who was an Arrian) to deliver up the Churches of Milan to the use of the Arrians, returned this answer to his people, and to the Emperor; Willingly I shall never do it, but if compelled I have not learned to fight, I can weep, my Tears are my Arms, I neither can nor aught to resist otherwise. Indeed by the desire of the Orthodox party he refused to give up the chief Church or his Cathedral to them, but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of Petition for it, with all the solicitous care that might be, of preventing the least misinterpretation of contumacy, and the people went into it with him, and there continued night and day, in fasting and prayer, that God would move the Emperor, not to disturb them (which as some observe (to prevent a weariness in it) occasioned the use of Anthems in these Western parts, though long before in the East) he offered all his 
p Quod me 'em est. i e. sundum meum, non refragarer, si co. pus petit occu●ram, vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum, nec altaria teneb● vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor. ibid.  own proper goods to the pleasure of the Emperor: Were it my Land, I should not gainsay it, doth the Emperor require my Body, I shall meet him, would he have me to prison, put me to death, I am pleas d with it, I shall not enclose myself with a guard of the multitude of the people, nor will I take hold of the Altar to ask my life, but I shall freely be sacrificed for the Altars, (or the Service of God.)  
Thus saith another Father many hundreds of years after him. 
q Bern Ep. 221. ad Ludon Reg. pro matre nostra Ecclesia Propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis, non glad●s sed precibus fl●ctibusque ad deum.  We will fight for our Mother the Church, but with what arms, not with Swords and Shields, but with Prayers and Tears, to God.  
Athanasius was four or five times banished by several Emperors, but in each he quietly yielded, 
r Religioni quam profi ebatur, putavit magis consen●a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare. Apol.  as conceiving it more consenant to the Religion professed by him, to overcome that injury by a patient suffering, then to have made his defence by an unwarranted seditious opposition by the people, and therefore in his Apology ye shall not find a word tending that way, but on the contrary, upon any Tumult of them whose zeal to him might possibly have carried them beyond their Limits) he ever exhorts them to be quiet, and to retire to their homes, telling them that for those of his order, no ways was allowed them in their defence, but preces, fuga, & humiles supplicationes. i e. Prayers to God, petitioning the Emperor, or a flight, and for Petitions to the Emperor, ye have the example of Ebedmelech for Jeremiah to the King of Israel; Esther for her Nation to Ahasuerus, Jonathan for David to Saul; In Ecclesiastical story Plinius Secundus for the Christians (in the Province of Bythinia) to Trajan. And as each of these in some measure prevailed, so can they be hardly rejected by any person who is not wholly a stranger both to piety and humanity.  
For a flight, when petitions will not prevail, the same Athanasius (in his Apology for his from the Arrians) produceth a great Catalogue of Examples. Jacob from Esau, Moses from Pharaoh, David from Saul, Elias from Jezabel, St. Paul from the Conspirators against him at Damascus, Acts 9 Nay, the Example of our blessed Saviour in his fight from Herod into Egypt in his Infancy, afterwards from the fury of the Jews and pharisees, and the other Herod, till his time was come, according to which is his command to his Disciples, Mat. 10. When ye are persecuted in one City fly to another; but no warrant or example from him or his for a resistance, or in the Primitive times succeeding for many hundred years, as 
a Haec sola novitas ne dicam heresy, nec dum in mundo emenserat: Sigeb. Chronol. Ann. 1088.  Sigebert tells us, that Doctrine, or Heresy rather, was a novelty in the world till the year 1088. after Christ.  
There is this one Evasion pretended against these 
Object.  Quotations of the Fathers, which must be answered (viz.) that this their patience then, was to be attributed rather to their (b) necessity than virtue, their number 
Necessita●i magic quam vi t●●● & valun●ati ●a●ctorum Pat●um, etc.  and strength being so small, that they could not help it, and so were compelled to yield. This indeed is the very objection of the Jesuits, Bellarmine against Barclay saith the same, facultatibus non fuerint prediti satis idoneis, i. e. they wanted sufficient forces to resist, and would have that of Nazianzen, Lachrymas solas superesse Christianis contra Juliani persecutiones, etc. (i. e. That Tears was all the Christians had to defend themselves against the persecutions of Julian) thus to be understood, as 
b Julianus Tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra Apostatam uti fas fuisses.  if Julian had by his tyranny cut off all their forces, which else it had been lawful for them to have made use of against the Apostate, against whom in that, many of the Church of Rome have written, Gregorius Thelosanus, 
c Lib. 6 the regn. c. 26. & deposest. Papae.  Bercliaus (whom we named before) 
d In Apol. B●ll. a n. 249. usque ad u. 267.  Widringtonus. This is the objection of Bellarmine.  
But the Contrary is evident, that the number and strength of the Christians was then very great, not only 
Answer.  to have resisted, but overthrown, and even shaken the foundations of the Empire. They were as the Israelites in Egypt, stronger than their enemies. See what Eusebius saith, that when Constantine the first professed to be a Christian, who succeed Dioclesian, that had made such havoc of them) the 
e Fere om●e● mortales ●un● denrum cultu reli. to, Christianorum genit. etc. Euseb. l b. 9 c. 9  whole world rose with him, and forsaking their Idols, joined themselves unto him.  

f Apol. Exter●●●umus, & vestra omnia in p●cvimus, urbes insulas, ca●●ella, m●●n●ci p●a, conciliaba la. castra ipsa, decarias, p●la ita, sorum, Se nals●●: cui bello non. 〈◊〉 non prem ●● suissexiu●, ●●i tam 〈…〉, si nan apud discipliam nostram. magis ctcid. li●●re● quam 〈…〉.  Tertullian who lived an hundred years before him, sets so th' thus the number of the Christians in his time. We fill the whole Empire, your Cities, Castles, Corporations, Counsels, your very Camps, Courts of Justice, Palaces, Market-places, your Senate, with whom are not we able to make a war, who so willingly offer ourselves to the slaughter, but that our Religion teacheth us, that 'tis better to be killed then-to kill in such cases.  
It was so in St. Ambrose his time, the Army and people were (at least the major part of them) at his beck. I (saith he) upon all occasions am still desired, ut compecerem populum, ego Tyrannus appellor & plus quam Tyrannus. The Emperor often tells his Courtiers, he must do what Ambrose will have him, the whole implying the great number of the Orthodox Christians then, and yet always submitted to the Government.  
Now no man can conceive that in this the Christians wanted courage. That passage 
g Theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cum multi militum qui exer●ore thus adoleverunt, imposturis Juliani decepti, peregiam discurrences, non tantum manus, sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur.  which Theodoret tells us of sufficiently satisfies, viz. that when many of the Soldiers had been deluded by julian's impostures to have offered some incense to the Idols, they ran to and fro the Cities, offered not only their hands, but their bodies to the fire, that being polluted by fire, they might be purged by the fire.  
Can any in reason think that they who were so fearless of death in the profession of what they were taught by the Fathers, if they had been also by the same teachers assured what a merit it had been to have fought for them, and themselves against the Emperor and his Edicts made for their destruction, can we think them so senseless and heartless as not to have appeared accordingly? No, it was only for the fear of God, and this Text withheld them, as Tertullian hath it; Reprimebant manus quia non ignorabant quod leg ssent, qui resistit potestati Dei, ordinationi resistit. etc.  
There was then no such Jesuitical doctrine known (contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England) that men may in the like cases take up Arms in Rebellion against their lawful Princes. And surely it not in case of Heresy, i. e. if the Prince shall exemplo vel praecepto compel, or endeavour to draw his Subjects to it (which is the assertion of 
h lib. 5. de Pontifice c. 7.  Bellarmine, fideles heretico non obligari; licite posse veneno aut quacunque ratione è mediorollere, etc.) surely much less may this be in cases of less consequence, which do not touch upon the foundation, but are only circumstantials. The ancient Christians held not these things worthy of blood, but submitted to them after St. Paul's example in the like.  
And now 'tis high time to apply myself to the consideration of that horrid Fact which, as fruit sprung from those deadly seeds of Doctrine, we lament this day. This was the day when out of pretence of relieving the Mother (as they call the Commonwealth) children destroyed the Father, and so at once both, The Casuists say, Si filius patrem in ultionem matris occidat, haec pietas erit scelus, but for a Son to slay both Parents at once is a Monster indeed.  
This was the black work of this day, rather to be trembled at the thought of, then uttered, when the most wise, pious, prudent, meek, merciful King was put to death by pefidious sons of Belial, faithless and merciless men: And this not in the dark, but in the face of the Sun, at his own gates, a thing unparallelled in any Story. That which hitherto hath been urged, is from what the ancient Church abhorred even to a Heretic, a Persecutor, a Heathen; how much than is this cruelty and hypocrisy to be loathed when exercised against the life and sovereignty of a pious, orthodox, just, and Christian Prince, not only to a dreadful Rebellion, but a bloody murder.  
All history shows that Rebellion hath ever in conclusion been the ruin of the Authors; take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Text, as some render it poenam, judicium, i. e.) for some corporal vengeance from God or man here. That known speech of 
i Helmold. histor. Sclau. cap. 28, 29, 30. lib. 1. Spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam, haec ego iuravi Domino Henrico, ut non nocerem et, nec insidtarer gloriae ejus, sed jussio Apostolica Po●tificamus mandatum me ad id dedu●i●, ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem: Videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc vi●lnus accepi. Viderint two qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigave●unt, qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeier●ae damnationis  Rodolphus to those that were about him when he was nigh unto death after his taking up arms against his Master the Emperor, is worthy to be remembered: See ye my right hand maimed by a wound, with this I swore to my Lord Henry (the Emperor) that I would do him no hurt, nor treacherously entrap him in his dignity, but the Apostolic Command (or that of the Pope) hath enduced me to it, that as a perjured person, I have usurped an honour not due unto me. Ye see in that very hand with which I violated my oath, I have received my mortal wound, let them look to it, who have invited us, to what a condition they have brought us, even to the very hazard of everlasting damnation; according to the Text, ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt.  
I shall conclude with that sentence of St. Judas and St. Peter (cap. 2.) upon the like (than which ye have not a more full execration in the whole Bible) These are they that despise dominion, and are so presumptuous, as to speak evil of dignities (ay, e. Kings and Princes,) Woe unto them for they have gone in the way of Cain, and ran greedily after the error of Baalam, and perished in the gainsaying of Core, these are spots in your feasts, clouds without water, trees without fruit, withered, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wand'ring stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever: Let us all say Amen to that which fell from a Royal pen, King James of ever happy memory, in his maledictus qui maledicit 
Praesat. Apol.  uncto Domini, pereatque interitu Core, qui peceavit in contradictione Core: Let him be accursed that shall curse the Lords anointed, and let him perish with the perishing of Corah who hath sinned in the gainsaying of Korah: And let us earnestly pray for the safety of the King's Majesty according to that of the Christians for the Emperor in Tertullian. Det Deus illi vitam, exercitus fortes. Senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, i. e. God give him a long life, a secure Empire, 
Apol.  a safe house, valiant forces, a faithful Council, loyal people, and a quiet State, etc. even for his sake who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords, to whom with the Father and holy Spirit be all honour and glory now and for ever  
Amen.    

The late Lord Primate USHER'S Judgement and Practice in point of Loyalty, Episcopacy, Liturgy, and Ecclesiastical Constitutions of the Church of England.  
THe various interpretations which have been made of the Judgement and Practice of this most Eminent Prelate in these particulars and the mis-applications the eupon bread, by some of different Judgements to his great prejudice, hath occasioned this brief vindication of him, by declaring my own knowledge therein; as followeth.  

1. His Judgement and Practice in point of Loyalty.  
For his Judgement, it hath been most fully manifested by a most learned Treatise, lately published of the Power of the Prince and 〈◊〉 of the Subject: the writing of which was thus occasioned. About 
Occasion of writing that Book of the Power of the Princes, etc.  the beginning of those unhappy Commotions in Scotland, 1639. Sir George Radoleife desired me very earnestly to let him know, what the Lord Primats Judgement was of them, and not being contented with my verbal assurance of it, desired to have it more punctually under my hand, which I had no sooner communicated to the Lord Primate, but hereadily and instantly dictated unto me his sentence upon them, which was accordingly returned, & for which I had a letter of very great thanks.  
Now as soon as the Primate came to Dublin the Earl of Strafford, (than Lord Deputy of Ireland) desired him to declare his Judgement publicly concerning those Commotions, which he forthwith did at Christ-Church Dublin, before the State in two Sermons, to all men's satisfactions, from this Text Eccles. 7. 2. I council thee to keep the King's commandment, and that because of the Oath of God. After this, the Lord Deputy (besides his own desire) signified unto him that it would be acceptable to his late Majesty (of ever blessed memory) that he should either print his Sermons, or write a Treatise of the like Subject, the latter of which he made choice of: And having with much labour and industry finished it, and caused it to be fairly transcribed, he came over with it into England with an intention to commit it to the Press, as hath been declared by the learned and Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface to that Treatise.  
To which give me leave to add: That his Judgement was always the same and so declared by him upon all occasions, since I had the happiness to be known to him: As annually upon the King's Inauguration day (which was constantly observed by him at Drogheda with great Solemnity:) and occasionly in some learned Sermons preached by him at the opening of two Parliaments. And especially upon the first solemnity for his present Majesty's Birth day, anno 1630. at Dublin, being sent for of purpose by the State then to preach, which he did upon this Text, Psalm 45. 26. Instead of thy Fathers shall be thy children, whom thou mayest make Princes in all the Earth.  
But most fully in those two Speeches of his herewith 
His Speech of the Oath of Supremacy.  revived. The one whereof he made while he was Bishop of Meath, Anno 1622. in the Castle-Chamber of Dublin, in defence of the Oath of Supremacy, and in special making good that Clause that the King is the only Supreme Governor of these his Realms and Dominions. For which King james (of happy Memory) sent him a Letter of Thanks hereunto annexed, the original of which I have now in my custody.  
The other he made Anno 27. before the Lord Deputy 
His Speech of supplying the King's Necessiries.  Falkland, the Council, and a great Assembly of the Lords, and other persons chosen out of each County at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin, occasioned by their slowness to contribute to the maintenance of the Army, the main scope of which, is to declare the Duty of Subjects to supply the King's necessities for the defence of his Kingdom, from strength of Reason, ancient Records, and Grounds of Divinity, a Copy of which being by the Lord Deputy then desired of him to be sent unto His late Majesty, (for which he received His Royal Thanks) I took a transcript thereof;  
Unto which I shall only add this, That I have found among the Primat's papers a Manuscript, containing Mr. hooker's judgement of these three things, 
Mr. hooker's judgement of Regal Power confirmed by the Primate.   

1. Of Regal Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs.  
2. Of the King's Power in the advancement of Bishops unto the rooms of Prelacy.  
3. Of the King's exemption from censures and other judicial Power.   
All which (as the Primate notes with his own hand) are not found in the common Copies of Mr. hooker's M. S. (though by what art, and upon what design so much was exspunged I know not) only thus far the Primate hath joined his Testimony with Mr. Hooker in these (which seem to be the true) that he hath corrected and perfected the copy throughout with his own hand, and not only found out the several quotations, and put them down in the Margin, which had been before omitted, but added many of his own, with some other large Annotations, by which his zeal for the defence of Regal Power is the more evident. And what his freedom of speech was frequently here in his Sermons to that purpose, and in special before his late Majesty (of blessed memory) upon his Birthday at the Isle of Wight upon this Text, Genes. 49. 3. Reuben, thou art my firstborn, my might, and the beginning of my strength, the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power, I suppose is sufficiently known. This for his Judgement.  
Secondly, his Practice hath appeared by what his sufferings 
His sufferings for it.  have been upon that account, as his forced flight from London to Oxford: His ruff usage in Wales or thereabouts, by the Army then in the field against the King, to the loss of some of his Books and Principal Manuscripts never recovered: The taking that away from him which had been given him by the King for his maintenance, and at length being necessitated to return to London, he was silenced a long time from preaching, unless in a private house; and when with much ado he was permitted to preach at Lincoln's Inn, it was that Honourable Society which gave him a competent maintenance; but upon the failing of his eyesight, being compelled to give it up, his small subsistence after that (besides the continuance of the Countess of Peterburroughs respects to him in her house) came (with much difficulty) through my hands unto him.  
And as his Prayers (whtch were all the Arms he had) 
His Prayers, joy, and sorrow according to the success of his Majesty's affairs.  were daily lifted up (like Moses hands) for the prosperity of his Majesty's affairs, notwithstanding the hazard he ran by it, like that of daniel's; by a prohibition to the contrary: So was his joy or sorrow perpetually shown according to the success of them. I shall instance in one particular.  
Anno 1649. (till when, the Book of Common Prayer was in my Charge of Drogheda, to his great content, continued, notwithstanding many Lords of the Parliament forces interchangeably had dominion over us) the now Lord Duke of Ormond then appearing with an Army for the King, and taking the Town, with that part of his forces under the command of the Earl of Inchiquin, the same day I attended his Lordship in the proclaiming of his Majesty, and immediately went to the Church, and used the Common Prayer for his Majesty: And afterwards upon the Duke's coming himself thither, we had a Fast for the good success of his Majesty's forces (at which I preached:) And a Communion was appointed the next Sunday, though Oliver Cromwel's landing with so great a force at Dublin interrupted us (the event of which in that bloody storm, and the hazard of myself for the abovementioned matters, would be impertinent here to relate) only thus much: I may not omit as to this good Lord Primate, That as his Letters were full of encouragement, and approbation of me for it; so at my coming over he embraced me with much affection, upon that Account, often rejoicing at the constancy of that Town, where himself had refided, and had sown so much of that Doctrine of Loyalty, which by his Order four times a year (according to the Canon) was preached unto them. And with many Tears he lamented the retarding of his Majesty's affairs, by the loss of so many faithful Servants of his, slain there in that Massacre in cool blood.  
In one thing more, the Demonstration of his loyal affection to his Majesty was manifested by his passionate Commiseration of those of the distressed sequestered Clergy, who had suffered for him, and by his appearing to his utmost for them (which was more commendable, then by hiding himself, to have take no more care, but to preserve one.  
When that merciless Proclamation issued forth against 
His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty.  such that they might not so much as teach a School for their livelihood; when my soliciting for them (by his encouragement) representing their petitions, and petitioning for them is my own name subscribed, only to have had them capable of a Contribution, throughout England (for which as Feoffees in Trust, Doctor Bromrigg then the learned Bishop of Exeter and myself, were nominated) could not prevail, and an elegant Apology for them written by Doctor Gauden the now Reverend Bishop of Exeter, which I delivered with my own hand, proved also ineffectual. Then this eminent Primate out of a compassionate sense of their miseries was persuaded by me to make a Trial how far his own personal presence might prevail in their behalf, and so (much against his own Genius and with great regret within himself to go into Whitehall, he having no other occasion in the world besides) he went, and I wated on him thither for that end, where he spoke at freely and fully, as some impertinent interpositions of discourses would permit him; but to his great grief returned fruitless, and I think he never resented any thing more deeply, not living many months after unto which the ungrateful censures and rash extravagant language of such, whom he thus endeavoured to serve, added the more to it; which in some hath not been abated to his very Memory: Now in regard their ignorance of thus much, might still occasion it, is one cause of my enlargement upon it; but so much in relation to his Loyalty, whereof he was an eminent Pattern.   

His Judgement and Practice in point of Episcopacy.  
FOr Episcopacy, first in his Judgement, he was a full assertor 
His judgement.  of it, which appears in those Learned Tractates of the Original of Bishops, and that of the Lydian Asia, where he doth not only deduce Episcopacy from the Apostolic times, but also the Metropolitans or Arch-Bishops to have been accordingly, from the superscription of St. John to the Seven Churches, each of which Cities being Metropolitical, and the rest of the Cities of Asia, as daughters under them) for the confirmation of which, he hath given such strong probabilities, that 'twill be hard to gainsay them.  
Secondly, for his Practice, I can witness his constant 
His Practice.  exercise of the Jurisdiction of it, or his causing it so to be exercised throughout his Diocese and Province, while those quiet times in Ireland did permit it. In all which a Learned and Prudent Divine was his Chancellor or Vicar-General, and afterwards a Bishop (Bishop Fine) one known to have been as much for the Government and Constitutions of the Church of England, as any person whatsoever.  
As for that of his Reduction of Episcopacy to the form 
The reduction of Episcopacy. etc.  of Synodical Government etc. presented to his late Majeof Blessed Memory, Anno 1641. It is to be considered, how it was occasioned by the present Tempestuous Violence of the Times, as an accommodation by way of Prevention of a total Shipwreck threatened by the Adversaries 
The occasion and end oft it.  of it, as appears sufficiently by the Title before it, viz. Proposed in the year 1641. as an expedient for the prevention of those troubles which afterwards did arise in matter of Church Government, etc. Now what can this, in the sense of any prudent unbiased person prejudice him in his Judgement or Affection to Episcopacy itself, which rather confirms it.  
The Merchant parts with that in a Storm, that he would not have done in a Calm, and at shore recruits himself with the like goods again. St. Paul in that Wrack, Acts 27. consented not only to the lightning of the Ship of the lading, but of the Tackling also, We cast them out (saith he, or St. Luke) with our own hands, and all for the saving (if it were possible) of the Ship, and the Passengers in it. That of the same Apostle in another case, I think it fit for the present necessity, might in some measure in this particular be the Primates Application, wherein he was not singular neither.  
Unto which I can add this further confirmation, that for those many years I had the happiness to be known unto him in those serene times, before these troubles arose, to the disturbance of Episcopacy, I never heard him mentioning any thing by way of alteration that way in those Proposals there specified, so that the sole occasion and end of them must be as aforesaid.  
And for these 4. Propositions, they were only present prudential representations, left to the Judgement and correction of others, without any Magisterial Imposition of them, as a Copy to be writ after, and as they were not published till an imperfect Copy invited unto it, so the real intent of it was by that Conjunction of both parties in Ecclesiastical Government to have the easier way prepared to their union in the civil, even an unanimous endeavour for his Majesty's happy Restauration (now through God's great goodness wonderfully accomplished) for which, as none prayed more zealously, so none could have exceeded the Primates in the joy for it, had he lived to see it.  
For the form of words used by the Bishop in the ordination of the Church of England, he did much approve 
Ordination of the Church of England.  thereof, viz. Receive the Holy Ghost, Whose sins thou remittest are remitted, and whose sins thou retainest are retained, and be thou a faithful dispenser of the Word and Sacraments, etc. And the delivering of the Bible into the hands of the person ordained, saying, Take thou authority to preach the word of God, and administer the Sacraments, etc. Which being wholly omitted in that of the Presbyterian way, and no other words to that sense used in their room, and thereupon no express transmission of ministerial Power, he was wont to say, that such an Imposition of hands (by some called the Seal of Ordination) without a Commission annexed, seemed to him to be as the putting of a seal to a blank, That the scruple was not only in the instrumental cause, but in the formal: and that if a Bishop had been present, and done no more, the same query might have been of the validity of it: And in his letter to me (which hath been published) he hath declared, the Ordination made by such Presbyters as have severed themselves from their Bishops, unto whom they had sworn Canonical obedience cannot be excused from being Schismatical.  
For that of a gradual superiority of a Bishop above a 
Episcopal superiority over Presbyters.  Presbyter which some have been offended at: 1. It is the language of Archbishop Whitgift in the defence of the Answer to the Admonition, Tract. 8. p. 383. that Episcopus is commonly used for that Priest that is in degree over and above the rest, etc. But secondly, howsoever if so that the gradus be granted to be of Apostolical constitution (which is the Primats sense) I do not see how it any more takes off from the Pre-eminence and Authority of Episcopacy, than the denomination of Lights, given in common by Moses to 
As the Sun to the other Lights.  all in the Firmament, detracts from the Sun whom he call only the greater, from whom the rest derive theirs, and is the Ruler of the day: Or that of the firstborn 
The dignity and power of the firstborn.  among his brethren, who by his Primogeniture, had the supremacy of Dignity and Power to whom the rest must bow, and he was to rule over them: The distinction in both is but gradual. The Primate hath 
A● the distance between the Highpriest, and the other inferior Priests.  also elsewhere derived the form of Church Government under the New Testament from the Pattern prescribed by God in the Old, and shows how it was from the Imitation thereof brought in by the Apostles. Now though the Distinction of the Chief, or Highpriest, and the other inferior Priests was but gradual, yet there being so great a distance between them, the Chief-Priest having rule over the rest (called by the 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) there shall not need any further instance to illustrate it.  
And whereas there hath been a learned tractate some years agone published, entitled the form of Church government before and after Christ, as it is expressed in the Old and New Testament, which then went under the name of Bishop Andrews. I found a Manuscript of it among 
His approbation of books tending to the pre-eminence of Episcopacy.  the Primates Papers, wherein the Author upon a review hath ordered some things to be altered, added, or taken away, and some to be further inquired into, according as the marks make reference unto several Pages of it. This I found accordingly noted by the Primate throughout, and some passages which the learned Author desired to be farther inquired into, are at large perfected under the Primats own hand, and I know no book more full for the preeminency of Episcopacy; so that what he did, or was willing to have yielded unto out of a calm temper of Moderation, in such times of extremity, to preserve the unity and peace of the Church, then in great hazard to be shattered, ought not in reason so to be stretched, as to infer it was his Absolute desire, or free choice, but only upon the present distress to keep the Chariot upon its wheels from a Precipice of a total overturning. So much for Episcopacy.   

3. His Judgement and Practice of the Liturgy of the Church of England.  
FOr the Liturgy of the Church of England he was a constant Assertor and observer of to the last. 
The Liturgy.  At Drogheda in Ireland (where I had the happiness for many years to live under him) he had the Common-Prayer read twice every day in his Chapel, from which nothing but sickness excused his absence. And in the Church it was (by his approbation) as duly observed by myself; we had there an Organ and a Choir; on Sundays 
The Service Song.  the Service was sung before him, as is used in Cathedrals in England. Anthems were sung very frequenly, and often, instead of a Psalm, before Sermon.  
He came constantly to the Church in his Episcopal 
The Ceremonies.  habit, and preached in it, and for myself (by his approbation) when I officiated I wore my Surplice and Hood; administered the Communion, and at such occasions preached in them also. The Surplice was accordingly observed constantly by the Reader, and some of the Choir every Sunday.  
And for all other Administrations they were fully observed in each Rite and Ceremony according to the Rubric or Rule of the Book of Common-prayer, which many years after his leaving of Ireland, was (according to his trust committed to me) continued, till my Church in that bloody storm of Drogheda 1649. was blown up with Gunpowder, and for my refusing to obey the command of his Nephew Colonel Michael Jones, sent by an Officer unto me in writing, to forbear the use of the Common-prayer; I had much thanks from the Primate, being much displeased at his presumption in it, though thereupon the little means I had remaining there, was by the Colonel's order taken from me; and in the storm of the Town he did not forget it, in his designing my death, as I was assured by an Earwitness.  
And indeed while the Primate continued in Drogheda, I do not remember there were any Protestant Inhabitants there that so much as scrupled at the Cross in Baptism, or kneeling at the Communion, with the like, but in all things conformed and submitted to what they saw was approved by him; and for such as were refractory in the Northern parts of Ireland (where the 
His reducing the scrupulous  Scotch had mingled themselves with the English) he did his utmost to reclaim them in his Provincial Visitation, which I was a witness of, and employed by his directions among them for that end: Wherein (craving leave for this short digression) I have observed, that such who had so geat a prejudice to the Liturgy, as to run out of the Church when it was offered to be read out of the Book, when I used the very same form in several Administrations by heart, without the book, Baptism, Communion, Matrimony, Burial, and the like, they have highly commended it, as conceiving they had been my own present conceptions (the younger sort having never heard it, and the other almost forgotten it) which guile, both at Drogheda (when several Parliament Regiments were sent thither successively to suppress it, like the Messengers of Saul to destroy David at Ramah, they have accordingly Prophesied with us) and in other places since my coming over I have continued, who at first being praeingaged without the Book in the commendation of it, the next time upon the use of it, finding it to be the same, they have confessed their former delusion, and have been fully satisfied.  
And what the Primates Practice had been in Ireland, he continued in England to his last, which in the Countess 
〈…〉  of Peterboroughs house (where he lived and died) I have been often a witness of. And upon a false rumour raised of his remisseness that way, he showed me; not long before his death, what he then had written to an Eminent person (who had told him of it) signifying his high approbation and commendation of the said Book of Common-prayer. And when (after his being destroyed in Ireland) the late King of blessed memory had for his subsistence given him the Bishopric of Carlisle in Commerdam. He did at a Visitation of the Diocese) unto which the remoteness of the place did not permit himself to travel) writ a Letter unto the Ministers thereof, charging them to use constantly the Book of Common-prayer, and the public Catechism in their several Churches.  
Some Pamphlets, which of late years have been published in his name, containing (as they pretended) his 
The falsehood of some Pamphlets put out in his name since his death.  opinion for the omission and change of divers things in it, as I did at their first coming forth protest against them, to be fictitious papers, so I do here confirm it; and whatsoever he might now have yielded unto for the peace and unity of the Church, that we might all speak the same thing; I can assure it (if he were alive) in these late disputes of it, he would have been for the Defendant.  
And for some other particulars observed by me of 
Some particulars observed by him,  him at Drogheda may not be impertinent herewith to relate. At the Creed he stood up constantly, repeated it with the Minister, always received the Communion kneeling; At the public prayers he kneeled also: At his entrance into the Pulpit he addressed himself with some short prayer unto God for his assistance, not steping in irreverently with a rude confident boldness as the manen of some is) but rather with some fear and trembling.  
At his entrance into his Seat both in the Church and in his Chapel, he kneeled down, with some short Prayer also, and as he always came reverently into the Church and went out of it uncovered, so did he continue all the time of Divine Service.  
And though he had as great an ability as the chief Pretenders to an extemporary expression, yet he constant lie used a set form of Player before his Sermon, and that with a decent brevity, which in private Families (as most profitable he commended accordingly, and even at their Tables, which was his own practice also, when he did not omit to pray (according to the usual Form) for the King's Majesty and Royal issue, (now commonly omitted.) In a wotd, this was his often assertion that as the affecting and imposing of a daily sudden conception at Prayer, was a Novelty and a singularity (not being practised in any other Reformed Church) so the immethodical impertinencies, and other indiscreet extravagancies both for measure and matter, frequently occasioned by it, were of greater scandal to the Church, than that aptitude, habitually attained unto by some, could be of profit.   

His Judgement of the Articles of Religion and practice of the Eeclesiastical Constitutions of the Church of England.  
THe Articles of the Church of England, as the Primate 
The Articles of Religion of England.  had long agone subscribed them, so have I often heard him highly commending them. The reception of which Articles in the First Canon of Ireland, Anno 1634. He drew up himself with his own hand, with an addition of a very severe punishment to such as should refuse to subscribe them, as may appear in it.  
Anno 1614 He was a principal person then appointed 
The Canons of Ireland, 1614 taken out of Q. Eliz. Injunct and Can of Engl.  for the collecting and drawing up such Canons as might best concern the Discipline and Government of the Church of Ireland, taken out of Queen Elizabeth's Injunctions and the Canons of England, to be treated upon by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and Clergy of that Kingdom, some of which I have, which were written then with his own hand, and presented by him;  
The two first of them were these,  
1. That no other Form of Liturgy or Divine Service 
The Common Prayer.  shall be used in any Church of this Realm, but that which is established by Law, and comprised in the Book of Common-Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments, etc.  
2. That no other Form of Ordination, shall be used in 
Book of Ordination.  this Nation, but which is contained in the Book of ordering of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, allowed by Authority, and hitherto practised in the Churches of England and Ireland, etc.  
And in his subscription (in relation to the above mentioned) 
His Subscription.  it is in these words, viz. I do acknowledge the Form of God's Service prescribed in the book of Common-Prayer, is good and godly, and may lawfully be used, and do promise that I myself will use the Form in the said Book prescribed in celebration of Divine Service, and administration of the Sacraments, and none other. I do also acknowledge, that such as are consecrated and ordered according to the form prescribed in the Book of Ordination, set forth by Authority, have truly received holy Orders, and have Power given them to exercise all things belonging to that Sacred Function, whereunto they are called etc.  
For the now more perfect Canons of the Church of 
Canons of Ireland. Anno 1634. taken out of those of England.  Ireland, constituted Anno 1634. in the Convocation there (whereof I was a Member) most of them were taken out of these of England, and he being then Primate, had a principal hand in their collection and proposal to the reception of them, the methodizing of all which into due order, I have seen, and have it by me written with his own hand throughout: whereby 'tis apparent what his Judgement was in relation to them.  
The Annual Festivals of the Church he duly observed, 
The Festivals.  preaching upon their several Commemorations: On Christmas-Day, Easter, Whitsunday, he never failed of Communions, that excellent Treatise of his Entitled, The incarnation of the Son of God, was the substance of two or three Sermons which I heard him preach in a Christmas time.  
Good-Fryday, he constantly kept very strictly, preaching 
Good Friday.  himself then upon the Passion beyond his ordinary time, when we had the public prayers in their utmost extent also, and without any thought of a superstition, he kept himself fasting till the Evening.  
Confirmation of Children was often observed by him, 
Confirmation of Children.  the first time he did it (when a great number were presented to him by me) he made a Speech to the Auditory, to the satisfaction of all sorts of persons, concerning the Antiquity and good use of it.  
The public Cathechism in the book of Common-Prayer, 
Catechism.  was enjoined by him to be only observed in the Church, a part of which for a quarter or half an hour was constantly explained by me to the people every Sunday before evening Prayer, himself being present, which was also accordingly enjoined throughout his Diocese.  
He was much for that decent distinctive habit of the 
Apparel of the Clergy.  Clergy (Cassocks, Gowns, Priests-Clokes, etc.) according to the Canon in that behalf provided, to be used by them in their walking or riding abroad, which himself from his younger years always observed. And in Anno 1634. that Canon of England of the decent Apparel of Ministers was by his special approbation, put in among those of Ireland.  
Lastly though in our Constitutions, there is no form 
Consecration of Churches.  appointed for the consecration of a Church or Chappel, yet he was so ready to apply himself to what had been accustomed in England, that at his consecration of a Chapel not far from Drogheda in Ireland, he framed no new one of his own, but took that which goes under Bishop Andrews name, and used it, (with little variation) which I have in my custody.  
And thus I have endeavoured by this Declaration of his Judgement and Practice in these particulars, to give satisfaction to all such, who by their misapprehensions have had their various censures and applications to the great injury of him. I shall only wish that not only they but all others that hear this of him, were both almost and altogether such as he was.    

Mr. hooker's Judgement of Regal Power in matters of Religion, and the advancement of Bishops (wholly left out of the common Copies in his eighth Book) here confirmed by the late Lord Primate USHER'S marginal notes, and other Enlargements with his own hand.  

THe service which we do unto the true God, 
* This is wanting in the common books of Mr. hooker's M. S.  who made heaven and earth, is far different from that which Heathens have done unto their supposed Gods, though nothing else were respected, but only the odds between their hope and ours. The office of piety or true Religion sincerely performed have the promises both of this life and of the life to come, the practices of Superstition have neither. If notwithstanding the Heathens reckoning upon no other reward for all which they did, but only protection and favour in the temporal estate and condition of this present life, and perceiving how great good did hereby publicly grow as long as fear to displease (they knew not what) Divine power was some kind of bridle unto them; did therefore provide that the highest degree of care for their Religion should be the principal charge of such, as having otherwise also the greatest and chiefest power, were by so much the more fit to have custody thereof: Shall the like kind of provision be in us thought blame-worthy?  
A gross error it is to think that Regal Power ought to serve for the good of the body, and not of the soul; for men's temporal peace, and not their eternal safety; as if God had ordained Kings for no other end and purpose, but only to fat up men like hogs, and to see that they have their Mast? Indeed to lead men unto salvation by the hand of secret, invisible, and ghostly regiment, or by the external administration of things belonging unto Priestly order (such as the Word and Sacraments are) this is denied unto Christian Kings: no cause in the world to think them uncapable of supreme authority in the outward government, which disposeth the affairs of Religion, so far forth as the same are disposable by humane authority, and to think them uncapable thereof only for that, the said religion is everlastingly beneficial to them that faithfully continue in it. And even as little cause there is, that being admitted thereunto amongst the Jews, they should amongst the Christians of necessity be delivered from ever 
Cor. 3. 7, 8.  exercising any such power, for the dignity and perfection which is in our Religion more than theirs,  
It may be a question, Whether the affairs of Christianity require more wit, more study, more knowledge 
Ad. 2.  of Divine things in him which shall order them, than the Jewish Religion did: For although we deny not the form of external government, together with all other Rites and Ceremonies to have been in more particular manner set down; yet withal it must be considered also, that even this very thing did in some respects make the burden of their spiritual regiment the harder to be born, by reason of infinite doubts and difficulties, which the very obscurity and darkness of their Law did breed, and which being not first decided, the Law could not possibly have due execution.  
Besides in as much as their Law did also dispose even of all kind of civil affairs, their Clergy being the Interpreters of the whole Law, sustained not only the same labour which Divines do amongst us, but even the burden of our Lawyers too: Nevertheless be it granted that more things do now require to be publicly deliberated and resolved upon with exacter judgement in matters divine, than Kings for the most part have; their personal inability to judge in such sort as professors do, letteth not but that their Regal authority may have the self same degree or sway which the Kings of Israel had in the affairs of their Religion, to rule and command according to the manner of supreme Governors.  
As for the sword wherewith God armed his Church 
Ad. 3.  of old, if that were a reasonable cause why Kings might then have Dominion, I see not but that it ministereth still as forcible an argument for the lawfulness and expedience of their continuance therein now. As we digrade and excommunicate, even so did the Church of the Jews, both separate offenders from the Temple, and depose the Clergy also from their rooms when cause required. The other sword of corporal punishment is not by Christ's own appointment in the hand of the Church of Christ, as God did place it himself in the hands of the Jewish Church: For why? he knew that they whom he sent abroad to gather a people unto him only by persuasive means were to build up his Church even within the bosom of Kingdoms, the chiefest Governors whereof would be open enemies unto it, every where for the space of many years: Wherefore such Commission for discipline he gave them as they might any where exercise in a quiet and peaceable manner, the Subjects of no Commonwealth being touched in goods or person by virtue of that spiritual regiment whereunto Christian Religion embraced did make them subject.  
Now when afterwards it came to pass that whole Kingdoms were made Christian, I demand whither that authority served before for the furtherance of Religion, may not as effectually serve to the maintenance of Christian Religion? Christian Religion hath the sword of spiritual Discipline. But doth that suffice? The Jewish which had it also, did nevertheless stand in need to be aided with the power of the Civil sword. The help whereof, although when Christian Religion cannot have it, must without it sustain itself as far as the other which it hath will serve, notwithstanding where both may be had: what forbiddeth the Church to enjoy the benefit of both? Will any man deny that the Church doth need the rod of corporal punishment to keep her children in obedience withal? Such a Law as Macabeus made amongst the Scots, that he which continued an excommunicate two years together, and reconciled not himself to the Church, should forfeit all his goods and possessions.  
Again, the custom which many Christian Churches have to fly to the Civil Magistrate for coercion of those that will not otherwise be reform, these things are proof sufficient, that even in Christian Religion, the power wherewith Eeclesiastical persons were endued at the first, unable to do of itself so much as when secular power doth strengthen it, and that not by way of Ministry or Service, but of predominancy, such as the Kings of Israel in their time exercised over the Church of God.  
Yea but the Church of God was then restrained more narrowly to one people and one king; which now being spread throughout all Kingdoms, it would be a cause of great dissimilitude in the exercise of Christian Religion, if every King should be over the Affairs of the Church, where he reigneth Supreme Ruler.  
Dissimilitude in great things, is such a thing which draweth great inconvenience after it, a thing which Christian Religion must always carefully prevent. And the way to prevent it is not, as some do imagine, the yielding up of Supreme Power over all Churches into one only Pastors hands, but the framing of their government, especially for matter of substance, every where according to one only Law, to stand in no less force than the Law of Nations doth to be received in all Kingdoms; all Sovereign Rulers to be sworn no otherwise unto it, than some are to maintain the Liberties, Laws, and received Customs of the Country where they reign: This shall cause uniformity even under several Dominions, without those woeful inconveniencies whereunto the State of Christendom was subject heretofore, through the Tyranny and Oppression of that one universal Nimrod, who alone did all.  
And till the christian world be driven to enter into the peaceable and true consultation about some such kind of general Law concerning those things of weight and moment wherein now we differ; If one church hath not the same order which another hath, let every Church keep as near as may be the order it should have, and commend the just defence thereof unto God, even as Judah did when it differed in the exercise of Religion from that form which Israel followed.  
Concerning therefore the matter whereof we have hitherto spoken, let it stand for our final conclusion, that in a free christian State or Kingdom, where one and the self same people are the church and the commonwealth, God through christ directing that people, to see it for good and weighty considerations expedient, that their Sovereign Lord and Governor in causes Civil, have also in Ecclesiastical Affairs a Supreme Power; Forasmuch as the Light of reason doth lead them unto it, and against it, Gods own revealed law, hath nothing; surely they do not in submitting themselves thereunto, any other then that which a wise and religious people ought to do; it was but a little overflowing of wit in Thomas Aquinas, so to play upon the words of Moses in the old, and of Peter in the new Testament; as though 
Exod. 19  because the one did term the Jews a Priestly Kingdom, 
1 Pet. 2.  the other us a Kingly Priesthood: Those two Substantives Kingdom and Priesthood, should import that Judaisme 
* Thom. in cum locum.  did stand through the King's Superiority over Priests, christianity through the Priests Supreme Authority over Kings. Is it probable that Moses and Peter had herein so nice and curious conceits? or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing, namely that God doth glorify and sanctify his, even with full perfection in both; which thing St. John doth in plainer sort express, saying that Christ hath made us both Kings 
Revel. 1. 6.  and Priests.  
Wherein it is from the purpose altogether alleged 
* This is also wanting in the common copy.)  that Constantine termeth church-Officers Overseers of things within the church, himself of those without the church; that Hilary beseecheth the Emperor Constance 
* Euseb. l. 4. de vit. Constant.  to provide that the Governor of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgement of Ecclesiastical 
* Dib. ad Const.  Causes, unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged. That Ambrose affirmeth Palaces to belong unto the Emperor: but churches to the minister; The Emperor to have Authority of the common walls of the 
* Lib. 5. Epi. 33.  city, and not over holy things; for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the Church debated in the Prince's consistory, but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning Church matters in a Civil Court, he came not. That Augustine witnesseth how the Emporor not daring to judge of the Bishop's cause committed it unto the Bishops, and was to crave pardon of the Bishops, 
* Ep. 166. 162.  for that by the Donatists' importunity which made no end of appealing unto him, he was, being weary of them, drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs, all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further than only unto the administration of Church Affairs, or the determination of Strifes and Controversy, rising about the matter of Religion: It proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for Church-Officers to have the hearing of causes merely Ecclesiastical, and not the Emperor himself in person to give sentence of them. No one man can be sufficient for all things.  
And therefore public affairs are divided, each kind, in all well ordered States, allotted unto such kind of persons, as reason presumeth fittest to handle them. Reason cannot presume Kings ordinarily so skilful as to be personal Judges meet for the common hearing and determining of Church controversies. But they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorised by such power as may cause them to take effect. The principality of which power (in making Laws, whereupon all these things depend) is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto Kings, although not both in such sort, but that still it is granted by the one, that albeit Ecclesiastical Counsels consisting of Church Officers did frame the Laws, whereby the Church affairs were ordered in ancient times; yet no Canon, no not of any Council had the force of Law in the Church, unless it were ratified and confirmed by the Emperor, being Christian.  
Seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the Emperor to confirm the Ordinances which were made by the Ministers, which is as much 
T. C. l. 1. p 193.  in effect to say that the Emperor had in Church Ordinances, a voice negative, and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of public Ordinances; Why are we condemned as giving more unto Kings than the Church did in those times, we giving them no more but the supreme power which the Emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day) any Christian King, either doth are possibly can use it over the Church?  
The case is not like when such Assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other 
This is in the common copies.  affairs of the Church, and when they meet about the making Ecclesiastical Laws or Statutes. For in the one 
That is, in the copies which the Primate than saw, but not in that which is now printed  they only are to advise, in the other they are to decree: The persons which are of the one the King doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withal; them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of Law as having right to be thereunto 
Of their power in making Ecclesisticall Laws.  called. Finally, the one are but themselves, and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement; the other represent the whole Clergy, and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict. Now the question is whether the Clergy alone so assembled aught to have the whole power of making Ecclesiastical Laws, or else consent of the Laity may thereunto be made necessary, and the King's assent so necessary, that his sole denial may be of force to stay them from being Laws.  
If they with whom we dispute were uniform, strong 
What Laws may be made for the affairs of the Church, & to whom the power of making them appettaineth  and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble ourselves about their persons to whom the power of making Laws for the Church belongeth; For they are sometimes very vehement in contention, that from the greatest thing unto the least about the Church all must needs be immediately from God: & to this they apply the pattern of the ancient Tabernacle which God delivered unto Moses, and was therein so exact, that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it. To this they also apply that strict and severe charge which God so often gave concerning his own Law; Whatsoever I command you take heed you do it; thou shalt put nothing 
Deut. 12. 32▪ 4. 2.  thereto, thou shalt take nothing from it; nothing, whether it be great or small. Yet sometime bethinking 
Jos. 1. 7.  themselves better, they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principal things from God, and that for other matters the Church hath sufficient authority to make Laws; whereupon they now have made it a question, what persons they are, whose right it is to take order for the Church's affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite. Laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in, or else touching that which is to be done by the Church of God. The Law of nature and the Law of God are sufficient for declaration in both, what belongeth 
* Tho. 2. quaest. 1 c 8. artic. 2.  unto each man separately as his soul is the spouse of Christ; yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully show whatsoever God doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss. But as a man liveth joined with others in common society, and belongeth unto the outward politic body of the Church, albeit the said Law of Nature and of Scripture, have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity, nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising, which the Church, having care of souls must take order for, as need requireth; hereby it cometh to pass, that there is, and ever will be so great use even of humane Laws and Ordinances deducted by way of discourse, as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto. No man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of God, for manner in divine service, for order in Ecclesiastical proceedings about the Regiment of the Church, there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have Laws made: but the reason is not so plain, wherefore humane Laws should appoint men what to believe.  
Wherefore in this we must note two things: First, that in matter of opinion, the Law doth not make that to be truth which before was not, as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before; but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth, the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed. Secondly, that as opinions do cleave to the understanding, and are in heart asserted unto, it is not in the power of any humane Law to command them, because to prescribe what men shall think, belongeth only unto God cord creditur o'er fit confessio, saith the Apostle: As opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed, so man's Law hath to determine of them. It may for public unities sake require men's professed assent, or prohibit their contradiction to special articles, wherein as there happily hath been controversy what is true, so the same were like to continue still, not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls, except Law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty, which no man afterwards is to gainsay.  
Wherefore as in regard of divine Laws, which the Church receiveth from God, we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in Solomon, Conserva fili 
Prov. 6.  mi praecepta patris tui, My son keep thou thy father's precepts: Even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the Church itself makes, we may add thereunto the words that follow: Et ne dimittas legem matris tua, And forsake not thou thy mothers Law. It is undoubtedly a thing even natural, that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own Laws. And that this power should belong to the whole, not to any certain part of a politic body, though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action than the rest. Which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all Laws, we see no cause why to think otherwise in laws concerning the service of God, which in all well-ordered States and commonwealth is the first thing that Law hath care to provide for: When we speak of the right which naturally 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Archit. de le●e & justit.  belongeth to a Commonwealth, we speak of that which must needs belong to the Church of God; For if the Commonwealth be Christian; if the people which are of it do publicly embrace the true Religion, this very thing doth make it the Church, as hath been showed; so that unless the verity and purity of Religion do take from them which embrace it, that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed: Look what authority, as touching Laws for Religion a Commonwealth hath simply—  
Here this breaks off abruptly.   

The Prince's power in the advancement of Bishops, unto the rooms of Prelacy.  
TOuching the advancement of Prelates unto their 
* This is wanting in the common books of Mr Hooker's M. S.  rooms by the King: Whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange, that Prelates the Officers of Gods own Sanctuary, than which nothing is more sacred, should be made by persons secular; there are that will not have Kings be altogether of the Laity, but to participate that sanctified power which God hath endued his Clergy with, and that in such respect they are anointed with oil. A shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly, we cannot say Kings do make, but that they only do place Bishops, for in a Bishop there are these three things to be considered; The power whereby he is distinguished from other Pastors; The special portion of the Clergy, and the people over whom he is to exercise that bishoply Power; and the place of his Seat or Throne, together with the Profits, Preeminencies, Honours thereunto belonging. The first every Bishop hath by consecration, the second the Election invested him with, the third he receiveth of the King alone.  
Which consecration the King intermeddleth not farther than only by his Letters to present such an elect Bishop as shall be consecrated. Seeing therefore that none but Bishops do consecrate, it followeth that none but they do give unto every Bishop his being: The manner of uniting Bishops as heads unto the flock, and Clergy under them, hath often altered; for if some be not deceived, this thing was sometime done even without any election at all. At the first (saith he to whom the name of Ambrose is given) the first created in the College of Presbyters was still the Bishop, he dying, the next Senior did succeed him. Sed quia coeperunt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos, immutata est ratio, prospiciente concilio, ut non ordo sed meritum crearet episcopum multorum, sacerdotum constitutum, ne indignus temere usurparet & esset multis scandalum; In elections at the beginning the Clergy and the people both had to do, although not both after one fort. The people gave their, Testimony and showed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen. But the choice was wholly in the sacred College of Presbyters, hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the ancient do commonly allude, as when Pontius concerning St. Cyprians election saith he was chosen 
In vit. Cypy.  judicio Dei & populifavore, by the judgement of God, and favour of the people, the one branch alluding to the voices of the Ecclesiastical Senate which with religion, sincerity chose him, the other to the people's affection, who earnestly desired to have him chosen their Bishop. Again, Leo, nulla ratio sinit, ut inter Episcopos habeantur 
Nulla ratio Dist. 63.  qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti. No reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst Bishops whom neither Clergy hath elected, nor Laity coveted, in like so●t Honorius. Let 
* Ep. Honour Imp. ad Bonif. Concil. Tom. 1.  him only be established Bishop in the Sea of Rome, whom Divine Judgement and universal consent hath chosen.  
That difference which is between the form of electing Bishops at this day with us, and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the Kings of this Land do claim in furnishing the places where Bishops elected & consecrated are to reside as Bishops: for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous Princes of this Land have been at, as well in erecting Episcopal Seas, as also in endowing them with ample possessions, sure of their religious magnificence and bounty, we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honoured, with those Royal prerogatives, taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy, and of advancing alone unto such dignities what persons they judge most fit for the same. A thing over and besides, even therefore the more seasonable, for that as the King most justly hath pre-eminence to make Lords Temporal, which are not such by right of birth, so the like pre-eminence of bestowing where pleaseth him the honour of Spiritual Nobility also cannot seem hard, Bishops being Peers of the Realm, and by law itself so reckoned.  
Now whether we grant so much unto Kings in this respect, or in the fomer consideration, whereupon the Laws have annexed it unto the Crown it must of necessity being granted both make void whatsoever interest the people aforetime hath had towards the choice of their own Bishop, and also restrain the very act of Canonical election usually made by the Dean and Chapter, as with us in such sort it doth, that they neither can proceed unto any election till 
* 25 Ed. 3.  
* 25 Ed. 3.  
* 25 H. 8. c. 20  leave be granted, nor elect any person but that is named unto them. If they might do the one it would be in them to defeat the King of his profits: If the other, than were the King's preeminences of granting those dignities nothing. And therefore were it not for certain Canons requiring canonical election to be before consecration, 
* C. Nullu●, Dist. 63.  I see no cause but that the King's Letters patents alone might suffice well enough to that purpose, as by Law they do in case those Electors should happen not to satisfy the King's pleasure. Their election is now but a matter of form; it is the King's mere grant which placeth, and the Bishop's consecration which maketh Bishops: Neither do the Kings of this Land use herein any other than such prerogatives as foreign Nations have been accustomed unto.  
About the year of our Lord 425. Pope Boniface solicited 
* Tom. 1. Concil.  most earnestly the Emperor Monorius to take some order that the Bishops of Rome might be created without ambitious seeking of the place. A needless petition if so be the Emperor had no right at all in the placing of Bishops there. But from the days of Justinian the Emperor about the year 553. Onuphrius 
* Onuph. in Pelag. 2.  himself doth grant that no man was Bishop in the Sea of Rome whom first the Emperor by his Letters-patents did not licence to be consecrated, till in benedict's time it pleased the Emperor to forgo that right, which afterwards was restored to Charles with augmentation, and continued in his successors till such time as Hildebrand took it from Hen. 4. and ever since the Cardinals have held it as at this day.  
Had not the right of giving them belonged to the Emperors of Rome within the compass of their Dominions what needeth Pope Leo the fourth to trouble Lotharius and Lodowick with those his Letters whereby having done them to understand that the Church called Reatina was without a Bishop, he maketh suit that one 
* ●Rea in. Dist. 63.  Colonus might have the Rome, or if that were otherwise disposed, his next request was, Tusculanam Ecclesiam quae viduata existit illi vestra serenitas dignetur concedere, ut consecratis à nostro presulatu Deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat: May it please your Clemencies to grant unto him the Church of Tuscula, now likewise void, that by our Episcopal authority, he being after consecrated may be to Almighty God and your Highness therefore thankful.  
Touching other Bishoprics extant, there is a very short, but a plain discourse written almost 500 years since, by occasion of that miserable contention raised between the Emperor Henr. 4. and Pope Hildebrand. 
* W●tthramu● Naumburgensis, deinvestit Episcoporum per Imperat. saciendâ.  named otherwise Gregory the seventh, not as Platina would bear men in hand for that the D. of Rome would not brook the Emperor's simoniacal dealing, but because the right which Christian Kings and Emperors had to invest Bishops, hindered so much his ambitious designments, that nothing could detain him from attempting to wrest it violently out of their hands. This Treatise I mention for that it shortly comprehendeth not only the fore-alledged right of the Emperor of Rome, acknowledged by six several Popes, even with bitter execration against whomsoever of their successors that should by word or deed at any time go about to infringe the same, but also further these other specialties appertaining thereunto: First, that the Bishops likewise of Spain, England, Scotland, Hungary had by ancient institution always been invested by their Kings without opposition or disturbance. Secendly, that such was their royal interest partly for that they were founders of Bishoprics, partly because they undertook the defence of them against all ravenous oppressions and wrongs, part in as much that it was not safe, that rooms of so great power and consequence in their estate, should without their appointment be held by any under them. And therefore that even Bishops than did homage, and took their oaths of fealty unto the Kings which invested them. Thirdly, that what solemnitity or Ceremony Kings do use in this action it skilleth not; as namely whether they do it by word or by precept, set down in writing or by delivery of a staff and a ring, or by any other means whatsoever only that use and Custom would, to avoid all offence, be kept. Some base Canonists there are which contend that neither Kings nor Emperors had ever any right hereunto saving only by the Pope's either grant or toleration. Whereupon nor to spend any further labour we leave their folly to be controlled by men of more ingenuity & judgement even amongst themselves: Duarensis, Papon, Choppinus, Aegidius, Magister, Arnulphus, Ruzaeus, Costvius, Philippus Probus, and the rest, by whom the right of Christian Kings and Princes herein is maintained to be such as the Bishops of Rome cannot lawfully either withdraw, or abridge or hinder. But of this thing there is with us no question although with them there be; the Laws and customs of the Realm approving such regalities in case no reason thereof did appear, yet are they hereby abundantly warranted unto us, except some Law of God or nature to the contrary could be showed.  
How much more when they have been every where thought so reasonable, that Christian Kings throughout the world use and exercise, if not altogether: yet surely with very little odds the same; so far that Gregory the tenth forbidding such regalities to be newly begun, where they were not in former times, if 
* Cap. General. de elect. l. 6.  any do claim those rights from the first foundation of Churches, or by ancient custom of them, he only requireth that neither they nor their agents damnify the Church of God, by using the said prerogatives: Now as there is no doubt but the Church of England by this means is much eased of some inconveniences, so likewise a special care there is requisite to be had, that other evils no less dangerous may not grow. By the history of former times it doth appear, that when the freedom of Elections was most large, men's dealings and proceedings therein were not the least faulty.  
Of the people St. Jerome complaineth, that their 
* Adver. Jovin. l. 1.  judgements many times went much awry, and that in allowing of their Bishops, every man favoured his own quality, every one's desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men, as of them which were like himself. What man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults, tragedies, and schisms which were raised by occasion of the Clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place, there was not any kind of practice though never so unhonest or vile left unassaied, whereby men might supplant their Competitors, and the one side foil the other. Sidonius speaking of a Bishopric 
* L. 7. Epist 5.  void in his time: The decease of the former Bishop (saith he) was an alarm to such as would labour for the room: Whereupon the people forthwith betaking themselves unto parts, storm on each side, few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man; many who not only offer but enforce themselves. All things light, variable, counterfeit. What should I say? I see not any thing plain and open but impudence only.  
In the Church of Constantinople about the election of 
* Theod. lib. 5. cap. 27.  S. chrysostom by reason that some strove mightily for 
* Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2.  him and some for Nectarius, the troubles growing had not been small, but that Aroadius the Emperor interposed himself; even as at Rome the Emperor Valentinian, 
* Marcel. l. 15.  whose forces were hardly able to establish Damasus 
* Socr. 2. c. 27. & l. 4. c. 29.  Bishop, and to compose the strife between him and his Competitor Urficinus, about whose election the blood 
* Theod. l. 2. c. 15, 16, 17.  of 137 was already shed. Where things did not 
* Sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. & l. 6. c. 23.  break out into so manifest and open flames; yet between them which obtained the place, and such as before withstood their promotion, that secret hart burning often grew, which could not afterwards be easily slaked; insomuch that Pontius doth note it as a rare point 
* In vit. Cypr.  of virtue in Cyprian, that whereas some were against his election, he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them, all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget. These and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we do not feel. Howbeit lest the Church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force; we are most humbly to crave at the hands of Sovereign Kings and Governors, the highest Patrons which this Church of Christ hath on earth, that it would please them to be advertised thus much.  
Albeit these things which have been sometimes, done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others, and so the kind of Agents vary as occasions daily growing shall require, yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burdens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of public action, which burdens in this case Princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in God's sight, no less than the People and the Clergy, when the power of electing their Prelates did rest fully and wholly in them.  
A fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any, whom desert of most holy life and the gift 
* C. Sacrorum Canon. didst 63.  of divine wisdom did not commend, a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal Pastors of 
* C. Lectis Dist. 63.  God to continue void, not to preserve the Church patrimony, as good to each Successor as any Predecessor enjoy the same, had been in them a most odious & grievous fault. Simply, good and evil do not lose their nature. That which was is the one or the other, whatsoever the subject of either be. The faults mentioned are in Kings by so much greater for that in what Churches they exercise those Regalities, whereof we do now entreat, the same Churches they have received into their special care and custody, with no less effectual obligation of conscience than the Tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupil whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep. All power is given unto edification, none to the overthrow and destruction of the Church. Concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion, thus much may suffice, seeing that they with whom we contend do not directly oppose themselves against regalities, but only so far forth as generally they hold that no Church dignity should be granted without consent of the common People, and that there ought not to be in the Church of Christ any Episcopal Rooms for Princes to use their Regality in. Of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before.  
As therefore the person of the King may for just consideration, 
* This is in the common Copy of Mr. Ho●ke, M. S. that is, in the copies which the Primate than saw, but not in the now printed ones.  even where the cause is civil, be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of Judgement and others under his authority be fit, he unfit himself to judge; so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for Kings, to sit and give sentence in spiritual Courts, where causes Ecclesiastical are usually debated, can be no bar to that force and efficacy which their Sovereign power hath over those very Consistories, and for which we hold without any exception that all Courts are the Kings. All men are not for all things sufficient, and therefore public affairs being divided, such persons must be authorised Judges in each kind as common reason may presume to be most fit; Which cannot of King's and Prince's ordinarily be presumed in causes merely Ecclesiastical; so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burden unto other men. We see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the Clergy alone, and that Commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to join with them, as also between both these Jurisdictions and a third, whereby the King hath a transcendent Authority, and that in all causes over both. Why this may not lawfully be granted unto him, there is no reason. A time there was when Kings were not capable of any such power, as namely when they professed themselves open Adversaries unto Christ and christianity. A time there followed when they being capable, took sometimes more, sometimes less to themselves, as seemed best in their own eyes, because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined.  
The Bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such Affairs, saw very just cause of grief when the highest, favouring Heresy, withstood by the strength of Sovereign Authority, religious proceedings; whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable Power, pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary; namely, that the Affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other, unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing Orders and Laws, against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto, are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which Laws have given them, unless men can show that there is in those Laws some manifest Iniquity or Injustice. Whereas 
ones T. C. lib 3. Pag. 155.  therefore against the force Judicial & Imperial which Supreme Authority hath, it is alleged how Constantine 
* Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 4.  termeth Church Officers, Overseers of things within the Church, himself of all without the Church; how 
* Epist. 162. 166.  Augustine witnesseth that the Emperor not daring to judge of the Bishop's cause, committed it unto the Bishops, and was to crave pardon of the Bishops, for that by the Donatists' importunity, which made no end of appealing unto him, he was (being weary of them) drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs, 
* Lib. ad Constant.  how Hilary beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governors of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the Judgement of Ecclesiastical causes, to whom Commonwealth matters only belonged; how Ambrose affirmeth that Palaces belong unto 
* Lib. 5. Ep 33  the Emperor, Churches to the Minister, that the Emperor hath Authority over the Commonwealth of the City, and not in holy things, for which cause he never would yield to have the Causes of the Church debated in the Prince's Consistory, but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian, for that being convented to Answer concerning Church Matters in a civil court, he came not.  
[Besides these Testimonies of Antiquity, which Mr. Cart. 
* Inclusa desunt in vul●atis exempl● ib.  bringeth forth, Doctor Stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose, hath augmented the number of them, by adding other of the 
* Doctrine. ●iccip. lib 5. Cont. 2 cap. 18.  like nature; namely, how Hosius the Bishop of Corduba answered the Emperor, saying, God hath committed to thee the Empire; with those things that belong to 
* Apud Athanos in Epist. ad solit. vit. agentes.  the Church, he hath put us in trust. How Leontius Bishop of Tripoli also told themselves same Emperor as much. I wonder how thou which art called unto one thing, 
* Suid. in verb. Leontius.  takest upon thee to deal in another, for being placed in Military and Politic Affairs, in things that belong unto Bishops alone thou wilt bear rule.] We may by these Testimonies drawn from Antiquity, if we list to consider them, discern how requisite it is that Authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding. For in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal Civil Magistrates Authority should be of, how far it should reach, and what order it should observe, but Christian Emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable, in those Affairs, by this mean it cometh to pass, that they in their practice vary, and are not uniform.  
Virtuous Emperors, such as Constantine the great was, made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customs which had been used in the Church, even when it lived under Infidels. Constantine of reverence to Bishops, and their spiritual authority, rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do, than was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise. The order which had been before he ratifieth, exhorting Bishops to look to the Church, and promising that he would do the office of a Bishop over the Commonwealth. Which very Constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spiritual causes, but that sometimes he took, 
* Epist. 68  as St. Augustine witnesseth, even personal cognition of them. Howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence, I stand in doubt; for if the other, of whom St. Augustine elsewhere speaketh, did in such sort judge, surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done. Otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated, and deliver in the end his own opinion of them, declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is. But this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto: it is a sentence of private persuasion, and not of solemn jurisdiction, albeit a King or an Emperor pronounce it.  
Again on the contrary part, when Governors infected with Heresy were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it, as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail. They not respecting at all what was meet, presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws & customs as the Church had been wont to observe. So that the one sort feared to do even that which they might, and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon: the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed, the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power, not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds. So great odds between them whom before we mentioned, and such as the younger Valentinian, by whom St. Ambrose being commanded to yield up one of the Churches under him unto the Arrians, whereas they which were sent on his message, alleged that the Emperor did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power, the answer which the holy Bishop gave them was, that the Church is the House of God, and that those things which be Gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the Emperors will and pleasure; his palaces he might grant unto whomsoever. A cause why many times Emperors did more by their absolute authority than could very well stand with reason, was the overgreat importunity of wicked Heretics, who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported. In this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own Church much better settled than theirs was, because our Laws have with far more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power. All decisions of things doubtful, and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of Law, what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth: It is neither permitted unto Prelate nor Prince to judge and determine at their own discretion, but Law hath prescribed what both shall do. What power the King hath, he hath it by Law, the bounds and limits of it are known. The entire community giveth general order by Law how all things publicly are to be done, and the King as the head thereof the highest in authority over all, causeth according to the same Law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby. The whole body politic maketh Laws, which Laws give power unto the King, and the King having bound himself to use according unto Law that power, it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort. There is no cause given unto any to make supplication as Hilary did, that Civil Covernors to whom Commonwealth matters only belong, may not presume to take upon them the judgement of Ecclesiastical causes.  
If the cause be spiritual, secular Courts do not meddle with it, we need not excuse ourselves with Ambrose, but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any Civil Judge in a matter which is not Civil; so that we do not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the Court, as we easily may do both, without some better direction than can be had by the rules of this newfound Disciplines But of this most ceertain we are that our Laws do neither suffer a 
* See the Stature of Edward 1. and Edward 2. and Nat. Bren. touching Prohibition. See also in Bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. Est jurisdictio quaedam ordinaria quaedam delegata, quae pertinet ad Sacerdotium & forum Ecclesiasticum, sicut in causis spiritualibus & spiritualitati annexis. Est etiam alia jurisdictio, ordinaria vel delegata, quae pertinet ad Coronam & dignitatem Regis. & ad Regnum, in causis & placitis rerum temporalium in so●o seculari. Again, Cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones, & diversae judices, & diversae causae; debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare, an sua sit jurisdictio, ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam. Again, Non pertinet ad Regem injungere poenitentias, nec ad judicem secularem. Nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt, spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis & aliis Ecclesiae proventionibus. Again, Non est laicus conveviendus coraus judice Ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit & debeat.  Spiritual Court to entertain those causes which by Law are Civil; nor yet if the matter beindeed spiritual a mere Civil Court to give judgement of it. Touching supreme power therefore to command all men, and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest. Let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning, as for defence of the truth therein.  
This is added by the Lord Primate Usher.   


* None of all this which follows is to be found in the common copy of Mr hooker's MS  The King's exemption from Censure, and other Judicial Power.  
THe last thing of all which concerns the King's Supremacy is whither thereby he may be exempted from being subject to that judicial Power which Ecclesiastical consistories have over men. It seemeth first in most men's Judgements to be requisite, that on earth there should not be any alive altogether without standing in awe of some by whom they may be controlled and bridled.  
The good estate of a Commonwealth within itself is thought on nothing to depend more then upon these two special affections Fear and Love: Fear in the highest Governor himself, and Love in the Subjects that live under Him. The Subjects love for the most part continueth as long as the righteousness of Kings doth last, in whom virtue decayeth not as long as they fear to do that which may alienate the loving hearts of their Subjects from them. Fear to do evil groweth from the harm which evil doers are to suffer. If therefore private men which know the danger they are subject unto, being malefactors, do notwithstanding so boldly adventure upon heinous crimes, Only because they know it is possible for some Transgressor sometimes to escape the danger of law. In the Mighty upon earth (which are not always so Virtuous and Holy that their own good minds will bridle them) what may we look for considering the frailty of men's nature, if the world do once hold it for a Maxim that Kings ought to live in no subjection, that how grievous disorder soever they fall into, none may have coercive power over them. Yet so it is that this we must necessarily admit as a number of rightwell Learned men are persuaded.  
Let us therefore set down first what there is which may induce men so to think, and then consider their several inventions or ways who judge it a thing necessary even for Kings themselves to be punishable, and that by men. The question itself we will not determine, The reasons of each opinion being opened it shall be best for the wise to judge which of them is likeliest to be true. Our purpose being not to oppugn any save only that which Reformers hold and of the rest rather to inquire then to give sentence. Inducements leading men to think the highest Magistrate should not be judged of any saving God alone, are specially these.  
First, as there could be in natural bodies no motion of any thing unless there were some which moved all things and continueth unmoveable, even so in politic Societies, there must be some unpunishable or else no man shall suffer punishment, For sith punishments proceed always from Superiors to whom the administration of justice belongeth, which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others, and receiveth not from any, because otherwise the Course of Justice should go infinitely in a Circle every Superior having his Superior without end; which cannot be; therefore a wellspring, it followeth there is, and a supreme head of Justice whereunto all are subject, but itself in subjection to none. Which kind of Pre-eminence if some aught to have in a Kingdom, who but the King shall have it? King's therefore no man can have lawful power and Authority to judge.  
If private men offend, there is the Magistrate over them which judgeth; if Magistrates they have their Prince. If Princes there is Heaven, a Tribunal, before which they shall appear: on earth they are not accountable to any.  
Here it breaks off abruptly.    

The FORM OF Church Government, Before and after Christ As it is expressed in the OLD and NEW TESTAMENT.  

Of the Form of Government in the Old Testament.  
THerewere Priests before the Law.  
Melchisedech Genes. 14. 18.  
In Egypt 

46. 20.  
41. 50. Patiphera.    
In the East, 

Job. 12. 19  
Exod. 2. 16. Madian.    
Among the Jews. Exod. 19 22, 24.  
These were Young men of the Sons of Israel Exod. 24. 5.  
The Eldest Sons or Firstborn Numb. 3. 12. 8. 16.  

Under MOSES.  
The Commonwealth of Israel was either personal, containing all the whole people, not a man left. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Or Representative in which the 

Estate,  
Tribes,  
Cities, whose Daughters the towns adjacent are called.    
I. The Estate had ever one Governor, 

1. Moses,  
2. Joshua,  
3. Judges,  
4. Tirshathaes' or (Vice-Roys) Ezra 2. 63. with whom were joined the LXX. Elders called (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.)    
II. The Tribes had every one their Prince, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phylarcha (Num. 2.) with whom were joined the Chief of the Families, Patriarchae (Num. 1. 4.)  
III. The Cities had each likewise their Ruler: Judg. 9 30. 1 Kings 22. 26. 2 Kings 23. 8. with whom were joined the Elders, or Ancients (Ruth 4. 2. Ezra 10. 14.  
These last, not before they came into Canaan, (and were settled in their Cities.)  
It appeareth, that Moses sometime consulted only with the heads of the Tribes, and then one Trumpet only sounded, Num. 10. 4. In some other causes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or Assembly of the LXX.) and then both Trumpets called (Num. 10. 3.) 
* Antiquit. l. 4. c. 8.  when all did meet it represented the whole body of Israel: [So then sometimes all the people, the whole body of Israel met; sometimes the whole people were represented by the chief men of the several Tribes.]  
The highest BENCH, or Judgement for causes of greatest difficulty was that of the LXX, who at the first were the Fathers of each Family that came down to Egypt (Gen. 46.) which number did after that remain, Exod. 24. 1. 9 and was at last by God himself so appointed Num. 11. 16. See (2 Chron. 19 8.)  
The inferior BENCHES, for matters of less importance were erected by Jethroes advice.  
Of Rulers of 

Thousands  
Hundreds  
Fiftiss  
Tithings   Exod. 18. 21, 26,  
And after established by God's approbation (Deut. 16.) in every City, wherein (as Josephus saith) were seven Judges, and for each Judge two Levites, which made together the Bench of each City.   

The Form of Ecclesiastical Government [amongst the Priests.  
THe Priesthood was settled in the Tribe of Levy by God.  
Levy had three Sons, Cohath, Gershom, and 〈◊〉.  
Of these, Line of Cohath was preferred before the rest.  
From him descended four Families, Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel.  
Of these the Stock of Amram was made chief.  
He had two Sons, Aaron and Moses.  
Aaron was by God appointed Highpriest,  
So that there came to be four distinctions of Levites:  

1. Aaron as chief.  
2. Cohath.  
3. Gershon.  
4. Merari.   
The Commonwealth of Israel was at the beginning in the Desert, a Camp in the midst whereof the Ark and Tabernacle were pitched; and according to the four Coasts whereof they quartered themselves, on every side three Tribes.  
On the East side Judah, Issachar, Zabulon, Num. 2 verse 3 South Reuben, Simeon, Gad, 10 West Ephraim, Manasses, Benjamin. 18 North Dan, Asher, Napthali. 25  
These four Quarters were committed to those four Divisions of Levites.  
The East quarter to Aaron and his Family, Numb. 3. verse 38. South The Cohathites, 29. West The Gershonites, 23. North The Merarites, 35.  
Who lodged among them, and took charge of them as of their several Wards.  
But there was not an * equality in these four; for,  
1. Aaron's Family, which bore the Ark itself was chief.  
2. Cohaths, which bore the Tabernacle, and Vessels next.  
3. Gershons, which bore the Veil and Hangings of the Court, Third  
4. Meraries, which bore the Pillars and Posts, last. Neither were all the Levites of each of these several houses equal, but God ordained a superiority among them.  
Over the Priests Eleazar Numb. 3. ver. 30. Cohathites Elizaphau Gershonites Eliasaph 24. Merarites Zuriel 35.  
Whom he termeth Nesiim, that is, Prelates or Superiors. No, nor did he permit these four to be equals among themselves; but  
Appointe● 

Ithamar (Exod. 38. 21. to command over 

Eliasaph with his Gershonites Num. 4. 28.  
Zuriel with his Merarites, Num. 4. 33.    
Eleazar (Nu. 4. 16) to have jurisdiction over 

his own Family.  
Elizaphau with his Cohathites.      
Note. Yea he maketh not Eleazar, and Ithamar to be absolute equals, but giveth Eleazar preeminence over Ithamer, and therefore termeth him Nasi Nasiim, Princeps Principum, or Praelatus Praelatorum, Num. 3. 32.  
And all these under Aaron the * highest.  
So that  
1. Aaron was the High Priest.  
2. Under him Eleazar; who as he had his peculiar charge to look unto, so was he * also generally to rule both Ithamars' jurisdiction and his own.  
3. Under him Ithamar, over two Families.  
4. Under him the three Prelates.  
5. Under each of them their several Chief Fathers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they are termed (Exod. 6. 25.) under Elizaphau Four, under Eliasaph two, under Zuriel two. Num. 3. 18. etc.  
6. Under these the several persons of their Kindred.  
Note. This is here worth the noting, that albeit, it be granted that Aaron was the type of Christ, and so we forbear to takeany argument from him, (yet Eleazar) who was no Type, nor ever so deemed by any Writer) will serve sufficiently to show such superiority as is pleaded for, that is a personal Jurisdiction in one Man resiant over the Heads or Rulers of divers charges [in one Kingdom State or National Government, as here in Israel under Moses, who was (as Kings now are) custos utriusque tabulae, and took care of all matters Civil and Ecclesiastical.]   

The Form of Government under JOSHUA.  
THe Commonwealth being changed from the Ambulatory Form, into a settled Estate in the Cities of Caanau, as before the Levites were divided according to the several Quarters of the Camp, so now were they sorted into the several Territories of the Tribes, so God commanded, Num. 35. 2. 8.  
The Lot so fell, that the four partitions of the XII. Tribes were not the same, as when they camped before together, but after another sort, for the Tribes of  


1. Juda, Simeon, and Benjamine made the first Quarter.  
2. Ephraim, Dan, and half the Tribe of Manasses, the second Quarter.  
3. Izachar, Ashur, Napthali, and the other half of Manasses, the third Quarter.  
4. Zebulun, Reuben, and Gad the fourth Quarter.    
Now in these Four.  
1. The charge, or oversight of the first was committed to Aaron and his Family, and they had therein assigned to them XIII. Cities, in Judah and Simeon IX. and in Benjamin IV. (Joshua 21. 10. etc.)  
2. of the second the care was committed to the Family of the Cohathites, and they had * therein assigned to them X. cities; in Ephraim IV. in Dan. IU. and in the half of Manasses II. (Joshua 21. 20.)  
3. The third was committed to the Family of Gershon, and they had therein assigned to them XIII. cities; in Issachar IV. in Asher IV. in Napthali III. in the other half of Manasses II. (Joshua 21. 27.)  
4. The oversight of the fourth partition was committed to the Merarites, and they had therein assigned to them XII. cities; in Zebulun IV. in Reuben IV. in Gad IV. (Joshua 21. 34.)  
These were in all XLVIII cities, whereof the chief (as may appear) were cities set on hills, and all situate in such proportion of distance, as they most equally parted their Tribe among them, to perform unto them their duties of attendance and instruction.  
Further, there were in Joshua's time added by decree of the Princes, the Nethinims of the people of Gibeon for the lowest Ministeries, and for the service of the Levites (Joshua 9 27.)  
So that now the order was thus.  

1. Eleazar.  
2. Phineas.  
3. Abisa.  
4. The three Nesilm.  
5. The Raze Aboth (or heads of the Families.)  
6. The Levites.  
7. The Nethinims.   
Note. If this power and superiority was necessary, when all the people and Priests were within one Trench, even within the view of Aaron's eye, much more in Canaan, when they were scattered abroad in divers cities far distant, was the retaining of it more than necessary.  
* Now the abovesaid 48. Cities of the Levites were these,  
In Judah and Simeon IX. viz. 
2 Sam. 2, 3. Nehem. 11. 25.  
 " Hebron, Libna, Jattir, Estitema, Holon, Debir, Ain, Jutta, Bethshemesh.  
In Benjamin IU. viz. 
 " Gibeon, Geba, Anathoth, Almon.  
In Ephraim IU. viz. 
All this is writ with the Lord Primate Ushers own hand.  
 " Sichem, Gezer, Kibraim, Beth-horon.  
In Dan IU. viz. 
 " Eltekah, Tekoa, Gibethorn, Aialon.  
In the half of Manasses II. viz, 
 " Taanach, Gathrimmon.  
In Issachar IU. viz. 
 " Kishon, Dabera, Jarmath, Engamin.  
In Aser IU. viz. 
 " Mishall, Abdon, Helka, Rehob.  
In Nepthali III. viz. 
 " Kedish Galilaae, Itamoth Dor, Kiriathaim.  
In the half of Manasses II. viz. 
 " Golau Ashtaroth.  
In Zabulon IU. viz. 
 " Jockmea, Karta, Dimna, Nahalal.  
In Reuben IU. viz. 
 " Bezer, Jahaza, Kedimoth, Nephaath.  
In Gad. IU. viz. 
 Ramoth Gilead, Mahanaim Heshbon, and Jazer. 
2 Sam. 17. 24.    

The Form of Government under DAVID.  
Note. ALbeit under Saul's Government small regard was had to the Church, yet David found at his coming a Superiority among them.  
For besides the Priests, he found six Princes or Rulers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 over six families of the Levites (1. Chron. 15. 5, 6. etc.)  
Uriel. over Cohath. Asaiah. Merart. Joel. Gershom. Shemaiah. Elizaphau. Eliel. Hebron. Aminadab. Uzziel.  
Likewise between the two Priests an inequality, the one Abiathar, attending the Ark at Jerusalem: the higher Function, the other Zadock, the Tabernacle at Gibeon (2 Sam. 20. 25. 1 Chr 16. 37. 39) But after the Ark was brought back, he set a most exquisite Order among the Levites, and that by samuel's direction. 1. Chron. 9 22. So that he is there reckoned as a new Founder.  
Of them he made six Orders. 1 Chron. 23.  
1. Priests. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24000. Vers. 4. 2. Ministers of Priests. 3. Judges. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 6000. Vers. 4. 4. Officers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. Singers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4000 Vers. 5. 6. Porters. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4000  
1. Of Priests, Zadock was the Chief of the Family of Eleazar, and Abimelech the second of the Family of 
1 Of Priests.  Ithamar (1 Chron. 24. 3.)  
* Besides and under these were XXIIII other Courses.  
Of the Posterity of 

Eleazar. XVI.  
Ithamar. VIII.   1 Chron. 24. 4.  
Which 24 are called in the 5. verse Rulers of the Sanctuary, and Rulers of the House of God, to whom it is thought by learned Interpreters, That the 24. Elders Apoc. 4. 4. have reference.  
2. Of Levites that ministered to the Priests in their Function, likewise 24. Courses, out of the 9 Families 
2 Of Levites.  the heads of whom are set down in the first of Chron. 23. 6. & 24. & 20. And the Genealogy of them is thus as followeth.  
All this was written with the L. Primats own hand.  
Of 

Cohath 4. 

Amram. 

Moses 

Gershom.  
Shubael.  
I. johdeia.    
Eleazar. 

Rehabiah.  
II. Eshiah      
Izhar. 

Shelomith. 

III. jahath.      
Hebron. 

FOUR jeriah.  
V. Amariah.  
VI jahaziel.  
VII. jekameam.    
Uzziel. 

Micha. 

VIII. Shamir.    
jesiah, or Isshiah. 

IX. Zechariah.        
Gershom 2. 

Laadan. or Libni. 

X. jehiel.  
XI. Zetham.  
XII. joel.    
Shimei 

XIII. Shelomith.  
XIIII. Haziel.  
XV. Haran.  
XVI. jahath.  
XVII. Ziza or Zina.  
XVIII. jeush and Beriah, who were counted for one (1 Chr. 23. 11.)      

1 Chron. 24. vers. 26. 27.  Merari 3. 

Mahli. 

Eleazar. (obiit sine filiis 1 Chr. 23. 22)  
Kish. 

XIX. jerahmeel:      
Mushi 

XX. Marli.  
XXI. Eder.  
XXII. jerimoth.    
jehazia. 

Beno. 

XXIII. Shoham.  
XXIIII. Zaccur.  
XXV. Ibri. 
* IBRI The AUTHOR in his review and emendations hath in this place made this Querie. Seeing the Courses were but 24. why should IBRI 25. be reckoned Jedeiah was chief. Quer. Whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his general superintendency over the rest. This Querie seems to be resolved by the PRIMATE, and was the occasion of setting down the 'bove mentioned Genealogy.          
* It seemeth the first of these Jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning (as chief over them all) in respect of his general superintendency over the rest.   

3 Of Judges.  III. Of Judges that sat for Causes as well of God as the King there were appointed  

1. On this side Jordan upwards towards the River. Ashabiah the Hebronite (1 Chron. 26. 30.)  
2. On this side Jordan downwards towards the Sea Chenaniah the Isharite (1 Chron. 26. 29.)  
3. Beyond Jordan over the two Tribes and the half, Jerijah the chief of the Hebronites (1 Chr. 26. 31.)   

4 of Officers.  IV. Of Officers.  
Scribes. 

Shemajah (1 Chron. 24. 6.)  
Serajah (2 Sam. 8. 17.)  
Shevah (2 Sam. 20. 25.)    
Scribes of the 

Levites (1 Chron. 24. 6.)  
Temple (2 Kings 22. 3. Jerem. 36. 10.)  
People (Matt. 2. 4.)  
King. 2 Kings (12. 10.)    
V. Of the Singers, likewise he set XXIV. courses, over 
5 Of Singers.  which he placed three chief out of the three families Chro. 15. 17. & 25. 2, 3, 4.  
Out of 

Cohath, Heman samuel's Nephew (1 Chron. 6. 33.)  
Gershoni, Asaph (1 Chron. 6. 30.  
Merari, Ethau, or Jeduthun (1 Chro. 6. 44.)    
Of these Heman was the Chief (1 Chron. 25. 5.)  
Under these were divers others * (Chron. 15. 18.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
VI Of 
6. Of Porters.  Porters who were divided into the 

Keepers of the Watch of the Temple (Matt. 27. 65.) Psal. 134. 1.) who were placed on each quarter of the Tabernacle (1 Chr. 26. 13. 14. etc.) On the 

East side VI over whom was Shelemiah.  
South IV. (for the Tablernacle II. for Asuppim) over whom was Obed-Edom.  
West IV. over whom was Hosa.  
North IV. over whom was Zechariah.    
Over all these it seemeth Benajah, the son of Jehoiadah the Priest was the chief (1 Chron. 27 5.) * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Captain of the Temple (Acts 4. 1.)  
Treasurers for the 

Revenues of the house of God (1 Chr. 26. 20.) Cohath, Shebuel of Moses, Gershon, Jehiel, Merari, Ahiah,  
Things dedicated by vow, & c. Shelomith (1 Chr. 26. 26.) Cohath, Shebuel of Moses, Gershon, Jehiel, Merari, Ahiah,      
Over all the Porters was Chenaniah (1 Chron. 26, 29. 15. 22, 27,) 
Officers and Judges.  It is to be remembered that besides Zadock the Highpriest, and Abimelech (the second) we find mention of Hashabiah the son of Kemuel, as chief of the whole Tribe (1 Chro. 27. 17.) so that there was  


One over the Ark, Zadock.  
The second over the Tabernacle, Ahimeleck.  
The third over the Tribe. Hashabiah.    
As over the 

Levits' Ministers, Jehdaiah.  
Judges, Chasabiah.  
Officers, Shemaiah.  
Singers, Heman.  
Porters, Chenaniah or Benaeiah.    
Agreeable to this form we read, that under. Josias there were three * Rulers of the House of God, that is Hilkiah, Zachariah, and Jehiel (2 Chron. 35. 8.) and that the Levites had over them six 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (2 Chron. 35. 9  
Again under Zedekiah, that there were carried into Captivity Seraiah the Chief Priest, and Zephaniah the second Priest (2 King. 25. 18.)  
Likewise under Ezekiah, at the provision for the Levites portions, there were 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— or Overseers of the Levites: over whom was Cononiah the * Chief, and Shimei the * Second: And so Kore over voluntary Offerings; and six Levites under him (2 Chro. 31. 12, 13, etc.   

The Form of Government under NEHEMIAH.  
OF whom, and Esdras it is recorded, that they did all according to Moses institution (Ezra 6. 18.) (Nehemiah 10. 34. 36.)  
There was then 

Eliasha, the * High Priest (Nehemiah 3. 1.)  
Seraiah, the * ruler of the house of God. 11. 11)  
Zabdiel, the * Overseer of the Priests. 11. 14)    
The Courses were then but XXII (Nehemiah 12. 12.)  
There was then 

Uzzi, * the Overseer of the Levites (Nehemiah 11. 22.  
Jezrahia, * the Oveseer of the Singers (Nehemiah 12. 42.  
Shallum, the chief of the Porters (1 Chro. 9 17.    
Under Zabdiel at his hand 

Adaiah  
Amasai   (Nehem. 11, ver. 12-13.)  
Under Uzzi 

Shemaiah  
Sabbethai  
Jozabad   (Nehem. 11. 15, 16.)  
Under Jezrahiah 

Mattaniah  
Bakbukiah  
Abda   (Nehem. 11. 17.  
Under Shallum 

Akkub. (1 Chron. 9 17.)  
Talmon. (Nehem. 11. 19)    
So that there was 

1. The high-Priest,  
2. The Second, and Third, Overseers of the Priests,  
3. The Princes of the Priests * Ezra 8. 29.  
4. The Priests.  
5. The Overseer of the Levites,  
6. The Princes of the Levites,  
7. The Levites,  
8. The Heads of the Nethinims,  
9 The Nethinims of 

the Gibeonites,  
Solomon's Servant.       

A brief Recapitulation of the Degrees observed under the Government of the Old Testament, with an accommodation thereof unto the New.  
OUt of these we gather this Form to have been  
I. Moses in whom was the Supreme Jurisdiction; to visit Aaron (Numb. 3. 10.)  
II. Aaron the High Priest (Levit. 21. 20. Numb. 35. 28. Nehem. 3. 1.) 

head (2 Cron. 19-11.  
Prince of the House of God (2 Chron. 9 11.)    
III. Eleazar the Second (2 King. 25. 18.) as there Zephaniah is said to be. 

Prelate of Prelates (Num. 3. 22.)  
Chief Overseer, or Bishop (Jer. 20. 1.)  
At his hand Ithamar.    
IV. Prince of the Tribe (1 Chron. 27. 17)  
V. Elizaphau, Eliasaph, Zuriel. 

Prelates (Num. 3. 24 etc.)  
Overseers or Bishops (Nehem. 11. 14. 22.) c. 12. 32.    
VI In the XXIV. courses set by David;  
The Princes of the Priests. Ezra 8. 29.  
The house 

Of God.  
Of the Sanctuary.   1 Chron. 24. 5.  
Elders of the Priests, Jeremiah 19 1. (2 Kings 19 2.)  
Heads of the Families, (Nehemiah 12. 12.)  
Chief Priests (Acts 19 14.)  
VII. The Priests themselves.  
Whether at Jerusalem, or in the Country Towns (2 Chron. 3. 19)  
VIII. The Overseer of the Levites (Nehem. 11. 22.)  
IX, The Princes of the Levites (1 Chron, 15, 5,) (2 Chron, 31, 12, and 35, 9,) Nehem, 12, 22,)  
X. The Head of the Levites Officers. The Scribe, * (2 Chron, 31. 13.)  
* Of the Singers, (1 Chron. 16. 5.) Nehem. 12. 42.  
Of the Porters, (1 Chron. 9 17. and 15. 22.)  
Of the Treasurers, (1 Chron. 26. 24. 2 Chron. 21. 11.)  
XI. The Levites themselves.  
XII. The Chief of the Nethinims, (Nehem. 11. 21.)  
XIII. The Nethinims 

Gibeonites, (Josua 9 21.)  
Solomon's servants, (1 King. 9 21. Nehem. 7. 60.)    
It is not only requisite that things be done, but that they be diligently done, against sloth, and that they be done continually and constantly, * not for a time (against Schism, and if they be not, that redress may be had.  
To this end it is, that God appointeth Overseers.  

1. To urge others if they be slack, (2 Chron. 24. 5. & 34. 12, 13.  
2. To keep them in course, if they be well, 2 Chron. 29. 5. & 31. 12. & 34. 12, 13.  
3. To punish, if any be defective (Jerem. 29. 26)   
For which cause  
A power of commanding was in the High Priest (2 Chron. 23. 8. & 18. & 24. 26. & 31. 13.  
A power Judicial, if they transgressed (Deut. 17, 9 Zach. 3. 7. Ezek. 44. 24.)  

Under pain of death, (Deut. 17. 12.)  
Punishment in prison, and in the Stocks, (Jer. 29. 26. in the Gate of Benjamin, (Jer. 20. 2.)   
Officers to Cite and Arrest. (John 7. 32. Acts 5. 18.) This Corporal.  
To suspend from the Function, Ezra 2. 62.  
To excommunicate, Ezra 10. 8. John 9 22. & 12. 42, 16. 2. This Spiritual.  
1. Why may not the like now be for the Government of the Christian Church.  
There is alleged on only stop. That the High Priests was a Figure of Christ, who being now come in the flesh, the Figure ceaseth, and no Argument thence to be drawn.  
Answ. There is no necessity we should press Aaron, for Eleazar being Princeps principum, that is, having a Superior Authority over the Superiors of the Levites in Aaron's life time, was never by any in this point reputed a 
This answer I find ordered by the Author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy.  Type of Christ, so that though Aaron be accounted such, yet Eleazar will serve our purpose. As also the (2 Chron. 35, 8.) We read of three at once, one only, of which was the Highpriest, and a Type of Christ, the rest were not, let them then answer to the other twain, who were Rulers, or chief over the House of God.  
Thus we grant, that Aaron and the High Priests 
This also the Author hath added to be put unto the former answer  after him were Types of Christ, and that Christ at his death ended that Type; yet affirm, that Eleazar being Praelatus Praelatorum, governing and directing the Ecclesiastical persons under him, and being subject to Moses was not any Type of Christ; further we say, that the Twelve Apostles as so many several Eleazar's under Christ, were in the Primitive times sent to several Coasts of the world to govern, direct and teach Fcclesiastical persons and people in their several Divisions. We say also that many Primates now, as so many Eleazar's under Christ, and in several Kingdoms and States of the world, to govern, direct, and teach Ecclesiastical persons, and people in their several divisions; and yet be under and responsible to Christian Princes and States, who have the chief charge of matters both Civil and Ecclesiastical.  
Object. If it be further alleged, that Eleazar and all Sacrificing Priests (quatenus Sacrificers) were Types of Christ, who sacrificed himself for us, and put an end to all Sacrifices typing himself.  
Answ. Answ. This we grant, and further say, that the Popish sacrificing Priests, Office and other performance in this regard, is utterly unlawful and sinful. But the other Employments of Eleazar, viz. His Governing, Directing and teaching both the Ecclesiastical persons and the people, were not typical nor ended, but are still of use, for the Apostles practised the same; so have their Successors to these very days. And that this is most true, the Presbyterial Classes cannot but grant; for this very Authority over Ministers and people, they use, and therefore judge it not Typical.  
Besides St. Paul appearing before one, but a weak resemblance of the old High Priest, yielded him obedience, and acknowledged him a Governor of the people, which had been merely unlawful, if there had not remained in him something not Tipical, and not made to cease by Christ.  
Hence we see the Anabaptists shifts to be vain and gross, when they say we ought to have no Wars, for the Jews wars were but Figures of our spiritual battle; No Magistrates, for the Jews Magistrates were but Figures of our Pastors, Doctors and Deacons; and as no Magistrates, so no Oaths, pretending these to be abolished by Christ. Answ. As in the Priest's Office there were some things not Typical, not ended: So Kings, Types of Christ, in something only prefigured, and Typed him. In many things their Office is still of singular use, for they become Nursing Fathers of the Church and provide that we may live a peaceable life in all Godliness and Honesty. The lawful use of Wars and Oaths hath been often vindicated.  
If the Pope here claim authority over all the world, as Eleazar over all his brethren, his Plea is groundless, wicked and insolent. For, first, each chief Bishop in any Kingdom, must be subject to the King, as Aaron and Eleazar to Moses. 2. The Apostles sent into several Kingdoms of the World were all of equal power, no one had Authority above the rest in their line, or division, which shows that no Primate ought to be of Authority over any other Primate under a several Prince. But each Primate subject to Christ as Eleazar to Aaron, and each Primate subject to his several King. As Eleazar to Moses.  
2. Why it may be.  
I. Out of Dic. Ecclesiae, the New Reformers tell us, we are to fetch our pattern from the Jewish Sanhedrim therefore it seems they are of opinion, that one Form may serve both us and them.  
II. Except there should be such a fashion of government, consisting of inequality. I see not in the new Testament, how any could perish in that contradiction of Core, which St Judas affirmeth, for his plea was for equality; and against the preferring of Aaron above the rest.  
III. The Ancient Fathers, seem to be of mind, that the same Form should serve both.  
So thinketh St. Cyprian lib. 3. epist. 9 ad Rogatianum.  
So St Hierome. Epist. 85. Ad Evagrium, traditiones Apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri Testamento, & ad Nepotianum: de vita Clericorum.  
So St. Leo. Ita veteris Testamenti Sacramenta distinxit, ut quedam ex iis, sicut erant condita, Evangelicae cruditioni profutura decerperet, ut quae dudum fuerant consuetudines Judaicae, fierent obsevantiae Christianae.  
So Rabanus, ut de institutione Clericorum (lib. 1. c. 6.)  
They ground this their opinion upon that they see  
I. That the Synogogue is called a Type, or Shadow, and [an image of the Church now Heb. 10. vers. 1.]  
II. That God himself saith of the Christian Church, under the Gentiles that he will take of the Gentiles, and make them Priests and Levites to himself (Esa. 66. 22.) there calling our Presbyters and Deacons by those Legal names.  
III. That there is an Agreemen in the 

Numbers 

XII. Numb. 1. 16. and Luk. 9 8.  
LXX. Numb. 11. 16. and Luk. 10. 1.    
Names Angel, Mal. 2. 7. and Rev. 1. 10.  
Degreers Aaron. Answerable unto Christ. Eleazar. Archbishops. Princes of Priests. Bishops. Priests. Presbyters. Princes of Levites Archdeacon's. Levites. Deacons. Nethinims. Clerks & Sextons.    
* And their often interchange, and indifferent using of Priest or Presbyter: Levite or Deacon, showeth They presumed a Correspondence, and Agreement between them.    

The FORM OF Church Government, In the NEW TESTAMENT.  

And first in the days of our Saviour Christ.  
1. THE whole Ministry of the New Testament was at the first invested in Christ alone.  
He is termed our 

Apostle (Heb. 3. 1.)  
Prophet. (Deut. 18. 15. Act. 3. 22.)  
Evangelist (Esa. 41. 27.)  
Bishop and * Pastor (1 Pet. 2. 25.)  
Doctor (Mat. 23. 10.)  
Deacon. (Rom. 15. 8.)    
II. When the Harvest was great (Mat. 9 38.) that his Personal presence could not attend all, he took unto him XII. as the XII. Patriarches or XII. Fountains, as St Jerome, or the XII. Princes of the Tribes 
Exod. 14. 27. Numb. 33. 9  (Num. 1.) 

Gathering his Disciples Mat. 10. 1.  
Choosing out of them. Luke 6. 13.  
Whom he would Mark. 3. 13.  
He called them to him. Luke 6. 13.  
Made them. Mark 3. 13.  
Named them Apostles. Luke 6. 13.    

These he began to send (Mark 6. 7.)  
Gave them in charge (Matt. 10. 1. and 11. 1.)  
To preach the Gospel (Luke 9 2.)  
To heal (Matt. 10. 1. Luke 9 2.)  
To cast out Devils (Matt. 10. 1.)   
Gave them Power, 

To take maintenance (Matt. 10. 10. Luke 9 2.)  
To shake off the dust, for a witness (Matt. 10. 14.)  
So he sent them (Matt. 10. 5. Luke 9 1.)  
They went and preached (Luke 9 6.)    
They returned and made relation, What they had 

Done  
Taught   Mark. 6. 30.  
III. After this, when the Harvest grew so great, as that the XII. sufficed not all, Luke 10. 1, 2. he took unto him other LXX, as the 70. Palm trees, Num. 33. 9 the Fathers of Families, Gen. 46. the Elders, Num. 11.  
These he 

Declared, (Luke 10. 1.)  
Sent by two and two into every City and place whether he himself would come, ibid.    
Gave them power, as to the Apostle, to 

Take maintenance, Luke 10 7.  
Shake off dust, Luke 10. 11.   

Heal the sick,  
Preach,   (Luke 10. 19)  
Tread upon serpents and scorpions, and over all the power of the Enemy (Luke 10. 19)  
These two Orders (as I think) St. Paul Ephes. 3. 5. doth comprehend under the name of Apostles and Prophets, by the LXX. understanding Prophets, as wheresoever they are both mentioned together, next to the Apostles he placeth Prophets (1 Corinth. 12. 28. Eph. 4. 11.)  
None of the Fathers ever doubted, that these two were two several Orders or Sorts, nor that the Apostles were superior to the LXX.  
It appeareth also that (the Apostles) had in them power to forbid to preach, Luke 9 49. and that Mathias was exalted from the other order to the Apostleship.  
This was then the Order while Christ was upon the earth.  
I. Christ himself.  
II. The XII. were sent to all Nations. Their successors were Bishops placed and settled in several Nations.  
III. The LXX. were sent by Christ to the particular Cities of the Jews, to prepare them for Christ, with his Apostles coming to them. Their Successors were Presbyters placed in particular Cities and Towns by the Apostles, that they might prepare the hearts of many Christians for the receipt and employment of an Angel or Bishop over the several Presbyters.  
IV. The faithful people, or Disciples, of whom 500 and more are mentioned in (1 Corinth. 15. 6.) * though at the time of the electing of Mathias, and the Holy Ghost's descending, there were but CXX. present (Acts 1. 15.)   

The Form of Government used in the time of the APOSTLES.  
ALbeit Christ saith, the people were as Sheep without a Shepherd (Mat. 9 38.) yet he termeth his Apostles Harvest-men, not Shepherds; for while he was in person on earth, himself only was the Shepherd. And they but Arietes Gregis, but at his departure he maketh them Shepherds (John. 21. 15.) as they likewise others at theirs (1 Pet. 5. 2. Acts 28.)  

Of the APOSTLES themselves, and first of their names.  
Shelicha, which is the Syrian name, was the title of certain Legates or Commissioners sent from the Highpriest, to visit the Jews and their Synagogues, which were dispersed in other Countries, with authority to redress things amiss.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, among the Greeks were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into Delphos, an Office of great credit, as by Herodotus and Demosthenes appeareth.   

Secondly of their form what it is.  
Not to have been with Christ all his life time, Acts 1. 21. so were others more.  
Not to be sent immediately of Christ, Gal. 1. 1. so were the LXX. (Luke 10.)  
Not to be limited to one place (Matt. 28. 19) sowere others, Luke 24. 33. 50.  
Not to be inspired of God, so that they did not err, so were Mark and Luke.  
Not to plant Churches, so did Philip the Evange-list (Acts 8. 5.)  
Not to work signs and Miracles: So did Stephen. (Acts. 6. 8.) and Philip (Acts 8. 6.)  
But over and above these, or with these that emnient authority or Jurisdiction which they had over all, not only jointly together, but every one * severally by himself.  
I. Of Imposing hands in 

Ordination (Acts 6. 6)  
Confirmation (Acts 8. 17. 18.)    
II. Of Commanding (the word of the Bench Acts 4. 18. & 5. 28.  
Of Caesar's, Acts 18. 2.)  
The word of God's command, 1 Cor. 9 14. 1 Thess. 4. 11. 2 Thess. 3. 6. 12.  
Of Christ's Acts 1, 2, 4.  
[Of the Prophets, Acts 5. 32.  
Of the Apostles Phil. 8.  
The Apostles ordained matters in Churches, 1 Cor. 7. 17. & 11. 34  
The Commandments of the Apostles of Christ the Lord are to be kept 1 Cor. 14. 37. 2 Pet. 3. 2.]  
III. Of Countermanding (Luke 9 49. Acts. 15. 24. 1 Tim. 2. 12.)  
IV. Of Censuring, 

Virga 1 Cor. 4. 21. 2 Cor. 13. 10.  
Gladius, Gal. 5. 12.  
Tradendi Satanae, 1. Cor. 5. 5. 11. 1 Tim. 1. 20.  
Claves, Matt. 16. 19 Sit tibi with 18. 18. and John 20. 23.)    
In this power it is, that the Bishops succeed the Apostles, 1. Iren. lib. 3. cap. 3. 2. Tertul. de prescript 3. 3. Cyprian ad Plorent. 3. 9 4. Epiphan. Haeres. 27. Romae fuerunt primi Pettus & Paulus Apostoli udem ac Episcopi. 2. Chrysost. in Act 3. Jacobus Episcopus fuit Hierosolimae. 6. Hieronym. Epist. 85. & 54. ad Marcellam de Montano, & de scriptoribus, Ecclesiast. in Petro & Jacobo. 7. Ambrose in 1 Corinth. 11. (de Angelis) & in Eph. 4. (Apostoli Episcopi sunt).   

Of Deacons.  
At the beginning the whole weight of the Church's affairs lay upon the Apostles.  


The Distribution 

As well of the Sacrament (Act 2. 42.)  
As of the Oblations (Acts 4. 35)    
The Ordination (Acts 6. 6.)  
The Government (Acts 5. 3.)    
But upon occasion of the Greeks complaint whose Widows were not duly regarded in the daily ministration, which was as well of the Sacrament as of the Oblations, otherwise the Apostles would not have left out (the mention of) the Sacrament in Act. 6. 4. They transferred that part upon the 7. Deacons whom they ordained for distribution of the Sacrament, not for Consecration. * For that the Deacons dealt not only with 
The supposed Author in his advertisments concerning this passage, saith, This I know not well what way to make more clear.  alms, 'tis acknowledged by all the Primitive Church.  
Justin Apolog. 2. Ignatius ad Heron. Tertull. de Baptismo, Cyprian de Lapsis, & lib. 3. epist. 9 Chrysost. hom. 83. in. Matth. Hieron. epist. 48. ad Sabinam, & contra Lucifer. Ambr. Offic. lib. 1. c. 41. Greg. 4. 88 Concil. Nicaen. 1 Can. 14. 1 Tim. 3. 12.   

Of EVANGELISTS.  
Upon occasion of the scattering of the Disciples, by means of the persecution after the death of St. Stephen * grew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Acts 8. 4. & 11. 19) of which number St. Philip is reckoned (Acts 8. 21.) and divers others Acts 11. 19, 20. of whom Eusebius maketh mention lib. 3. cap. 37. and lib. 5. cap. 10.  
Upon these was transferred that part of the Apostles function which consisted in preaching from place to place.  

The supposed Author in his Advertisments put this out here, saying [This I thought might better make a chapter of itself: See infra, the last chapter of all.]  

Electio per sorts, Acts 1. 10.  
Per populi suffragia, Acts 6. 6.  
Per spiritum sanctum, Act. 13. 2.     

Of PRIESTS.  
When the Church was in some sort planted by the preaching of the Apostles, Prophets and Evangelists, that they might continually be watered, and have a standing attendance, the Apostles ordained them Priests by imposition of hands in every Church, Acts 14. 23. & 11. 30. & 21. 18. And they made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rather than of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. more in use with the Greeks, because it includeth an Embassy, and that chiefly of reconciliation, which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by St. Paul in 2 Cor. 5. 20. with Luke 14. 32. [and thence they were called Presbyters.]   

Of BISHOPS.  
Last of all, that the Churches thus planted and watered might so continue, the Apostles ordained Overseers to have a general care over the Churches, instead of themselves, who had first had the same, which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Acts 15. 36. and containeth in it, as a strengthening or establishing in that which is already well (Acts 14. 22. & 15. 41. Rev. 3. 2.) so a rectifying or redressing if ought be defective or amiss, Tit. 1. 5.  
These are called by the Apostles, Acts 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Syrrian, that is Episcopi, by St. John Rev. 1. 20. the Angels of the Churches. These were set over others both to rule and teach, 1 Tim. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 5. 2.  
Upon these was transferred the chief part of the Apostolic function.  
The Oversight of the Church.  
The power of 

Commanding,  
Correcting,  
Ordaining,    
The occasion which caused the Apostles to appoint Bishops (besides the pattern set by God's Ordinance in the time of the Law) seemeth to have been Schisms, such as were in the Churches of 

Rome, Rom. 16. 17.  
Corinth, 1 Cor. 1. 11. and 3. 3, 4.  
Galatia, Gall. 5. 12.  
Ephesus, Eph. 4. 2, 3.  
Phillippi, Phil. 4. 2.  
Colossi, Col. 3. 13.  
Thessalonica, 2 Thess. 3. 11.  
The Hebrews, Heb. 13. 9 James 3. 1.    
For which St. Cyprian, S. Jerome, and all the Fathers take the respect to one Governor, to be an especial remedy (for which also see Calvin. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. 8. 2.)  
This power even in the Apostles time was necessary, for God chargeth not his Church with superfluous burdens, 
Acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19 2. 1. 16. 46, Acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13.  yet had they such graces (as power of healing, doing signs, sundry languages, etc. that they of all other might seem best able to want it; for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terror sufficient for crediting of their bare word, in the whole Church.  
If necessary then in their times that were so furnished, much more in the Ages ensuing, when all these extraordinary graces ceased, and no means but it, to keep things in order. So that were it not apparent to have been in the Apostles times, yet the necessity of the times following, destitute of these helps, might enforce it.  
Seeing then God hath no less care for the propagation and continuance of his Church, then for the first settling or planting of it, Eph. 4. 13. it must needs follow, that the power was not personal in the Apostles, as tied to them only, but a power given to the Church, and in them for their times resident, but not ending with them as temporary, but common to the ages after, and continuing, to whom it was more needful then to them) to repress Schism, and to remedy other abuses.  
So that the very same power at this day remaineth in the Church, and shall to the world's end.   

Of the PERSONS persons (that executed these Offices.  
I. Albeit the Commission were general over all Nations, which was given to the XII. yet was that generality only by permission, not expressly mandatory. Else should they have sinned, that went not through all Nations.  
Therefore how soever the Commission was to all Nations, yet was it left to their discretion how, and in what fort they would dispose themselves, as the Holy Ghost should direct them.  
Therefore that partition Gal. 2. 9 betwixt St. Peter and St. Paul was lawful and good, and no ways derogatory to ite predicate, Go teach all Nations.  
Further the Ecclesiastical History doth testify, that they parted the Coasts and Countries of the world among them by common advice, and so sundered themselves.  

Peter to Pontus, Galatia, Capadocia.  
John to Asia, Parthia.  
Andrew to Cythia, Pontus, Euxinus & Byzantium.  
Philip to Upper Asia, unto Hierapolis.  
Thomas to Jndia, Persia, and the Magi.  
Bartholomew to Armenia, Lycaonia, India citerior.  
Matthew too (Ethiopia.)  
Simeon to Mesopotamia, Persia, Egypt, Africa, Brittany.  
Thaddeus to Arabia, Jdumea, Mesopotamia.  
Mathias to Ethiopia. Soc. 1. 15.   
2. Again albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory; yet do the same Histories witness that having settled Religion, and brought the Church to some stay, towards their end, they betook themselves to residence in some one place, divers of them, as  
St James at Jerusalem (Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. Epiphan. Haeres. 66. Chrysost. in Act. 15. Hierom. Chrysost. in Acts 15.  
St. John at Ephesus, Euseb. 3. 26. Tertul. lib. 4. contra Martion. Hierom.  
St. Peter first at Antioch, and after at Rome.  
Which places were more specially accounted their Sees, and the Churches themselves after a more special manner were called Apostolic.  
Sedes Apostolorum. August in Epist. 42.  
Ecclesiae Apostolicae. Tertullian.  
3. It is also plain, that the Apostles * while they lived chose unto them as Helpers (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) diverse who were companions with them in their Journeys ministered unto them, and supplied their absences in divers Churches, when they were occasioned * themselves to depart.  
Such were.  


* Androniours (Rom. 16. 17.)  
Apollo's (Acts 19 1.) 1 Cor. 3. 6.  
Aquila (Rom. 16. 3.)  
Archippus Phil. 2. (Col. 4. 17.)  
Aristarchus (Acts 20. 4.)  
Clemens (Phil. 3. 4.)  
Crescence (2 Tim. 4. 10.)  
Demetrius (3 John 12.)  
Epaphras (Col. 4. 12. etc. 1. 7. & Philem. 24.)  
Epaphroditus (Phil. 2. 23.)  
Epaenetus (Rom. 16. 5.)  
Erastus (Acts 19 22.)  
Gajus (Acts 20. 4.)  
Jesus Justus (Col. 4. 11.)  
John Mark (Acts 13. 5. & 15. 37. etc. Philem. 24.)  
Lucas (Philem. 24. Col. 4. 14.  
Secundus (Act. 20. 4.)  
Silvanus (1 Pet. 5. 12.) (1 Thes. 1. 2. 2 Thes. 11.)  
Sopater (Acts 20. 4.)  
Sosttheves (1 Cor. 1. 1.)  
* Stachys (Rom. 6. 9)  
Stephanus (1 Cor. 16, 15.  
Tertius (Rom. 16. 22.)  
Timotheus (Acts 19 22. & 20. 4.)  
Titus (2 Cor. 8. 23.)  
Trophimus (Acts 20. 4.)  
Tychicus (Acts 20. 4.) * Col. 4. 7.  
Urbanus (Rom. 16. 9)    
Of whom Eusebius, lib. 3. Hist. cap. 4. Euthymius in tertium Johannis. Isydorus de patrib. Derothei Synopsis.  
* To these, as namely to Timothy and Titus (two of these) one at Ephesus, the other in Crete, Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 4. The Apostles imparted their own Commission while they yet lived; even the chief Authority they had.  
To appoint Priests, Titus 1. 5. & Hieron. in eum locum.  
To ordain them by laying on of hands, 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 2. 2.  
To keep safe and preserve the Depositum, 1 Tim. 6. 14. 20. 1 Tim. 1. 14.  
To command not to teach other things, 1. Tim. 1. 3. Titus 3. 9 2 Tim. 2. 16.  
To receive accusations, 1 Tim. 5. 19 21.  
To redress or correct things amiss, Titus 1. 5.  
To reject young Widows, 1 Tim. 5. 11.  
To censure Heretics, and disordered persons; Titus 1. 11. and 3. 10. 1 Tim. 6. 5. 2 Tim. 3. 5.  
And these after the Apostles deceased, succeeded them in their charge of Government, which was Ordinary, Successive, and perpetual. Their extraordinary gifts of Miracles and Tongues ceasing with them. So Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 3. Quos & successores relinquebant, suum ipsorum locum Magisterii tradentes.   

Of the promiscuous use of their Names.  
Hese were they whom posterity called Bishops, but in the beginning regard was not had to distinction of Names, the Authority and power was ever distinct, the Name not restrained either in this or others.  
The Apostles called  

Priests, or Seniors 1 Pet. 5. 1.  
Deacons or Ministers 1 Cor. 3. 5.  
Teachers or Doctors 1 Tim. 2. 7.  
Bishops or Overseers Acts 1. 20.  
Prophet's Acts 13. 1 Rev. 22. 9  
Evangelists 1 Cor. 9 16. 9   
The name of Apostle was enlarged and made common to more than the XII.  

To Barnabas Act. 14. 4. 14.  
Andronicus Rom. 16. 7.  
Epaphroditus Phil. 2. 25.  
Titus and others 2 Cor. 8. 23.  
Timothy (Hierom. in Cantic. Chro. Euseb.)   
The Priests were called 

Prophets (1 Cor. 14. 32.  
Bishop's Phil. 1. 4. Titus 1. 7.    
So Chrysost. in Phil. 1. Quid hoc? an unius eivitatis multi erant Episcopi, nequaquam sed Presbyteros isto nomine appellavit, tunc enim nomina adhuc erant communia.  
Hierom. Hic Episcopos, Presbyteros intelligimus; non enim in una urbe plures Episcopi esse potuissent.  
Theodoret. * Ne fieri quidem poterat, ut multi Episcopi essent unius civitatis pastors, quo fit ut essent Presbyteriquos vocavit Episcopos. Et in 1 Tim. 3. Eosdem olim vocabant Episcopos & Presbyteros; eos autem qui nunc vocantur Episcopi, nominabant Apostolos.  
Oecumenius: Non quod in una eivitate multi essent Episcopi, sed Episcopos vocat Presbyteros, tunc enim nominibus— adhuc communicabant.  
For in the Apostles absence in Churches new planted, the oversight was in them, till the Apostles ordained, and sent them a Bishop, either by reason of some Schism, or for other causes.  
The Bishops as the Ecclesiastical History recounteth them, were called, 

Apostles Phil. 2. 25.  
Evangelists 2 Tim. 4. 5.  
Deacons 1 Tim. 4. 6.  
Priests 1 Tim. 4. 17.    
For it is plain by the Epistle of Irenaeus to Victor in Eusebius lib. 5. cap. 25. that they at the beginning were called Priests, that in very truth, and propriety of Speech were indeed Bishops, and by Theodoret, Phil. 2. 25. That they that were Bishops were at first called Apostles.  
The name (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) saith Suidas was given by the Athenians to them, which were sent to Oversee the cities that were under their Jurisdiction, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 [Rodigin. 18. 3.]  
The name Episcopus was given among the Romans to him qui praeerat pansi, & voenalibus ad victum quotidianum F. de muneribus & honoribus, Cicero ad Atticum lib. 7. Epist. 10. vult me Pompeius esse quem tota haec Campania, & maritima or a habeat Episcopum.  
The name in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 41. 34. seemeth to have relation to the second use, for they were such as had charge of the grain, laying up and selling under Joseph.   

The use of the BISHOP'S Office, and the charge committed to him.  
The party, who in the New Testament is called Episcopus, is in the Old, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Office in the New 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Tim. 3. 1. in the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalm. 109. 8. with Acts 1. 20.  
In a House or Family it is affirmed of Joseph, Gen. 39 4. who had the oversight and government of the rest of the Servants.  
In a House there be many Servants which have places of charge * Matt. 25. 14. but there is one that hath the charge of all * Luk. 12. 42. that is Occonomus the Steward.  
So do the Apostles term themselves, 1 Cor. 4. 1.  
And their Office 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1 Cor. 9 17.  
And their successors the Bishops, Tit. 1. 7. 9  
Vide Hilar. in Matt. 24. 45.  
In a Flock the Pastor, John 21. 15. Acts 20. 28. Matt. 25. 32. 1. Pet. 3. 2. Eph. 4. 11.  
In a Camp, * the Captain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Matt. 2. 6. Heb. 
Vid. Hierem. Epist. 4. ad rusticum. c. 6. Et Epist. ad. Eva● ium.  13. 7. 17. 24.  
In a Ship the Governor * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 Cor. 12. 28. under whom there are * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Acts 13. 5.  
In the Commonwealth they be such as are set over Officers, to hasten them forward, and so they do their duties, as in 2 Chron. 34. 13. & 31. 13. Nehemiah 11. 22. & 12. 42.  
So that what a Steward is in a House,  

A Pastor in a Flock,  
A Captain in a Camp,  
A Master in a Ship,  
A Surveyor in an Office,   
That is a Bishop in the Ministry.  
Upon him lieth first 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the ear of the Churches under him, 2 Cor. 11. 28. Phil. 2. 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodorat,  Concil. Antiochen. can. 9 * Act. 9 32. & 15. 36. (and to be observant.)  
* II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the visiting of them, Acts 9 32. & 15, 16.  
* And in both these 

I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Tikkun) * the confirming of that which is well and orderly Acts 15. 41. Rev, 3. 2.  
II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Manatseach) the redressing which is otherwise (Tit. 1. 5.)    
To him was committed principally  
I. Authority of Ordaining, Tit. 1. 5. and so of begetting Fathers, Epipha. Haeres. 75. See Ambros. Theodoret and Oecumentus in 1 Tim. 3. Damasus Epist. 3. Jerem. Epist. 85. ad Evagr. Leo Epist. 88 Concil. Ancyran. Can. 12. al. 13.  
For though St. Paul should mention a Company * together 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  with him at the Ordaining of Timothy, 1 Tim. 4. 14. yet it followeth not but that he only was * the Ordainer. No more, then that Christ is the 
(b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 2 Tim. 1. 6.  only Judge, although the XII. shall sit with him on Thrones, Luke 20. 30.  
II. Authority of enjoining or forbidding; 1 Tim. 1. 3. Ignatius ad Magnesia, Cyprian Epist. 39  
III. Authority of holding Courts, and receiving accusations 1 Tim. 5. 19 1 Cor. 5. 12. Revel. 2. 2. Augustin. de opere, Monachor cap. 24.  
IV. Authority of Correcting, 1 Tim. 1. 3. M●cro Episcopalis Tit. 1. 5. Hieron. contra Lucifer cap. 4. & Epist. 53. ad Riparium, Cyprian Epist. 38. ad Rogatianum.  
V. Authority of Appointing Fasts. Tertullian adversus Psychicos.   

The Choice of persons to their calling.  
[1. The Apostles were immediately called by Christ.  
2. For the calling of Mathias the Apostle Peter gave direction; two persons were propounded by the 120. the chief and constant disciples of Christ, but he was designed to his place by a sacred Lot.  
3. Some were choose and appointed to their callings by the Holy Ghost, Acts 11. 12. Acts 13. 2. Acts 8. 29. 
This is added by the supposed Author.  Acts 20. 28.  
4. In choice of the Seven Deacons who were credited with the provision for such as wanted, the multitude of the Chief, and constant Disciples of Christ, and the Apostles who were contributers of the same, present 7. persons, the Apostles ordain them Deacons.  
5. The Apostles chose to themselves Helpers, fellow Servants of Christ, fellow-soldiers, and the like, Acts 15. 5. Rom. 16. 9 2 Cor. 8. 23. Coll. 4. 7. Tit. 1. 5. So Timothy well reported of is taken by Paul, Act. 16. 2. 3.  
6. The Apostles chose such as were their Attendants, or Ministers, and sent them to several Churches and People, Acts 19 22. 2 Tim. 4. 10. 12. 2 Cor. 12. 17. 1 Thess. 3. 2. and left some to abide in Churches where was need of their help. Tit. 1. 5. Col. 20. Acts 18. 19 1 Tim. 1. 3.]      

A LETTER of Dr. Hadrianus Saravia, to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsay; written in French and translated into English.  
Grace and Peace from Jesus Christ our Lord.  
GEntlemen and well-beloved Brethren in the Lord, my calling doth oblige me to procure the good and the true edification of the Churches of Christ Jesus, and chiefly of those which I have formerly had to do with as their Minister; such are those of the Islands, where I was one of the first, and know which were the beginnings, and by which means and occasions the preaching of God's word was planted there. But you hold now (to my thinking) a course quite contrary to that which we have held. All the favour we then obtained was through the Bishop's means, and without them I dare confidently assure you, that you will obtain nothing of what you look for. In the beginning there was no other Reformation in the Islands than that common throughout the whole Kingdom of England. The Priests which a little before had sung Mass, became suddenly Protestant's; but yet not one of them was appointed to preach the word of God. They were but ignorant blockheads, continuing still in ●eart and effection Papists, and enemies to the Gospel. Now such as were sincerely affected to the Gospel, prevailed so far as that they obtained Ministers, with whom the Priests could not agree: they retained their Service, and the Ministers preached, and had the exercise of Religion asunder, following the order of the Churches of France. In those beginnings at the pursuit of Mr. John After, Dean, I was sent by my Lords of the Council to the Islands, as well in regard of the School that was newly erected, as to be a Minister there.  
At that time the Bishop of Constance was sent Ambasadour from the French King to Queen Elizabeth, from whom, and from her Council he obtained, Letters to the Governors of the Islands, whereby they were enjoined to yield unto him all authority and right, which he pretended did belong unto him, as being the true Bishop of the Islands. But how this blow as was warded let your Fathers tell you. Upon this occasion the Bishop of Winchester (as their true Bishop) took upon him the protection of the Churches of both Islands, representing to the Queen, and unto her Council, that of old the Islands did belong to his Bishopric, and that he had ancient Records for it; yea an Excommunication from the Pope against the Bishop of Constance, whenever he would challenge any Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Islands. So through the means of the said Bishop, and Mr. John After, Dean, two places only were privileged of my Lords of the Council, St. Peeter-haven for Garnzay, and St. Helier for Jarnsay, with prohibition to innovate in aught in the other Parishes. Then were the Court and Chapter of the Bishop held, which afterwards were suppressed, how, by whom, and by what authority, I know not: I fear the Authors have run themselves into Premunires (if premunires have power within the Islands) The Consistories, Classes and Synods of Ministers have succeeded them, yet without any Episcopal Jurisdiction. Now so it is, that your Islands want Episcopal Courts for proving of Wills, for Divorces, and Marriages, and for the Tithes which are causes, and Actions, Ecclesiastical, and have so been these 600. years and upwards, as well under the Dukes of Normandy, as the Kings of England. The Reformation and change of Religion hath altered nothing; neither is there any one that hath power or authority to transfer the said causes to any other Judges then to the Bishop, but the King's Majesty: so that your Civil Magistrates have nothing to do with such causes; if they meddle with them 'tis usurpation. The French Ministers are so rash as to say, that the Bishops of England have usurped this Jurisdiction, and that it belongeth not unto them, because it is Civil, making no difference between what some Bishops have heretofore usurped, & what the King and Soveragn Magistrates have freely given (for certain reasons moving them thereunto) and conferred upon Bishops; therefore though the matter be civil, yet can they not be held for usurpers. Truly the present state and condition of the Kingdom of England doth belly such slanderers of our Bishops. I fear that your Magistrates being seasoned with this Doctrine, have carried themselves in this point more licentiously than the Laws of this Kingdom and of their Islands will warrant them. I pass over the debates that might be made upon this matter, as a thing impertinent in the place and government under which we live. I consider the state of England. and that of the Islands, and the dignity of Bishops, and the condition of the other Ministers of the Church, such as it is at this day. In Scotland for the time present the State hath otherwise provided, but not in England, and therefore ye ought not to take example by them, as though your State were like theirs. I hear that your Governor hath taken order about Wills, and appointed one to prove them. But I cannot conceive how that may be done without Episcopal Jurisdiction conferred by the Bishop. Your Governor I know hath power to present to the Bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the Bishop in his name. Likewise the Governor as Patron of the Churches and Parishes of his Government, upon the vacancy of any living, aught to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the Office of a Pastor, but the admission and induction of such a charge, belongs to your Bishop, and to no body else. If I be well informed, you observe nothing of all this: which if it be so, you'll never be able to justify it. The example of the French Churches, and of the Low-Countries do you no good. Your case is quite another: They have Laws from their Sovereigns, and particular places for themselves, but all that you do is contrary to the Laws and Ordinance of the King your Sovereign. You hold Synodical meetings, wherein you make Statutes about the Government of the Church, unto which you bind yourselves and the rest that are natural Subjects to the King: wherein you (unsensibly derogate from his authority. The Synods of the Archbishops and Bishops, together with the rest of the Clergy of this Realm dare not presume that which you do, nor attribute to their Canons and Statutes what you attribute to yours. Yet the Assembly of Bishops and of their Clergy, is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the Ministers of your Islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the Church; their Decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tie unto them those of this Realm, till the King, yea in his own person, have approved them, and by Proclamation made them his: There is no body in his Realm, nor in any of his Dominions that hath power to enact Laws and Decrees but himself: The Parliaments authority is great, but without the King's assent nothing takes the rigour of Law. I know very well, that at the persuasion of the Ministers, your Governors and others that were present to your Synods, have subscribed and acknowledged your Synodical Acts, they did it even in my time: but their power doth not stretch so far. That may bring a greater prejudice to themselves, then give force of Ecclesiastical Law to your Decrees. I do not think that his Majesty being well informed will grant unto your Ministers or Governors of your Islands such authority: They will be more pernicious to you then youthink. You'll allege me, I know, your Privileges; but I dare boldly answer you; that you never had any such privileges: I have read them, and have the copies of them; and they say; that in matters Civil you shall be governed by the ancient Coustumier of Normandy, and that you are not subject to the Statutes of the Parliament in such matters, nor to the Subsidies, other charges and impositions that are raised in England, except (which God forbid ever should come to pass) the King were detained Prisoner by the Enemy. In matters Ecclesiastical you are freed from the Bishop of Constance, and under that of Winchester, yea even of old by the Pope's authority and consent of the two Kings, from whom also in part, your neutrality in times of war is approved, excommunicating all such as would molest you. Ye cannot show concerning your privileges, but only what is renewed as often as there is a new King. And for the Patent which you say you have procured from his Majesty for matters of Religion; First, it is in general terms, and without any clause derogating from the authority of your Bishops. Secondly, if it be questioned, it may be told you, that it was surreptitious, and granted you before the King was well informed of the business. To conclude you must understand that in matters of Religion the King's Majesty will do nothing without the counsel and advice of the Archbishop and your Bishop of Winchester; wherefore you may do well to insinuate yourselves in their favour, and conform yourselves to them, as we have done in the beginning. You may reduce the Decrees of the Church of England, and the use of the book of prayers to a good and Christian Discipline, far more solid, and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestir yourselves.  
I must addone word more which will be hard of digestion. This is it, that you may be upbraided, that as many Ministers that are natural of the Country, being not made Ministers of the Church by your Bishop, nor by his Demissories, nor by any other according to the order of the English Church, you are not true and lawful Ministers. Likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your Parishes from the Bishop, nor from his Substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to do, ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of Souls, which no body could give you but your Bishop, that is, in terms and words Evangelicall, that you are not come into the Sheep-fold by the door, but by elsewhere, and that by the Ecclesiasiastical Laws you are excommunicants and Schismatics. I know well enough you do not regard such Laws, and think that your Privileges will exempt you from them, wherein you greatly deceive yourselves. For a man may tell you, who are ye that would have your Ecclesiastical Decrees made by Private Authority, to have force of Laws, and dare scorn and reject those of the English Church, made by Public Authority, by far honester men, greater Scholars (without comparison) more learned, and far more in number than you are? The King's Majesty by his Royal authority hath approved them, this Realm hath received them. But what are your Synodall Decrees? who be the Authors of them, and who be they that have approved them? 'Tis winked at, and your ignorance is born with, but think not, that that which is born in you be any such thing as virtue. Your Privileges do not stretch so far as that you may make Ecclesiastical Decrees: Had it been so, the Priests had retained Mass and Popery: In that you hold a contrary course to that of the English Church whereof you are and must be (if you be Englishmen) Members, it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivance and indulgence of your Governors, who have given too much credit to the French Ministers, and partly in the beginning, to the stubborness of the Papists of the Islands. When your Governors shall have a liking to the English Reformation, then will they make you leave the French Reformation: You fail against wind and tide; you think that the Governors you shall have hereafter will be like Sir Tho. Layton, you are deceived. Though this day you had compassed your wish, to morrow or the next day after, at your Governor's pleasure, all shall be marred again.  
Finally, the Ecclesiastical Government which you ask, hath no ground at all upon God's word. 'Tis altogether unknown to the Fathers, who in matter of Christian Discipline, and censure of manners, were more zealous and precise than we are, But you cannot, of all the learned and pious antiquity▪ show one example of the Discipline or Ecclesiastical order, which you hold, as your Bishop in his book of the perpetual government of the Son of God's Church, doth learnedly teach. I pass over what I have myself written concerning it in my book, De diversis Ministrorum gradibus, and in my Defence against the Answer of Mr. Beza, and more largely in my Confutation of his book De triplicigenere Episcoporum. I cannot wonder enough at the Scotchmen, who could be persuaded to abolish and reject the state of Bishops, by reasons so ill grounded, partly false, partly of no moment at all, and altogether unworthy a man of such fame. If the Scots had not more sought after the temporal means of Bishops, then after true Reformation, never had Mr. Beza's Book persuaded them to do what they have done. And I assure you, that your opinion concerning the government of the Church, seems plausible unto great men, but for two reasons, the one is to prey upon the goods of the Church, the other for to keep it under, the Revenues and authority of Bishops being once taken away. For the form of your discipline is such, that it will never be approved of by a wise and discreet supreme Magistrate, who knows how to govern. Ye see not the faults you commit in your proceedings as well consistorial as Synodals, men well versed in the Laws, and in government do observe them. But they contemn them so long as they have the law in their own hands, and that it is far easier for them to frustrate them, & regard neither Consistory nor Synods, then for you to command and make Decrees. Were your Discipline armed with power, as the Inquisition of Spain is, it would surpass it in tyranny. The Episcopal authority is Canonical, that is, so limited and enclosed within the bounds of the Statutes and Canons [of the Church] that it can command nothing without Law, much less contrary to Law. And the Bishop is but the Keeper of the Laws, to cause them to be observed, and to punish the transgressors of your Consistories and Synods. For the present I will say no more, only take notice of this, that it is not likely the King who knows what Consistories and Synods be, will grant that to the Islands which doth displease him in Scotland. This, Gentlemen and Brethren, have I thought good to write unto you, entreating you to take it well, as coming from him that loves the Islands, and the good and edification of the Church of Christ, as much as you can do.  

Upon this occasion I have thought fit to add thus much concerning Dr. Hadrianus Saravia.  
HIs learning is sufficiently known by his works, his judgement in relation to the Liturgy and Discipline of the Church of England is declared by this Letter, which doth further appear by his Subscriptions following.  
1. In Queen Elizabeth's time the form required was in these words, We whose names are here underwritten, do Declare and unfeignedly Testify our assent to all and singular the Articles of Religion, and the Confession of the true Christian Faith, and the Doctrine of the Sacraments comprised in a book imprinted, entitled Articles, whereupon it was agreed by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces, and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord God 1562. according to the computation of the Church of England, for the avoiding of the diversities of opinions, and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion, put forth by the Queen's Authority. And in testimony of such our Assents we have hereunto subscribed our names, with our own proper hands, as hereafter followeth.  
Unto this Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia (the sixth Prebend of the Church of Canterbury being conferred upon him) subscribes in these words: Per me Hadrianum de Saravia Sacrae Theologiae Professorem, cui sexta Prebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Christi Cantuariens conferenda est sexto December is 1595.  
Wherein I find he did immediately succeed Doctor Whitaker, whose Subscription is in these words, viz. Per me Gulielmum Whitaker sacrae Theologiae Doctorem ejusdemque Professorem Regium in Academia Cantabrigiensi, cui sexta Praebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Chrstl Cantuarens. conferenda est, Decimo Maii 1595.  
According unto which I find Mr. John Dod of Hanwell in Oxfordshire (who wrote upon the Commandments) to have subscribed in these words: Per me Johannem Dod, in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Ecclesiam de Hanwell Oxon. Diocese. 28. Julii 1585. unto whom abundance more (and about that time) might be added Mr. Richard Rogers, Doctor Reynolds of Oxford, etc. among whom it pleased me to find the hand of the Reverend and Learned Mr. Hooker thus subscribing: Per me Richardum Hooker Clericum in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Canonicatum et Praebendam de Neather-haven in Ecclesia Cathedrali Sarum. 17. Julii 1591.  
2. In King Jame's time, and since, the form of the Subscription was thus, To the three Articles mentioned in the 36. Chapter of the Book of Canons.  
First, that the King's Majesty under God is the only supreme Governor of this Realm, and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries, as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal, and that no foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate hath or aught to have any Jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, Pre-eminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within his Majesties said Realms, Dominions and Territories.  
That the Book of Common Prayer and of Ordering of Bishops, Priests and Deacons, containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God, and that it may lawfully so be used, and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in public prayer, and administration of the Sacraments, and none other.  
That he alloweth the book of Articles of Religion agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord, One thousand five hundred sixty and two. And that he acknowledgeth all and every the Articles therein contained, being in number nine and thirty besides the Ratification to be agreeable to the word of God.  
To these three Articles, Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia being instituted unto the Rectory of Great Chart in the Diocese of Canterbury anno 1609. subscribes in these words.  

Ego Hadrianus de Saravia Sacrae Theologiae Professor, cui Ecclesia Parochialis de Charta magna Cantuar. Dioces. conferenda est, his tribus Articulis supra scriptis, & omnibus & singulis in iisdem contentis, lubens & ex animo subscribo, vicessimo quinto die Mensis Februarii, Anno Dom. juxta computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1609.  
Hadr. de Saravia.   
According unto which in succeeding years I find very many of our reverend Divines, famous in their times for Learning and Piety have subscribed also, which would be needless here to mention, in regard their judgements are sufficiently known that way: Only there are some other learned men, and of a pious estimation (whom the vulgar possibly have misapprehended) I have thought fit to do them that right, as to vindicate them in it, having found them there as fully and heartily subscribing also: Each of which being various in some expressions I have put them down distinctly.  
Mr. Nicholas Bifeild (whose many pious works hath made him famous) subscribes in these words: Mart. ult. 1615. Ego Nicholaus Bifeild verbi divini Praedicator, admittendus & instituendus ad vicariam de Isleworth in Comitatu Middlesex, hisce tribus Articulis & omnibus in iisdem contentis, libenter & ex animo subscribo.  
Mr. Jeremiah Dike of Epping in Essex, (an able and constant Preacher, and of great esteem in his time) subscribes thus: Mart. 21. anno 1609. Ego Jeremiah Dike in Artibus Magister legitime praesentatus ad Vicariam de Epping in Essex, his tribus Articulis supra Scriptis, & omnibus in iisdem contentis, lubens, & ex animo subscribo. Which two I find subscribing accordingly twice.  

Mr. Daniel Caudery.  
April. 25. 1616. Ego Daniel Caudery in artibus Magister admissus ad docendam Grammaticam in Ecclesia Parochiae de Berkin in Comitatu Essexiae, his tribus articulis, & omnibus, in iisdem contentis, libenter & ex animo, non coactus, subscribo.   

Mr. William Jenkyn.  
Jan. 2. 1640. Ego Gulielmus Jenkyn Clericus in Artibus Magister, jam admittendus, & instituendus, ad & in Rectoriam sancti Leonardi in vico Colcestriae in Comitatu Essexiae, hisce tribus articulis praescriptis, antea a me lectis, & omnibus, in iisdem contentis, libenter & ex animo, subscribo.  
Guil. Jenkyn.   

Mr. Calamy.  
Novemb. 9 1637. Ego Edm. Calamy sacrae Theologiae Bacch. jam admittendus & instituendus, ad & in Rectoriam de Rochfort in Comitatu Essexiae, hisce tribus articulis praescriptis antea a me lectis, & omnibus in iisdem contentis, libenter & ex animo, subscribo.  
Edm. Calamy.   
And what is here subscribed as to the book of Common-prayer, was heretofore (to my own knowledge) as diligently attended by persons of the like eminency being so far from absenting themselves, that they were careful to come to the beginning of it. And it is also as fully defended by Mr. Hildersham in his 26. Lecture upon cap. 24. of St. John) (a man of as much learning and piety as any before mentioned) to be according to God's institution, Ordinance and Commandment; which in another Treatise I have more largely declared (with the testimonies of divers others.) And in his 27. and 29. Lect. exhorts unto kneeling at it, and being bareheaded even at the reading of the Psalms and Chapters, as of the rest of Divine Service, defends the custom of our Church therein, as well becoming every one of God's people to conform themselves unto it.  
In the view of the Registry of Subscriptions of later years, I find that till the year 1641. all subscribed as abovesaid, and continued it, to the Articles of Religion, though with several expressions and provisoes,  
In an. 1643. thus, Tertio Articulo praescripto, etc. or thus, Articulis Religionis praescriptis juxta formam statuti in eodem Casu editi, & provisi, i. e. To the Articles of Religion before written, according to the form of a Statute (or Ordinance) in that case provided and published.  
In 1644. the form was thus, Articulis Religionis Ecclesiae Anglicanae juxta formam Statuti in ea parte editi, etc. quatenus non regugnant foederi Nationali, etc. i. e. To the Articles of Religion of the Church of England, etc. as far as they are not repugnant to the National Covenant, etc. And about 1646. thus: Salvo foedere Nationali,  
Then about Octob. 1648. that clause was left out (there being it seems in the Covenant somewhat contradicting that horrid Act intended unto the late King of blessed Memory) and the form was then only Artioulis Religionis Ecclesiae Anglicanae, and so continued till this late happy change of Government, when the subscriptions returned to the first form.   

A POSTSCRIPT.  
One thing more in relation to the Lord Primate Usher, There hath been a Pamphlet of late revived which had been printed before in his name, entitled The Bishop of Armaghs' Direction to the Parliament concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government, etc. against which, as himself had declared in his life time, so have I since his death, to be a false fictitious Paper; yet notwithstanding it is reprinted, and sold up and down as his, and accordingly produced at this day, by many upon all occasions to his great injury.  
For the further clearing of which let the Reader take notice that in Anno, 1640. when it came first out, the Primate petitioned the House of Commons for the suppressing of it; upon which this Order was conceived as followeth.   

An ORDER of the Commons-House of Parliament, for the suppessing of * another Pamphlet falsely fathered 
There was one called Vox Hy berntae, published in his name, for the suppressing of which he had an Order from the House of Pe●rs.  upon the said Archbishop of Armagh, Die Martis 9 Feb. 1640.  
WHereas complaint hath been made unto us by James Lord Archbishop of Armagh, and Priof all Ireland, that a certain Pamphlet hath been lately most injuriously fathered upon him, and spread under the false title of the Bishop of Armaghs' Direction to the House of Parliament concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government. It is this day Ordered in the Commons House of Parliament, that the Master and Company of Stationers, and all others whom it may concern, shall take such course for the suppressing of the said Book, that they shall not suffer it to be put in Print; or if it be already Printed, not permit the same to be divulged; and if any man shall presume to print or publish the Book above mentioned, that he or they shall be then liable to the Censure of the said House.  
H. ELSING Cler. Dom. Com.  
FINIS.