AN ACCOUNT OF THE FRENCH Usurpation UPON THE Trade of England, And what great damage the English do yearly sustain by their Commerce, and how the same may be retrenched, and England improved in Riches and Interest.  
LONDON: Printed in the Year, MDCLXXIX.   

AN ACCOUNT OF THE FRENCH Usurpation UPON THE Trade of ENGLAND.  
SIR,  
I Received yours, and do pay you the greatest tribute of thanks, for your excellent remarks upon the present state of Affairs in Europe, and must have the same Sentiments, and do admire with you, that France, which (not many years since) was so weak and feeble, that it trembled at the very Name of the Dukes of Burgundy, should now be so potent, as to contrast the mightiest Powers of Europe. Lewis the II. paid to the King of England fifty thousand Crowns, yearly, to be his Friend, and sixteen thousand Crowns to his Ministers of State to keep him so.  
Henry the iv having the Carcase of an inconsiderable Ship in the Stocks, received sharp Messages from Queen Elizabeth of England to desist, which accordingly he did; and that Queen lent unto him, and disbursed for him, four millions of pounds sterling, to support his Wars, and had Towns of Caution for them.  
Within these few years France had not above twelve Galleys, and twenty men of War, (as they called them) and was not able to put them to Sea, and keep them there, for want of money; the yearly Revenues of that Crown than not exceeding ten millions of florence.  
But of late, the French King is tapred up to that magnitude of Power, so potent in the best Squadrons of Ships at Sea, so powerful in the most experienced Captains and Troops at Land, so rich in Treasure, (the Revenues of the present King amounting unto sixty millions of Florins yearly) that Europe gins to bow to his Power; and to declare unto all Christian Princes what he intends, he hath taken to himself this Motto, Solus contra omnes.  
His Designs are so vast, that in some short time all Europe will not be Elbow-room for his Ambition.  
How France hath of late arrived to this Power, and Pyramid of Grandeur, it's well becoming the wisdom of the most considerate person to inquire.  
It's not from the richness of their Soil, nor the amplitude of Territory, (Spain having much greater.) France hath no Mines of Gold or Silver as Hungary and Bohemia, nor other rich Mines as Germany and other places have, yet by their natural and artificial Commodities, peradventure their stock of money doth not fall much short of the money of the rest of all Europe.  
The Images of great things are best seen contracted into small Glasses: By their Wines (the natural Riches of France) they draw out of the Northern Regions of Europe, twenty five millions of Florins; for Salt, ten millions of Florins; for Brandy, five millions; for Wines, Brandy and Salt, they yearly exhaust from thence forty millions of florence.  
For their Silks, Stuffs, Toys and Fripperies, (which are the artificial Riches of that Kingdom) they spirit out of those Parts yearly forty millions of Florins; and there is not imported into France of the Commodities of all the North, so much as doth amount unto fifteen millions of Florins: So that France doth yearly drain out of the Northern Regions of Europe, sixty five millions of Florins; the prodigious sum of money which he doth yearly drain out of the rest of Europe, is beyond my Arithmetic to tell you.  
But the most Christian King being Lord of the Commerce of that Kingdom, and being studious to accumulate money, and careful to bring in more daily, and rarely suffers any to go out, and being provident to dispose of all his Merchandise and Manufactures abroad, and not permitting any foreign Commodities to be imported into France, but such as are encumbered with such great Duties, that they return to no profit to the Merchants, France will in a short time draw into them all the moneys of Europe.  
The most Christian King having for his Royal Revenue sixty millions of Florins yearly, and France being enriched yearly as abovesaid, and by his supreme Power, without any check or control, may impose what Taxes and Impositions upon his people he shall please, (and they willingly submit thereunto) he hath laid such an inexhaustible ●u●dus of Treasure to carry on his Designs, (he being very active and circumspect) that he can rarely be disappointed or fail in any.  
By this all submit to his Power: This makes the Ephemerideses, by which he knows how all the Orbs of many Prince's Courts move; by it he can work all things Platonically to his own Idea; to its splendour and lustre, the World, the safety of the Commonwealth, and the love of liberty, do humbly prostrate themselves; and to deal plainly with you, it's the source of all the miseries and infelicities of Europe.  
Hence it is that France not long since so impotent, can now maintain such stupendious Forces, and can support their Armies, when other Princes are enforced to beg for peace, and disband their Armies, because their Treasures are exhausted: France only after many years' War can engage in a new War, and upon all occasions, by reason of its money, have instruments to execute their Designs; and truly, Sir, money is the primum mobile which moves the Spheres, which are the hearts and hands of men, and it's the sovereign Cordial, which gives life to all noble Actions and Designs.  
The most Christian King hath set up the East and West-Indian Trades, and hath engaged in them most of the rich Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom, and hath armed them with ample Privileges, Powers and Immunities, and hath erected several other trading Companies, and certainly he hath thereby laid a foundation of a greater Empire than ever was in Charlemagne.  
By his Moneys and Privileges he draweth most of the best Workmen and Artists, out of the other parts of Europe into France, and the Materials too; when they are there manufactured, they make a Mittimus, and send them into the Countries from whence they came: But if any from thence be imported into France, they are seized upon, being forbidden Goods, as they pretend, or else so encumbered with Duties by them, that Europe can have no profit or encouragement to trade with France.  
By these Arts, France with its Manufactures and Commodities, and those which will be drawn from the East and West-Indies, will surcharge all the Marts of Europe; and the most Christian King having so great a Treasure, may under-sell his Merchandise and Goods, on design to break all other Merchants and Traders, and so in consequence will have the Trade and Commerce of the Universe in their hands, and we must be content to take their Commodities and Merchandises at such prices and rates, as they shall please to impose upon them.  
And all other Princes and States must become Higlers and petty Chapmen under them.  
Trade is the true and intrinsic Interest of England, without which it cannot subsist: From Trade there doth not only arise Riches to the Subjects, rendering a Nation considerable, but also increase of Revenue, and therein power and strength to the Sovereign; and England having so potent a Neighbour, it's absolutely necessary for its preservation to advance it; for every Nation is more or less considerable, according to the proportion it hath of Trade, and it's more or less enriched by the balance of its foreign Trade. If France vent more of our Commodities than we consume of theirs in value, the overplus returns to us in Treasure; but if France consume less of ours than we of their Commodities, England will be impoverished; for that Treasure which is brought in by the balance of our foreign Trade doth only enrich us.  
How the balance of Trade stands between England and France, it's worthy of your grave Consideration.  
The French King not long since having a design to prohibit all Trade with England, the French Merchants not well resenting it, petitioned his Majesty to the contrary, and delivered a Certificate unto the most Christian King, of all the Commodities by them exported, and of all the English Manufactures and Commodities by them imported into France, which was as followeth.  
There is transported out of France into England great quantities of Velvets, plain and wrought, Satins plain and wrought, Cloth of gold and silver, Armoysins, and other Merchandises of Silk, which are made at Lions, and are valued to be yearly worth one hundred and fifty thousand pounds.  
In Silks, Stuffs, Taffetas, Poadesoyes, Armoysins, clothes of gold and silver, Tabbies plain and wrought, Silks, Ribbons, and other such like Stuffs as are made at Toures, valued to be worth above three hundred thousand pounds by the year.  
In silk Ribbons, Gellowns, Laces, and Buttons of silk, which are made at Paris, Roven, Chaimont, St. Estienes in Forre●●●, above a hundred and fifty thousand pounds by the year.  
A great quantity of Serges which are made as Cha●●us, Charles, Estimines and Rheims, and good quantities of Serges made at Amiens, Creveceour, Blicourt, and other Towns in Picardy, above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year.  
In Beaver, Demicasters', and Felt-Hats, made in the City and Suburbs of Paris, besides many other made at Roven, Lions, and other places, above one hundred and twenty thousand pounds a year.  
In Feathers, Belts, Girdles, Hatbands, Fans, Hoods, Masks, gilt and wrought looking-Glasses, Cabinets, Watches, Pictures, Cases, Medals, Bracelets, and other like mercenary War, above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year.  
In Pins, Needles, Box-Combs, Tortois-shell-Combs, and such like, above twenty thousand pounds a year.  
In Papers of all sorts which are made at Auvergane, Poictou, Limosin, Champagne and Normany, about one hundred thousand pounds a year.  
In Perfume and trimmed Gloves, which are made at Paris, Roven, Vendosm, Chremont, and other places, about ten thousand pounds a year.  
In all sorts of Ironmongers Wares that are made in Forests, Annergine, and other places, about forty thousand pounds a year.  
In linen Cloth that's made in Britain and Normandy, as well course as fine, there's transported into England above four hundred thousand pounds a year.  
In Householdstuff, consisting of Beds, Matresses, Coverlets, Hang, Fringes of silk, and other Furnitures, above one hundred thousand pounds a year.  
In Wines from Gaseoigne, Nantois, and other places on the River of Loyer, and also from Bourdeaux, Rochel, Nants, Roven, and other places, are transported into England above six hundred thousand pounds a year.  
In Aquavitae, Cider, Vinegar, Verjuice, and such like, above one hundred thousand pounds a year.  
In Saffron, Castle-Soap, Honey, Almonds, Olives, Capers, Prunes, and such like, above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year.  
Besides five or six hundred Vessels of Salt, laden at Marone, Rochel, Borage, the Isle of Oloron, and Isle of Rhee, transported into England and Holland, of a very great value.  
So that by this it doth appear, that the yearly value of such Commodities as are transported from France into England, amount unto above six and twenty hundred thousand pounds.  
And the Commodities exported out of England into France, consisting chief of woollen clothes, Serges, knit Stockings, Led, Pewter, Alum, Coals, and other Commodities, which do not amount unto above ten hundred thousand pounds a year.  
By which it appears, that our Trade with France, is at least sixteen hundred thousand pounds per annum clear loss to this Kingdom.  
The French. King hereupon laid aside his Design: So that in few years (if some timely Expedient be not applied) all the money of this Nation will be drawn into France, there being not above eight millions (if so much) of pounds in this Kingdom, which will be the impoverishing of England, but greatly to the enriching of France; and they melting down the Coin of England, by their allay gain near one third.  
France by our sloth flourish; by our fo●ly grow wise; by our excess wax proud; by our money, rich; by the valour of England made potent, and enabled to fight against us.  
As the middle Region of the Air is wont to frame its Thunderbolts, Hail, and dreadful Thunder, against the Earth, out of the Exhalations, it draws from the Earth itself; so France, out of the Riches and Substance which it gathereth from Europe, and the Kingdoms and Dominions thereof, doth raise formidable Armies, and potent Fleets against them.  
New Maxims must be framed, and Measures taken, for the retrenchment of the Power of France, or else I can foretell, without the help of an Augur, what will be the Fate of England. Enfeeble the Trade of France, and money will fail, and by consequence its potency will become impotent; for Trade is the fountain from whence its Riches spring, and Money is the basis of its greatness and strength.  
The Parliament with great wisdom and judgement, hath prohibited England all Trade or Commerce with France; and France cannot take it ill, when the most Christian King had the same design upon England, but that he observed it would turn to loss: It's no prudence to admit those Manufactures and Commodities into England, wherewith we now abound, or may have better than from France.  
And no reason of Commerce requireth, that we should be injurious to ourselves, to be serviceable to the advantages of others; the Emperor by Edict doth exclude the Hungarian Wines, and many other things of the growth of that Kingdom, out of Austria, that they of Austria may consume and dispose of their own.  
And as for Wines, England may have them from Hungary, Austria, Tirol, Franconia, Rhine, Mosel, Portugal, and elsewhere, at better rates and cheaper, than out of France; and the Princes of those Countries will take off the Manufactures and native Commodities of England for them, and by that means we may settle Trade upon a solid Basis with them.  
How far these generous Wines do exceed those of France, Augustus the Emperor, if he were alive, would tell you, who when he possessed Italy, Spain, Creta, Greece, Egypt, and the richest parts of Africa, Asia and Europe, he would drink no other Wines; for these receive esteem, dignity and value from their age and antiquity, and contribute much to health, (if moderately taken;) whereas the French Wines procure nothing but sharp and tartarous humours, and as now adulterated in France, they are pernicious unto us: The Wines of France, if compared with the other, are insipid, and of no value; all the Wines of France from their nativity, will scarce bear the age of one year, and some of them before the Month of August, in the same year in which they grew, are corrupted; from whence it followeth, that they must be drunk corrupted or new, in both cases dangerous to our health.  
Brandy is a Liquor very fatal to us, and it had been well for England if we never had heard of it; yet if we do so much admire it, though we have no Grapes here, yet it may be drawn off from Corn, and there is no better than that which is so drawn in Sarmatia, and drunk by the Poles.  
As for Salt, if the making of it were encouraged, there might be made much better here in England than we have from France. That worthy and public-spirited Person Richard Alcorn Esq by his Salt-works near Portsmouth, is an excellent precedent for the whole Nation: The Salt of France is gross, foul, black, corrosive, and by no means to be compared with that of England.  
If you take two Vessels of equal magnitude, and fill the one with English, and the other with French Salt, and decoct them, the English decreaseth less by one third part than the French; if the English Salt be recocted, and a requisite quantity of Sea-water added, the English Salt doth increase one third more than the French; what great loss by one, and advantage by the other, doth accrue, is worthy of due consideration.  
The English Salt by reason of its purity and extraordinary efficacy, cures Fish or Flesh better, goes further in use, preserves longer than any unrefined Salt; the Fish or Flesh saved with it, is much more wholesome to the body, pleasant and grateful to the taste, which is the reason that the Dutch have better prices for their Fish than the English, and a greater Trade, because they are cured with refined Salt. It will be of singular use in hot Climates, because it pierceth so much quicker than Salt unrefined, and corned by the Sun, and will by consequence preserve either Fish or Flesh better and longer; whereas the unrefined Salt in hot Climates, by reason of its corroding quality, doth decay very suddenly either Fish or Flesh, and in any Climate robs the Flesh of its gravy and moisture, makes it dry and hard, and so prejudicial to the body. The great benefit of the English Salt in curing Fish, the Company of the Royal Fishery can give a very great account thereof: To give encouragement to the making of Salt here in England, (which they may do, not only to serve England with Salt, but in the Baltic, West-Indies, and elsewhere) is to impose some great Duty upon foreign Salt, which will increase his Majesty's Revenue, if they shall continue to bring it into this Kingdom, and to impose half so much upon the English Salt, as shall be imposed upon the foreign, which the makers of Salt are willing to pay, because English Salt (by reason of the great quantities of foreign Salt imported in some parts of this Kingdom) is sold at six pence per Bushel, whereas formerly it hath been sold at four shillings per Bushel.  
It will much increase home-Trade, by causing great sums of money to circulate; it will give employment to many persons which now beg, steal, or otherwise live in a miserable and poor condition.  
It will very much increase Navigation, by employing great numbers of Vessels to bring Coals to the Salt-works, and to carry Salt to Markets; whereas foreign Salt is imported by return of freight or foreign Vessels.  
The United Provinces of the Netherlands did for some time by public Edict, prohibit all Wines, Salt and Brandy, and the Manufactures of France, as foreign Commodities, and not for them needful.  
If the Emperor and other Princes of Germany, by their pragmatic Sanctions, had done the like, France would have lost those prodigious and vast sums of money, which, to the impoverishing of many parts of Europe, it hath drawn into them; thereupon their Trade would have decayed, their Money failed, and by consequence their Power would have abated.  
Their Wines, Brandy, Salt, and other their Manufactures, would have lain upon their hands, their people, for want of employment, must have begged, and then if his most Christian Majesty should have continued Taxes upon them, it would have hazarded their obedience; and certainly nothing hath hitherto kept that people within the circle of their duty, but the great encouragement the most Christian King hath given to Trade, for thereby they are employed, and their thoughts taken off from breaking out into any Action or Distemper.  
All French wrought, figured, flowered, brassed, stitched, stripe Silks and Drogets, Tamines and Estimens, Serges, and other Stuffs made of Wool, together with Madam lafoy Mode, being proscribed England, all due encouragement must be given to the Weavers. The English have arrived to a very great perfection in weaving of Silks, and other Stuffs made of Wool; but by reason of the Importation of French Commodities, they have (for want of employment) been burdensome and chargeable to their respective Parishes; and many Strangers, which have come into England to work here, by reason they found so little employment, they returned into their own Countries again: It will be prudence in us to encourage Strangers to work here, but not to give countenance to foreign Traders.  
The English have paid yearly for the manufacturing of the French Weavers Silks, besides Stuffs, which might have been better wrought by the English here, and which are generally paid for with money, not with other Commodities, the sum of five hundred four thousand one hundred and ten pounds: So that allowing to every person working Silk, fifteen pounds per annum, it would employ 33000 persons, which number were they well employed here, would be considerably advantageous to this Kingdom; and it's evident, that England hath hitherto maintained the French King's Subjects at work, whilst the Natives here have been ready to starve for want thereof.  
It's great prudence in the Parliament, that they have absolutely proscribed all these French Commodities and Manufactures, and not to impose some great Duty upon them, as some designed, because much of the French Commodities (by small Ships or Shallops) are privately conveyed hither, without out paying any Custom: It's demonstratively true, that not one piece in twenty is entered or paid for, to the deceit of his Majestn, and the impoverishing of his good Subjects here.  
The Woollen Drapery, which formerly was our glory, and brought much Riches to us, and employed not fewer than 700000 persons, must be encouraged: It's to be feared, that of late not one third part of the Wool which is growing in this Nation, is consumed in that Manufacture; but it's sent over to our Neighbours, and they buying most of the Wool growing in Ireland, they have almost gotten the Manufacture from us, and we undone, the prices of Wool being so low, (the Manufacture failing) that if people did not send it beyond Seas, they would not in many places be able to pay half their Rent, Wool falling in value as much as Land.  
It was an observation of the Lord Burleigh, that if Wool fell one shilling in the Stone, it's a million a year loss to this Nation. If this observation be true, I pray Sir consider, how many millions this Nation hath lost, and how much we may suffer, ere we can recover our Manufacture and Trade again.  
Till the 5th. of Edward the III. most of the Wool which was growing in England, was sent over into Flanders, Hannolt and Artoys, to be draped into Stuff, Cloth, and Stockings; Edward the III. looking upon it as a great loss to this Nation, brought over 70 Families of Walloons into England, and they did teach the English the Manufacture of the woollen Drapery; an advantage so great to this Nation, that none of his Predecessors did ever effect any thing to compare with it, and what Riches it brought to us, we can tell you by the sad loss of it.  
The late Statute, which by the great Wisdom of the Parliament, was enacted for burying in Flannel, if it be rationally considered, and duly put in execution, and Informers encouraged, is great in consequence, and will consume much of our Wool, and preserve the linen Cloth for making of Paper, which will save this Nation some hundred thousand pounds a year.  
Those Artists in Flanders which are so excellent in working Tapestry and other Hang, are much desired by the French King to come into France, and inhabit there; but he hath not prevailed with them; if they might receive countenance from England, I doubt not but many of them would come over, and inhabit here, which would be a great enriching of this Nation, and would employ in that Manufacture, some great part of the stock of Wool of this Nation.  
For want of Employment, many of our Weavers go over into France, to whom that King gives great privileges and countenance; their Friends here send them over Wool, and the Manufacture in a little time will follow after.  
The linen Drapery would be of great advantage to this Nation, if it received due encouragement; no Nation produceth better Hemp and Flax than England, the sowing of which would be a great improvement; and if the English were enjoined by Act of Parliament, under some penalty, (and a considerable part of that penalty given to the Informer) to sow yearly so many Acres of Hemp and Flax, in proportion to the Land they occupy, it would return to great profit. The English have found out the best means, not heretofore practised, for the dressing and preparing of Hemp and Flax; and there are many persons living in Cambray, Valentine, and other parts in France, which would come over and live here, if they might be encouraged; and then we might here in England make Holland's, Diapers, Damasks, and other fine Cloth, not only to furnish this Nation, but other parts of the World; and would likewise draw to us the Manufactures of making the French Sail-Cloaths, and all kind of Tackling concerning Ships, in small and big Cordage, Twine, Yarn, Thread, Nets, Cable-ropes, which would enrich this Nation yearly at the least 900000 l.  
It would be a great instance of Wisdom, to set up the Royal Fishery here in England, and to countenance it with Privileges and Immunities; certainly, Sir, it's so necessary, that without it his Majesty will want Seamen for his Royal Navy; for his Majesty must so increase his Royal Power, that he be superior to neighbour Princes and States, or else I can easily foretell what will be the Fate of England.  
This being established, the making of Sail-Cloaths, Ropes, Tackle, Nets, Cables, and also Salt, which are the necessary attendants upon the Fishery, would be much encouraged.  
But, Sir, you must not expect that the Fishery is to be carried on by any private persons; it must be the public Act of the State, the Laws, Powers, and management thereof, must be settled by Act of Parliament, a good Fundus and Bank of Money must be raised for its advance and encouragement, otherwise it will return to no account, and every small loss which shall fall upon it, will be the overthrow and dissolution of the whole, as it hath been heretofore found by experience.  
The Company of the Royal Fishery being well established, and taking their measures rightly, it will in a short time so increase in Riches, that upon any exigency of State, it will be able to advance considerable sums of money for the service of the Public; all persons which have money will place it in this Company, if they might be sure to have the product and effects of it, being the best means for Fathers to raise Portions for their Children, and all other persons to improve their Estates, and enrich themselves.  
It will be the only means to make the Subject rich, by the circulation of Money; for a Nation may be rich in Coin, and yet the people poor, when it's gotten into few hands; and that State is in no thriving condition, when at the end of the Game, most of the money is in the Box; and I must tell you, the Treasures of Princes are then greatest, not when their own Coffers are full only, but their Subjects rich.  
For the raising of a sufficient Fundus to carry on the Fishery, if the Wisdom of this Nation shall think fit to lay one shilling, or some such sum, upon every Cauldron of Coals, it would much advance it; and it's but reasonable, that the advantage and benefit being general, that the charge should be so too; and methinks (but I humbly submit to more advanced judgements) that if Ireland and Scotland each of them built a good squadron of stout men of War, and maintained them at their own charges, they would be able to justify the Fishery against those who durst invade it, and fish without licence from his Majesty, or paying tribute, as formerly hath been used and practised; it would answer all their charges; and in case of a rapture with any Prince or State, those squadrons would be a great access of Power to his Majesty, howsoever, those Seas being well guarded, are the Lock and Key of Trade.  
Look upon all the maritine Counties in England, and that County which hath ten Ports or more in it, there are not above one or two, if so many, which have any Trade considerable, or have any Ships belonging to them, but the Havens and Ports are decayed, the People in those Towns few, and desperately poor; whereas if the Fishery were established, the Port Towns through the Nation would be the richest, and best stocked with people, which would be the strength and security of the Nation against all Invasions, and would be a great enrichment to the whole Country, because they might sell and put off their Commodities so near, and to best advantage.  
The French Kings which formerly never fished upon the British Seas, but by special leave from the Kings of England, and not otherwise, and that with a set and limited number of Boats, and that for their own Family, and likewise to observe the Laws and Orders of his own Fishermen; for breach whereof divers of their Subjects have forfeited their Vessels, and their persons have been seized and imprisoned in Dover-Castle. But of late the French are become so vexatious to us, that they have given a disturbance to us, not only upon the British Seas, but at Newfoundland; it's the interest of this Nation to give an interruption to their fishing there, and to prohibit them for the future; for the fishing there, is the Seminary and Nursery of their Seamen, which may for the future prove fatal to us.  
By the fishing of the French and of other Foreigners upon the British Sea, the Customs and Tolls which are undoubtedly due to his Majesty, together with the increase of Trade, and consequently of Customs thereby, are unjustly usurped by them, whereby this Kingdom loseth that which they gain, which is increase of Trade, of Ships, and Mariners, and thereby their Navigation is wonderfully strengthened, their Mariners multiplied, and their Trade increased.  
The Fishery being set up, Trade will flourish, the King's Revenue augmented, Lands and Rents improved, Navigation increased, and it will employ some hundred thousands of men by Sea and Land, it will ease the Public of great charges, in giving employment to their poor: Henry the Great of France caused all vagrants and idle persons to be sent to serve in his Galleys, to oblige them per force to work; for idle persons who take not care to employ themselves seriously in some thing, are unprofitable to themselves, and pernicious to the Public: Therefore that State must necessarily be rich and prosperous, which hath Argus eyes to foresee advantages, and Briareus hands, and those employed.  
But, Sir, because great Trades cannot be managed, or things effected, without multitude of people, it would be prudence to invite Foreigners into this Nation, and to live here under such qualifications, as the Wisdom of the Nation shall think fit.  
A small Country well peopled, will be able to effect things of more advantage and grandeur, than a great Dominion ill stocked.  
The ancient Romans finding nothing was more necessary for great and important. Erterprises, than multitude of men, employed their care and study to increase their numbers by Marriages, Colonies, and such like helps, making their conquered Armies free Denizens of their Commonwealth, by which means the number of the Roman Citizens became so great, that Rome could not be ruined, in Hannibal's judgement, by any force but her own; and this did so much contribute to the agrandizing of her, that that City only could arm six hundred and forty thousand men, when Sparta could never exceed twenty thousand, for that Lycurgus had inhibited the access of Strangers.  
Theseus' to engreaten and enrich the City of Athens, invited as many as would come and dwell there, assuring them to enjoy the selfsame Liberties and Privileges, which the very Citizens themselves had.  
And we see the United Provinces of the Netherlands, which are not bigger than Yorkshire, one County in England, by their denizations and fair usage to Strangers, have so enriched and be-peopled that Country, that they have put to Sea more Ships, and driven a greater merchantile Trade to all parts of the World, than most of the Kings or Princes in Europe; England cometh so short in number of people from Holland, that whereas they are calculated to have six persons for one Acre of ground, England (I fear) hath hardly one for ten.  
Howsoever I cannot observe, that it doth any ways comport with the interest of State, to suffer such multitudes of people to pass out of his Majesty's Kingdoms into other Prince's Dominions, or the Western Plantations, thereby to disfurnish ourselves of people; the sad consequences and effects whereof, are too visible in the misfortunes of Spain.  
For since those Plantations by that King made in the East and West-Indies, and all along the Coast of afric, and those great Garrisons maintained in Milan, Naples, Sicily, the Low-countrieses consisting for the most part of natural Spaniards, they have so exhausted them of men, that John the first of Portugal, who reigned before the several Plantations of that people, was able to raise 40000 men for the War of afric, whereas Emanuel who lived after those undertake, had much ado to raise 20000 Foot and 3000 Horse on the same occasions; and Sebastian after that found as great difficulty to raise an Army of 12000 men.  
And whether this may not be our sad fate, if not timely prevented, it's well becoming your great Judgement to consider.  
And I can easily believe, that 1000 years since this Nation had much a greater stock of people than now it hath; for the Romescot or Peterpences, which was but one penny a Chimney, (granted by Offa and Ina, Saxon Kings to the Pope) did amount unto 50000 l. yearly; and the Hearth money, which is two shillings the Hearth, (and one Chimney may have many Hearths) doth not amount unto 300000 l. yearly; whereas if the number of Chimneys charged with the Romescot, had been two shillings a Chimney, it would have amounted unto 1200000 l. yearly: So that we may conclude, there were then more Buildings and Chimneys, and so by consequence more People.  
But where a Kingdom hath a great stock of People in it, it will be the test of Prudence in that State, not to suffer any City or Town in it too much to agrandize itself, or to attain to that magnitude, thereby to impoverish the other parts of the Kingdom; for certainly the over-growth of any one great City, is of dangerous consequence, not only in regard of Famine, such multitudes of mouths being not easily to be fed, but in respect of the great danger of Insurrections, if once those multitudes, sensible of their own strength, oppressed with want, or otherwise distempered with Famine, faction, or Discontent, should gather to a head, and break out into Action.  
And therefore Augustus Caesar, like a wise Prince, made it his work to hinder the growth of Rome, abrogating all Laws, by which the Allies and Confederates of that State were made free Denizens of that City, for that he conceived to be a way to draw the whole Empire into one City, and by the prodigious increase of that to make poor the rest.  
Naples by reason of its situation had advanced itself to an immense grandeur by Buildings, if the King by his Edict had not forbidden it, and this he did partly at the persuasion of his Nobles, who feared if such a restraint was not had, their Vassals would forsake the Country to inhabit there, but principally upon jealousy, and point of State, the better to prevent all revolts and mutinies, which in most populous Cities are of greatest danger; for as they are pronest unto Factions and Seditions, so is the consequence fatal both in itself and the example.  
Certainly, Sir, too great a City in a Nation, is like a bad Spleen in the Body natural, which swells so big, as it makes all the other parts of the Body lean.  
And to deal plainly with you, a great City is the fittest Engine to turn an old Monarchy into a new Commonwealth.  
Therefore some considerate persons have conceived, that it would be more Prudence for a State to have three great Cities in it of equal power, that in case one should rebel, the other two might balance, and give Law to the third.  
And I pray, Sir, let me tell you, if you invite Strangers into this Nation, if you do not give them encouragement, I doubt whether they will come; for the Spaniard, to enrich the City of Antwerp, and other Cities in the Low-countrieses, by the access and traffic of this Nation with them, freed us from divers Impositions, which his own natural Subjects usually paid.  
And indeed if the Customs even as to the English were somewhat abated, it would much advance Trade.  
I do not speak this to lessen his Majesty's Revenue, (for I hearty wish it were more than it is) yet I think his Majesty would be no loser thereby; for a small Custom upon a great Trade, would answer a great Custom upon a small Trade; and it's more prudence to take little out of much, than much out of little: Where the Customs upon Merchant's Goods are small, it easily draweth all Nations to trade with them, but where great Impositions are laid, the Traffic of that place will soon decay.  
Two Ships laden at Bourdeaux of equal Burden, viz. of 300 Tuns; the one goeth for England, the other for Holland; that which cometh into England, payeth for Custom, Price-edge, Butler-edge, and other Charges thereon, by Book of Rates, 1200 l. and upwards, before she be discharged; and the other going for Holland, is discharged for 60 l. sterling, or thereabouts; and after the Duties paid, and Wine sold, the buyer may transport them into any Country; but in England they cannot be transported, but the Merchant must be a great loser by them; for the Hollander can still under-sell him, and be a gainer thereby.  
It would greatly advance the Interest of England, if by Act of Parliament, all persons of Honour and Quality, (only such persons as attend his Majesty, and the Courts of Justice, or such as should have his Majesty's special Licence excepted) to live upon their Estates in the Country, and not to reside here constantly in Town; for thereby all their Rents are drawn up hither, where they are vainly spent, to say no worse, to the impoverishing of the Country, decay of their Tenants, and subversion of their Families: Here they change their old Seats and Castles, (the illustrious monuments of their Honour) into new Coaches and Trains; some of them carry their Mills in their heads, and their Retinue their Woods and Lands on their backs.  
Sir, I pray consult the Speech and Proclamation of the Solomon of his Age, King James; he was very earnest with the Nobility and Gentlemen to live in their Country-houses, and not in London, and would often say, that Gentlemen in London, are like Ships in the Sea, which show like nothing, but in Countrey-Villages, they are like Ships in the River, which look like great things: And by the Edict of Henry the Great of France, made 1598. after the Peace of Vermin, the Nobility and Gentry were commanded to go and live every man upon his own Estate, improve their Lands, and take care for the well-government and peace of their Country. But many persons living here in luxury, they are become so effeminate, and degenerated from the true English Gallantry, and so little known to their Tenants, (but by their oppression, and exacting of their Rents) that if there should be any disturbance in their Country, they are of no more use, than a Sundial in the Grave; nay, many of them are so unfit to serve their King and Country, that if there should be any disquiet, their presence there would prove but as Oil to the Fire, only to inflame it.  
Sir, There is one thing more, which would restore the ancient Prudence of this Nation, and add much Honour to you, and that is, to establish sumptuary Laws amongst us, as to Apparel, and superfluous Expenses, according to the several degrees and qualities of persons, which would in a short time recover this Nation; which is no other than a wise and laudable parsimony, which the Romans and other well-governed States have used.  
Augustus Caesar enforced the Romans to yield an account of their Lives; a course full of health and wisdom in a State, idleness being the root of all private vices, and public disorders.  
I cannot but commend the laudable Practice of the Great Duke of Russia, who doth constantly prescribe what Habit his People shall wear, for matter and fashion, suitable to their condition.  
That wise Prince Edward the III. in the ninth, and one and thirtieth year of his Reign, caused sumptuary Laws to be ordained, to prevent riot and excess, (the hectic Fever of a State) both for Apparel and Diet, appointing every degree of Men, from the meanest Subject to the Prince, the Stuff and Habits they should wear, prohibiting the adornments of Gold and Silver, Silks and rich Furs, to all, excepting eminent Persons, whereby foreign Superfluities were shut out, and home Commodities only used. By this means these spreading Evils, which have since dif-fashioned and effeminated the English Nation, were prohibited.  
Yet with submission to your great Judgement, I think the vanity of the excess of Apparel may be permitted under these restrictions: First, So as the expense doth not depend on such Commodities, as have too much of the substance of Gold, Silver, or Silk, whereby the public Treasure is wasted. Secondly, That we impoverish not ourselves to enrich Strangers, by preferring foreign Commodities, though worse, before our own, which are better. Thirdly, That the excess of the expense consist chief in the Art, Manufacture, and Workmanship of the Commodities made in our own Country, whereby Ingenuity would be encouraged, the People employed, and our Treasure kept at home, so as the Prince would be nothing damnified by the excess; for the ruin of one would raise as much another of his Subjects, and Money would be more moving, which would be a great satisfaction to the People; and peradventure the conceit of the Spaniard may have some truth in it, that the excess and luxury of the Nobility, makes much for the Prince's advantage, and renders his State more secure, because those which are given to rioting and luxury, are never gatherers and hoarders up of vast sums of money, which may prove the Instruments of Rebellion.  
Then, Sir, all the Vanities, Toys, and Fripperies, which Madam la Mode shall bring us, will be laid aside.  
For want of such a Law, our Servants here imitating their Masters and Mistresses, must go very gay, and to support that vanity, demand three times more Wages than formerly, though they perform ten times less service, which is a great infelicity amongst us, and will lay a foundation of our ruin, if not timely prevented.  
Certainly, Sir, England by reason of its situation, many safe Ports and Harbours, the richness of the Country in materials for Manufactures, if it were fully peopled, (and these industrious, and take their measures rightly) might exercise the greatest Merchantile Trade, and grow the richest People, in the Universe; for where the People are many, and the Arts good, there the Traffic must be great, and the Country rich.  
It would be a great means to enrich this Nation by Trade, to increase the Exportation of our Commodities, and to decrease the consumption of foreign Wares; for that Commonwealth that excessively spendeth the foreign Commodities dear, and uttereth the native fewer and cheaper, shall enrich other Commonwealths, but beggar itself; whereas if it vented fewer of the foreign, and more of the native, the residue must return in Treasure; when foreign Materials are but Superfluities, foreign Manufactures must be prohibited, for that will either banish the Superfluity, or gain the Manufacture.  
The consumption of our own Commodities must be frugal, for it will advance much yearly to be exported unto Strangers; if in our clothes we will be rich, let it be done with our own Manufactures and Materials, so the excess of the rich will be the employment of the poor.  
Trades in remote Parts or Countries, as Turkey, the Indies, aught to be encouraged, because of their great increase of Shipping and Mariners thereby, and because they return to more profit than those at hand.  
All Commodities manufactured here in England, are to be made without deceit, which will give a value to them; and they are so to be ordered, that they may be sold as cheap as possibly we can; for it's found by experience, that we being able to sell our Cloth in Turkey cheaper than the Venetians, we have thereby yearly increased the vent thereof, and the Venetians have lost as much of their utterance in those countries', because it's dearer.  
It's his Majesty's undoubted Interest to promote Trade, by removing all obstructions, and giving it all encouragement.  
It would be much for the advance of Trade, (but I humbly submit to the supreme Authority) that all Manufactures made in England of foreign Materials, might be exported with a small Custom, as all manner of wrought Silks, because it would employ many poor People, and cause more Materials to be brought in, to the increase of his Majesty's Revenue, and of Trade, and the Manufacture would much more increase in England, and decrease in France, Italy, and elsewhere.  
Native Commodities would not be charged with overgreat Customs, and foreign Wares brought into England to be transported again, are to be favoured, otherwise this manner of Trading cannot prosper or subsist.  
The manufacturing of any Commodity, doth redound more to the profit of the Commonwealth, than the Commodity itself, therefore it ought to be favoured; and the Italians get more Money by manufacturing of the raw Silks of Sicily, than the King of Spain and his Subjects have by the Silk itself; and there is five times more profit by the manufacturing of Wool, than by the Wool itself; compare the Wool of England with its Cloth.  
It would much advance Trade, to make the transferring of Bills of Debt valid in Law, because it would be a great advantage to Traders, (especially to young men, of small stocks) to be able to supply themselves with Money, by the sale of their own Bills of Debt.  
To constitute a Court-Merchant after the example of France, and other Countries, to prevent tedious and chargeable Suits in Law, taking men off from their Trade and Business, would much promote Trade.  
Free Ports (if the Wisdom of the Nation shall think fit) would be of great consequence, as to improvement of Trade: Giving to Strangers as well as Natives, (upon payment of small Duties) liberty to keep Magazines, and Staples o● Commodities, ready for transportation to other Countries, according to encouragement of Markets abroad, they will much increase Trade, Navigation and Riches to England, as appears not only by Holland, which is a Commonwealth, but also by St. Mallows, under the Monarchy of France, and Legorn, under that of Tuscany; the first for its bigness, and containing above thirty six Acres, being the richest City in France; the other, all the Cities in that Prince's Dominions not to compare with it.  
These being observed, France may be compared to a man grasping a handful of fine Sand, (in hopes to keep it) if he holds it too lose, it runs from him; if hard, but little remains; which agreeth with the Italian Proverb, Chy trappo abbraccia, poco string, He who graspeth too much, retains too little.  
But you have been pleased to say, That I have no kindness for France: Sir, I do assure you, I have that Honour for the Most Christian King, and Kindness for France, that whereas there is but one King in it, I wish that there were twenty.  
The Consequences whereof, and the Advantages which will thereby accrue to England, are as follow.  
1. The Power of France will be retrenched; for take away the Sinew of War, and you abate its Potency.  
2. The value of Land will arise to thirty years' purchase, whereas now it will give with much difficulty fifteen.  
3. In the Woollen Drapery so many persons will be employed, that we shall not only consume the Wool growing in England, but that of Ireland too, and so by consequence we must drive the Trade of the World, as to that Manufacture, and have our own prices for them; and our Neighbours being not supplied with any Wool from us, their Manufacture will fail; the greatest part of those persons employed by them, will for want of employment, come over into England.  
4. All our Ports and Sea-Towns will be full of Ships and Men, and flourish by their Trade.  
5. The Royal Fishery, (which will bring us more Riches to this Nation, than the Indies to the Spaniard) will be fully employed.  
6. We shall have such numbers of Ships, that we may trade into all Parts, and our Fishery and woollen Drapery will fully fraught us out, and in return bring us the Riches of the World.  
7. London will be the Emporium, and great Mart of Europe, for all Commodities whatsoever.  
8. We shall be fit for any foreign Action, or new Conquests.  
9 We shall be industrious to enlarge our Trade, having persons from all Parts amongst us, and which know what Commodities, and where they will vent with best profit.  
Sir, I crave your pardon for giving you this interruption to your more serious Affairs. I am,  
Sir, Your faithful Servant, J. B.